The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.

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All subjects (including unvalidated):

subject	book bibliographic info
jericho, vespasians, attack, 68 ce	Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 225, 226
vespasian	Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 21, 28, 29, 97, 98, 112, 113, 138, 191, 192 Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 123, 156, 192, 193, 241 Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 52 Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 53, 62, 63, 70, 71, 75 Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 47 Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 123 Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 189 Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 93, 95, 102, 117, 129, 278, 314 Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39, 139, 159, 367, 386 Bortolani et al. (2019), William Furley, Svenja Nagel, and Joachim Friedrich Quack, Cultural Plurality in Ancient Magical Texts and Practices: Graeco-Egyptian Handbooks and Related Traditions, 283 Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 57, 77, 116, 117, 118, 123, 132, 174 Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 76, 97, 138, 206, 228, 249, 251 Collins (2016), The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, 240, 242, 256 Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 78, 101, 102, 143, 144, 151, 164, 169, 170 Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 34, 210, 323, 324, 326, 339, 340, 355, 441 Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 148, 151, 181, 210 Demoen and Praet (2009), Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii, 62, 259, 298, 327 Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 131, 134 Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 46 Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 104, 112, 147, 150, 155, 162 Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 162, 163, 172, 173, 175, 176 Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 93, 135, 137, 138, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148 Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 92 Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016), Viewing Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology: VeHinnei Rachel - Essays in honor of Rachel Hachlili, 76, 279, 280, 425, 440 Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 107 Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 26, 27, 53, 54, 55, 80 Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 103 Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 32, 104 Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 206 JonquiÃ¨re (2007), Prayer in Josephus Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 159, 189, 207, 208, 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 225, 244, 258 Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 199 Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 30, 340 Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 90, 194 Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 117 Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 33, 43, 51, 118, 281 Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 68, 126, 148 Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 23, 24, 28 Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 125, 658, 758, 772 Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 48 Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 214, 215 Mendez (2022), The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr, 36 Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 53, 62, 131, 132 Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 49, 173 Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 151 Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 46 Nisula (2012), Augustine and the Functions of Concupiscence, 20 Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 127, 129, 132, 162 Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 345 Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 32, 108, 135, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 201, 241, 270, 292 Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 98, 127, 131 Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 109 Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 132, 193, 272, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284 Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 260, 305, 316, 318, 328, 353, 374 Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 271 Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 8, 51, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 169, 230, 245, 334, 336, 357, 358, 359 Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 71, 72, 73, 74, 98, 99 Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 57, 58, 69, 73 Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 38 Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 59 Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 59, 60, 61, 131, 155, 225, 226, 234, 260, 262, 318 Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 114, 477, 543, 544, 545, 562 Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 110, 149, 159, 164, 173, 174, 175, 225, 230, 231 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 47 Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 84, 85, 99, 334, 356, 363, 365, 367 van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 175, 187
vespasian, accession	Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 74, 75, 117
vespasian, and alexander	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281, 282
vespasian, and argonauts	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 163 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 163
vespasian, and astrology	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 167
vespasian, and augustus	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167 Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 273, 282, 283, 284 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167
vespasian, and civil war of ad	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281
vespasian, and fatum	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 174, 175, 211, 212, 221
vespasian, and julio-claudians	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 154, 160, 263, 309 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 154, 160, 263, 309
vespasian, and nero	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 273, 274, 275, 281, 283
vespasian, and recovery of rome	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 151, 210, 220
vespasian, and signs	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162, 167, 169, 174, 175, 203, 212, 219
vespasian, and titus, arch, decreed to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148, 284
vespasian, apollonius of tyana, adviser to	Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 277, 294
vespasian, as restitutor libertatis	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 167 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 167
vespasian, associates self with venus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281, 284
vespasian, attitude toward jewish law	Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 107
vespasian, bans philosophers from rome	Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 237, 238
vespasian, cilicia/cilicians, third roman province formed under	Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 339
vespasian, closes temple of janus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 284
vespasian, coinage of	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 36
vespasian, coins with	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 167 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 167
vespasian, confirmed as emperor by judean religion and texts	Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 105, 106, 107
vespasian, declared emperor in egypt	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 275, 278
vespasian, deification of	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 154, 155, 156 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 154, 155, 156
vespasian, did not enforce laws against christians	Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 18
vespasian, divinatory incubation at alexandrian sarapieion, ?	Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 381
vespasian, domitian, t. flavius domitianus, on coins of	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 213, 214
vespasian, dreams, in greek and latin literature, suetonius, life of	Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 339
vespasian, eagle omens for	Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 117
vespasian, emperor	Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 100, 179, 192, 193, 208, 353, 475, 519, 520, 573, 595 Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106, 225 Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 136 Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 75, 208, 209 Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 6, 35, 39, 228, 245, 259, 263 Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 11, 15, 163 Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 338, 339, 341, 342, 417, 418, 433, 501 Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 144 Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 67, 83, 199, 287, 373 Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 76, 77, 184, 203 Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 144 de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 118
vespasian, emperor, celestial overseer in valerius flaccus	Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 133, 134, 135, 136, 186
vespasian, emperor, philosopher king in philostratus	Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 277, 294
vespasian, emperor, statue of	Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 134
vespasian, emperors	Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 159
vespasian, emperors and egypt	Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 13, 122, 123, 126, 127, 130, 131, 145, 146, 173, 239, 244, 257
vespasian, exemptions granted by	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 237
vespasian, expands pomerium	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 284
vespasian, fights northern barbarians	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 275, 277, 281
vespasian, forum of	Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 343
vespasian, haruspices, and	Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 271
vespasian, healing of visitors to alexandrian sarapieion	Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 221, 338, 339
vespasian, his avarice	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 77
vespasian, his commentarii	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281
vespasian, his hellenism	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 283, 284
vespasian, his triumph	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 214, 221, 278, 280, 281
vespasian, inventories nero’s greek plunder	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 56, 301
vespasian, jews, revolts of against	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 20, 180
vespasian, josephus, granted roman citizenship by	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 150
vespasian, josephus, has presented his history to titus, and agrippa	Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 210
vespasian, legitimacy of	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 34, 35
vespasian, lex de imperio of	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160
vespasian, more than head tax, tributum capitis, under	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 237
vespasian, patronizes artists	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 299
vespasian, performs healing, alexandria	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 169, 174
vespasian, plancius varus, c.	Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 139, 159
vespasian, reconstruction of jupiter capitolinus’ temple	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 147, 294
vespasian, reserving jewish palestine as his property, josephus, on	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 21
vespasian, restores temple of honos et virtus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148, 284, 297
vespasian, restores, rome	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 147
vespasian, reuses nero’s greek plunder	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 73, 153
vespasian, roman emperor	Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 230, 267 Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 71, 73, 91, 104, 107, 116, 119, 120
vespasian, signs recorded by suetonius	Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162
vespasian, taxes under	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 20, 21, 237
vespasian, taxes, poll tax, tributum capitis, imposed by	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 21
vespasian, triumph of	Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 256, 315, 316 Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 179
vespasian, triumph of act of healing at alexandria	Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 237, 269, 318, 327
vespasian, vespasianus, , t. flavius	Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 209, 213, 214
vespasian, vesta, temple of	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 317, 318, 319, 320, 322
vespasian, violence, threat of	Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 22
vespasian’s, uprising in alexandria	Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 13, 23, 122, 123, 126, 173, 263, 264, 270

List of validated texts:

47 validated results for "vespasian"

1. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 436-471 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 165; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 165

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436 μή τοι χλιδῇ δοκεῖτε μηδʼ αὐθαδίᾳ'⁴³⁷ σιγᾶν με· συννοίᾳ δὲ δάπτομαι κέαρ, ⁴³⁸ ὁρῶν ἐμαυτὸν ὧδε προυσελούμενον. ⁴³⁹ καίτοι θεοῖσι τοῖς νέοις τούτοις γέρα ⁴⁴⁰ τίς ἄλλος ἢ ʼγὼ παντελῶς διώρισεν; ⁴⁴¹ ἀλλʼ αὐτὰ σιγῶ· καὶ γὰρ εἰδυίαισιν ἂν ⁴⁴² ὑμῖν λέγοιμι· τἀν βροτοῖς δὲ πήματα ⁴⁴³ ἀκούσαθʼ, ὥς σφας νηπίους ὄντας τὸ πρὶν ⁴⁴⁴ ἔννους ἔθηκα καὶ φρενῶν ἐπηβόλους. ⁴⁴⁵ λέξω δέ, μέμψιν οὔτινʼ ἀνθρώποις ἔχων, ⁴⁴⁶ ἀλλʼ ὧν δέδωκʼ εὔνοιαν ἐξηγούμενος· ⁴⁴⁷ οἳ πρῶτα μὲν βλέποντες ἔβλεπον μάτην, ⁴⁴⁸ κλύοντες οὐκ ἤκουον, ἀλλʼ ὀνειράτων ⁴⁴⁹ ἀλίγκιοι μορφαῖσι τὸν μακρὸν βίον ⁴⁵⁰ ἔφυρον εἰκῇ πάντα, κοὔτε πλινθυφεῖς ⁴⁵¹ δόμους προσείλους, ᾖσαν, οὐ ξυλουργίαν· ⁴⁵² κατώρυχες δʼ ἔναιον ὥστʼ ἀήσυροι ⁴⁵³ μύρμηκες ἄντρων ἐν μυχοῖς ἀνηλίοις. ⁴⁵⁴ ἦν δʼ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς οὔτε χείματος τέκμαρ ⁴⁵⁵ οὔτʼ ἀνθεμώδους ἦρος οὔτε καρπίμου ⁴⁵⁶ θέρους βέβαιον, ἀλλʼ ἄτερ γνώμης τὸ πᾶν ⁴⁵⁷ ἔπρασσον, ἔστε δή σφιν ἀντολὰς ἐγὼ ⁴⁵⁸ ἄστρων ἔδειξα τάς τε δυσκρίτους δύσεις. ⁴⁵⁹ καὶ μὴν ἀριθμόν, ἔξοχον σοφισμάτων, ⁴⁶⁰ ἐξηῦρον αὐτοῖς, γραμμάτων τε συνθέσεις, ⁴⁶¹ μνήμην ἁπάντων, μουσομήτορʼ ἐργάνην. ⁴⁶² κἄζευξα πρῶτος ἐν ζυγοῖσι κνώδαλα ⁴⁶³ ζεύγλαισι δουλεύοντα σάγμασὶν θʼ, ὅπως ⁴⁶⁴ θνητοῖς μεγίστων διάδοχοι μοχθημάτων ⁴⁶⁵ γένοινθʼ, ὑφʼ ἅρμα τʼ ἤγαγον φιληνίους ⁴⁶⁶ ἵππους, ἄγαλμα τῆς ὑπερπλούτου χλιδῆς. ⁴⁶⁷ θαλασσόπλαγκτα δʼ οὔτις ἄλλος ἀντʼ ἐμοῦ ⁴⁶⁸ λινόπτερʼ ηὗρε ναυτίλων ὀχήματα. ⁴⁶⁹ τοιαῦτα μηχανήματʼ ἐξευρὼν τάλας ⁴⁷⁰ βροτοῖσιν, αὐτὸς οὐκ ἔχω σόφισμʼ ὅτῳ ⁴⁷¹ τῆς νῦν παρούσης πημονῆς ἀπαλλαγῶ. Χορός ' None

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436 No, do not think it is from pride or even from wilfulness that I am silent. Painful thoughts devour my heart as I behold myself maltreated in this way. And yet who else but I definitely assigned '⁴³⁷ No, do not think it is from pride or even from wilfulness that I am silent. Painful thoughts devour my heart as I behold myself maltreated in this way. And yet who else but I definitely assigned ⁴⁴⁰ their prerogatives to these upstart gods? But I do not speak of this; for my tale would tell you nothing except what you know. Still, listen to the miseries that beset mankind—how they were witless before and I made them have sense and endowed them with reason. ⁴⁴⁵ I will not speak to upbraid mankind but to set forth the friendly purpose that inspired my blessing. First of all, though they had eyes to see, they saw to no avail; they had ears, but they did not understand ; but, just as shapes in dreams, throughout their length of days, ⁴⁵⁰ without purpose they wrought all things in confusion. They had neither knowledge of houses built of bricks and turned to face the sun nor yet of work in wood; but dwelt beneath the ground like swarming ants, in sunless caves. They had no sign either of winter ⁴⁵⁵ or of flowery spring or of fruitful summer, on which they could depend but managed everything without judgment, until I taught them to discern the risings of the stars and their settings, which are difficult to distinguish. Yes, and numbers, too, chiefest of sciences, ⁴⁶⁰ I invented for them, and the combining of letters, creative mother of the Muses’ arts, with which to hold all things in memory. I, too, first brought brute beasts beneath the yoke to be subject to the collar and the pack-saddle, so that they might bear in men’s stead their ⁴⁶⁵ heaviest burdens; and to the chariot I harnessed horses and made them obedient to the rein, to be an image of wealth and luxury. It was I and no one else who invented the mariner’s flaxen-winged car that roams the sea. Wretched that I am—such are the arts I devised ⁴⁷⁰ for mankind, yet have myself no cunning means to rid me of my present suffering. Chorus ' None

2. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 157; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 157

3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.30, 2.81 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Apollonius of Tyana, adviser to Vespasian • Vespasian • Vespasian, emperor, philosopher king in Philostratus

Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 102; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 249; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 265; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359

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1.30 αὐτῶν δὴ ὦν τούτων καὶ τῆς θεωρίης ἐκδημήσας ὁ Σόλων εἵνεκεν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπίκετο παρὰ Ἄμασιν καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Σάρδις παρὰ Κροῖσον. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐξεινίζετο ἐν τοῖσι βασιληίοισι ὑπὸ τοῦ Κροίσου· μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρῃ τρίτῃ ἢ τετάρτῃ κελεύσαντος Κροίσου τὸν Σόλωνα θεράποντες περιῆγον κατὰ τοὺς θησαυρούς, καὶ ἐπεδείκνυσαν πάντα ἐόντα μεγάλα τε καὶ ὄλβια. θεησάμενον δέ μιν τὰ πάντα καὶ σκεψάμενον ὥς οἱ κατὰ καιρὸν ἦν, εἴρετο ὁ Κροῖσος τάδε. “ξεῖνε Ἀθηναῖε, παρʼ ἡμέας γὰρ περὶ σέο λόγος ἀπῖκται πολλὸς καὶ σοφίης εἵνεκεν 1 τῆς σῆς καὶ πλάνης, ὡς φιλοσοφέων γῆν πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπελήλυθας· νῦν ὦν ἐπειρέσθαι με ἵμερος ἐπῆλθέ σε εἴ τινα ἤδη πάντων εἶδες ὀλβιώτατον.” ὃ μὲν ἐλπίζων εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ὀλβιώτατος ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα· Σόλων δὲ οὐδὲν ὑποθωπεύσας ἀλλὰ τῷ ἐόντι χρησάμενος λέγει “ὦ βασιλεῦ, Τέλλον Ἀθηναῖον.” ἀποθωμάσας δὲ Κροῖσος τὸ λεχθὲν εἴρετο ἐπιστρεφέως· “κοίῃ δὴ κρίνεις Τέλλον εἶναι ὀλβιώτατον;” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “Τέλλῳ τοῦτο μὲν τῆς πόλιος εὖ ἡκούσης παῖδες ἦσαν καλοί τε κἀγαθοί, καί σφι εἶδε ἅπασι τέκνα ἐκγενόμενα καὶ πάντα παραμείναντα· τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ βίου εὖ ἥκοντι, ὡς τὰ παρʼ ἡμῖν, τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου λαμπροτάτη ἐπεγένετο· γενομένης γὰρ Ἀθηναίοισι μάχης πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι, βοηθήσας καὶ τροπὴν ποιήσας τῶν πολεμίων ἀπέθανε κάλλιστα, καί μιν Ἀθηναῖοι δημοσίῃ τε ἔθαψαν αὐτοῦ τῇ περ ἔπεσε καὶ ἐτίμησαν μεγάλως.” ^2.81 ἐνδεδύκασι δὲ κιθῶνας λινέους περὶ τὰ σκέλεα θυσανωτούς, τοὺς καλέουσι καλασίρις· ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν φορέουσι. οὐ μέντοι ἔς γε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐσφέρεται εἰρίνεα οὐδὲ συγκαταθάπτεταί σφι· οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον. ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι· οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ὀργίων μετέχοντα ὅσιον ἐστὶ ἐν εἰρινέοισι εἵμασι θαφθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱρὸς λόγος λεγόμενος.'' None

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1.30 So for that reason, and to see the world, Solon went to visit Amasis in Egypt and then to Croesus in Sardis . When he got there, Croesus entertained him in the palace, and on the third or fourth day Croesus told his attendants to show Solon around his treasures, and they pointed out all those things that were great and blest. ,After Solon had seen everything and had thought about it, Croesus found the opportunity to say, “My Athenian guest, we have heard a lot about you because of your wisdom and of your wanderings, how as one who loves learning you have traveled much of the world for the sake of seeing it, so now I desire to ask you who is the most fortunate man you have seen.” ,Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” ,Croesus was amazed at what he had said and replied sharply, “In what way do you judge Tellus to be the most fortunate?” Solon said, “Tellus was from a prosperous city, and his children were good and noble. He saw children born to them all, and all of these survived. His life was prosperous by our standards, and his death was most glorious: ,when the Athenians were fighting their neighbors in Eleusis, he came to help, routed the enemy, and died very finely. The Athenians buried him at public expense on the spot where he fell and gave him much honor.” ^2.81 They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. '' None

4. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians • Vespasian, deification of

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 154, 157, 158, 161, 162, 165; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 154, 157, 158, 161, 162, 165

5. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian (Emperor) • Vespasian, reuses Nero’s Greek plunder

Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 153

6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 198

7. Catullus, Poems, 64.13-64.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 165; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 165

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64.13 While the oar-tortured wave with spumy whiteness was blanching, ^64.14 Surged from the deep abyss and hoar-capped billows the face'' None

8. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.40.1-4.40.3, 4.42, 4.49.3-4.49.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 157, 158; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 157, 158

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4.40.1 \xa0As for the Argonauts, since Heracles joined them in their campaign, it may be appropriate to speak of them in this connection. This is the account which is given: â\x80\x94 Jason was the son of Aeson and the nephew through his father of Pelias, the king of the Thessalians, and excelling as he did above those of his years in strength of body and nobility of spirit he was eager to accomplish a deed worthy of memory. ^4.40.2 \xa0And since he observed that of the men of former times Perseus and certain others had gained glory which was held in everlasting remembrance from the campaigns which they had waged in foreign lands and the hazard attending the labours they had performed, he was eager to follow the examples they had set. As a consequence he revealed his undertaking to the king and quickly received his approval. It was not so much that Pelias was eager to bring distinction to the youth that he hoped that in the hazardous expeditions he would lose his life; ^4.40.3 \xa0for he himself had been deprived by nature of any male children and was fearful that his brother, with his son to aid him, would make an attempt upon the kingdom. Hiding, however, this suspicion and promising to supply everything which would be needed for the expedition, he urged Jason to undertake an exploit by sailing to Colchis after the renowned golden-fleeced skin of the ram.' "^4.42 1. \xa0After they had sailed from Iolcus, the account continues, and had gone past Athos and Samothrace, they encountered a storm and were carried to Sigeium in the Troad. When they disembarked there, it is said, they discovered a maiden bound in chains upon the shore, the reason for it being as follows.,2. \xa0Poseidon, as the story runs, became angry with Laomedon the king of Troy in connection with the building of its walls, according to the mythical story, and sent forth from the sea a monster to ravage the land. By this monster those who made their living by the seashore and the farmers who tilled the land contiguous to the sea were being surprised and carried off. Furthermore, a pestilence fell upon the people and a total destruction of their crops, so that all the inhabitants were at their wits' end because of the magnitude of what had befallen them.,3. \xa0Consequently the common crowd gathered together into an assembly and sought for a deliverance from their misfortunes, and the king, it is said, dispatched a mission to Apollo to inquire of the god respecting what had befallen them. When the oracle, then, became known, which told that the cause was the anger of Poseidon and that only then would it cease when the Trojans should of their free will select by lot one of their children and deliver him to the monster for his food, although all the children submitted to the lot, it fell upon the king's daughter HesionÃª.,4. \xa0Consequently Laomedon was constrained by necessity to deliver the maiden and to leave her, bound in chains, upon the shore.,5. \xa0Here Heracles, when he had disembarked with the Argonauts and learned from the girl of her sudden change of fortune, rent asunder the chains which were about her body and going up to the city made an offer to the king to slay the monster.,6. \xa0When Laomedon accepted the proposal and promised to give him as his reward his invincible mares, Heracles, they say, did slay the monster and HesionÃª was given the choice either to leave her home with her saviour or to remain in her native land with her parents. The girl, then, chose to spend her life with the stranger, not merely because she preferred the benefaction she had received to the ties of kinship, but also because she feared that a monster might again appear and she be exposed by citizens to the same fate as that from which she had just escaped.,7. \xa0As for Heracles, after he had been splendidly honoured with gifts and the appropriate tokens of hospitality, he left HesionÃª and the mares in keeping with Laomedon, having arranged that after he had returned from Colchis, he should receive them again; he then set sail with all haste in the company of the Argonauts to accomplish the labour which lay before them." ^4.49.3 \xa0After this they put out to sea, and after sailing through the Propontis and Hellespont they landed at the Troad. Here, when Heracles dispatched to the city his brother Iphiclus and Telamon to demand back both the mares and HesionÃª, Laomedon, it is said, threw the ambassadors into prison and planned to lay an ambush for the other Argonauts and encompass their death. He had the rest of his sons as willing aids in the deed, but Priam alone opposed it; for he declared that Laomedon should observe justice in his dealings with the strangers and should deliver to them both his sister and the mares which had been promised. ^4.49.4 \xa0But when no one paid any heed to Priam, he brought two swords to the prison, they say, and gave them secretly to Telamon and his companions, and by disclosing the plan of his father he became the cause of their deliverance. ^4.49.5 \xa0For immediately Telamon and his companions slew such of the guards as offered resistance, and fleeing to the sea gave the Argonauts a full account of what had happened. Accordingly, these got ready for battle and went out to meet the forces which were pouring out of the city with the king. ^4.49.6 \xa0There was a sharp battle, but their courage gave the chieftains the upper hand, and Heracles, the myths report, performed the bravest feats of them all; for he slew Laomedon, and taking the city at the first assault he punished those who were parties with the king to the plot, but to Priam, because of the spirit of justice he had shown, he gave the kingship, entered into a\xa0league of friendship with him, and then sailed away in company with the Argonauts. ^4.49.7 \xa0But certain of the ancient poets have handed down the account that Heracles took Troy, not with the aid of the Argonauts, but on a campaign of his own with six ships, in order to get the mares; and Homer also adds his witness to this version in the following lines: Aye, what a man, they say, was Heracles In might, my father he, steadfast, with heart of lion, who once came here to carry off The mares of King Laomedon, with but Six ships and scantier men, yet sacked he then The city of proud Ilium, and made Her streets bereft. '' None

9. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 4.670-4.678, 4.680-4.687, 4.689-4.701, 4.703-4.715, 4.717-4.723, 4.725-4.727, 4.729-4.734 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 164; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 164

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4.670 Illic inmeritam maternae pendere linguae ^4.671 Andromedan poenas iniustus iusserat Ammon. ^4.672 Quam simul ad duras religatam bracchia cautes ^4.673 vidit Abantiades (nisi quod levis aura capillos ^4.674 moverat et tepido manabant lumina fletu, ^4.676 et stupet et visae correptus imagine formae ^4.677 paene suas quatere est oblitus in aere pennas. ^4.678 Ut stetit, “o” dixit “non istis digna catenis, ^4.680 pande requirenti nomen terraeque tuumque, ^4.681 et cur vincla geras.” Primo silet illa, nec audet ^4.682 adpellare virum virgo; manibusque modestos ^4.683 celasset vultus, si non religata fuisset: ^4.684 lumina, quod potuit, lacrimis inplevit obortis. ^4.685 Saepius instanti, sua ne delicta fateri ^4.686 nolle videretur, nomen terraeque suumque, ^4.687 quantaque maternae fuerit fiducia formae, ^4.689 insonuit, veniensque inmenso belua ponto ^4.690 inminet et latum sub pectore possidet aequor. ^4.691 Conclamat virgo: genitor lugubris et una ^4.692 mater adest, ambo miseri, sed iustius illa. ^4.693 Nec secum auxilium, sed dignos tempore fletus ^4.694 plangoremque ferunt vinctoque in corpore adhaerent, ^4.695 cum sic hospes ait: “Lacrimarum longa manere ^4.696 tempora vos poterunt: ad opem brevis hora ferendam est. ^4.697 Hanc ego si peterem Perseus Iove natus et illa, ^4.698 quam clausam inplevit fecundo Iuppiter auro, ^4.699 Gorgonis anguicomae Perseus superator et alis ^4.700 aerias ausus iactatis ire per auras, ^4.701 praeferrer cunctis certe gener. Addere tantis ^4.703 ut mea sit servata mea virtute, paciscor.” ^4.704 Accipiunt legem (quis enim dubitaret?) et orant ^4.705 promittuntque super regnum dotale parentes. ^4.706 Ecce velut navis praefixo concita rostro ^4.707 sulcat aquas, iuvenum sudantibus acta lacertis, ^4.708 sic fera dimotis inpulsu pectoris undis ^4.709 tantum aberat scopulis, quantum Balearica torto ^4.710 funda potest plumbo medii transmittere caeli: ^4.711 cum subito iuvenis pedibus tellure repulsa ^4.712 arduus in nubes abiit. Ut in aequore summo ^4.713 umbra viri visa est, visa fera saevit in umbra. ^4.714 Utque Iovis praepes, vacuo cum vidit in arvo ^4.715 praebentem Phoebo liventia terga draconem, ^4.717 squamigeris avidos figit cervicibus ungues, ^4.718 sic celeri missus praeceps per ie volatu ^4.719 terga ferae pressit dextroque frementis in armo ^4.720 Inachides ferrum curvo tenus abdidit hamo. ^4.721 Vulnere laesa gravi modo se sublimis in auras ^4.722 attollit, modo subdit aquis, modo more ferocis ^4.723 versat apri, quem turba canum circumsona terret. ^4.725 quaque patet, nunc terga cavis super obsita conchis, ^4.726 nunc laterum costas, nunc qua tenuissima cauda ^4.727 desinit in piscem, falcato vulnerat ense. ^4.729 ore vomit: maduere graves adspergine pennae. ^4.730 Nec bibulis ultra Perseus talaribus ausus ^4.731 credere, conspexit scopulum, qui vertice summo ^4.732 stantibus exstat aquis, operitur ab aequore moto. ^4.733 Nixus eo rupisque tenens iuga prima sinistra ^4.734 ter quater exegit repetita per ilia ferrum.' ' None

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4.670 of judgment, or they haunt the mansion where ^4.671 abides the Utmost Tyrant, or they tend ^4.672 to various callings, as their whilom way; — ^4.673 appropriate punishment confines to pain ^4.674 the multitude condemned. ^4.676 impelled by rage and hate, from habitation ^4.677 celestial, Juno, of Saturn born, descends, ^4.678 ubmissive to its dreadful element. ^4.680 than groans were uttered by the threshold, pressed ^4.681 by her immortal form, and Cerberu ^4.682 upraising his three-visaged mouths gave vent ^4.683 to triple-barking howls.—She called to her ^4.684 the sisters, Night-begot, implacable, ^4.685 terrific Furies. They did sit before ^4.686 the prison portals, adamant confined, ^4.687 combing black vipers from their horrid hair. ^4.689 they recognized, those Deities uprose. ^4.690 O dread confines! dark seat of wretched vice! ^4.691 Where stretched athwart nine acres, Tityus, ^4.692 must thou endure thine entrails to be torn! ^4.693 O Tantalus, thou canst not touch the wave, ^4.694 and from thy clutch the hanging branches rise! ^4.695 O Sisyphus, thou canst not stay the stone, ^4.696 catching or pushing, it must fall again! ^4.697 O thou Ixion! whirled around, around, ^4.698 thyself must follow to escape thyself! ^4.699 And, O Belides, (plotter of sad death ^4.700 upon thy cousins) thou art always doomed ^4.701 to dip forever ever-spilling waves! ^4.703 a stern look on those wretches, first her glance ^4.704 arrested on Ixion; but the next ^4.705 on Sisyphus; and thus the goddess spoke;— ^4.706 “For why should he alone of all his kin ^4.707 uffer eternal doom, while Athamas, ^4.708 luxurious in a sumptuous palace reigns; ^4.709 and, haughty with his wife, despises me.” ^4.710 So grieved she, and expressed the rage of hate ^4.711 that such descent inspired, beseeching thus, ^4.712 no longer should the House of Cadmus stand, ^4.713 o that the sister Furies plunge in crime ^4.714 overweening Athamas.—Entreating them, ^4.715 he mingled promises with her commands.— ^4.717 whose locks entangled are not ever smooth, ^4.718 tossed them around, that backward from her face ^4.719 uch crawling snakes were thrown;—then answered she: ^4.720 “Since what thy will decrees may well be done, ^4.721 why need we to consult with many words? ^4.722 Leave thou this hateful region and convey ^4.723 thyself, contented, to a better realm.” ^4.725 before she enters her celestial home, ^4.726 Iris, the child of Thaumas, purifie ^4.727 her limbs in sprinkled water. ^4.729 Tisiphone, revengeful, takes a torch;— ^4.730 besmeared with blood, and vested in a robe, ^4.731 dripping with crimson gore, and twisting-snake ^4.732 engirdled, she departs her dire abode— ^4.733 with twitching Madness, Terror, Fear and Woe: ^4.734 and when she had arrived the destined house,' ' None

10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, associates self with Venus • Vespasian, closes Temple of Janus • Vespasian, expands pomerium • Vespasian, his Hellenism • Vespasian, restores Temple of Honos et Virtus • arch, decreed to Vespasian and Titus

Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 284

11. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 263; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 263

12. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, Vesta, temple of

Found in books: Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 98; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 317

13. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 8.42-8.49, 13.68, 14.72, 14.105, 18.27, 18.159-18.160, 20.100, 20.182-20.184 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, inventories Nero’s Greek plunder

Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 102, 129; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 174; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 172; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016), Viewing Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology: VeHinnei Rachel - Essays in honor of Rachel Hachlili, 279; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 90, 194; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 68; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 772; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 260, 353; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 318; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 114, 545

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8.42 Τοσαύτη δ' ἦν ἣν ὁ θεὸς παρέσχε Σολόμωνι φρόνησιν καὶ σοφίαν, ὡς τούς τε ἀρχαίους ὑπερβάλλειν ἀνθρώπους καὶ μηδὲ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους, οἳ πάντων συνέσει διενεγκεῖν λέγονται, συγκρινομένους λείπεσθαι παρ' ὀλίγον, ἀλλὰ πλεῖστον ἀφεστηκότας τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως φρονήσεως ἐλέγχεσθαι." ^8.42 φαίνεται οὖν καὶ ̓́Αχαβος ὑπὸ τούτου τὴν διάνοιαν ἀπατηθείς, ὥστε ἀπιστῆσαι μὲν τοῖς προλέγουσι τὴν ἧτταν, τοῖς δὲ πρὸς χάριν προφητεύσασι πεισθεὶς ἀποθανεῖν. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ὁ παῖς ̓Οχοζίας διεδέξατο. ^8.43 ὑπερῆρε δὲ καὶ διήνεγκε σοφίᾳ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν δόξαν ἐχόντων παρὰ τοῖς ̔Εβραίοις ἐπὶ δεινότητι, ὧν οὐ παρελεύσομαι τὰ ὀνόματα: ἦσαν δὲ ̓́Αθανος καὶ Αἱμανὸς καὶ Χάλκεος καὶ Δάρδανος υἱοὶ ̔Ημάωνος.' "^8.44 συνετάξατο δὲ καὶ βιβλία περὶ ᾠδῶν καὶ μελῶν πέντε πρὸς τοῖς χιλίοις καὶ παραβολῶν καὶ εἰκόνων βίβλους τρισχιλίας: καθ' ἕκαστον γὰρ εἶδος δένδρου παραβολὴν εἶπεν ἀπὸ ὑσσώπου ἕως κέδρου, τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ περὶ κτηνῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπιγείων ἁπάντων ζῴων καὶ τῶν νηκτῶν καὶ τῶν ἀερίων: οὐδεμίαν γὰρ φύσιν ἠγνόησεν οὐδὲ παρῆλθεν ἀνεξέταστον, ἀλλ' ἐν πάσαις ἐφιλοσόφησε καὶ τὴν ἐπιστήμην τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἰδιωμάτων ἄκραν ἐπεδείξατο." "^8.45 παρέσχε δ' αὐτῷ μαθεῖν ὁ θεὸς καὶ τὴν κατὰ τῶν δαιμόνων τέχνην εἰς ὠφέλειαν καὶ θεραπείαν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις: ἐπῳδάς τε συνταξάμενος αἷς παρηγορεῖται τὰ νοσήματα καὶ τρόπους ἐξορκώσεων κατέλιπεν, οἷς οἱ ἐνδούμενοι τὰ δαιμόνια ὡς μηκέτ' ἐπανελθεῖν ἐκδιώξουσι." "^8.46 καὶ αὕτη μέχρι νῦν παρ' ἡμῖν ἡ θεραπεία πλεῖστον ἰσχύει: ἱστόρησα γάρ τινα ̓Ελεάζαρον τῶν ὁμοφύλων Οὐεσπασιανοῦ παρόντος καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ χιλιάρχων καὶ ἄλλου στρατιωτικοῦ πλήθους ὑπὸ τῶν δαιμονίων λαμβανομένους ἀπολύοντα τούτων. ὁ δὲ τρόπος τῆς θεραπείας τοιοῦτος ἦν:" "^8.47 προσφέρων ταῖς ῥισὶ τοῦ δαιμονιζομένου τὸν δακτύλιον ἔχοντα ὑπὸ τῇ σφραγῖδι ῥίζαν ἐξ ὧν ὑπέδειξε Σολόμων ἔπειτα ἐξεῖλκεν ὀσφρομένῳ διὰ τῶν μυκτήρων τὸ δαιμόνιον, καὶ πεσόντος εὐθὺς τἀνθρώπου μηκέτ' εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπανήξειν ὥρκου, Σολόμωνός τε μεμνημένος καὶ τὰς ἐπῳδὰς ἃς συνέθηκεν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιλέγων." '^8.48 βουλόμενος δὲ πεῖσαι καὶ παραστῆσαι τοῖς παρατυγχάνουσιν ὁ ̓Ελεάζαρος, ὅτι ταύτην ἔχει τὴν ἰσχύν, ἐτίθει μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἤτοι ποτήριον πλῆρες ὕδατος ἢ ποδόνιπτρον καὶ τῷ δαιμονίῳ προσέταττεν ἐξιὸν τἀνθρώπου ταῦτα ἀνατρέψαι καὶ παρασχεῖν ἐπιγνῶναι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ὅτι καταλέλοιπε τὸν ἄνθρωπον.' "^8.49 γινομένου δὲ τούτου σαφὴς ἡ Σολόμωνος καθίστατο σύνεσις καὶ σοφία δι' ἣν, ἵνα γνῶσιν ἅπαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ μεγαλεῖον τῆς φύσεως καὶ τὸ θεοφιλὲς καὶ λάθῃ μηδένα τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ πᾶν εἶδος ἀρετῆς ὑπερβολή, περὶ τούτων εἰπεῖν προήχθημεν." ^13.68 καὶ γὰρ ̔Ησαί̈ας ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν: ἔσται θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον.”' "^14.72 παρῆλθεν γὰρ εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ εἶδον ὅσα μὴ θεμιτὸν ἦν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν. ὄντων δὲ τραπέζης τε χρυσῆς καὶ λυχνίας ἱερᾶς καὶ σπονδείων καὶ πλήθους ἀρωμάτων, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς δύο χιλιάδας ταλάντων, οὐδενὸς ἥψατο δι' εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τούτῳ ἀξίως ἔπραξεν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς." "^14.105 Κράσσος δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους μέλλων στρατεύειν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρήματα, ἃ Πομπήιος καταλελοίπει, δισχίλια δ' ἦν τάλαντα, βαστάσας οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα, τάλαντα δ' οὗτος ἦν ὀκτακισχίλια, περιδύειν τοῦ ναοῦ." ^18.27 ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης Σέπφωριν τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα: Βηθαραμφθᾶ δέ, πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει, τείχει περιλαβὼν ̓Ιουλιάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός. ^18.27 καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πολέμου κίνδυνον, πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν, αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον Πετρώνιον εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα γενόμενον,' "^18.159 καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν." ^20.182 Πορκίου δὲ Φήστου διαδόχου Φήλικι πεμφθέντος ὑπὸ Νέρωνος οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῶν τὴν Καισάρειαν κατοικούντων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἀναβαίνουσιν Φήλικος κατηγοροῦντες, καὶ πάντως ἂν ἐδεδώκει τιμωρίαν τῶν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀδικημάτων, εἰ μὴ πολλὰ αὐτὸν ὁ Νέρων τἀδελφῷ Πάλλαντι παρακαλέσαντι συνεχώρησεν μάλιστα δὴ τότε διὰ τιμῆς ἄγων ἐκεῖνον.' "^20.183 καὶ τῶν ἐν Καισαρείᾳ δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι Σύρων Βήρυλλον, παιδαγωγὸς δ' ἦν οὗτος τοῦ Νέρωνος τάξιν τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν ἐπιστολῶν πεπιστευμένος, πείθουσι πολλοῖς χρήμασιν αἰτήσασθαι παρὰ τοῦ Νέρωνος αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἀκυροῦσαν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἰσοπολιτείαν." '^20.184 καὶ Βήρυλλος τὸν αὐτοκράτορα παρακαλέσας ἐπέτυχε γραφῆναι τὴν ἐπιστολήν. αὕτη τῷ ἔθνει ἡμῶν τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα κακῶν τὰς αἰτίας παρέσχεν: πυθόμενοι γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τὰ γραφέντα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σύρους στάσεως μᾶλλον εἴχοντο μέχρι δὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξῆψαν.' " None

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8.42 5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon was so great, that he exceeded the ancients; insomuch that he was no way inferior to the Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is evident that their sagacity was very much inferior to that of the king’s. ^8.42 Accordingly Ahab appears to have been deceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that foretold his defeat; but, by giving credit to such as foretold what was grateful to him, was slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him. ^8.43 He also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom above those who were most eminent among the Hebrews at that time for shrewdness; those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of Mahol. ^8.44 He also composed books of odes and songs a thousand and five, of parables and similitudes three thousand; for he spake a parable upon every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar; and in like manner also about beasts, about all sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of their natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described them all like a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of their several properties. ^8.45 God also enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons, which is a science useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations also by which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the manner of using exorcisms, by which they drive away demons, so that they never return; ^8.46 and this method of cure is of great force unto this day; for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were demoniacal in the presence of Vespasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the whole multitude of his soldiers. The manner of the cure was this: ^8.47 He put a ring that had a root of one of those sorts mentioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which he drew out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell down immediately, he abjured him to return into him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed. ^8.48 And when Eleazar would persuade and demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he set a little way off a cup or basin full of water, and commanded the demon, as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators know that he had left the man; ^8.49 and when this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solomon was shown very manifestly: for which reason it is, that all men may know the vastness of Solomon’s abilities, and how he was beloved of God, and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this king was endowed may not be unknown to any people under the sun for this reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely of these matters. ^13.68 for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. ^14.72 for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. ^14.105 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. ^18.27 and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence, ^18.27 while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife. ^18.159 He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; ^20.182 9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him. ^20.183 Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. ^20.184 So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.' ' None

14. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.7-1.8, 1.19, 1.29, 1.127, 1.138, 1.152-1.153, 1.179, 2.284-2.292, 2.345-2.369, 2.371-2.379, 2.381-2.389, 2.391-2.399, 2.401, 2.450-2.454, 2.562-2.568, 2.576-2.577, 2.617, 3.1-3.6, 3.29, 3.35-3.49, 3.51-3.58, 3.110-3.114, 3.132-3.134, 3.141-3.149, 3.151-3.179, 3.181-3.189, 3.191-3.199, 3.201-3.209, 3.211-3.219, 3.221-3.229, 3.231-3.239, 3.241-3.249, 3.251-3.259, 3.261-3.269, 3.271-3.279, 3.281-3.289, 3.291-3.306, 3.310-3.314, 3.340-3.349, 3.351-3.356, 3.361-3.379, 3.381-3.389, 3.391-3.392, 3.399-3.408, 3.443, 3.462-3.479, 3.481-3.489, 3.491-3.499, 3.501-3.502, 4.17-4.29, 4.31-4.38, 4.45, 4.54-4.61, 4.71-4.79, 4.81-4.90, 4.92-4.96, 4.101-4.119, 4.121-4.127, 4.438, 4.442, 4.456-4.469, 4.471-4.475, 4.477, 4.483-4.485, 4.601-4.604, 4.618, 4.620, 4.622-4.626, 4.629, 5.2, 5.45-5.46, 5.362-5.379, 5.381-5.389, 5.391-5.399, 5.401-5.419, 5.510, 5.519, 5.541-5.547, 6.216, 6.236-6.249, 6.251-6.259, 6.261-6.266, 7.37, 7.45, 7.73, 7.120-7.123, 7.128, 7.131-7.162, 7.217-7.229, 7.231-7.239, 7.241-7.243, 7.421 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Vespasian’s uprising in • Cilicia/Cilicians, third Roman province formed under Vespasian • Emperors and Egypt, Vespasian • Jericho,Vespasians attack (68 CE) • Jews, revolts of, against Vespasian ( • Vespasian • Vespasian, Emperor • Vespasian, attitude toward Jewish law • Vespasian, confirmed as emperor by Judean religion and texts • Vespasian, declared emperor in Egypt • Vespasian, emperor • Vespasian, exemptions granted by • Vespasian, fights northern barbarians • Vespasian, his triumph • Vespasian, taxes under • Vespasian, triumph of • Vespasian,, in Josephus • tributum capitis, under Vespasian, more than head tax

Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 192, 256; Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 105, 107; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 109; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 95, 102, 117, 129; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 116, 117, 118, 132, 174; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 101, 102, 143, 151; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 112, 150, 155, 162; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016), Viewing Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology: VeHinnei Rachel - Essays in honor of Rachel Hachlili, 279; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 136; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 26, 54, 80; JonquiÃ¨re (2007), Prayer in Josephus Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 159, 189, 207, 208, 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 225, 244, 258; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 194; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 117; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 68, 126, 148; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 123; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 339; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 129; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 108, 188, 190, 191, 193, 194; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 221, 272, 277, 278, 279, 280; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 260, 353; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 71, 72; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 59, 60, 61, 225, 226, 234, 262, 318; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 114, 477, 543, 544, 545, 562; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 20, 237

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1.3 Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "^1.3 προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης: ^1.3 ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." ^1.7 Καίτοι γε ἱστορίας αὐτὰς ἐπιγράφειν τολμῶσιν, ἐν αἷς πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς δηλοῦν καὶ τοῦ σκοποῦ δοκοῦσιν ἔμοιγε διαμαρτάνειν. βούλονται μὲν γὰρ μεγάλους τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἀποδεικνύειν, καταβάλλουσιν δὲ ἀεὶ τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ταπεινοῦσιν: ^1.7 Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ὁ πρεσβύτερος αὐτῶν ̓Αριστόβουλος τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς βασιλείαν μετατιθεὶς περιτίθεται μὲν διάδημα πρῶτος μετὰ τετρακοσιοστὸν καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὸν πρῶτον ἔτος, πρὸς δὲ μῆνας τρεῖς, ἐξ οὗ κατῆλθεν ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν χώραν ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι δουλείας: ^1.8 ὁ δὴ χρόνος ἐκκρούει τὸ μάντευμα.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν σκυθρωπὸς ἐπὶ συννοίας ὁ γέρων διεκαρτέρει, καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον ἀνῃρημένος ̓Αντίγονος ἠγγέλλετο κατὰ τὸ ὑπόγαιον χωρίον, ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος ὁμωνυμοῦν τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τοῦτο γοῦν τὸν μάντιν διετάραξεν." "^1.8 οὐχ ὁρῶ δέ, πῶς ἂν εἶναι μεγάλοι δοκοῖεν οἱ μικροὺς νενικηκότες: καὶ οὔτε τὸ μῆκος αἰδοῦνται τοῦ πολέμου οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων καμούσης στρατιᾶς οὔτε τὸ μέγεθος τῶν στρατηγῶν, οἳ πολλὰ περὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱδρώσαντες οἶμαι ταπεινουμένου τοῦ κατορθώματος αὐτοῖς ἀδοξοῦσιν.' "^1.19 Καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ' αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου προσαγορευομένην χώραν κατέχοντες: ἦσαν δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτους ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν: ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο Μιθριδάτῃ." ^1.19 ὡς ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ' ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον. καὶ ὡς ̔Ηρώδης ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατέλυσε τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν Σόσσιον," "^1.29 ̓́Ηδη δὲ ̔Ηρώδης καταπεπλευκὼς ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα καὶ συναγηοχὼς δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην ξένων τε καὶ ὁμοφύλων ἤλαυνεν διὰ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐπ' ̓Αντίγονον συλλαμβανόντων Βεντιδίου καὶ Σίλωνος, οὓς Δέλλιος ὑπ' ̓Αντωνίου πεμφθεὶς ̔Ηρώδην συγκαταγαγεῖν ἔπεισεν." "^1.29 καὶ ὡς ̔Ρωμαῖοι μὲν ἐπεξῆλθον τὰ λείψανα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὰ ἐρύματα τῶν χωρίων καθεῖλον, Τίτος δὲ πᾶσαν ἐπελθὼν τὴν χώραν κατεστήσατο, τήν τε ὑποστροφὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν εἰς ̓Ιταλίαν καὶ τὸν θρίαμβον.' "^1.127 κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη." ^1.138 ̔Ο δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐδίδου χρόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, εὐθέως εἵπετο, καὶ προσεπέρρωσεν τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁ Μιθριδάτου θάνατος ἀγγελθεὶς αὐτῷ περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἔνθα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τὸ πιότατον φοίνικά τε πάμπολυν καὶ βάλσαμον τρέφει. τοῦτο λίθοις ὀξέσιν ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πρέμνα συνάγουσιν κατὰ τὰς τομὰς ἐκδακρῦον. ^1.152 Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια.' "^1.153 οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." ^1.179 Κἀν τούτῳ Κράσσος αὐτῷ διάδοχος ἐλθὼν παραλαμβάνει Συρίαν. οὗτος εἰς τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν τόν τε ἄλλον τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ναοῦ χρυσὸν πάντα περιεῖλεν καὶ τὰ δισχίλια τάλαντα ἦρεν, ὧν ἀπέσχετο Πομπήιος. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Εὐφράτην αὐτός τε ἀπώλετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, περὶ ὧν οὐ νῦν καιρὸς λέγειν. ^2.284 ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Καισαρέων ̔́Ελληνες νικήσαντες παρὰ Νέρωνι τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν τὰ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκόμισαν γράμματα, καὶ προσελάμβανεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ πόλεμος δωδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας, ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείας, ̓Αρτεμισίου μηνός. ^2.285 πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ συμφορῶν οὐκ ἀξίαν ἔσχεν πρόφασιν: οἱ γὰρ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, συναγωγὴν ἔχοντες παρὰ χωρίον, οὗ δεσπότης ἦν τις ̔́Ελλην Καισαρεύς, πολλάκις μὲν κτήσασθαι τὸν τόπον ἐσπούδασαν τιμὴν πολλαπλασίονα τῆς ἀξίας διδόντες:' "^2.286 ὡς δ' ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον." '^2.287 ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας Φλῶρος, ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, σὺν οἷς ̓Ιωάννης ὁ τελώνης. πείθουσι τὸν Φλῶρον ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον. ^2.288 ὁ δὲ πρὸς μόνον τὸ λαβεῖν ὑποσχόμενος πάντα συμπράξειν, λαβὼν ἔξεισιν τῆς Καισαρείας εἰς Σεβαστὴν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν στάσιν αὐτεξούσιον, ὥσπερ ἄδειαν πεπρακὼς ̓Ιουδαίοις τοῦ μάχεσθαι.' "^2.289 Τῆς δ' ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας ἑβδομάδος οὔσης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν συναθροισθέντων στασιαστής τις Καισαρεὺς γάστραν καταστρέψας καὶ παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῶν θέμενος ἐπέθυεν ὄρνεις. τοῦτο τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀνηκέστως παρώξυνεν ὡς ὑβρισμένων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, μεμιασμένου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου." "^2.291 προσελθὼν δὲ ̓Ιούκουνδος ὁ διακωλύειν τεταγμένος ἱππάρχης τήν τε γάστραν αἴρει καὶ καταπαύειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν στάσιν. ἡττωμένου δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς τῶν Καισαρέων βίας ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοὺς νόμους ἁρπάσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς Νάρβατα: χώρα τις αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖται σταδίους ἑξήκοντα διέχουσα τῆς Καισαρείας:" '^2.292 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιωάννην δυνατοὶ δώδεκα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐλθόντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἀπωδύροντο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ βοηθεῖν ἱκέτευον, αἰδημόνως ὑπομιμνήσκοντες τῶν ὀκτὼ ταλάντων. ὁ δὲ καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τοὺς ἄνδρας αἰτιώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς νόμους ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς Καισαρείας.' "^2.345 “Εἰ μὲν ἑώρων πάντας ὑμᾶς πολεμεῖν ̔Ρωμαίοις ὡρμημένους καὶ μὴ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον καὶ εἰλικρινέστατον εἰρήνην ἄγειν προῃρημένους, οὔτ' ἂν παρῆλθον εἰς ὑμᾶς οὔτε συμβουλεύειν ἐθάρρησα: περισσὸς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν πᾶς λόγος, ὅταν ᾖ τῶν ἀκουόντων πάντων ἡ πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ὁμόνοια." '^2.346 ἐπεὶ δὲ τινὰς μὲν ἡλικία τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κακῶν ἄπειρος, τινὰς δὲ ἐλπὶς ἀλόγιστος ἐλευθερίας, ἐνίους δὲ πλεονεξία τις παροξύνει καὶ τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων, ἐὰν τὰ πράγματα συγχυθῇ, κέρδος, ὅπως αὐτοί τε σωφρονισθέντες μεταβάλωνται καὶ μὴ τῆς ἐνίων κακοβουλίας οἱ ἀγαθοὶ παραπολαύσωσιν, ᾠήθην δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας ὑμᾶς συναγαγὼν εἰπεῖν ἃ νομίζω συμφέρειν. ^2.347 θορυβήσῃ δέ μοι μηδείς, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούῃ: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀνηκέστως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὡρμημένοις ἔνεστι καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν ταῦτα φρονεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ διαπίπτει καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐθέλοντας ὁ λόγος, ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ πάντων ἡσυχία γένηται. ^2.348 οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτι πολλοὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ὕβρεις καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐγκώμια τραγῳδοῦσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ πρὶν ἐξετάζειν τίνες ὄντες καὶ τίσιν ἐπιχειρεῖτε πολεμεῖν, πρῶτον διαζεύξω τὴν συμπλοκὴν τῶν προφάσεων. ^2.349 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀμύνεσθε τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, τί σεμνύνετε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν; εἰ δὲ τὸ δουλεύειν ἀφόρητον ἡγεῖσθε, περισσὴ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἡ μέμψις: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνων μετριαζόντων αἰσχρὸν ὁμοίως τὸ δουλεύειν.' "^2.351 ὅταν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τοὺς ἐξονειδισμοὺς ποιῆσθε μεγάλους, καθ' ἑαυτῶν τοὺς ὀνειδιζομένους ἀπελέγχετε, καὶ παρέντες τὸ λάθρα καὶ μετ' αἰδοῦς ὑμᾶς βλάπτειν πορθοῦσι φανερῶς. οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως τὰς πληγὰς ὡς τὸ φέρειν ἀναστέλλει, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἡσύχιον τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι γίνεται διατροπή." "^2.352 φέρε δ' εἶναι τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπηρέτας ἀνηκέστως χαλεπούς: οὔπω ̔Ρωμαῖοι πάντες ἀδικοῦσιν ὑμᾶς οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, πρὸς οὓς αἱρεῖσθε τὸν πόλεμον: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἥκει τις πονηρὸς ἀπ' ἐκείνων, οὐδέ γε τοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οἱ ἀφ' ἑσπέρας ἐπιβλέπουσιν: ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ταχέως τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ ῥᾴδιον." "^2.353 ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ δι' ἕνα πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μικρὰς αἰτίας τηλικούτοις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσιν ἃ μεμφόμεθα πολεμεῖν." "^2.354 καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων ἐγκλημάτων ταχεῖα γένοιτ' ἂν διόρθωσις: οὔτε γὰρ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος μένει διὰ παντός, καὶ τοὺς διαδεξομένους εἰκὸς ἐλεύσεσθαι μετριωτέρους: κινηθέντα δ' ἅπαξ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε ἀποθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον δίχα συμφορῶν οὔτε βαστάζειν." "^2.355 ἀλλὰ μὴν τό γε νῦν ἐλευθερίας ἐπιθυμεῖν ἄωρον, δέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ ἀποβαλεῖν αὐτὴν ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρότερον: ἡ γὰρ πεῖρα τῆς δουλείας χαλεπή, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδ' ἄρξασθαι ταύτης ὁ ἀγὼν δίκαιος." "^2.356 ὁ δ' ἅπαξ χειρωθείς, ἔπειτα ἀφιστάμενος, αὐθάδης δοῦλός ἐστιν, οὐ φιλελεύθερος. τότε τοιγαροῦν ἐχρῆν πάνθ' ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δέξασθαι ̔Ρωμαίους ποιεῖν, ὅτε ἐπέβαινεν τῆς χώρας Πομπήιος." "^2.357 ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν καὶ χρήμασιν καὶ σώμασιν καὶ ψυχαῖς ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πολλῷ διακείμενοι πρὸς μοῖραν ὀλίγην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀντέσχον: ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὸ μὲν ὑπακούειν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρειληφότες, τοῖς πράγμασιν δὲ τῶν πρώτων ὑπακουσάντων τοσοῦτον ἐλαττούμενοι, πρὸς ὅλην ἀνθίστασθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν;" '^2.358 καὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον Ξέρξην διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν, πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα, οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες, περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην ̓Ασίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς ̔Ελλάδος πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας προστάγματα. ^2.359 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ Θερμοπύλας καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ τὸν ἐρευνήσαντα τὴν ̓Ασίαν ̓Αγησίλαον ἀγαπῶσιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεσπότας,' "^2.361 ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί;" '^2.362 πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ἄρα καὶ πρὸς ̓́Αραβας οἴεσθε κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον; οὐ περισκέψεσθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; οὐ μετρήσετε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσθένειαν; οὐ τὰ μὲν ἡμέτερα καὶ τῶν προσοίκων ἐθνῶν ἡττήθη πολλάκις, ἡ δὲ ἐκείνων ἰσχὺς διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀνίκητος;' "^2.363 μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησάν τι πλέον: οὐ γὰρ ἐξήρκεσεν αὐτοῖς ὅλος Εὐφράτης ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οὐδὲ τῶν προσαρκτίων ὁ ̓́Ιστρος ἥ τε μεσημβρινὴ μέχρι τῶν ἀοικήτων ἐρευνηθεῖσα Λιβύη καὶ Γάδειρα πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν ἑτέραν ἐζήτησαν οἰκουμένην καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνιστορήτων πρότερον Βρεττανῶν διήνεγκαν τὰ ὅπλα." '^2.364 τί οὖν; ὑμεῖς πλουσιώτεροι Γαλατῶν, ἰσχυρότεροι Γερμανῶν, ̔Ελλήνων συνετώτεροι, πλείους τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐστὲ πάντων; τί τὸ πεποιθὸς ὑμᾶς κατὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπαίρει; χαλεπὸν τὸ δουλεύειν, ἐρεῖ τις.' "^2.365 πόσῳ μᾶλλον ̔́Ελλησιν, οἳ τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις, τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι." "^2.366 τί δ' αἱ πεντακόσιαι τῆς ̓Ασίας πόλεις; οὐ δίχα φρουρᾶς ἕνα προσκυνοῦσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς ῥάβδους; τί χρὴ λέγειν ̔Ηνιόχους τε καὶ Κόλχους καὶ τὸ τῶν Ταύρων φῦλον, Βοσπορανούς τε καὶ τὰ περίοικα τοῦ Πόντου καὶ τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἔθνη;" "^2.367 παρ' οἷς πρὶν μὲν οὐδ' οἰκεῖος ἐγιγνώσκετο δεσπότης, νῦν δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ὑποτάσσεται, καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς μακραὶ τὴν πρὶν ἄπλωτον καὶ ἀγρίαν εἰρηνεύουσι θάλασσαν." '^2.368 πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς;' "^2.369 οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τούτων ̓Ιλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας ἀποτεμνομένην ̓́Ιστρῳ κατοικοῦντες, οὐ δυσὶν μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσιν, μεθ' ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰς Δακῶν ἀνακόπτουσιν ὁρμάς;" ^2.371 ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γέ τινας εἰς ἀπόστασιν ὤφειλον ἀφορμαὶ μεγάλαι παροξύνειν, μάλιστα Γαλάτας ἐχρῆν τοὺς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως τετειχισμένους, ἐξ ἀνατολῆς μὲν ταῖς ̓́Αλπεσιν πρὸς ἄρκτῳ δὲ ̔Ρήνῳ ποταμῷ, μεσημβρινοῖς δὲ τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν, ὠκεανῷ δὲ πρὸς δυσμῶν.' "^2.372 ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι, πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν, τὰς δὲ πηγάς, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἀνέχονται ̔Ρωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν." "^2.373 καὶ τοῦθ' ὑπομένουσιν οὐ διὰ φρονημάτων μαλακίαν οὐδὲ δι' ἀγένειαν, οἵ γε διήνεγκαν ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τὴν τύχην καταπλαγέντες, ἥτις αὐτοῖς κατορθοῖ πλείονα τῶν ὅπλων. τοιγαροῦν ὑπὸ χιλίοις καὶ διακοσίοις στρατιώταις δουλεύουσιν, ὧν ὀλίγου δεῖν πλείους ἔχουσι πόλεις." '^2.374 οὐδὲ ̓́Ιβηρσιν ὁ γεωργούμενος χρυσὸς εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐξήρκεσεν πόλεμον οὐδὲ τὸ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης διάστημα φῦλά τε Λουσιτανῶν καὶ Καντάβρων ἀρειμάνια οὐδὲ γείτων ὠκεανὸς φοβερὰν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἄμπωτιν ἐπάγων,' "^2.375 ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ τὰς ̔Ηρακλείους στήλας ἐκτείναντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διὰ νεφῶν ὁδεύσαντες τὰ Πυρηναῖα ὄρη καὶ τούτους ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι: φρουρὰ δ' ἤρκεσεν τῶν οὕτως δυσμάχων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπῳκισμένων ἓν τάγμα." '^2.376 τίς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀκοῇ παρείληφεν τὸ Γερμανῶν πλῆθος; ἀλκὴν μὲν γὰρ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων εἴδετε δήπου πολλάκις, ἐπεὶ πανταχοῦ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τοὺς τούτων αἰχμαλώτους ἔχουσιν.' "^2.377 ἀλλ' οὗτοι γῆν μὲν ἄπειρον νεμόμενοι, μείζω δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἔχοντες τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν θανάτου καταφρονοῦσαν, τοὺς δὲ θυμοὺς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων σφοδροτέρους, ̔Ρῆνον τῆς ὁρμῆς ὅρον ἔχουσιν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ὀκτὼ τάγμασιν δαμαζόμενοι δουλεύουσιν μὲν ἁλόντες, τὸ δ' ὅλον αὐτῶν ἔθνος φυγῇ διασώζεται." "^2.378 σκέψασθε δὲ καὶ τὸ Βρεττανῶν τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων τείχεσιν πεποιθότες: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν καὶ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι, τέσσαρα δὲ τάγματα τὴν τοσαύτην νῆσον φυλάσσει." '^2.379 καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν, ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι, τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον, τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν.' "^2.381 οὔτε δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, τὸ Λακώνων γένος, οὔτε Μαρμαρίδαι, τὸ μέχρι τῆς διψάδος ἐκτεταμένον φῦλον, οὔθ' αἱ φοβεραὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν Σύρτεις Νασαμῶνές τε καὶ Μαῦροι καὶ τὸ Νομάδων ἄπειρον πλῆθος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων ἀνέκοψαν ἀρετάς." '^2.382 τὴν δὲ τρίτην τῆς οἰκουμένης μοῖραν, ἧς οὐδὲ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι τὰ ἔθνη ῥᾴδιον, ὁριζομένην ̓Ατλαντικῷ τε πελάγει καὶ στήλαις ̔Ηρακλείοις καὶ μέχρι τῆς ̓Ερυθρᾶς θαλάσσης τοὺς ἀπείρους νέμουσαν Αἰθίοπας ἐχειρώσαντο μὲν ὅλην, ^2.383 χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν, οἳ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην πλῆθος τρέφουσιν, καὶ ἔξωθεν παντοίως φορολογοῦνται καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας παρέχουσιν ἑτοίμους τὰς εἰσφοράς, οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς ὕβριν ἡγούμενοι καίπερ ἑνὸς τάγματος αὐτοῖς παραμένοντος. ^2.384 καὶ τί δεῖ πόρρωθεν ὑμῖν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ὑποδεικνύναι δύναμιν παρὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τῆς γειτνιώσης,' "^2.385 ἥτις ἐκτεινομένη μέχρις Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος ̓Αραβίας ὅρμος τε οὖσα τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς, πεντήκοντα πρὸς ταῖς ἑπτακοσίαις ἔχουσα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων δίχα τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν κατοικούντων, ὡς ἔνεστιν ἐκ τῆς καθ' ἑκάστην κεφαλὴν εἰσφορᾶς τεκμήρασθαι, τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἀδοξεῖ, καίτοι πηλίκον ἀποστάσεως κέντρον ἔχουσα τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πλήθους τε ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου πρὸς δὲ μεγέθους:" "^2.386 μῆκος μέν γε αὐτῆς τριάκοντα σταδίων, εὖρος δ' οὐκ ἔλαττον δέκα, τοῦ δὲ ἐνιαυσιαίου παρ' ὑμῶν φόρου καθ' ἕνα μῆνα πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις παρέχει καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξωθεν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ σῖτον μηνῶν τεσσάρων: τετείχισται δὲ πάντοθεν ἢ δυσβάτοις ἐρημίαις ἢ θαλάσσαις ἀλιμένοις ἢ ποταμοῖς ἢ ἕλεσιν." "^2.387 ἀλλ' οὐδὲν τούτων ἰσχυρότερον εὑρέθη τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων τύχης, δύο δ' ἐγκαθήμενα τῇ πόλει τάγματα τὴν βαθεῖαν Αἴγυπτον ἅμα τῇ Μακεδόνων εὐγενείᾳ χαλινοῖ." '^2.388 τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν ̔Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν,' "^2.389 οἱ δ' οὔτε δι' αἰτίαν ἄλογον τηλικούτῳ πολέμῳ συνεμπλέξουσιν ἑαυτούς, οὔτε βουλευσαμένοις κακῶς ὁ Πάρθος ἐπιτρέψει: πρόνοια γὰρ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκεχειρίας, καὶ παραβαίνειν οἰήσεται τὰς σπονδάς, ἄν τις τῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ̔Ρωμαίους ἴῃ." "^2.391 σκέψασθε δ' ὡς ὑμῖν τὸ τῆς θρησκείας ἄκρατον, εἰ καὶ πρὸς εὐχειρώτους πολεμοίητε, δυσδιοίκητον, καὶ δι' ἃ μᾶλλον τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζετε σύμμαχον, ταῦτ' ἀναγκαζόμενοι παραβαίνειν ἀποστρέψετε." '^2.392 τηροῦντές γε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἑβδομάδων ἔθη καὶ πρὸς μηδεμίαν πρᾶξιν κινούμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἁλώσεσθε, καθάπερ οἱ πρόγονοι Πομπηίῳ ταύτας μάλιστα τὰς ἡμέρας ἐνεργοὺς ποιησαμένῳ τῆς πολιορκίας, ἐν αἷς ἤργουν οἱ πολιορκούμενοι:' "^2.393 παραβαίνοντες δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν πάτριον νόμον οὐκ οἶδ' ὑπὲρ ὅτου λοιπὸν ποιήσεσθε τὸν ἀγῶνα: σπουδὴ γὰρ ὑμῖν μία τὸ μὴ τῶν πατρίων τι καταλῦσαι." "^2.394 πῶς δὲ ἐπικαλέσεσθε τὸ θεῖον πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οἱ παραβάντες ἑκουσίως τὴν εἰς αὐτὸ θεραπείαν; ἐπαναιροῦνται δὲ ἕκαστοι πόλεμον ἢ θείᾳ πεποιθότες ἢ ἀνθρωπίνῃ βοηθείᾳ: ὅταν δὲ τὴν παρ' ἀμφοῖν τὸ εἰκὸς ἀποκόπτῃ, φανερὰν ἅλωσιν οἱ πολεμοῦντες αἱροῦνται." '^2.395 τί δὴ κωλύει ταῖς ἑαυτῶν χερσὶν διαχρήσασθαι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περικαλλεστάτην πατρίδα ταύτην καταφλέξαι; μανέντες γὰρ οὕτως τό γε τῆς ἥττης ὄνειδος κερδήσετε. καλόν,' "^2.396 ὦ φίλοι, καλόν, ἕως ἔτι ἐν ὅρμῳ τὸ σκάφος προσκέπτεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα μηδ' εἰς μέσας τὰς θυέλλας ἀπολουμένους ἀναχθῆναι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀδήλων ἐπιπεσοῦσιν δεινοῖς τὸ γοῦν ἐλεεῖσθαι περίεστιν, ὁ δ' εἰς πρόδηλον ἀπώλειαν ὁρμήσας καὶ προσονειδίζεται." "^2.397 πλὴν εἰ μή τις ὑπολαμβάνει κατὰ συνθήκας πολεμήσειν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίους κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν μετριάσειν, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς ὑπόδειγμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καταφλέξειν μὲν τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν, ἀναιρήσειν δὲ πᾶν ὑμῶν τὸ φῦλον: οὐδὲ γὰρ περιλειφθέντες φυγῆς εὑρήσετε τόπον ἁπάντων ἐχόντων ̔Ρωμαίους δεσπότας ἢ δεδοικότων σχεῖν." '^2.398 ὁ δὲ κίνδυνος οὐ τῶν ἐνθάδε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας κατοικούντων πόλεις: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης δῆμος ὁ μὴ μοῖραν ἡμετέραν ἔχων.' "^2.399 οὓς ἅπαντας πολεμησάντων ὑμῶν κατασφάξουσιν οἱ διάφοροι, καὶ δι' ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν κακοβουλίαν πᾶσα πλησθήσεται πόλις ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ φόνου. καὶ συγγνώμη μὲν τοῖς τοῦτο πράξασιν: ἂν δὲ μὴ πραχθῇ, λογίσασθε, πῶς πρὸς οὕτω φιλανθρώπους ὅπλα κινεῖν ἀνόσιον." ^2.401 μαρτύρομαι δὲ ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια καὶ τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρίδα τὴν κοινήν, ὡς οὐδὲν τῶν σωτηρίων ὑμῖν καθυφηκάμην, ὑμεῖς δὲ βουλευσάμενοι μὲν τὰ δέοντα κοινὴν σὺν ἐμοὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἕξετε, προαχθέντες δὲ τοῖς θυμοῖς χωρὶς ἐμοῦ κινδυνεύσετε.” ^2.451 οἱ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἁρπάσαντες ἀνέπεμψαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Γωρίονά τε Νικομήδους υἱὸν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν Σαδούκι καὶ ̓Ιούδαν ̓Ιωνάθου δεξιάν τε καὶ ὅρκους δώσοντας. ὧν γενομένων κατῆγεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁ Μετίλιος.' "^2.452 οἱ δὲ μέχρι μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, οὔτ' ἐπεχείρει τις τῶν στασιαστῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτ' ἐνέφαινεν ἐπιβουλήν: ὡς δὲ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἅπαντες ἀπέθεντο τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὰ ξίφη καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι ὑποπτεύοντες ἀνεχώρουν," "^2.453 ὥρμησαν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον καὶ περισχόντες ἀνῄρουν οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε ἱκετεύοντας, μόνας δὲ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἀναβοῶντας." '^2.454 οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου, τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαί̈σειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον, τὸ δὲ πάθος ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον, ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι, ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν. ^2.562 Οἱ δὲ διώξαντες τὸν Κέστιον ὡς ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, τοὺς μὲν βίᾳ τῶν ἔτι ῥωμαϊζόντων τοὺς δὲ πειθοῖ προσήγοντο, καὶ συναθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν στρατηγοὺς ἀπεδείκνυσαν τοῦ πολέμου πλείονας. ^2.563 ᾑρέθη δὲ ̓Ιώσηπός τε υἱὸς Γωρίονος καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓́Ανανος τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἁπάντων αὐτοκράτορες καὶ μάλιστα τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνεγείρειν:' "^2.564 τὸν γὰρ τοῦ Σίμωνος υἱὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον καίπερ ὑφ' ἑαυτῷ πεποιημένον τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων λείαν καὶ τὰ ἁρπαγέντα Κεστίου χρήματα, πρὸς οἷς πολλὰ τῶν δημοσίων θησαυρῶν, ὅμως οὐκ ἐπέστησαν ταῖς χρείαις αὐτόν τε τυραννικὸν ὁρῶντες καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῷ ζηλωτὰς δορυφόρων ἔθεσι χρωμένους." "^2.565 κατ' ὀλίγον γε μὴν ἥ τε χρεία τῶν χρημάτων καὶ γοητεύων ̓Ελεάζαρος ἐκπεριῆλθε τὸν δῆμον ὥστε αὐτῷ πειθαρχεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων." "^2.566 Εἰς δὲ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ἑτέρους ἐπελέξαντο στρατηγοὺς ̓Ιησοῦν υἱὸν Σαπφᾶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἕνα καὶ ̓Ελεάζαρον ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν Νέου: τῷ δ' ἄρχοντι τότε τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας Νίγερι, γένος δ' ἦν ἐκ τῆς περὶ ̓Ιορδάνην Περαίας, διὸ καὶ Περαί̈της ἐκαλεῖτο, προσέταξαν ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς." "^2.567 ἠμέλουν δὲ οὐδὲ τῆς ἄλλης χώρας, ἀλλ' εἰς μὲν ̔Ιεριχοῦν ̓Ιώσηπος ὁ Σίμωνος, εἰς δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Μανασσῆς, Θαμνᾶ δὲ τοπαρχίας ̓Ιωάννης ὁ ̓Εσσαῖος στρατηγήσων ἐπέμφθη: προσκεκλήρωτο δ' αὐτῷ Λύδδα καὶ ̓Ιόππη καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦς." '^2.568 τῆς δὲ Γοφνιτικῆς καὶ ̓Ακραβεττηνῆς ὁ ̓Ανανίου ̓Ιωάννης ἡγεμὼν ἀποδείκνυται καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἑκατέρας ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου: προσώριστο δὲ τῇ τούτου στρατηγίᾳ καὶ Γάμαλα τῶν ταύτῃ πόλεων ὀχυρωτάτη. ^2.576 κατέλεξεν δὲ καὶ δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας νέων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς πάντας ἔκ τε τῶν συλλεγομένων παλαιῶν ὅπλων ἐγκατασκευαζόμενος ὥπλιζεν.' "^3.1 Νέρωνι δ' ὡς ἠγγέλη τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πταίσματα, λεληθυῖα μὲν ὡς εἰκὸς ἔκπληξις ἐμπίπτει καὶ δέος, φανερῶς δὲ ὑπερηφάνει καὶ προσωργίζετο," ^3.1 ἡγοῦνταί τε τῶν ἀπὸ τύχης ἐπιτευγμάτων ἀμείνους τὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς προβουλευθεῖσιν διαμαρτίας, ὡς τοῦ μὲν αὐτομάτου καλοῦ δελεάζοντος εἰς ἀπρομήθειαν, τῆς σκέψεως δέ, κἂν ἀτυχήσῃ ποτέ, πρὸς τὸ μὴ αὖθις καλὴν ἐχούσης μελέτην:' "^3.1 πόλις ἐστὶν ἀρχαία τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων εἴκοσι πρὸς τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἀπέχουσα σταδίους ἀεὶ διὰ μίσους ̓Ιουδαίοις γεγενημένη, διὸ καὶ τότε ταῖς πρώταις ὁρμαῖς ἐγγίων ἔδοξεν. ^3.2 οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ τραυματίαι τὸ πλέον σὺν τῷ περιλειπομένῳ τῶν ἡγεμόνων Νίγερι τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας εἰς πολίχνην τινά, Χάαλλις καλεῖται, συνέφυγον.' "^3.2 οὐχ ὁρᾶν δέ, τί παρακαθεζόμενος αὐτοῖς χρήσιμος εἴη νῦν, πλὴν εἰ μὴ ̔Ρωμαίους παροξύνων μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν, οὓς περὶ πλείστου ποιεῖσθαι λαβεῖν αὐτόν: εἰ δ' ἐκδράντα πύθοιντο, πολὺ τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁρμῆς ἀνήσειν." "^3.2 στρατηγῶν μὲν ῥᾳστώνῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἀρεταῖς γεγονέναι τὰ συμβάντα λέγων, πρέπειν δ' ἡγούμενος ἑαυτῷ διὰ τὸν ὄγκον τῆς ἡγεμονίας κατασοβαρεύεσθαι τῶν σκυθρωπῶν καὶ δοκεῖν δεινοῦ παντὸς ἐπάνω τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχειν." '^3.3 διηλέγχετό γε μὴν ὁ τῆς ψυχῆς θόρυβος ὑπὸ τῶν φροντίδων σκεπτομένου τίνι πιστεύσει κινουμένην τὴν ἀνατολήν, ὃς τιμωρήσεται μὲν τὴν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπανάστασιν, προκαταλήψεται δ' αὐτοῖς ἤδη καὶ τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη συννοσοῦντα." '^3.3 καὶ κατὰ ταύτην ὑπαντῶσιν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν οἱ τῆς Γαλιλαίας Σέπφωριν νεμόμενοι πόλιν, μόνοι τῶν τῇδε εἰρηνικὰ φρονοῦντες: ^3.3 ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἐλθὼν διὰ τάχους καὶ διατάξας τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ λαιοῦ κέρως τὸν Τραϊανὸν ἵστησιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν ἔχων ἐξηγεῖτο πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν. ^3.4 ἔφη, Οὐεσπασιανέ, νομίζεις αἰχμάλωτον αὐτὸ μόνον εἰληφέναι ̓Ιώσηπον, ἐγὼ δὲ ἄγγελος ἥκω σοι μειζόνων. μὴ γὰρ ὑπὸ θεοῦ προπεμπόμενος ᾔδειν τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων νόμον, καὶ πῶς στρατηγοῖς ἀποθνήσκειν πρέπει. ^3.4 μηκύνεται δὲ μέχρι Μηρὼθ ἀπὸ Θελλᾶ κώμης ̓Ιορδάνου γείτονος. ^3.4 μόνον εὑρίσκει Οὐεσπασιανὸν ταῖς χρείαις ἀναλογοῦντα καὶ τηλικούτου πολέμου μέγεθος ἀναδέξασθαι δυνάμενον, ἄνδρα ταῖς ἀπὸ νεότητος στρατείαις ἐγγεγηρακότα καὶ προειρηνεύσαντα μὲν πάλαι ̔Ρωμαίοις τὴν ἑσπέραν ὑπὸ Γερμανῶν ταρασσομένην, προσκτησάμενον δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις Βρεττανίαν τέως λανθάνουσαν, ^3.5 γλυκὺ δὲ νᾶμα πᾶν διαφόρως ἐν αὐταῖς, καὶ διὰ πλῆθος πόας ἀγαθῆς τὰ κτήνη πλέον ἢ παρ' ἄλλοις γαλακτοφόρα. μέγιστόν γε μὴν τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς καὶ εὐθηνίας τὸ πληθύειν ἀνδρῶν ἑκατέραν." '^3.5 ὅθεν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ πατρὶ Κλαυδίῳ παρέσχε χωρὶς ἱδρῶτος ἰδίου θρίαμβον καταγαγεῖν.' "^3.5 τῶν μὲν ἐπηλύδων ὅσοι μὴ διαφυγεῖν ἔφθασαν ἀντιτασσομένων, ἀμαχητὶ δὲ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων: κατὰ γὰρ ἐλπίδα δεξιᾶς καὶ τὸ συνειδὸς τοῦ μὴ βεβουλεῦσθαι πολεμεῖν μάχης ἀπετρέποντο,' "^3.6 Ταῦτά τε δὴ προκλῃδονιζόμενος καὶ σταθερὰν μετ' ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἡλικίαν ὁρῶν, μέγα δὲ πίστεως αὐτοῦ τοὺς υἱοὺς ὅμηρον καὶ τὰς τούτων ἀκμὰς χεῖρα τῆς πατρῴας συνέσεως, τάχα τι καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἤδη τοῦ θεοῦ προοικονομουμένου," '^3.6 προϊόντες δὲ ἑκατέρωθεν συνεχῶς καὶ τὰ πέριξ τῆς χώρας κατατρέχοντες μεγάλα τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ἐκάκουν ἀτρεμοῦντα τάς τε πόλεις ἔξωθεν λῃζόμενοι καὶ προθέοντας ὁπότε θαρρήσειαν ἀνακόπτοντες. ^3.29 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας, ἣ μητρόπολίς ἐστι τῆς Συρίας, μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἄλλης εὐδαιμονίας τρίτον ἀδηρίτως ἐπὶ τῆς ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις οἰκουμένης ἔχουσα τόπον, ἔνθα μετὰ πάσης τῆς ἰδίας ἰσχύος ἐκδεχόμενον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἄφιξιν καὶ ̓Αγρίππαν τὸν βασιλέα κατειλήφει, ἐπὶ Πτολεμαί̈δος ἠπείγετο. ^3.29 ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν πόλιν δυσάλωτον καταλαβών, πρὸς γὰρ τῷ φύσει καρτερὰ τυγχάνειν οὖσα καὶ διπλῷ περιβόλῳ τετείχιστο, προαπηντηκότας δὲ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς ἑτοίμους εἰς μάχην ἰδὼν συμβάλλει καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀντισχόντας ἐδίωκεν.' "^3.35 ̓Ενδοιάζοντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου καὶ πρὸς τὸν Νικάνορα τὸ μὲν στρατιωτικὸν ὑπ' ὀργῆς ἐκκαίειν τὸ σπήλαιον ὥρμητο, κατεῖχεν δ' αὐτοὺς ὁ πολέμαρχος ζωγρῆσαι τὸν ἄνδρα φιλοτιμούμενος." "^3.35 Δύο δ' οὔσας τὰς Γαλιλαίας, τήν τε ἄνω καὶ τὴν κάτω προσαγορευομένην, περιίσχει μὲν ἡ Φοινίκη τε καὶ Συρία, διορίζει δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν δύσεως ἡλίου Πτολεμαὶ̈ς τοῖς τῆς χώρας τέρμασι καὶ Κάρμηλος, τὸ πάλαι μὲν Γαλιλαίων, νῦν δὲ Τυρίων ὄρος:" "^3.36 τεθνήξῃ.” ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγοντες ἐπανετείναντο τὰ ξίφη καὶ διηπείλουν ἀναιρήσειν αὐτόν, εἰ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐνδιδοίη." '^3.36 ᾧ προσίσχει Γαβαά, πόλις ἱππέων, οὕτω προσαγορευομένη διὰ τὸ τοὺς ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως ἀπολυομένους ἱππεῖς ἐν αὐτῇ κατοικεῖν:" "^3.37 ἀπὸ δὲ μεσημβρίας Σαμαρεῖτίς τε καὶ Σκυθόπολις μέχρι τῶν ̓Ιορδάνου ναμάτων. πρὸς ἕω δὲ ̔Ιππηνῇ τε καὶ Γαδάροις ἀποτέμνεται καὶ τῇ Γαυλωνίτιδι: ταύτῃ καὶ τῆς ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείας ὅροι.' "^3.37 τῶν μέν γε ζῴων οὐδέν ἐστιν ὃ θνήσκει μετὰ προνοίας ἢ δι' αὐτοῦ: φύσεως γὰρ νόμος ἰσχυρὸς ἐν ἅπασιν τὸ ζῆν ἐθέλειν: διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς φανερῶς ἀφαιρουμένους ἡμᾶς τούτου πολεμίους ἡγούμεθα καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἐνέδρας τιμωρούμεθα." "^3.38 εἰ σώζεσθαι δοκεῖ, σωζώμεθα: καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἄδοξος ἡ σωτηρία παρ' οἷς διὰ τοσούτων ἔργων ἐπεδειξάμεθα τὰς ἀρετάς: εἰ τεθνάναι, καλὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἑλόντων." "^3.38 τὰ προσάρκτια δ' αὐτῆς Τύρῳ τε καὶ τῇ Τυρίων χώρᾳ περατοῦται. καὶ τῆς μὲν κάτω καλουμένης Γαλιλαίας ἀπὸ Τιβεριάδος μέχρι Χαβουλών, ἧς ἐν τοῖς παραλίοις Πτολεμαὶ̈ς γείτων, τὸ μῆκος ἐκτείνεται." "^3.39 ἑτοίμην δ' ὁ λαχὼν τῷ μεθ' αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν τὴν σφαγὴν ὡς αὐτίκα τεθνηξομένου καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ: ζωῆς γὰρ ἡδίω τὸν μετὰ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου θάνατον ἡγοῦντο." "^3.39 πλατύνεται δ' ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κειμένης κώμης, ̓Εξαλὼθ καλεῖται, μέχρι Βηρσάβης, ἣ καὶ τῆς ἄνω Γαλιλαίας εἰς εὖρος ἀρχὴ μέχρι Βακὰ κώμης: αὕτη δὲ τὴν Τυρίων γῆν ὁρίζει." "^3.41 Τηλικαῦται δ' οὖσαι τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τοσούτοις ἔθνεσιν ἀλλοφύλοις κεκυκλωμέναι πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀεὶ πολέμου πεῖραν ἀντέσχον:" "^3.41 ἐδέχοντο δὲ καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν μετὰ πάσης εὐφημίας καὶ φιλοφροσύνης οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, καὶ κατ' εὔνοιαν μὲν τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους, τὸ δὲ πλέον ἔχθει τῶν κατεστραμμένων: διὸ καὶ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ἀθρόοι καταβοῶντες ἠξίουν κολάζειν." '^3.42 αἱ δέ εἰσιν κρημνοὶ βαθεῖς καὶ προύχουσαι σπιλάδες εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ἔνθα καὶ τῶν ̓Ανδρομέδας δεσμῶν ἔτι δεικνύμενοι τύποι πιστοῦνται τὴν ἀρχαιότητα τοῦ μύθου, ^3.42 μάχιμοί τε γὰρ ἐκ νηπίων καὶ πολλοὶ Γαλιλαῖοι πάντοτε, καὶ οὔτε δειλία ποτὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας οὔτε λιπανδρία τὴν χώραν κατέσχεν, ἐπειδὴ πίων τε πᾶσα καὶ εὔβοτος καὶ δένδρεσι παντοίοις κατάφυτος, ὡς ὑπὸ τῆς εὐπετείας προκαλέσασθαι καὶ τὸν ἥκιστα γῆς φιλόπονον. ^3.43 ἵν' οὗτοι μὲν κατὰ χώραν μένοντες φρουρῶσι τὸ στρατόπεδον, οἱ δ' ἱππεῖς προνομεύωσι τὴν πέριξ καὶ τὰς περιοίκους κώμας τε καὶ πολίχνας ἐξαιρῶσιν τῆς ̓Ιόππης." "^3.43 προσησκήθη γοῦν ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων πᾶσα, καὶ μέρος αὐτῆς ἀργὸν οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεις πυκναὶ καὶ τὸ τῶν κωμῶν πλῆθος πανταχοῦ πολυάνθρωπον διὰ τὴν εὐθηνίαν, ὡς τὴν ἐλαχίστην ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις ἔχειν οἰκήτορας.' "^3.44 Καθόλου δέ, εἰ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τις ἐλαττώσειε τῆς Περαίας τὴν Γαλιλαίαν, προέλοιτο δ' ἂν τῇ δυνάμει: ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐνεργὸς ὅλη καὶ συνεχής ἐστιν καρποφόρος, ἡ Περαία δὲ πολὺ μὲν μείζων, ἔρημος δὲ καὶ τραχεῖα τὸ πλέον πρός τε καρπῶν ἡμέρων αὔξησιν ἀγριωτέρα," '^3.44 παρωξύνοντο δὲ ταῖς πληγαῖς καὶ προσεξεκαίοντο ταῖς κακοπραγίαις: τό γε μὴν πταίειν, ὃ γίνεται τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων φυλακῆς αἴτιον, ἐκείνοις κέντρον ἑτέρων ἐγίνετο συμφορῶν: καὶ τὸ τέλος ἀεὶ τῶν κακῶν αὖθις ἀρχή:' "^3.45 ἐπεκθέουσιν αὐτῷ τῶν στασιαστῶν οἱ δυνατώτατοι μεθ' ὅπλων. ἐξηγεῖτο δ' αὐτῶν ̓Ιησοῦς τις ὄνομα παῖς Τοῦφα τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ στίφους ὁ κορυφαιότατος." "^3.45 τό γε μὴν μαλθακὸν αὐτῆς καὶ πάμφορον, καὶ τὰ πεδία δένδρεσι ποικίλοις κατάφυτα τὸ πλεῖστόν τε ἐλαίαν τε καὶ ἄμπελον καὶ φοινικῶνας ἤσκηται, διαρδομένη χειμάρροις τε τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ πηγαῖς ἀεννάοις ἅλις, εἴ ποτ' ἐκεῖνοι σειρίῳ φθίνοιεν." "^3.46 μῆκος μὲν οὖν αὐτῆς ἀπὸ Μαχαιροῦντος εἰς Πέλλαν, εὖρος δ' ἀπὸ Φιλαδελφείας μέχρι ̓Ιορδάνου." '^3.46 τῆς δὲ στρατιᾶς τριβομένης περὶ τὴν τῶν εἰσόδων στενότητα παραρρῆξαι τοῦ κατὰ μεσημβρίαν τείχους Οὐεσπασιανὸς κελεύσας πλατύνει τὴν εἰσβολὴν αὐτοῖς.' "^3.47 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὸ πολὺ πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἠθροισμένον ἀκούων ἐν τῷ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίῳ πέμπει τὸν υἱὸν σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ἑξακοσίοις ἐπιλέκτοις.' "^3.47 καὶ Πέλλῃ μέν, ἣν προειρήκαμεν, τὰ πρὸς ἄρκτον ὁρίζεται, πρὸς ἑσπέραν δὲ ̓Ιορδάνῃ: μεσημβρινὸν δ' αὐτῆς πέρας ἡ Μωαβῖτις, καὶ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ̓Αραβίᾳ τε καὶ Σιλωνίτιδι, πρὸς δὲ Φιλαδελφηνῇ καὶ Γεράσοις ἀποτέμνεται." '^3.48 ̔Η δὲ Σαμαρεῖτις χώρα μέση μὲν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας: ἀρχομένη γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ κειμένης Γηνεὼς ὄνομα κώμης ἐπιλήγει τῆς ̓Ακραβετηνῶν τοπαρχίας: φύσιν δὲ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας κατ' οὐδὲν διάφορος." '^3.48 καὶ ὑπὲρ μειζόνων δὲ ἢ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διαγωνιεῖσθε: καὶ γὰρ εἰ περὶ ἐλευθερίας καὶ πατρίδων ἐκείνοις ὁ πόλεμος κινδυνεύεται, τί μεῖζον ἡμῖν εὐδοξίας καὶ τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν μετὰ τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ἐν ἀντιπάλῳ τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων τίθεσθαι;' "^3.49 Τίτος δὲ τοὺς μὲν κατόπιν προσκείμενος ἀνῄρει, τῶν δὲ διεκπαίων ἀθρόων, οὓς δὲ φθάνων κατὰ στόμα διήλαυνεν, πολλοὺς δὲ συνηλοία περὶ ἀλλήλοις πεσόντας ἐμπηδῶν,' "^3.49 ἀμφότεραι γὰρ ὀρειναὶ καὶ πεδιάδες, εἴς τε γεωργίαν μαλθακαὶ καὶ πολύφοροι κατάδενδροί τε καὶ ὀπώρας ὀρεινῆς καὶ ἡμέρου μεσταί, παρ' ὅσον οὐδαμοῦ φύσει διψάδες, ὕονται δὲ τὸ πλέον:" ^3.51 Μεθόριος δ' αὐτῶν ἡ ̓Ανουάθου Βόρκαιος προσαγορευομένη κώμη: πέρας αὕτη τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τὰ πρὸς βορέαν, τὰ νότια δ' αὐτῆς ἐπὶ μῆκος μετρουμένης ὁρίζει προσκυροῦσα τοῖς ̓Αράβων ὅροις κώμη, καλοῦσι δ' αὐτὴν ̓Ιορδὰν οἱ τῇδε ̓Ιουδαῖοι. εὖρός γε μὴν ἀπὸ ̓Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ μέχρις ̓Ιόππης ἀναπέπταται." "^3.51 ἡ δ' ἐστὶν ἀνιόντων εἰς τὴν Τραχωνῖτιν ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι Καισαρείας τῆς ὁδοῦ κατὰ τὸ δεξιὸν μέρος οὐκ ἄπωθεν." "^3.52 μεσαιτάτη δ' αὐτῆς πόλις τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα κεῖται, παρ' ὃ καί τινες οὐκ ἀσκόπως ὀμφαλὸν τὸ ἄστυ τῆς χώρας ἐκάλεσαν." '^3.52 ταύτην φλέβα τινὲς τοῦ Νείλου ἔδοξαν, ἐπεὶ γεννᾷ τῷ κατὰ τὴν ̓Αλεξανδρέων λίμνην κορακίνῳ παραπλήσιον.' "^3.53 ἀφῄρηται δ' οὐδὲ τῶν ἐκ θαλάσσης τερπνῶν ἡ ̓Ιουδαία τοῖς παραλίοις κατατείνουσα μέχρι Πτολεμαί̈δος." '^3.53 δεινὴ δὲ ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις περιεῖχε τὴν χώραν ὀδμή τε καὶ ὄψις: οἱ μὲν γὰρ αἰγιαλοὶ ναυαγίων ἅμα καὶ διοιδούντων ἔγεμον σωμάτων, ἐκκαιόμενοι δὲ καὶ μυδῶντες οἱ νεκροὶ τὸν ἀέρα διέφθειρον, ὡς μὴ μόνον οἰκτρὸν ̓Ιουδαίοις γενέσθαι τὸ πάθος, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ μίσους τοῖς δράσασιν ἐλθεῖν.' "^3.54 μερίζεται δ' εἰς ἕνδεκα κληρουχίας, ὧν ἄρχει μὲν βασίλειον τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα προανίσχουσα τῆς περιοίκου πάσης ὥσπερ ἡ κεφαλὴ σώματος: αἱ λοιπαὶ δὲ μετ' αὐτὴν διῄρηνται τὰς τοπαρχίας." '^3.54 τῶν δὲ νέων ἐπιλέξας τοὺς ἰσχυροτάτους ἑξακισχιλίους ἔπεμψεν εἰς τὸν ἰσθμὸν Νέρωνι, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς τρισμυρίους καὶ τετρακοσίους ὄντας πιπράσκει χωρὶς τῶν ̓Αγρίππᾳ χαρισθέντων: ^3.55 Γοφνὰ δευτέρα καὶ μετὰ ταύτην ̓Ακραβετά, Θαμνὰ πρὸς ταύταις καὶ Λύδδα, ̓Αμμαοῦς καὶ Πέλλη καὶ ̓Ιδουμαία καὶ ̓Ενγαδδαὶ καὶ ̔Ηρώδειον καὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦς,' "^3.56 μεθ' ἃς ̓Ιάμνεια καὶ ̓Ιόππη τῶν περιοίκων ἀφηγοῦνται, κἀπὶ ταύταις ἥ τε Γαμαλιτικὴ καὶ Γαυλανῖτις Βαταναία τε καὶ Τραχωνῖτις, αἳ καὶ τῆς ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείας εἰσὶ μοῖραι." "^3.57 ἀρχομένη δὲ ἀπὸ Λιβάνου ὄρους καὶ τῶν ̓Ιορδάνου πηγῶν ἡ χώρα μέχρι τῆς πρὸς Τιβεριάδα λίμνης εὐρύνεται, ἀπὸ δὲ κώμης καλουμένης ̓Αρφᾶς μέχρις ̓Ιουλιάδος ἐκτείνεται τὸ μῆκος. οἰκοῦσι δ' αὐτὴν μιγάδες ̓Ιουδαῖοί τε καὶ Σύροι." '^3.58 τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων τε καὶ πέριξ χώρας ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα συντόμως ἀπηγγέλκαμεν. ^3.111 ὁρῶν δὲ συμφεῦγον ἀεὶ τὸ μάχιμον εἰς τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου τειχισθείσας πόλεις ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν ὀχυρωτάτην αὐτῶν ̓Ιωταπάταν, οἰόμενος ἐξ ἐφόδου μὲν αἱρήσειν ῥᾳδίως, μέγα δὲ κλέος αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν κἀκείνοις ὄφελος εἰς τὰ λοιπὰ παρέξειν: προσχωρήσειν γὰρ δέει τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις τῆς καρτερωτάτης ἐχομένης. ^3.112 πολύ γε μὴν διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐπιόντα γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ ̓Ιωταπατηνοὶ προαισθόμενοι πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐκδέχονται, καὶ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις συρραγέντες ἀδοκήτοις πολλοὶ καὶ πρὸς μάχην ἕτοιμοι πρόθυμοί τε ὡς ἂν ὑπὲρ κινδυνευούσης πατρίδος καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων, τρέπονται ταχέως. ^3.113 καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τιτρώσκουσι τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων, ἑπτὰ δὲ ἀναιροῦσιν διὰ τὸ μήτε ἄτακτον αὐτῶν τὴν ὑποχώρησιν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰς πληγὰς ἐπιπολαίους πεφραγμένων πάντοθεν τῶν σωμάτων, τούς τε ̓Ιουδαίους πόρρωθεν βάλλειν πλέον ἢ συμπλέκεσθαι θαρρεῖν γυμνῆτας ὁπλίταις. ^3.114 ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τρεῖς ἄνδρες καὶ ἐτρώθησαν ὀλίγοι. Πλάκιδος μὲν οὖν τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁρμῆς ἀτονώτερος εὑρεθεὶς φεύγει. ^3.132 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τῇ πόλει τῶν Γαδάρων ἐπελθὼν αἱρεῖ τε κατὰ πρώτην ἔφοδον αὐτὴν μαχίμου πλήθους ἔρημον καταλαβών, ^3.133 καὶ παρελθὼν εἴσω πάντας ἡβηδὸν ἀναιρεῖ μηδεμιᾶς τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡλικίας ἔλεον ποιουμένων μίσει πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος καὶ μνήμῃ τῆς κατὰ τὸν Κέστιον αὐτῶν παρανομίας.' "^3.134 ἐμπίμπρησιν δὲ οὐ μόνον αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πέριξ κώμας πάσας τε καὶ πολίχνας, ἃς μὲν παντελῶς ἐκλελειμμένας, ἔστιν δ' ἃς αὐτὸς ἐξανδραποδιζόμενος." "^3.141 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ὡρμημένος ἐξαιρεῖν τὴν ̓Ιωταπάταν, πέπυστο γὰρ εἰς αὐτὴν πλείστους τῶν πολεμίων συμπεφευγέναι καὶ ἄλλως ὁρμητήριον ἰσχυρὸν οὖσαν αὐτῶν, πέμπει πεζούς τε καὶ ἱππεῖς τοὺς προεξομαλιοῦντας τὴν ὁδὸν ὀρεινὴν ὑπάρχουσαν καὶ πετρώδη, δύσβατον δὲ καὶ πεζοῖς, ἱππεῦσιν δ' ἀμήχανον." "^3.142 οἱ μὲν οὖν τέσσαρσιν ἡμέραις ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ πλατεῖαν ἤνοιξαν τῇ στρατιᾷ λεωφόρον: τῇ πέμπτῃ δ' ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος, αὕτη δ' ἦν ̓Αρτεμισίου μηνὸς μία καὶ εἰκάς, φθάνει παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιωταπάταν ἐκ τῆς Τιβεριάδος καὶ πεπτωκότα τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐγείρει τὰ φρονήματα." "^3.143 Οὐεσπασιανῷ δέ τις εὐαγγελίζεται τὴν μετάβασιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτόμολος καὶ κατήπειγεν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὡς μετ' ἐκείνης αἱρήσοντα πᾶσαν ̓Ιουδαίαν, εἰ λάβοι τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ὑποχείριον." "^3.144 ὁ δ' ἁρπάσας ὥσπερ μέγιστον εὐτύχημα τὴν ἀγγελίαν, καὶ προνοίᾳ θεοῦ τὸν συνετώτατον εἶναι δοκοῦντα τῶν πολεμίων οἰόμενος εἰς εἱρκτὴν αὐθαίρετον παρελθεῖν, εὐθέως μὲν σὺν χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν πέμπει Πλάκιδον καὶ δεκαδάρχην Αἰβούτιον, ἄνδρα τῶν ἐπισήμων κατὰ χεῖρα καὶ σύνεσιν, περικατασχεῖν κελεύσας τὴν πόλιν, ὡς μὴ λάθοι διαδρὰς ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος." ^3.145 Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἀναλαβὼν πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν εἵπετο καὶ μέχρι δείλης ὁδεύσας πρὸς τὴν ̓Ιωταπάταν ἀφικνεῖται. ^3.146 ἀναλαβὼν δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὸ προσάρκτιον αὐτῆς μέρος ἔν τινι λόφῳ στρατοπεδεύεται διέχοντι σταδίους ἑπτὰ τῆς πόλεως, πειρώμενος ὡς μάλιστα τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐσύνοπτος εἶναι πρὸς ἔκπληξιν: ^3.147 ἣ καὶ παραχρῆμα τοσαύτη τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους κατέσχεν, ὡς μηδένα τοῦ τείχους τολμῆσαι προελθεῖν.' "^3.148 ̔Ρωμαῖοι δ' εὐθὺς μὲν ἀπώκνησαν προσβαλεῖν δι' ὅλης ὡδευκότες ἡμέρας, διπλῇ δὲ τῇ φάλαγγι κυκλοῦνται τὴν πόλιν καὶ τρίτην ἔξωθεν περιιστᾶσιν τὴν ἵππον, πάσας ἀποφράσσοντες αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐξόδους." "^3.149 τοῦτ' ἐν ἀπογνώσει σωτηρίας παρώξυνε τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους πρὸς τόλμαν: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀνάγκης ἐν πολέμῳ μαχιμώτερον." "^3.151 ὡς δὲ Οὐεσπασιανὸς τούτοις μὲν τοὺς τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῶν ἑκηβόλων πλῆθος ἐπιστήσας ἐπέτρεψεν βάλλειν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν πεζῶν εἰς τὸ πρόσαντες ἀνώθει καθ' ὃ τὸ τεῖχος ἦν εὐάλωτον, δείσας ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος περὶ τῇ πόλει προπηδᾷ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ πᾶν τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πλῆθος." "^3.152 συμπεσόντες δὲ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀθρόοι τοῦ μὲν τείχους ἀνέστειλαν αὐτούς, πολλὰ δ' ἐπεδείκνυντο χειρῶν ἔργα καὶ τόλμης." "^3.153 οὐκ ἔλασσόν γε μὴν ὧν ἔδρων ἀντέπασχον: ὅσον γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπόγνωσις, τοσοῦτο τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους αἰδὼς παρεκρότει, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐμπειρία μετ' ἀλκῆς, τοὺς δὲ θράσος ὥπλιζε τῷ θυμῷ στρατηγουμένους." "^3.154 παραταξάμενοι δὲ δι' ὅλης ἡμέρας νυκτὶ διαλύονται, τρώσαντες μὲν πλείστους ̔Ρωμαίων, δεκατρεῖς δ' ἀνελόντες: αὐτῶν δ' ἔπεσον μὲν δεκαεπτά, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο ἑξακόσιοι." "^3.155 Τῇ δ' ὑστεραίᾳ πάλιν προσβάλλουσι τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπεξελθόντες καὶ πολὺ καρτερώτερον ἀντιπαρετάξαντο, θαρραλεώτεροι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ παρὰ λόγον ἀντισχεῖν τῇ προτέρᾳ γεγενημένοι, χρώμενοι δὲ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις μαχιμωτέροις:" ^3.156 ὑπὸ γὰρ αἰδοῦς εἰς ὀργὴν ἐξεκαίοντο τὸ μὴ ταχέως νικᾶν ἧτταν ἡγούμενοι. ^3.157 καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ἡμέρας προσβολαὶ μὲν ἐγίνοντο τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀδιάλειπτοι, ἐκδρομαὶ δὲ τῶν ̓Ιωταπατηνῶν καὶ τειχομαχίαι καρτερώτεραι, καὶ οὔτε ̓Ιουδαῖοι τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχὺν κατωρρώδουν οὔτε ̔Ρωμαῖοι πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως δυσάλωτον ἀπέκαμνον.' "^3.158 ̓́Εστιν δ' ̓Ιωταπάτα πλὴν ὀλίγου πᾶσα κρημνός, ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων μερῶν πάντοθεν φάραγξιν ἀπείροις ἀπότομος, ὡς τῶν κατιδεῖν πειρωμένων τὰς ὄψεις προεξασθενεῖν τοῦ βάθους, ἀπὸ βορέου δὲ προσιτὴ μόνον, καθ' ὃ λήγοντι τῷ ὄρει πλαγίῳ προσέκτισται." "^3.159 καὶ τοῦτο δ' ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος ἐμπεριειλήφει τειχίζων τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἀκατάληπτον εἶναι πολεμίοις τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἀκρώρειαν." "^3.161 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τῇ τε φύσει τοῦ χωρίου καὶ ταῖς τόλμαις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀντιφιλονεικῶν ἔγνω καρτερώτερον ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πολιορκίας, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνας ἐβουλεύετο περὶ τῆς προσβολῆς." ^3.162 δόξαν δὲ χῶσαι τὸ προσιτὸν τοῦ τείχους ἐπὶ συγκομιδὴν ὕλης ἐκπέμπει πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ κοπέντων τῶν περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὀρῶν συναλισθείσης τε ἅμα τοῖς ξύλοις ἀπείρου χερμάδος,' "^3.163 οἱ μὲν πρὸς ἀλεωρὰν τῶν ὕπερθεν ἀφιεμένων βελῶν γέρρα διατείναντες ὑπὲρ χαρακωμάτων ἔχουν ὑπ' αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὰ βλαπτόμενοι ταῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους βολαῖς:" ^3.164 οἱ δὲ τοὺς πλησίον ὄχθους ἀνασπῶντες γῆν αὐτοῖς ἀδιαλείπτως ἔφερον, καὶ τριχῆ διῃρημένων ἀργὸς ἦν οὐδείς. ^3.165 οἱ δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πέτρας τε μεγάλας ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν τοῖς σκεπάσμασιν αὐτῶν ἐπηφίεσαν καὶ πᾶν εἶδος βελῶν: ἦν δὲ καὶ μὴ διικνουμένων πολὺς ὁ ψόφος καὶ φοβερὸς ἐμπόδιον τοῖς ἐργαζομένοις.' "^3.166 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὰς ἀφετηρίους μηχανὰς ἐπιστήσας, τὰ πάντα δ' ἦν ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα ὄργανα, βάλλειν ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους." ^3.167 ὁμοῦ δὲ οἵ τε καταπέλται τὰς λόγχας ἀνερροίζουν καὶ ταλαντιαῖοι λίθοι μέγεθος ἐκ τῶν πετροβόλων ἐβάλλοντο πῦρ τε καὶ πλῆθος ἀθρόων οἰστῶν, ἅπερ οὐ μόνον τὸ τεῖχος ἀνεπίβατον τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς ὅσης ἐφικνεῖτο χώρας: ^3.168 καὶ γὰρ καὶ τὸ τῶν ̓Αράβων τοξοτῶν πλῆθος ἀκοντισταί τε καὶ σφενδονῆται πάντες ἅμα τοῖς μηχανήμασιν ἔβαλλον.' "^3.169 οὐ μὴν εἰργόμενοι τῆς καθύπερθεν ἀμύνης ἠρέμουν: ἐκτρέχοντες γὰρ λῃστρικώτερον κατὰ λόχους περιέσπων τε τῶν ἐργαζομένων τὰς σκέπας καὶ τοὺς γυμνουμένους ἔπαιον, καὶ καθ' ὃ παρείκοιεν ἐκεῖνοι διερρίπτουν τε τὸ χῶμα καὶ τὰ χαρακώματα σὺν τοῖς γέρροις ἐνεπίμπρασαν," ^3.171 ̓Εγειρομένου δὲ τοῦ χώματος ἤδη καὶ ταῖς ἐπάλξεσιν ὅσον οὔπω πλησιάζοντος δεινὸν ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος νομίσας, εἰ μηδὲν ἀντιμηχανήσαιτο τῇ πόλει σωτήριον, συναθροίζει τέκτονας καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐκέλευσεν ὑψοῦν.' "^3.172 τῶν δ' ἀδύνατον εἶναι φαμένων οἰκοδομεῖν τοσούτοις βέλεσι βαλλομένους, σκέπην αὐτοῖς ἐπινοεῖ τοιάνδε:" "^3.173 δρυφάκτους πήξασθαι κελεύσας ἐμπετάσαι τε βύρσας νεοδόρους βοῶν, ὡς ἀναδέχοιντο μὲν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πετροβόλων λίθους κολπούμεναι, περιολισθάνοι δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ βέλη καὶ τὸ πῦρ ὑπὸ τῆς ἰκμάδος εἴργοιτο, προανίστησιν τῶν τεκτόνων." "^3.174 ὑφ' οἷς ἀσφαλῶς ἐργαζόμενοι δι' ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἤγειραν εἰς εἴκοσι πήχεις τὸ ὕψος, καὶ συχνοὺς μὲν πύργους ἐνῳκοδόμησαν αὐτῷ, καρτερὰν δὲ ἔπαλξιν ἐφηρμόσαντο." ^3.175 τοῦτο τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἤδη τῆς πόλεως ἐντὸς οἰομένοις εἶναι πολλὴν ἐποίησεν ἀθυμίαν, καὶ πρός τε τὴν ἐπίνοιαν τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου καὶ τὸ παράστημα τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως κατεπλάγησαν. ^3.176 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ πανοῦργον τοῦ στρατηγήματος καὶ πρὸς τὰς τόλμας παρωξύνετο τῶν ̓Ιωταπατηνῶν:' "^3.177 πάλιν γὰρ ἀναθαρσήσαντες ἐπὶ τῷ τειχισμῷ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπεξέθεον, καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν ἐγίνοντο συμπλοκαὶ κατὰ λόχους ἐπίνοιά τε λῃστρικὴ πᾶσα καὶ τῶν προστυχόντων ἁρπαγαὶ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων πυρπολήσεις," ^3.178 ἕως Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἀναπαύσας τὴν στρατιὰν μάχης διέγνω προσκαθεζόμενος σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων αἱρεῖν τὴν πόλιν: ^3.179 ἢ γὰρ ἀναγκαζομένους ταῖς ἀπορίαις ἱκετεύσειν αὐτὸν ἢ μέχρι παντὸς ἀπαυθαδισαμένους διαφθαρήσεσθαι λιμῷ.' "^3.181 Τοῖς δὲ σίτου μὲν πλῆθος ἦν ἔνδον καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλὴν ἁλὸς ἁπάντων, ἔνδεια δὲ ὕδατος ὡς ἂν πηγῆς μὲν οὐκ οὔσης κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, τῷ δ' ὀμβρίῳ διαρκουμένων τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε τὸ κλίμα θέρους ὕεται." ^3.182 καὶ κατὰ ταύτην τὴν ὥραν πολιορκουμένων ἀθυμία δεινὴ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ δίψους ἐπίνοιαν ἦν, ἀσχαλλόντων ἤδη ὡς καθάπαν ἐπιλελοιπότος ὕδατος:' "^3.183 ὁ γὰρ ̓Ιώσηπος τήν τε πόλιν ὁρῶν τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων εὔπορον καὶ τὰ φρονήματα γενναῖα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, βουλόμενός τε παρ' ἐλπίδα τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐκτεῖναι τὴν πολιορκίαν, μέτρῳ τὸ ποτὸν αὐτοῖς διένειμεν εὐθέως." ^3.184 οἱ δὲ τὸ ταμιεύεσθαι χαλεπώτερον ἐνδείας ὑπελάμβανον, καὶ τὸ μὴ αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῶν πλέον ἐκίνει τὴν ὄρεξιν, καὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἔσχατον ἤδη δίψους προήκοντες ἀπέκαμνον. διακείμενοι δὲ οὕτως οὐκ ἐλάνθανον τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους:' "^3.185 ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ κατάντους ἑώρων αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸ τεῖχος ἐφ' ἕνα συρρέοντας τόπον καὶ μετρουμένους τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐφ' ὃν καὶ τοῖς ὀξυβελέσιν ἐξικνούμενοι πολλοὺς ἀνῄρουν." ^3.186 Καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸς μὲν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῶν ἐκδοχείων κενωθέντων ἤλπιζεν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης αὐτῷ παραδοθήσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν: ^3.187 ὁ δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος κλάσαι τὴν ἐλπίδα ταύτην αὐτῷ προαιρούμενος ἐμβρέξαι κελεύει πλείστους τὰ ἱμάτια καὶ κατακρεμάσαι περὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις, ὥστε περιρρεῖσθαι πᾶν ἐξαπίνης τὸ τεῖχος.' "^3.188 πρὸς τοῦτ' ἀθυμία τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ κατάπληξις ἦν θεασαμένων εἰς χλεύην τοσοῦτον παραναλίσκοντας ὕδατος οὓς οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἔχειν ὑπελάμβανον, ὥστε καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπογνόντα τὴν δι' ἐνδείας ἅλωσιν τρέπεσθαι πάλιν πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ βίαν." "^3.189 ὃ δὴ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις δι' ἐπιθυμίας ἦν: ἀπεγνωκότες γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν πρὸ λιμοῦ καὶ δίψης τὸν ἐν πολέμῳ θάνατον ᾑροῦντο." "^3.191 διά τινος χαράδρας δυσβάτου καὶ διὰ τοῦθ' ὑπὸ τῶν φυλάκων ἀμελουμένης κατὰ τὰ πρὸς δύσιν μέρη τῆς φάραγγος ἐκπέμπων τινὰς γράμματά τε πρὸς οὓς ἠβούλετο τῶν ἔξω ̓Ιουδαίων διεπέμψατο καὶ παρ' αὐτῶν ἐλάμβανεν, παντός τε ἐπιτηδείου τῶν ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπιλελοιπότων εὐπόρησεν," ^3.192 ἕρπειν τὰ πολλὰ παρὰ τὰς φυλακὰς κελεύσας τοῖς ἐξιοῦσιν καὶ τὰ νῶτα καλύπτειν νάκεσιν, ὡς εἰ καὶ κατίδοι τις αὐτοὺς νύκτωρ, φαντασίαν παρέχοιεν κυνῶν, μέχρι συναισθόμενοι τὴν ἐπίνοιαν οἱ φρουροὶ περιίσχουσιν τὴν χαράδραν.' "^3.193 Καὶ τόθ' ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος μὲν τὴν πόλιν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὁρῶν ἀνθέξειν, ἐν ἀπόρῳ δὲ τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν εἰ μένοι, δρασμὸν ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἐβουλεύετο. συναισθόμενοι δὲ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ περιχυθὲν αὐτῷ κατηντιβόλουν μὴ σφᾶς περιιδεῖν ἐπ' αὐτῷ μόνῳ κειμένους:" "^3.194 εἶναι γὰρ τῇ πόλει καὶ σωτηρίας μὲν ἐλπὶς παραμένων, παντὸς ἀγωνισομένου δι' αὐτὸν προθύμως, κἂν ἁλῶσιν δέ, παραμυθίαν." "^3.195 πρέπειν δ' αὐτῷ μήτε φυγεῖν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μήτ' ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τοὺς φίλους μήτ' ἀποπηδᾶν ὥσπερ χειμαζομένης νεώς, εἰς ἣν ἐν γαλήνῃ παρῆλθεν:" "^3.196 ἐπιβαπτίσειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς τὴν πόλιν μηδενὸς ἔτι τοῖς πολεμίοις τολμῶντος ἀνθίστασθαι δι' ὃν ἂν θαρσοῖεν οἰχομένου." "^3.197 ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος τὸ κατ' αὐτὸν ἀσφαλὲς ὑποστελλόμενος ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἔφασκεν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξοδον:" "^3.198 μένων μὲν γὰρ οὔτ' ἂν ὠφελῆσαί τι μέγα σωζομένους, κἂν ἁλίσκωνται, συναπολεῖσθαι περιττῶς, ἐκδὺς δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας ἔξωθεν αὐτοὺς ὠφελήσειν μέγιστα:" ^3.199 τούς τε γὰρ ἐκ τῆς χώρας Γαλιλαίους συναθροίσειν ᾗ τάχος καὶ ̔Ρωμαίους ἑτέρῳ πολέμῳ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ἀντιπερισπάσειν. ^3.201 οὐκ ἔπειθεν δὲ τούτοις, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἐξέκαυσεν τὸ πλῆθος αὐτοῦ περιέχεσθαι: παιδία γοῦν καὶ γέροντες καὶ γύναια μετὰ νηπίων ὀδυρόμενα προσέπιπτον αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ποσὶν ἐμπλεκόμενοι πάντες εἴχοντο,' "^3.202 καὶ μετὰ κωκυτῶν κοινωνὸν σφίσι τῆς τύχης μένειν ἱκέτευον, οὐ φθόνῳ τῆς ἐκείνου σωτηρίας, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν, ἀλλ' ἐλπίδι τῆς ἑαυτῶν: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ̓Ιωσήπου μένοντος." "^3.203 ̔Ο δὲ πειθομένῳ μὲν ἱκετηρίαν ταῦτα νομίσας, βιαζομένῳ δὲ φρουράν, πολὺ δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς εἰς τὴν ἀπόλειψιν ὁρμῆς καὶ ὁ τῶν ὀδυρομένων ἔκλασεν οἶκτος," "^3.204 μένειν τε ἔγνω, καὶ τὴν κοινὴν τῆς πόλεως ἀπόγνωσιν ὁπλισάμενος, “νῦν καιρός, εἰπών, ἄρχεσθαι μάχης, ὅτ' ἐλπὶς οὐκ ἔστι σωτηρίας: καλὸν εὔκλειαν ἀντικαταλλαξάμενον τοῦ βίου καὶ δράσαντά τι γενναῖον εἰς μνήμην ὀψιγενῶν πεσεῖν”, ἐπ' ἔργα τρέπεται." '^3.205 καὶ προελθὼν μετὰ τῶν μαχιμωτάτων διεσκίδνα τε τοὺς φρουροὺς καὶ μέχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κατέτρεχεν, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν χωμάτων δέρρεις, αἷς ὑπεσκήνουν, διέσπα, τοῖς δὲ ἔργοις ἐνέβαλλεν πῦρ. ^3.206 τῇ τε ἑξῆς ὁμοίως καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ καὶ ἐπὶ συχνὰς ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας πολεμῶν οὐκ ἔκαμνεν. ^3.207 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τῶν τε ̔Ρωμαίων κακουμένων ταῖς ἐκδρομαῖς, τρέπεσθαί τε γὰρ ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ᾐδοῦντο καὶ τραπέντων ἐπιδιώκειν βάρει τῶν ὅπλων ἦσαν βραδεῖς, οἵ τε ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρίν τι παθεῖν ἀεὶ δρῶντες ἀνέφευγον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ^3.208 τοῖς μὲν ὁπλίταις τὰς ὁρμὰς αὐτῶν ἐκκλίνειν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ μὴ συμπλέκεσθαι θανατῶσιν ἀνθρώποις: ^3.209 οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀλκιμώτερον εἶναι τῆς ἀπογνώσεως, περισβέννυσθαι δὲ αὐτῶν τὰς ὁρμὰς σκοπῶν ἀπορουμένας ὥσπερ ὕλης τὸ πῦρ: ^3.211 τοῖς δὲ τῶν ̓Αράβων τοξόταις καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Συρίας σφενδονήταις καὶ λιθοβόλοις τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀνέστελλεν: ἠρέμει δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν ἀφετηρίων ὀργάνων τὸ πλῆθος. ^3.212 οἱ δὲ τούτοις μὲν εἶκον κακούμενοι, τῶν δὲ πόρρω βαλλομένων ἐνδοτέρω γινόμενοι προσέκειντο τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις χαλεποὶ καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἀφειδοῦντες ἐμάχοντο, ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἑκάτεροι τὸ κεκμηκὸς ἑαυτῶν ἀναλαμβάνοντες. ^3.213 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ἡγούμενος τῷ μήκει τοῦ χρόνου καὶ ταῖς ἐκδρομαῖς ἀντιπολιορκεῖσθαι, τῶν χωμάτων ἤδη τοῖς τείχεσι πελαζόντων προσάγειν ἔγνω τὸν κριόν.' "^3.214 ὁ δ' ἐστὶν ὑπερμεγέθης δοκὸς ἱστῷ νηὸς παραπλήσιος: ἐστόμωται δὲ παχεῖ σιδήρῳ κατ' ἄκρον εἰς κριοῦ προτομήν, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ καλεῖται, τετυπωμένῳ." '^3.215 καταιωρεῖται δὲ κάλοις μέσος ὥσπερ ἀπὸ πλάστιγγος ἑτέρας δοκοῦ, σταυροῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ἑδραίοις ὑπεστηριγμένης. ^3.216 ἀνωθούμενος δὲ ὑπὸ πλήθους ἀνδρῶν εἰς τὸ κατόπιν, τῶν αὐτῶν ἀθρόως πάλιν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν ἐπιβρισάντων τύπτει τὰ τείχη τῷ προανέχοντι σιδήρῳ. ^3.217 καὶ οὐδεὶς οὕτως καρτερὸς πύργος ἢ περίβολος πλατύς, ὃς κἂν τὰς πρώτας πληγὰς ἐνέγκῃ κατίσχυσεν τῆς ἐπιμονῆς. ^3.218 ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν πεῖραν ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων μετέβαινεν βίᾳ τὴν πόλιν ἑλεῖν σπεύδων, ὡς τὸ προσκαθέζεσθαι βλαβερὸν ἦν ̓Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἠρεμούντων. ^3.219 οἱ μὲν οὖν τούς τε καταπέλτας καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀφετηρίων, ὡς ἐξικνοῖτο τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους κωλύειν πειρωμένων, ἔγγιον προσαγαγόντες ἔβαλλον: ὁμοίως δὲ συνήγγιζον οἱ τοξόται καὶ σφενδονῆται. ^3.221 καὶ κατὰ τὴν πρώτην πληγὴν διεσείσθη μὲν τὸ τεῖχος, κραυγὴ δὲ μεγίστη παρὰ τῶν ἔνδον ἤρθη καθάπερ ἑαλωκότων ἤδη.' "^3.222 Πολλάκις δὲ εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν παίοντας τόπον ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος ὁρῶν ὅσον οὔπω καταρριφθησόμενον τὸ τεῖχος, σοφίζεται κατ' ὀλίγον τὴν βίαν τοῦ μηχανήματος." "^3.223 σάκκους ἀχύρων πληρώσαντας ἐκέλευσεν καθιμᾶν καθ' ὃ φερόμενον ἀεὶ τὸν κριὸν ὁρῷεν, ὡς πλάζοιτό τε ἡ ἐμβολή, καὶ δεχόμενοι τὰς πληγὰς ἐκκενοῖεν τῇ χαυνότητι." "^3.224 τοῦτο πλείστην διατριβὴν παρέσχεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις, καθ' ὃ μὲν τρέποιεν τὴν μηχανὴν ἀντιπαραγόντων τοὺς σάκκους τῶν ὕπερθεν, ὑποβαλλόντων δὲ ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς, ὡς μηδὲν κατ' ἀντιτυπίαν βλάπτεσθαι τὸ τεῖχος:" "^3.225 ἕως ἀντεπινοήσαντες κοντοὺς οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι μακροὺς καὶ δρέπανα δήσαντες ἐπ' ἄκρων τοὺς σάκους ἀπέτεμνον." '^3.226 ἐνεργοῦς δὲ οὕτω τῆς ἑλεπόλεως γενομένης καὶ τοῦ τείχους, νεοπαγὲς γὰρ ἦν, ἐνδιδόντος ἤδη, τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκ πυρὸς ἄμυναν οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ὥρμησαν. ^3.227 ἁψάμενοι δὲ ὅσον αὔης εἶχον ὕλης τριχόθεν ἐπεκθέουσιν, καὶ τά τε μηχανήματα καὶ τὰ γέρρα καὶ τὰ χώματα τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπεπίμπρασαν. ^3.228 οἱ δὲ κακῶς ἐπεβοήθουν πρός τε τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν καταπεπληγότες καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς τὰς ἀμύνας φθανόμενοι: ξηρᾶς γὰρ ὕλης, πρὸς δὲ ἀσφάλτου τε καὶ πίσσης, ἔτι δὲ θείου διίπτατο τὸ πῦρ ἐπινοίας τάχιον, καὶ τὰ πολλῷ καμάτῳ πεπονημένα τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπὶ μιᾶς ὥρας ἐνέμετο. ^3.229 ̓́Ενθα καὶ ἀνήρ τις ἐξεφάνη ̓Ιουδαίων λόγου καὶ μνήμης ἄξιος: Σαμίου μὲν παῖς ἦν, ̓Ελεάζαρος δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο, Σαβὰ δὲ πατρὶς αὐτῷ τῆς Γαλιλαίας: ^3.231 σκοπὸς δὲ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς γενόμενος καὶ γυμνῷ τῷ σώματι τὰς πληγὰς δεξάμενος πέντε μὲν διαπείρεται βέλεσιν, ^3.232 πρὸς οὐδὲν δὲ τούτων ἐπιστραφείς, ὅτε τὸ τεῖχος ἀνέβη καὶ περίοπτος πᾶσιν τῆς εὐτολμίας ἔστη, τότε ἰλυσπώμενος ὑπὸ τῶν τραυμάτων μετὰ τοῦ κριοῦ κατέπεσεν.' "^3.233 ἄριστοι μετ' αὐτὸν ἐφάνησαν ἀδελφοὶ δύο Νετείρας καὶ Φίλιππος, ἀπὸ ̔Ρούμας κώμης, Γαλιλαῖοι καὶ αὐτοί, οἳ προπηδῶσι μὲν εἰς τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ δεκάτου τάγματος, τοσούτῳ δὲ ῥοίζῳ καὶ βίᾳ τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις συνέπεσον, ὡς διαρρῆξαί τε τὰς τάξεις καὶ τρέψασθαι καθ' οὓς ἐφορμήσειαν ἅπαντας." '^3.234 Μετὰ τούτους ὅ τε ̓Ιώσηπος καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἀράμενοι πῦρ πάλιν τὰ μηχανήματα καὶ τὰς ὑποδύσεις ἅμα τοῖς ἔργοις ὑφῆψαν τοῦ τε πέμπτου καὶ τοῦ δεκάτου τραπέντος τάγματος, οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ φθάσαντες καὶ τὰ ὄργανα καὶ πᾶσαν ὕλην κατέχωσαν. ^3.235 περὶ δὲ δείλην πάλιν ἀναστήσαντες προσῆγον τὸν κριὸν ᾗ προπεπονήκει τυπτόμενον τὸ τεῖχος.' "^3.236 ἔνθα τις τῶν ἀμυνομένων ἀπ' αὐτοῦ βάλλει τὸν Οὐεσπασιανὸν βέλει κατὰ τὸν ταρσὸν τοῦ ποδὸς καὶ τιτρώσκει μὲν ἐπιπολαίως προεκλύσαντος τὸ βληθὲν τοῦ διαστήματος, μέγιστον δὲ θόρυβον ἐνεποίησεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις:" "^3.237 πρὸς γὰρ τὸ αἷμα ταραχθέντων τῶν πλησίον φήμη διὰ παντὸς ἐπῄει τοῦ στρατοῦ, καὶ τῆς πολιορκίας οἱ πλείους ἀφέμενοι μετ' ἐκπλήξεως καὶ δέους ἐπὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν συνέθεον." '^3.238 πρὸ δὲ πάντων Τίτος δείσας περὶ τῷ πατρὶ παρῆν, ὡς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸν ἡγούμενον εὐνοίᾳ καὶ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀγωνίᾳ συγχυθῆναι. ῥᾷστα μέντοι τόν τε υἱὸν ὁ πατὴρ δεδιότα καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἔπαυσεν τοῦ θορύβου:' "^3.239 τῶν γὰρ ἀλγηδόνων ἐπάνω γενόμενος καὶ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐπτοημένοις δι' αὐτὸν ὀφθῆναι σπουδάσας χαλεπώτερον ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπῆρεν τὸν πόλεμον: ἕκαστος γὰρ ὡς τιμωρὸς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ προκινδυνεύειν ἤθελεν, καὶ βοῇ παρακροτοῦντες ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ὥρμων." ^3.241 καὶ ἤνυον μὲν οὐδὲν ἢ μικρόν, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀδιαλείπτως ἔπιπτον ὑπὸ μὴ βλεπομένων καθορώμενοι: ^3.242 αὐτοί τε γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς σφετέρας περιλαμπόμενοι φλογὸς σκοπὸς ἦσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐσύνοπτος ὥσπερ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ τῶν ὀργάνων πόρρωθεν μὴ βλεπομένων δυσφύλακτον ἦν τὸ βαλλόμενον. ^3.243 ἥ τε οὖν τῶν ὀξυβελῶν καὶ καταπελτῶν βία πολλοὺς ἅμα διήλαυνεν, καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς μηχανῆς ἀφιεμένων πετρῶν ὁ ῥοῖζος ἐπάλξεις τε ἀπέσυρεν καὶ γωνίας ἀπέθρυπτε πύργων. ^3.244 ἀνδρῶν μὲν γὰρ † οὕτως ἰσχυρὸν στῖφος, ὃ μὴ μέχρις ἐσχάτης στρώννυται φάλαγγος βίᾳ τε καὶ μεγέθει τοῦ λίθου.' "^3.245 μάθοι δ' ἄν τις τὴν τοῦ μηχανήματος ἀλκὴν ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆσδε τῆς νυκτὸς γενομένων: πληγεὶς γάρ τις ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ἑστώτων ἀνὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἀπαράσσεται τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑπὸ τῆς πέτρας, καὶ τὸ κρανίον ἀπὸ τριῶν ἐσφενδονήθη σταδίων." "^3.246 γυναικός τε μεθ' ἡμέραν ἐγκύμονος πληγείσης τὴν γαστέρα, προῄει δὲ νέον ἐξ οἰκίας, ἐξέσεισεν ἐφ' ἡμιστάδιον τὸ βρέφος: τοσαύτη ἦν ἡ τοῦ λιθοβόλου βία." '^3.247 τῶν οὖν ὀργάνων φοβερώτερος ὁ ῥοῖζος, τῶν δὲ βαλλομένων ἦν ὁ ψόφος.' "^3.248 ἐπάλληλοι δὲ ἐκτύπουν οἱ νεκροὶ κατὰ τοῦ τείχους ῥιπτόμενοι, καὶ δεινὴ μὲν ἔνδοθεν κραυγὴ γυναικῶν ἠγείρετο, συνήχουν δ' ἔξωθεν οἰμωγαὶ φονευομένων." "^3.249 αἵματι δ' ἐρρεῖτο πᾶς ὁ πρὸ τῆς μάχης περίβολος, καὶ προσβατὸν ὑπὸ πτωμάτων τὸ τεῖχος ἐγίνετο." "^3.251 πλεῖστοι μέν γε τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιωταπάτης ἀγωνιζόμενοι γενναίως ἔπεσον, πλεῖστοι δ' ἐγένοντο τραυματίαι, καὶ μόλις περὶ τὴν ἑωθινὴν φυλακὴν ἐνδίδωσι τοῖς μηχανήμασι τὸ τεῖχος ἀδιαλείπτως τυπτόμενον:" '^3.252 οἱ δὲ φραξάμενοι τοῖς σώμασι καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις τὸ καταρριφθὲν ἀντωχύρωσαν πρὶν βληθῆναι τὰς ἐπιβατηρίους ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων μηχανάς. ^3.253 ̔Υπὸ δὲ τὴν ἕω Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐπὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς πόλεως συνῆγεν τὴν στρατιὰν ὀλίγον ἀπὸ τοῦ νυκτερινοῦ πόνου διαναπαύσας.' "^3.254 βουλόμενος δ' ἀπὸ τῶν καταρριφθέντων περισπάσαι τοὺς εἴργοντας τοὺς μὲν γενναιοτάτους τῶν ἱππέων ἀποβήσας τῶν ἵππων τριχῇ διέταξεν κατὰ τὰ πεπτωκότα τοῦ τείχους, πάντοθεν πεφραγμένους τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ τοὺς κοντοὺς προί̈σχοντας, ὡς ὁπότε τὰς ἐπιβατηρίους βάλλοιεν μηχανὰς κατάρχοιντο τῆς εἰσόδου:" '^3.255 κατόπιν δὲ αὐτῶν ἔταξεν τοῦ πεζοῦ τὸ ἀκμαιότατον, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἱππικὸν ἀντιπαρεξέτεινεν τῷ τείχει κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν ὀρεινὴν πρὸς τὸ μηδένα τῶν ἀναφευγόντων ἐκ τῆς ἁλώσεως διαλαθεῖν. ^3.256 κατόπιν δὲ τούτων περιέστησεν τοὺς τοξότας ἔχειν κελεύσας ἕτοιμα τὰ βέλη πρὸς ἄφεσιν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν μηχανημάτων,' "^3.257 ἑτέρους δὲ κλίμακας ἀραμένους προσφέρειν ἐπάνω τοῖς ἀκεραίοις τείχεσιν, ἵν' οἱ μὲν τούτους κωλύειν πειρώμενοι καταλίποιεν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς καταρριφθεῖσιν φυλακήν, οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ ὑπ' ἀθρόων βιαζόμενοι τῶν βελῶν εἴξωσιν τῆς εἰσόδου." "^3.258 ̓Ιώσηπος δὲ συνιεὶς τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ μένοντος τείχους σὺν τοῖς κεκμηκόσιν ἵστησι τοὺς γηραιοὺς ὡς μηδὲν ταύτῃ βλαβησομένους, εἰς δὲ τὰ παρερρωγότα τοῦ τείχους τοὺς δυνατωτάτους καὶ πρὸ πάντων ἀνὰ ἓξ ἄνδρας, μεθ' ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ προκινδυνεύειν ἐκληρώσατο." '^3.259 ἐκέλευσέν τε πρὸς μὲν τὸν ἀλαλαγμὸν τῶν ταγμάτων ἀποφράξαι τὰς ἀκοάς, ὡς ἂν μὴ καταπλαγεῖεν, πρὸς δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν βελῶν συνοκλάσαντας καλύψασθαι καθύπερθεν τοῖς θυρεοῖς ὑποχωρῆσαί τε πρὸς ὀλίγον, ἕως τὰς φαρέτρας κενώσωσιν οἱ τοξόται. ^3.261 λαμβάνειν τε πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν σφαγησομένους γέροντας καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας ἀναιρεθησομένας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὅσον οὐδέπω, καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς μελλούσαις συμφοραῖς θυμὸν προαλίσαντας ἐναφεῖναι τοῖς δράσουσιν αὐτάς.' "^3.262 ̓́Εταξεν μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἑκάτερον: τὸ δ' ἀργὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως: πλῆθος, γύναια καὶ παῖδες, ὡς ἐθεάσαντο τριπλῇ μὲν φάλαγγι τὴν πόλιν ἐζωσμένην, οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰς τὴν μάχην μετακεκίνητο τῶν πάλαι φυλακῶν, πρὸς δὲ τοῖς βεβλημένοις τείχεσιν τοὺς πολεμίους ξιφήρεις καὶ τὴν καθύπερθεν ὀρεινὴν λαμπομένην ὅπλοις, τά τε βέλη τοῖς τοξόταις ἐπανέχοντα τῶν ̓Αράβων, ὕστατόν τινα κωκυτὸν ἁλώσεως συνήχησαν ὡς οὐκ ἀπειλουμένων ἔτι τῶν κακῶν ἀλλ' ἤδη παρόντων." "^3.263 ὁ δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας, ὡς μὴ θηλύνοιεν οἴκτῳ τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν σφετέρων, κατακλείει ταῖς οἰκίαις μετ' ἀπειλῆς ἡσυχάζειν κελεύσας: αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐρειφθέντων ᾗ ἔλαχεν παρῄει." "^3.264 τοῖς μὲν οὖν καθ' ἕτερα προσφέρουσι τὰς κλίμακας οὐ προσεῖχεν, ἀπεκαραδόκει δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν βελῶν." "^3.265 ̔Ομοῦ δ' οἵ τε σαλπικταὶ τῶν ταγμάτων ἁπάντων συνήχησαν καὶ δεινὸν ἐπηλάλαξεν ἡ στρατιά, καὶ πάντοθεν ἀφιεμένων ἀπὸ συνθήματος τῶν βελῶν τὸ φῶς ὑπετέμνετο." '^3.266 μεμνημένοι γε μὴν τῶν τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου προσταγμάτων οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τάς τε ἀκοὰς πρὸς τὴν βοὴν καὶ τὰ σώματα πρὸς τὰς ἀφέσεις ἐφράξαντο,' "^3.267 καὶ βαλλόντων τὰς μηχανὰς ἐπεξέδραμον δι' αὐτῶν πρὶν ἐπιβῆναι τοὺς βαλόντας," '^3.268 συμπλεκόμενοί τε τοῖς ἀνιοῦσιν παντοῖα καὶ χειρῶν ἔργα καὶ ψυχῆς ἐναπεδείκνυντο, πειρώμενοι παρὰ τὰς ἐσχάτας συμφορὰς μὴ χείρους φαίνεσθαι τῶν ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ τῷ κατὰ σφᾶς ἀνδριζομένων: ^3.269 ὥστε οὐ πρότερον ἀπερρήγνυντο τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων πρὶν ἢ πεσεῖν ἢ διαφθεῖραι. ^3.271 ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος ἐν ταῖς ἀμηχανίαις σύμβουλον λαβὼν τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἡ δέ ἐστιν δεινὴ πρὸς ἐπίνοιαν, ὅταν αὐτὴν ἀπόγνωσις ἐρεθίζῃ, ζέον ἔλαιον ἐκέλευσεν καταχέειν τῶν συνησπικότων.' "^3.272 οἱ δ' ὡς παρεσκευασμένον ἔχοντες μετὰ τάχους πολλοὶ καὶ πολὺ πάντοθεν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κατέχεον συνεπαφιέντες καὶ τὰ ἀγγεῖα βρασσόμενα τῇ θέρμῃ." '^3.273 τοῦτο καιομένων τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων διεσκέδασεν τὴν τάξιν, καὶ μετὰ δεινῶν ἀλγηδόνων ἀπεκυλινδοῦντο τοῦ τείχους: ^3.274 ῥᾷστα μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἔλαιον ἀπὸ κορυφῆς μέχρι ποδῶν ὑπὸ τὰς πανοπλίας διέρρει τοῦ σώματος ὅλου καὶ τὴν σάρκα φλογὸς οὐδὲν ἔλασσον ἐπεβόσκετο, θερμαινόμενόν τε φύσει ταχέως καὶ ψυχόμενον βραδέως διὰ τὴν πιότητα. ^3.275 τοῖς δὲ θώραξιν καὶ τοῖς κράνεσιν ἐνδεδεμένων ἀπαλλαγὴ τῆς καύσεως οὐκ ἦν, πηδῶντες δὲ καὶ συνειλούμενοι ταῖς ἀλγηδόσιν ἀπὸ τῶν γεφυρωμάτων ἔπιπτον: οἱ δὲ τραπέντες εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους πρόσω βιαζομένους εὐχείρωτοι τοῖς κατόπιν τιτρώσκουσιν ἦσαν.' "^3.276 ̓Επέλιπεν δὲ οὔτε ̔Ρωμαίους ἐν ταῖς κακοπραγίαις ἰσχὺς οὔτε τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους σύνεσις, ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν καίπερ οἰκτρὰ πάσχοντας ὁρῶντες τοὺς καταχυθέντας ὅμως εἰς τοὺς καταχέοντας ἐφέροντο τὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ κακίζων ἕκαστος ὡς ἐμπόδιον ὄντα τῆς ῥώμης:" '^3.277 οἱ δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι δόλῳ δευτέρῳ τὰς προσβάσεις αὐτῶν ἐπέσφαλλον τῆλιν ἑφθὴν ὑποχέοντες ταῖς σανίσιν, ἧς ἐπολισθάνοντες ὑπεσύροντο;' "^3.278 καὶ οὔτε τῶν τρεπομένων οὔτε τῶν προσβαινόντων τις ὀρθὸς ἔμενεν, ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἐπ' αὐτῶν ὑπτιαζόμενοι τῶν ἐπιβατηρίων μηχανῶν συνεπατοῦντο, πολλοὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ χῶμα κατέπιπτον." "^3.279 ἐπαίοντο δ' ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ πεσόντες: ἐσφαλμένων γὰρ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων οὗτοι τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμπλοκῆς ἐλευθερωθέντες εἰς τὰς βολὰς εὐσχόλουν." "^3.281 ἔπεσον δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ πλείους ἐτρώθησαν, τῶν δ' ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιωταπάτης ἀπέθανον μὲν ἓξ ἄνδρες, τραυματίαι δ' ὑπὲρ τριακοσίους ἀνεκομίσθησαν." '^3.282 εἰκάδι μὲν Δαισίου μηνὸς ἡ παράταξις ἦν.' "^3.283 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι τὴν στρατιὰν παραμυθούμενος, ὡς θυμουμένους ἑώρα καὶ οὐ προτροπῆς ἀλλ' ἔργων δεομένους," '^3.284 προσυψῶσαι μὲν τὰ χώματα, πύργους δὲ τρεῖς πεντήκοντα ποδῶν τὸ ὕψος ἕκαστον κατασκευάσαι κελεύσας πάντοθεν σιδήρῳ κεκαλυμμένους, ὡς ἑδραῖοί τε εἶεν ὑπὸ βρίθους καὶ δυσάλωτοι πυρί, ^3.285 τῶν χωμάτων ἐπέστησεν, συνεπιβήσας αὐτοῖς ἀκοντιστάς τε καὶ τοξότας καὶ τῶν ἀφετηρίων ὀργάνων τὰ κουφότερα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους σφενδονήτας: ^3.286 οἳ μὴ καθορώμενοι διὰ τὸ ὕψος καὶ τὰ θωράκια τῶν πύργων εἰς καθορωμένους τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ἔβαλλον. ^3.287 οἱ δὲ μήτε κατὰ κόρσης φερομένων τῶν βελῶν ἐκκλίνειν ῥᾳδίως δυνάμενοι μήτε τοὺς ἀφανεῖς ἀμύνεσθαι, καὶ τὸ μὲν ὕψος τῶν πύργων δυσέφικτον ὁρῶντες ἐκ χειρὸς βέλει, πυρὶ δὲ τὸν περὶ αὐτοῖς σίδηρον ἀνάλωτον, ἔφευγον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ προσβάλλειν πειρωμένοις ἐπεξέθεον.' "^3.288 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιωταπάτης ἀντεῖχον οὕτως, ἀναιρούμενοί τε καθ' ἡμέραν πολλοὶ καὶ μηδὲν ἀντικακοῦν τοὺς πολεμίους, ὅτι μὴ μετὰ κινδύνων ἀνείργειν ἔχοντες." '^3.289 Κατὰ δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐπί τινα τῶν τῆς ̓Ιωταπάτης ἀστυγειτόνων πόλιν, ̓́Ιαφα καλεῖται, νεωτερίζουσαν καὶ τῶν ̓Ιωταπατηνῶν παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεχόντων ἐπαιρομένην, Τραϊανὸν ὄντα τοῦ δεκάτου τάγματος ἡγεμόνα ἐκπέμπει παραδοὺς αὐτῷ χιλίους μὲν ἱππεῖς πεζοὺς δὲ δισχιλίους. ^3.291 συμφυγόντων δὲ εἰς τὸ πρῶτον τεῖχος οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατὰ πόδας προσκείμενοι συνεισέπεσον. ^3.292 ὁρμήσαντας δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὸ δεύτερον τεῖχος ἀποκλείουσιν τῆς πόλεως οἱ σφέτεροι δείσαντες μὴ συνεισβάλωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι.' "^3.293 θεὸς δ' ἦν ἄρα ὁ ̔Ρωμαίοις τὰ Γαλιλαίων πάθη χαριζόμενος, ὃς καὶ τότε τὸν τῆς πόλεως λαὸν αὔτανδρον χερσὶν οἰκείαις ἐκκλεισθέντα πρὸς ἀπώλειαν ἔκδοτον φονῶσιν ἐχθροῖς παρέστησεν." "^3.294 ἐμπίπτοντες γὰρ ἀθρόοι ταῖς πύλαις καὶ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐπ' αὐτῶν ὀνομαστὶ καλοῦντες ἐν μέσαις ἀπεσφάττοντο ταῖς ἱκεσίαις." "^3.295 καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοῖς τεῖχος οἱ πολέμιοι, τὸ δεύτερον δ' ἔκλεισαν οἱ σφέτεροι," ^3.296 μέσοι δὲ τοῖν δυοῖν κατειλούμενοι περιβόλων βύζην, πολλοὶ μὲν τοῖς ἀλλήλων, πολλοὶ δὲ τοῖς ἰδίοις περιεπείροντο ξίφεσιν, ἄπειροι δὲ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἔπιπτον οὐδὲ ὅσον εἰς ἄμυναν ἀναθαρροῦντες: πρὸς γὰρ τῷ καταπεπλῆχθαι τοὺς πολεμίους τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν ἔκλασεν ἡ τῶν οἰκείων προδοσία. ^3.297 πέρας ἔθνησκον οὐ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἰδίοις καταρώμενοι, μέχρι πάντες ἀπώλοντο μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες. ^3.298 κενὴν δὲ μαχίμων λογιζόμενος εἶναι τὴν πόλιν ὁ Τραϊανός, εἰ δὲ καί τινες ἔνδον εἶεν, οἰόμενος μηδὲν αὐτοὺς τολμήσειν ὑπὸ δέους, ἀνετίθει τῷ στρατηγῷ τὴν ἅλωσιν, καὶ στείλας ἀγγέλους πρὸς Οὐεσπασιανὸν ᾐτεῖτο πέμψαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῷ Τίτον ἐπιθήσοντα τῇ νίκῃ τέλος. ^3.299 ὁ δὲ συμβαλὼν ὑπολείπεσθαί τινα πόνον μετὰ στρατιᾶς τὸν υἱὸν ἐπιπέμπει πεντακοσίων μὲν ἱππέων χιλίων δὲ πεζῶν. ^3.301 τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν κλίμακας πάντοθεν τῷ τείχει προσφερόντων πρὸς ὀλίγον οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι καθύπερθεν ἀμυνόμενοι λείπουσιν τὸν περίβολον, ^3.302 ἐπιπηδήσαντες δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Τίτον τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἐκράτησαν ταχέως, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἔνδον αὐτοῖς συστραφέντας καρτερὰ μάχη συρρήγνυται: ^3.303 καὶ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς οἱ δυνατοὶ προσέπιπτον καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν αἱ γυναῖκες ἔβαλλον πᾶν τὸ προστυχὸν αὐταῖς. ^3.304 καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἓξ ὡρῶν ἀντεῖχον μαχόμενοι, δαπανηθέντων δὲ τῶν μαχίμων τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἔν τε τοῖς ὑπαίθροις καὶ κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας ἀπεσφάττοντο νέοι τε ὁμοῦ καὶ γέροντες: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄρρεν ὑπελείφθη δίχα νηπίων, ἃ μετὰ γυναικῶν ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.' "^3.305 τῶν μὲν οὖν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀνά τε τὴν πόλιν κἀπὶ τῆς προτέρας παρατάξεως ἀριθμὸς μύριοι πρὸς τοῖς πεντακισχιλίοις ἦν, τὰ δ' αἰχμάλωτα δισχίλια ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα." '^3.306 τοῦτο συνέβη τὸ πάθος Γαλιλαίοις πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι Δαισίου μηνός.' "^3.311 τούτῳ προσβαίνειν μὲν τὸ ὄρος καὶ συνάπτειν μάχην οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔδοξεν πολλῶν καθύπερθεν τῶν πολεμίων ὄντων, κυκλωσάμενος δὲ τῇ δυνάμει πᾶσαν τὴν ὑπόρειον δι' ὅλης αὐτοὺς ἐφρούρει τῆς ἡμέρας." "^3.312 συνέβη δὲ ὕδατος ἀπορουμένων τῶν Σαμαρέων ἐκφλεγῆναι τότε καὶ καῦμα δεινόν, ὥρα δ' ἦν θέρους καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τὸ πλῆθος ἀπαράσκευον," '^3.313 ὡς τοὺς μὲν αὐθημερὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ δίψους ἀποθανεῖν, πολλοὺς δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης ἀπωλείας τὸ δουλεύειν προαιρουμένους ̔Ρωμαίοις προσφυγεῖν. ^3.314 ἐξ ὧν συνεὶς ὁ Κερεάλιος καὶ τοὺς ἔτι συμμένοντας ὑπὸ τῶν δεινῶν κατεαγότας ἐπαναβαίνει τῷ ὄρει, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἐν κύκλῳ περιστήσας τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπὶ δεξιὰς προυκαλεῖτο καὶ σώζεσθαι παρεκάλει διαβεβαιούμενος ἀσφάλειαν τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψασιν: ^3.341 ὁ δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἁλισκομένης δαιμονίῳ τινὶ συνεργίᾳ χρησάμενος μέσον μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐκκλέπτει τῶν πολεμίων, καθάλλεται δὲ εἴς τινα βαθὺν λάκκον, ᾧ πλατὺ σπήλαιον διέζευκτο κατὰ πλευρὰν τοῖς ἄνωθεν ἀόρατον.' "^3.342 ἔνθα τεσσαράκοντα μὲν τῶν ἐπισήμων ἄνδρας καταλαμβάνει λανθάνοντας, παρασκευὴν δ' ἐπιτηδείων οὐκ ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις διαρκεῖν δυναμένην." "^3.343 μεθ' ἡμέραν μὲν οὖν ὑπεστέλλετο τῶν πολεμίων πάντα διειληφότων, νυκτὸς δ' ἀνιὼν ἐζήτει δρασμοῦ διάδυσιν καὶ τὰς φυλακὰς κατεσκέπτετο. φρουρουμένων δὲ πανταχόθεν πάντων δι' αὐτὸν ὡς λαθεῖν οὐκ ἦν, αὖθις εἰς τὸ σπήλαιον κατῄει." '^3.344 δύο μὲν οὖν ἡμέραις διαλανθάνει, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ γυναικὸς ἁλούσης τῶν ἅμα αὐτοῖς μηνύεται, καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸς αὐτίκα μετὰ σπουδῆς πέμπει δύο χιλιάρχους Παυλῖνον καὶ Γαλλικανόν, δεξιάς τε τῷ ̓Ιωσήπῳ δοῦναι κελεύσας καὶ προτρεψομένους ἀνελθεῖν. ^3.345 ̓Αφικόμενοι γοῦν παρεκάλουν οὗτοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πίστεις περὶ σωτηρίας ἐδίδοσαν, οὐ μὴν ἔπειθον: ^3.346 ἐκ γὰρ ὧν εἰκὸς ἦν τοσαῦτα δράσαντα παθεῖν, οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ φύσει τῶν παρακαλούντων ἡμέρου τὰς ὑποψίας συνέλεγεν ἐδεδίει τε ὡς ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν προκαλουμένους, ἕως Οὐεσπασιανὸς τρίτον ἐπιπέμπει χιλίαρχον Νικάνορα γνώριμον τῷ ̓Ιωσήπῳ καὶ συνήθη πάλαι.' "^3.347 παρελθὼν δ' οὗτος τό τε φύσει ̔Ρωμαίων χρηστὸν πρὸς οὓς ἂν ἅπαξ ἕλωσι διεξῄει, καὶ ὡς δι' ἀρετὴν αὐτὸς θαυμάζοιτο μᾶλλον ἢ μισοῖτο πρὸς τῶν ἡγεμόνων," '^3.348 σπουδάζειν τε τὸν στρατηγὸν οὐκ ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν ἀναγαγεῖν αὐτόν, εἶναι γὰρ ταύτην καὶ παρὰ μὴ προϊόντος λαβεῖν, ἀλλὰ σῶσαι προαιρούμενον ἄνδρα γενναῖον.' "^3.349 προσετίθει δ' ὡς οὔτ' ἂν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐνεδρεύων φίλον ἔπεμπεν, ἵνα τοῦ κακίστου πράγματος προστήσηται τὸ κάλλιστον, ἀπιστίας φιλίαν, οὐδ' ἂν αὐτὸς ἀπατήσων ἄνδρα φίλον ὑπήκουσεν ἐλθεῖν." "^3.351 ὡς δ' ὅ τε Νικάνωρ προσέκειτο λιπαρῶν καὶ τὰς ἀπειλὰς τοῦ πολεμίου πλήθους ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος ἔμαθεν, ἀνάμνησις αὐτὸν τῶν διὰ νυκτὸς ὀνείρων εἰσέρχεται, δι' ὧν ὁ θεὸς τάς τε μελλούσας αὐτῷ συμφορὰς προεσήμαινεν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίων βασιλεῖς ἐσόμενα." ^3.352 ἦν δὲ καὶ περὶ κρίσεις ὀνείρων ἱκανὸς συμβαλεῖν τὰ ἀμφιβόλως ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου λεγόμενα, τῶν γε μὴν ἱερῶν βίβλων οὐκ ἠγνόει τὰς προφητείας ὡς ἂν αὐτός τε ὢν ἱερεὺς καὶ ἱερέων ἔγγονος: ^3.353 ὧν ἐπὶ τῆς τότε ὥρας ἔνθους γενόμενος καὶ τὰ φρικώδη τῶν προσφάτων ὀνείρων σπάσας φαντάσματα προσφέρει τῷ θεῷ λεληθυῖαν εὐχήν, ^3.354 κἀπειδὴ τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων, ἔφη, φῦλον ὀκλάσαι δοκεῖ σοι τῷ κτίσαντι, μετέβη δὲ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἡ τύχη πᾶσα, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν ἐπελέξω τὰ μέλλοντα εἰπεῖν, δίδωμι μὲν ̔Ρωμαίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἑκὼν καὶ ζῶ, μαρτύρομαι δὲ ὡς οὐ προδότης, ἀλλὰ σὸς εἶμι διάκονος.”' "^3.355 Ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐνεδίδου τῷ Νικάνορι. καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ συγκαταφυγόντες ὡς τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον συνίεσαν εἴκοντα τοῖς παρακαλοῦσιν," "^3.356 ἀθρόοι περιστάντες, “ἦ μεγάλα γ' ἂν στενάξειαν, ἐβόων, οἱ πάτριοι νόμοι, οὓς κατέφησεν θεὸς ̓Ιουδαίοις ὁ κτίσας ψυχὰς θανάτου καταφρονούσας." ^3.361 Δείσας δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος καὶ προδοσίαν ἡγούμενος εἶναι τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ προσταγμάτων, εἰ προαποθάνοι τῆς διαγγελίας, ἤρχετο πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλοσοφεῖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης: ^3.362 “τί γὰρ τοσοῦτον, ἔφη, σφῶν αὐτῶν, ἑταῖροι, φονῶμεν; ἢ τί τὰ φίλτατα διαστασιάζομεν, σῶμα καὶ ψυχήν; ἠλλάχθαι τις ἐμέ φησιν.' "^3.363 ἀλλ' οἴδασιν ̔Ρωμαῖοι τοῦτό γε. καλὸν ἐν πολέμῳ θνήσκειν, ἀλλὰ πολέμου νόμῳ, τουτέστιν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων." "^3.364 εἰ μὲν οὖν τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστρέφομαι σίδηρον, ἄξιος ἀληθῶς εἰμι τοὐμοῦ ξίφους καὶ χειρὸς τῆς ἐμῆς: εἰ δ' ἐκείνους εἰσέρχεται φειδὼ πολεμίου, πόσῳ δικαιότερον ἂν ἡμᾶς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν εἰσέλθοι; καὶ γὰρ ἠλίθιον ταῦτα δρᾶν σφᾶς αὐτούς, περὶ ὧν πρὸς ἐκείνους διιστάμεθα." "^3.365 καλὸν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀποθνήσκειν: φημὶ κἀγώ, μαχομένους μέντοι, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀφαιρουμένων αὐτήν. νῦν δ' οὔτ' εἰς μάχην ἀντιάζουσιν ἡμῖν οὔτ' ἀναιροῦσιν ἡμᾶς: δειλὸς δὲ ὁμοίως ὅ τε μὴ βουλόμενος θνήσκειν ὅταν δέῃ καὶ ὁ βουλόμενος, ὅταν μὴ δέῃ." '^3.366 τί δὲ καὶ δεδοικότες πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους οὐκ ἄνιμεν;' "^3.367 ἆρ' οὐχὶ θάνατον; εἶθ' ὃν δεδοίκαμεν ἐκ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὑποπτευόμενον ἑαυτοῖς βέβαιον ἐπιστήσομεν; ἀλλὰ δουλείαν, ἐρεῖ τις. πάνυ γοῦν νῦν ἐσμὲν ἐλεύθεροι." "^3.368 γενναῖον γὰρ ἀνελεῖν ἑαυτόν, φήσει τις. οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλ' ἀγενέστατον, ὡς ἔγωγε καὶ κυβερνήτην ἡγοῦμαι δειλότατον, ὅστις χειμῶνα δεδοικὼς πρὸ τῆς θυέλλης ἐβάπτισεν ἑκὼν τὸ σκάφος." '^3.369 ἀλλὰ μὴν ἡ αὐτοχειρία καὶ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ζῴων φύσεως ἀλλότριον καὶ πρὸς τὸν κτίσαντα θεὸν ἡμᾶς ἐστιν ἀσέβεια.' "^3.371 τὸν δὲ θεὸν οὐκ οἴεσθε ἀγανακτεῖν, ὅταν ἄνθρωπος αὐτοῦ τὸ δῶρον ὑβρίζῃ; καὶ γὰρ εἰλήφαμεν παρ' ἐκείνου τὸ εἶναι καὶ τὸ μηκέτι εἶναι πάλιν ἐκείνῳ δίδομεν." "^3.372 τὰ μέν γε σώματα θνητὰ πᾶσιν καὶ ἐκ φθαρτῆς ὕλης δεδημιούργηται, ψυχὴ δὲ ἀθάνατος ἀεὶ καὶ θεοῦ μοῖρα τοῖς σώμασιν ἐνοικίζεται: εἶτ' ἐὰν μὲν ἀφανίσῃ τις ἀνθρώπου παρακαταθήκην ἢ διαθῆται κακῶς, πονηρὸς εἶναι δοκεῖ καὶ ἄπιστος, εἰ δέ τις τοῦ σφετέρου σώματος ἐκβάλλει τὴν παρακαταθήκην τοῦ θεοῦ, λεληθέναι δοκεῖ τὸν ἀδικούμενον;" '^3.373 καὶ κολάζειν μὲν τοὺς ἀποδράντας οἰκέτας δίκαιον νενόμισται κἂν πονηροὺς καταλείπωσι δεσπότας, αὐτοὶ δὲ κάλλιστον δεσπότην ἀποδιδράσκοντες τὸν θεὸν οὐ δοκοῦμεν ἀσεβεῖν;' "^3.374 ἆρ' οὐκ ἴστε ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἐξιόντων τοῦ βίου κατὰ τὸν τῆς φύσεως νόμον καὶ τὸ ληφθὲν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ χρέος ἐκτινύντων, ὅταν ὁ δοὺς κομίσασθαι θέλῃ, κλέος μὲν αἰώνιον, οἶκοι δὲ καὶ γενεαὶ βέβαιοι, καθαραὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπήκοοι μένουσιν αἱ ψυχαί, χῶρον οὐράνιον λαχοῦσαι τὸν ἁγιώτατον, ἔνθεν ἐκ περιτροπῆς αἰώνων ἁγνοῖς πάλιν ἀντενοικίζονται σώμασιν:" "^3.375 ὅσοις δὲ καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐμάνησαν αἱ χεῖρες, τούτων ᾅδης μὲν δέχεται τὰς ψυχὰς σκοτεινότερος, ὁ δὲ τούτων πατὴρ θεὸς εἰς ἐγγόνους τιμωρεῖται τοὺς τῶν πατέρων ὑβριστάς." '^3.376 διὰ τοῦτο μεμίσηται παρὰ θεῷ τοῦτο καὶ παρὰ τῷ σοφωτάτῳ κολάζεται νομοθέτῃ: ^3.377 τοὺς γοῦν ἀναιροῦντας ἑαυτοὺς παρὰ μὲν ἡμῖν μέχρις ἡλίου δύσεως ἀτάφους ἐκρίπτειν ἔκριναν καίτοι καὶ πολεμίους θάπτειν θεμιτὸν ἡγούμενοι,' "^3.378 παρ' ἑτέροις δὲ καὶ τὰς δεξιὰς τῶν τοιούτων νεκρῶν ἀποκόπτειν ἐκέλευσαν, αἷς ἐστρατεύσαντο καθ' ἑαυτῶν, ἡγούμενοι καθάπερ τὸ σῶμα τῆς ψυχῆς ἀλλότριον, οὕτως καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ σώματος." '^3.379 καλὸν οὖν, ἑταῖροι, δίκαια φρονεῖν καὶ μὴ ταῖς ἀνθρωπίναις συμφοραῖς προσθεῖναι τὴν εἰς τὸν κτίσαντα ἡμᾶς δυσσέβειαν.' "^3.381 οὐ μεταβήσομαι δ' ἐγὼ εἰς τὴν τῶν πολεμίων τάξιν, ἵν' ἐμαυτοῦ προδότης γένωμαι: καὶ γὰρ ἂν εἴην πολὺ τῶν αὐτομολούντων πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἠλιθιώτερος, εἴ γ' ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τοῦτο πράττουσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπὶ ἀπωλείᾳ, καί γε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ." "^3.382 τὴν μέντοι ̔Ρωμαίων ἐνέδραν εὔχομαι: μετὰ γὰρ δεξιὰν ἀναιρούμενος ὑπ' αὐτῶν εὔθυμος τεθνήξομαι, τὴν τῶν ψευσαμένων ἀπιστίαν νίκης μείζονα ἀποφέρων παραμυθίαν.”" '^3.383 ̔Ο μὲν οὖν ̓Ιώσηπος πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πρὸς ἀποτροπὴν τῆς αὐτοχειρίας ἔλεγεν: ^3.384 οἱ δὲ πεφραγμένας ἀπογνώσει τὰς ἀκοὰς ἔχοντες ὡς ἂν πάλαι καθοσιώσαντες ἑαυτοὺς τῷ θανάτῳ παρωξύνοντο πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ προστρέχων ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν ξιφήρεις ἐκάκιζόν τε εἰς ἀνανδρίαν καὶ ὡς ἕκαστος αὐτίκα πλήξων δῆλος ἦν. ^3.385 ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν ὀνομαστὶ καλῶν, τῷ δὲ στρατηγικώτερον ἐμβλέπων, τοῦ δὲ δρασσόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς, ὃν δὲ δεήσει δυσωπῶν, καὶ ποικίλοις διαιρούμενος πάθεσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης εἶργεν ἀπὸ τῆς σφαγῆς πάντων τὸν σίδηρον, ὥσπερ τὰ κυκλωθέντα τῶν θηρίων ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸν καθαπτόμενον ἀντιστρεφόμενος. ^3.386 τῶν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐσχάτας συμφορὰς ἔτι τὸν στρατηγὸν αἰδουμένων παρελύοντο μὲν αἱ δεξιαί, περιωλίσθανεν δὲ τὰ ξίφη, καὶ πολλοὶ τὰς ῥομφαίας ἐπιφέροντες αὐτομάτως παρεῖσαν.' "^3.387 ̔Ο δ' ἐν ταῖς ἀμηχανίαις οὐκ ἠπόρησεν ἐπινοίας, ἀλλὰ πιστεύων τῷ κηδεμόνι θεῷ τὴν σωτηρίαν παραβάλλεται," '^3.388 κἀπεὶ δέδοκται τὸ θνήσκειν, ἔφη, φέρε κλήρῳ τὰς ἀλλήλων σφαγὰς ἐπιτρέψωμεν,' "^3.389 ὁ λαχὼν δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ μετ' αὐτὸν πιπτέτω, καὶ διοδεύσει πάντων οὕτως ἡ τύχη, μηδ' ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας κείσθω δεξιᾶς ἕκαστος: ἄδικον γὰρ οἰχομένων τινὰ τῶν ἄλλων μετανοήσαντα σωθῆναι.” πιστὸς ἔδοξεν ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ συνεκληροῦτο πείσας." "^3.391 καταλείπεται δ' οὗτος εἴτε ὑπὸ τύχης χρὴ λέγειν, εἴτε ὑπὸ θεοῦ προνοίας σὺν ἑτέρῳ, καὶ σπουδάζων μήθ' ὑπὸ τοῦ κλήρου καταδικασθῆναι μήτε, εἰ τελευταῖος λείποιτο, μιᾶναι τὴν δεξιὰν ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ πείθει κἀκεῖνον ἐπὶ πίστει ζῆν." '^3.392 ̔Ο μὲν οὖν οὕτως τόν τε ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τὸν οἰκείων διαφυγὼν πόλεμον ἐπὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸν ἤγετο ὑπὸ τοῦ Νικάνορος.' "^3.399 Τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος μόνῳ τι διαλεχθῆναι θέλειν ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ. μεταστησαμένου δ' ἐκείνου πλὴν τοῦ παιδὸς Τίτου καὶ δυοῖν φίλων τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας “σὺ μέν," '^3.401 Νέρωνί με πέμπεις: τί γάρ; * οἱ μετὰ Νέρωνα μέχρι σοῦ διάδοχοι μενοῦσιν. σὺ Καῖσαρ, Οὐεσπασιανέ, καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ, σὺ καὶ παῖς ὁ σὸς οὗτος. ^3.402 δέσμει δέ με νῦν ἀσφαλέστερον, καὶ τήρει σεαυτῷ: δεσπότης μὲν γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἐμοῦ σὺ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ καὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης καὶ παντὸς ἀνθρώπων γένους, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν δέομαι φρουρᾶς μείζονος,' "^3.403 εἰ κατασχεδιάζω καὶ θεοῦ.” ταῦτ' εἰπόντος παραχρῆμα μὲν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἀπιστεῖν ἐδόκει καὶ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ὑπελάμβανεν ταῦτα περὶ σωτηρίας πανουργεῖν," "^3.404 κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ εἰς πίστιν ὑπήγετο τοῦ θεοῦ διεγείροντος αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἤδη καὶ τὰ σκῆπτρα δι' ἑτέρων σημείων προδεικνύντος." "^3.405 ἀτρεκῆ δὲ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις κατελάμβανεν: τῶν γὰρ τοῖς ἀπορρήτοις παρατυχόντων φίλων ὁ ἕτερος θαυμάζειν ἔφη πῶς οὔτε τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ̓Ιωταπάτων περὶ ἁλώσεως, οὔθ' ἑαυτῷ προμαντεύσαιτο αἰχμαλωσίαν, εἰ μὴ ταῦτα λῆρος εἴη διακρουομένου τὰς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὀργάς." '^3.406 ὁ δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιωταπατηνοῖς ὅτι μετὰ τεσσαρακοστὴν ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν ἁλώσονται προειπεῖν ἔφη, καὶ ὅτι πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίων αὐτὸς ζωγρηθήσεται.' "^3.407 ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων κατ' ἰδίαν ὁ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐκπυθόμενος ὡς εὕρισκεν ἀληθῆ, οὕτω πιστεύειν περὶ τῶν κατ' αὐτὸν ἦρκτο." "^3.408 φρουρᾶς μὲν οὖν καὶ δεσμῶν οὐκ ἀνίει τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον, ἐδωρεῖτο δ' ἐσθῆτι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις κειμηλίοις φιλοφρονούμενός τε καὶ περιέπων διετέλει τὰ πολλὰ Τίτου τῇ τιμῇ συνεργοῦντος." ^3.462 ̓́Επειτα προελθὼν αὐτῆς τε μεταξὺ καὶ Ταριχεῶν στρατοπεδεύεται, τειχίζει τε τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὀχυρωτέραν ὑφορώμενος ἐκεῖ πολέμου τριβὴν αὐτῷ γενησομένην: ^3.463 συνέρρει γὰρ εἰς τὰς Ταριχέας πᾶν τὸ νεωτερίζον, τῇ τε τῆς πόλεως ὀχυρότητι καὶ τῇ λίμνῃ πεποιθότες, ἣ καλεῖται Γεννησὰρ πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων. ^3.464 ἡ μὲν γὰρ πόλις, ὥσπερ ἡ Τιβεριὰς ὑπόρειος οὖσα, καθὰ μὴ τῇ λίμνῃ προσεκλύζετο πάντοθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου τετείχιστο καρτερῶς, ἔλασσον μέντοι τῆς Τιβεριάδος:' "^3.465 τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἐκεῖ περίβολον ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἀποστάσεως δαψιλείᾳ χρημάτων καὶ δυνάμεως ἐκρατύνατο, Ταριχέαι δ' αὐτοῦ τὰ λείψανα τῆς φιλοτιμίας μετέλαβον." "^3.466 σκάφη δ' ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης παρεσκευασμένα πολλὰ πρός τε τὸ συμφεύγειν ἐπὶ γῆς ἡττωμένους, κἂν εἰ δέοι, διαναυμαχεῖν ἐξηρτυμένα." '^3.467 περιβαλλομένων δὲ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων τὸ στρατόπεδον οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιησοῦν οὔτε πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οὔτε πρὸς τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν πολεμίων ὑποδείσαντες προθέουσιν, ^3.468 καὶ πρὸς τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον τῶν τειχοποιῶν σκεδασθέντων ὀλίγα τῆς δομήσεως σπαράξαντες, ὡς ἑώρων τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀθροιζομένους, πρίν τι παθεῖν εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους ἀνέφευγον: ἐπιδιώξαντες δὲ ̔Ρωμαῖοι συνελαύνουσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰ σκάφη. ^3.469 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀναχθέντες εἰς ὅσον ἐξικνεῖσθαι τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων βάλλοντες δύναιντο τάς τε ἀγκύρας ἔβαλλον καὶ πυκνώσαντες ὥσπερ φάλαγγα τὰς ναῦς ἐπαλλήλους τοῖς ἐπὶ γῆς πολεμίοις διεναυμάχουν:' "^3.471 ̔Ο δ' ὑπέρογκον εὑρὼν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων πληθὺν πρὸς μὲν τὸν πατέρα πέμπει πλείονος δυνάμεως αὐτῷ δεῖν λέγων. αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς μὲν πλείους τῶν ἱππέων ὡρμημένους ὁρῶν καὶ πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι βοήθειαν, ἔστιν δ' οὓς ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καταπεπληγότας, ἐν ἐπηκόῳ στὰς ἔλεξεν ὧδε:" "^3.472 “ἄνδρες, ἔφη, ̔Ρωμαῖοι, καλὸν γὰρ ἐν ἀρχῇ τῶν λόγων ὑπομνῆσαι τοῦ γένους ὑμᾶς, ἵν' εἰδῆτε, τίνες ὄντες πρὸς τίνας μάχεσθαι μέλλομεν." "^3.473 τὰς μέν γε ἡμετέρας χεῖρας οὐδὲν εἰς τοῦτο τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης διαπέφευγεν, ̓Ιουδαῖοι δέ, ἵν' εἴπωμεν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, μέχρι νῦν οὐ κοπιῶσιν ἡττώμενοι. καὶ δεινὸν ἐκείνων ἑστώτων ἐν ταῖς κακοπραγίαις ἡμᾶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασιν ἐγκάμνειν." '^3.474 προθυμίας μὲν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν ὑμᾶς εὖ ἔχοντας χαίρω βλέπων, δέδοικα δὲ μή τινι τῶν πολεμίων τὸ πλῆθος κατάπληξιν λεληθυῖαν ἐνεργάσηται.' "^3.475 λογισάσθω δὴ πάλιν οἷος πρὸς οἵους παρατάξεται, καὶ διότι ̓Ιουδαῖοι μέν, εἰ καὶ σφόδρα τολμηταὶ καὶ θανάτου καταφρονοῦντες, ἀλλ' ἀσύντακτοί τε καὶ πολέμων ἄπειροι καὶ ὄχλος ἂν ἄλλως, οὐ στρατιὰ λέγοιντο: τὰ δὲ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐμπειρίας καὶ τάξεως τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν; ἐπὶ τοῦτο μέντοι γε μόνοι καὶ κατ' εἰρήνην ἀσκούμεθα τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἵν' ἐν πολέμῳ μὴ πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον ἀριθμῶμεν ἑαυτούς." '^3.476 ἐπεὶ τίς ὄνησις τῆς διηνεκοῦς στρατείας, ἂν ἴσοι πρὸς ἀστρατεύτους ἀντιτασσώμεθα; ^3.477 λογίζεσθε δέ, ὅτι καὶ πρὸς γυμνῆτας ὁπλῖται καὶ ἱππεῖς πρὸς πεζοὺς καὶ στρατηγούμενοι πρὸς ἀστρατηγήτους διαγωνίζεσθε, καὶ ὡς ὑμᾶς μὲν ταῦτα πολλαπλασίους ποιεῖ τὰ πλεονεκτήματα, πολὺ δὲ τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων ἀριθμοῦ παραιρεῖται τὰ ἐλαττώματα.' "^3.478 κατορθοῖ δὲ τοὺς πολέμους οὐ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων, κἂν ᾖ μάχιμον, ἀνδρεία δέ, κἂν ἐν ὀλίγοις: οἱ μέν γε καὶ τάξασθαι ῥᾴδιοι καὶ προσαμύνειν ἑαυτοῖς, αἱ δ' ὑπέρογκοι δυνάμεις ὑφ' ἑαυτῶν βλάπτονται πλέον ἢ τῶν πολεμίων." "^3.479 ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν τόλμα καὶ θράσος ἡγεῖται καὶ ἀπόνοια, πάθη κατὰ μὲν τὰς εὐπραγίας εὔτονα, σβεννύμενα δὲ ἐν ἐλαχίστοις σφάλμασιν: ἡμῶν δ' ἀρετὴ καὶ εὐπείθεια καὶ τὸ γενναῖον, ὃ κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις εὐτυχήμασιν ἀκμάζει κἀν τοῖς πταίσμασιν οὐ μέχρι τέλους σφάλλεται." "^3.481 σκεπτέον δ' ὅτι καὶ παθεῖν μὲν οὐδὲν ἀνήκεστον ἡμῖν φόβος: πολλοὶ γὰρ οἱ βοηθήσοντες καὶ πλησίον: ἁρπάσαι δὲ τὴν νίκην δυνάμεθα, καὶ χρὴ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πεμπομένους ἡμῖν συμμάχους φθάνειν, ἵν' ἀκοινώνητόν τε ᾖ τὸ κατόρθωμα καὶ μεῖζον." "^3.482 νομίζω δ' ἔγωγε ἐπὶ τῆσδε τῆς ὥρας καὶ τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν κρίνεσθαι κἀμὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς, εἰ τῶν μὲν προκατωρθωμένων ἄξιος ἐκεῖνος, ἐγὼ δ' ἐκείνου παῖς, στρατιῶται δ' ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τὸ νικᾶν ἔθος, κἀγὼ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποστρέφειν οὐκ ἂν ὑπομείναιμι λειφθείς." '^3.483 ὑμεῖς δὲ πῶς οὐκ ἂν αἰσχύνοισθε προκινδυνεύοντος ἡγεμόνος ἡττώμενοι; προκινδυνεύσω γάρ, εὖ ἴστε, καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμβαλῶ.' "^3.484 μὴ λείπεσθε δ' ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ πεπεισμένοι τὴν ἐμὴν ὁρμὴν παρακροτεῖσθαι θεῷ συμμάχῳ, καὶ προγινώσκετε σαφῶς, ὅτι τῆς ἔξω μάχης πλέον τι κατορθώσομεν.”" '^3.485 Ταῦτα τοῦ Τίτου διεξιόντος προθυμία δαιμόνιος ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, καὶ προσγενομένου πρὶν συμβαλεῖν Τραϊανοῦ μετὰ τετρακοσίων ἱππέων ἤσχαλλον ὡς μειουμένης τῆς νίκης αὐτοῖς διὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν. ^3.486 ἔπεμψεν δὲ Οὐεσπασιανὸς καὶ ̓Αντώνιον Σίλωνα σὺν δισχιλίοις τοξόταις κελεύσας καταλαβόντας τὸ ἀντικρὺ τῆς πόλεως ὄρος τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ἀνείργειν.' "^3.487 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς προσετέτακτο τοὺς ταύτῃ πειρωμένους ἐκβοηθεῖν περιέσχον, ὁ δὲ Τίτος πρῶτος τὸν ἵππον ἤλαυνεν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ σὺν κραυγῇ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ λοιποὶ παρεκτείναντες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ὅσον ἐπεῖχον οἱ πολέμιοι τὸ πεδίον: παρὸ καὶ πολὺ πλείους ἔδοξαν." '^3.488 οἱ δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι καίτοι τήν τε ὁρμὴν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν αὐτῶν καταπλαγέντες πρὸς ὀλίγον μὲν ἀντέσχον ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς, νυσσόμενοι δὲ τοῖς κοντοῖς καὶ τῷ ῥοίζῳ τῶν ἱππέων ἀνατρεπόμενοι συνεπατοῦντο. ^3.489 πολλῶν δὲ πανταχοῦ φονευομένων διασκίδνανται καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν τάχους ἔφευγον. ^3.491 πᾶσιν δὲ τὰς πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος φυγὰς ὑπετέμνετο καὶ πρὸς τὸ πεδίον ἀπέστρεφεν, ἕως τῷ πλήθει βιασάμενοι καὶ διεκπεσόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνέφευγον.' "^3.492 ̓Εκδέχεται δὲ αὐτοὺς πάλιν στάσις ἔσω χαλεπή: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιχωρίοις διά τε τὰς κτήσεις καὶ τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐδόκει πολεμεῖν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς καὶ τότε διὰ τὴν ἧτταν πλέον:" "^3.493 ὁ δ' ἔπηλυς πολὺς ὢν πλεῖον ἐβιάζετο, καὶ διωργισμένων ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις κραυγή τε ἦν καὶ θόρυβος ὡς ὅσον οὔπω φερομένων εἰς ὅπλα." '^3.494 κατακούσας δὲ τῆς ταραχῆς Τίτος, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄπωθεν τοῦ τείχους, “οὗτος ἦν ὁ καιρός, ἐκβοᾷ, καὶ τί, συστρατιῶται, μέλλομεν ἐκδιδόντος ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίους θεοῦ; δέξασθε τὴν νίκην. ^3.495 οὐκ ἀκούετε βοῆς; στασιάζουσιν οἱ τὰς χεῖρας ἡμῶν διεκφυγόντες. ἔχομεν τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν ταχύνωμεν: δεῖ δὲ πόνου πρὸς τῷ τάχει καὶ λήματος: οὐδὲν γὰρ τῶν μεγάλων φιλεῖ δίχα κινδύνου κατορθοῦσθαι.' "^3.496 φθάνειν δ' οὐ μόνον χρὴ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ὁμόνοιαν, οὓς ἀνάγκη διαλλάξει ταχέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν ἡμετέρων βοήθειαν, ἵνα πρὸς τῷ νικῆσαι τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ὀλίγοι καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἕλωμεν μόνοι.”" "^3.497 Ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἀνεπήδα καὶ καθηγεῖται πρὸς τὴν λίμνην, δι' ἧς ἐλάσας πρῶτος εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ λοιποί." '^3.498 δέος δὲ πρὸς τὴν τόλμαν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐνέπεσεν, καὶ μάχεσθαι μὲν ἢ διακωλύειν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινεν, λιπόντες δὲ τὴν φρουρὰν οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν ̓Ιησοῦν διὰ τῆς χώρας ἔφευγον,' "^3.499 οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τὴν λίμνην καταθέοντες ὑπαντιάζουσιν τοῖς πολεμίοις περιέπιπτον: ἐκτείνοντο δ' οἱ μὲν ἐπιβαίνοντες τῶν σκαφῶν, οἱ δὲ τοῖς ἀναχθεῖσιν προσπίπτειν πειρώμενοι. πολὺς δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἦν φόνος," ^3.501 μέχρι Τίτος τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους ἀνελών, οἰκτείρας δὲ τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἀνεπαύσατο φόνου. ^3.502 καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰς τὴν λίμνην καταφυγόντες ἐπεὶ τὴν πόλιν εἶδον ἑαλωκυῖαν, ὡς πορρωτάτω τῶν πολεμίων ἀνήχθησαν: ^4.17 Συντελεσθέντων οὖν τῶν χωμάτων θᾶττον πλήθει χειρῶν καὶ τῶν πραττομένων ἔθει προσῆγον τὰς μηχανάς. ^4.17 ἀκόλουθον ἦν ἐπιδεῖν τοὺς αὐτοὺς φονευομένους. ἐπείδομεν καὶ τοῦτο καθάπερ ἐξ ἀγέλης ζῴων ἀλόγων ἑλκομένου τοῦ κρατιστεύοντος ἀεὶ θύματος, οὐδὲ φωνήν τις ἀφῆκεν οὐχ ὅπως ἐκίνησε τὴν δεξιάν. ^4.18 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἅπαξ ἐμνήσθην ̔Ρωμαίων, οὐκ ἀποκρύψομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν ὃ μεταξὺ τῶν λόγων ἐμπεσὸν ἐπέστρεψε τὴν διάνοιαν, ὅτι κἂν ἁλῶμεν ὑπ' ἐκείνοις, ἀπείη δὲ ἡ πεῖρα τοῦ λόγου, χαλεπώτερον οὐδὲν παθεῖν ἔχομεν ὧν ἡμᾶς διατεθείκασιν οὗτοι." "^4.18 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Χάρητα καὶ ̓Ιώσηπον, οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν δυνατώτατοι, καίπερ καταπεπληγότας τοὺς ὁπλίτας τάττουσιν, ἐπειδὴ μέχρι πολλοῦ πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀνθέξειν οὐχ ὑπελάμβανον ὕδατι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδείοις μὴ διαρκούμενοι.' "^4.19 παρακροτήσαντες δ' ὅμως ἐξήγαγον ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος, καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον μὲν ἀπημύναντο τοὺς προσάγοντας τὰς μηχανάς, βαλλόμενοι δὲ τοῖς καταπελτικοῖς καὶ τοῖς πετροβόλοις ἀνεχώρουν εἰς τὴν πόλιν." "^4.19 τάχα τὸ θεῖον ὑβρισμένον ἀναστρέψει κατ' αὐτῶν τὰ βαλλόμενα, καὶ τοῖς σφετέροις διαφθαρήσονται βέλεσιν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς. μόνον ὀφθῶμεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ καταλέλυνται." '^4.21 μηχανώμενος δὲ τὸ μὴ δι' ὑποψίας ἐλθεῖν ἀμέτροις ἐχρῆτο ταῖς θεραπείαις εἰς τόν τε ̓́Ανανον καὶ τοὺς τοῦ δήμου προεστῶτας." '^4.21 οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν κατὰ τὰς πρώτας εἰσόδους ἐνιστάμενοι προσωτέρω χωρεῖν ἐκώλυον καὶ καρτερῶς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἀνεῖργον:' "^4.22 βιαζόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ πάντοθεν τρέπονται πρὸς τὰ ὑψηλὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ προσκειμένοις τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς ἐπιπεσόντες συνώθουν εἰς τὸ κάταντες καὶ τῇ στενότητι καὶ δυσχωρίᾳ θλιβομένους ἀνῄρουν. ^4.22 δεῖν οὖν ἢ τῷ λόγῳ τοῦ ζῆν τοὺς φρουροῦντας ἱκετεύειν ἢ πορίζεσθαί τινα παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίαν: ^4.23 οἱ δὲ μήτε τοὺς κατὰ κορυφὴν ἀμύνασθαι δυνάμενοι μήτε διεκπαίειν τῶν σφετέρων πρόσω βιαζομένων ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τῶν πολεμίων, πρόσγειοι γὰρ ἦσαν, ἀνέφευγον. ^4.23 προεβλήθησαν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγγελίαν δύο τῶν δραστηρίων ἀνδρῶν εἰπεῖν τε ἱκανοὶ καὶ πεῖσαι περὶ πραγμάτων, τὸ δὲ τούτων χρησιμώτερον, ὠκύτητι ποδῶν διαφέροντες:' "^4.24 αἱ δὲ ταχέως κατηρείποντο πληρούμεναι καὶ τὸ βάρος μὴ στέγουσαι, κατέσειε δὲ πολλὰς μία τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῆς πεσοῦσα καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖναι τὰς ὑπ' αὐτάς." "^4.24 καὶ εἰ μὲν ἑώρων τὴν σύνταξιν ὑμῶν ἐξ ὁμοίων τοῖς καλέσασιν ἀνδρῶν, οὐκ ἂν ἄλογον τὴν ὁρμὴν ὑπελάμβανον: οὐδὲν γὰρ οὕτως συνίστησι τὰς εὐνοίας ὡς τρόπων συγγένεια: νῦν δ', εἰ μέν τις αὐτοὺς ἐξετάζοι καθ' ἕνα, μυρίων ἕκαστος εὑρεθήσεται θανάτων ἄξιος." "^4.25 καὶ ἐγὼ καθ' ἑαυτὸν μὲν ἂν εἰρήνην προτιμήσαιμι θανάτου, πολεμούμενος δ' ἅπαξ καὶ συμβαλὼν θάνατον εὐκλεᾶ τοῦ ζῆν αἰχμάλωτος." '^4.25 τοῦτο πλείστους διέφθειρε τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων: ὑπὸ γὰρ ἀμηχανίας καίτοι συνιζανούσας ὁρῶντες ἐπεπήδων ταῖς στέγαις, καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν κατεχώννυντο τοῖς ἐρειπίοις, πολλοὶ δ' ὑποφεύγοντες μέρη τοῦ σώματος κατελαμβάνοντο, πλείστους δὲ ὁ κονιορτὸς ἄγχων ἀνῄρει." "^4.26 ἔξεστιν δ' ὑμῖν παρελθοῦσιν εἴσω μὴ πολέμου νόμῳ θεάσασθαι τὰ τεκμήρια τῶν λεγομένων, οἴκους ἠρημωμένους ταῖς ἐκείνων ἁρπαγαῖς καὶ γύναια καὶ γενεὰς τῶν ἀπεσφαγμένων μελανειμονούσας, κωκυτὸν δὲ καὶ θρῆνον ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ὅλην: οὐδεὶς γάρ ἐστιν, ὃς οὐ γέγευται τῆς τῶν ἀνοσίων καταδρομῆς:" '^4.26 συνεργίαν θεοῦ τοῦτο Γαμαλεῖς ὑπελάμβανον καὶ τῆς κατὰ σφᾶς ἀμελοῦντες βλάβης ἐπέκειντο, πρός τε τὰ στέγη τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνωθοῦντες καί τοι κατολισθάνοντας ἐν ὀξέσι τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ ἀεὶ τοὺς πίπτοντας ὕπερθεν βάλλοντες ἔκτεινον.' "^4.27 Τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ ̓Ιησοῦς ἔλεγε: τῶν δὲ ̓Ιδουμαίων οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος προσεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ τεθύμωτο μὴ τυχὸν ἑτοίμης τῆς εἰσόδου, καὶ διηγανάκτουν οἱ στρατηγοὶ πρὸς ἀπόθεσιν τῶν ὅπλων αἰχμαλωσίαν ἡγούμενοι τὸ κελευόντων τινῶν αὐτὰ ῥῖψαι.' "^4.27 καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐρείπια χερμάδων πλέα ἦν αὐτοῖς, σίδηρον δὲ παρεῖχον οἱ τῶν πολεμίων νεκροί: παρασπῶντες γὰρ τὰ τῶν πεσόντων ξίφη κατὰ τῶν δυσθανατούντων ἐχρῶντο. ^4.28 μέμψαιτ' ἂν εἰκότως τις τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ πολιορκουμένους, ὅτι θαρσήσαντες τοὺς προδότας κολάζειν, οὓς ὑμεῖς ἄνδρας ἐπισήμους καὶ ἀκαταιτιάτους λέγετε διὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν, οὐκ ἀφ' ὑμῶν ἤρξαντο καὶ τὰ καιριώτατα τῆς προδοσίας μέρη προαπέκοψαν." "^4.28 πολλοὶ δ' ἀπὸ πιπτόντων ἤδη τῶν δωμάτων σφᾶς αὐτοὺς βάλλοντες ἔθνησκον." "^4.29 ἦν δ' οὐδὲ τραπέντων ἡ φυγὴ ῥᾴδιος: κατὰ γὰρ ἄγνοιαν τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ παχύτητα τοῦ κονιορτοῦ μηδὲ ἀλλήλους ἐπιγινώσκοντες ἀνειλοῦντο καὶ περὶ σφᾶς ἔπιπτον." '^4.29 οἱ μὲν γὰρ ̓Ιδουμαῖοι συσπειραθέντες τοῖς σώμασιν ἀλλήλους ἀντέθαλπον καὶ τοὺς θυρεοὺς ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς συμφράξαντες ἧττον ἐκακοῦντο τοῖς ὑετοῖς,' "^4.31 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δ' ἀεὶ προσμένων τοῖς πονουμένοις, δεινὸν γάρ τι πάθος αὐτὸν εἰσῄει κατερειπομένην ὁρῶντα περὶ τῷ στρατῷ τὴν πόλιν, ἐν λήθῃ τοῦ κατ' αὐτὸν ἀσφαλοῦς γενόμενος λανθάνει κατὰ μικρὸν ἀνωτάτω τῆς πόλεως προελθών, ἔνθα μέσοις ἐγκαταλείπεται τοῖς κινδύνοις μετ' ὀλίγων παντελῶς:" ^4.31 οἱ δὲ ζηλωταὶ τοῖς ̓Ιδουμαίοις συνεπηλάλαζον καὶ τὴν ἐκ πάντων βοὴν ὁ χειμὼν ἐποίει φοβερωτέραν. ἐφείδοντό τε οὐδενὸς ̓Ιδουμαῖοι φύσει τε ὠμότατοι φονεύειν ὄντες καὶ τῷ χειμῶνι κεκακωμένοι κατὰ τῶν ἀποκλεισάντων ἐχρῶντο τοῖς θυμοῖς: ^4.32 οὐδὲ γὰρ ὁ παῖς αὐτῷ Τίτος τότε συμπαρῆν τηνικαῦτα πρὸς Μουκιανὸν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπεσταλμένος.' "^4.32 πρό τε τῶν ἰδίων λυσιτελῶν τὸ κοινῇ συμφέρον ἀεὶ τιθέμενος καὶ περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενος τὴν εἰρήνην: ἄμαχα γὰρ ᾔδει τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων: προσκοπούμενος δ' ὑπ' ἀνάγκης καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ὅπως, εἰ μὴ διαλύσαιντο ̓Ιουδαῖοι, δεξιῶς διαφέροιντο." "^4.33 οἱ συλληφθέντες δὲ μεθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο νύκτωρ, καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐκφοροῦντες ἔρριπτον, ὡς ἑτέροις εἴη δεσμώταις τόπος." '^4.33 τραπῆναι μὲν οὖν οὔτε ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε πρέπον ἡγήσατο, μνησθεὶς δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ νεότητος αὐτῷ πεπονημένων καὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρετῆς, ὥσπερ ἔνθους γενόμενος, συνασπίζει μὲν τοὺς ἅμ' αὐτῷ τά τε σώματα καὶ τὰς πανοπλίας," "^4.34 οἱ ζηλωταὶ δ' ἐθορύβουν καὶ μόλις τῶν ξιφῶν ἀπεκράτουν, τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὴν εἰρωνείαν τοῦ δικαστηρίου μέχρι τέλους παῖξαι προαιρούμενοι, καὶ ἄλλως πειράσαι θέλοντες τοὺς δικαστάς, εἰ παρὰ τὸν αὐτῶν κίνδυνον μνησθήσονται τοῦ δικαίου." '^4.34 ὑφίσταται δὲ κατὰ κορυφὴν ἐπιρρέοντα τὸν πόλεμον καὶ οὔτε ἀνδρῶν πλῆθος οὔτε βελῶν ὑποπτήξας ἐπέμενε, μέχρι δαιμόνιον τὸ παράστημα τῆς ψυχῆς συννοήσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι ταῖς ὁρμαῖς ἐνέδοσαν.' "^4.35 ἀτονώτερον δὲ προσκειμένων αὐτὸς ὑπὸ πόδα ἀνεχώρει νῶτα μὴ δεικνὺς ἕως ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἐγένετο.' "^4.35 ἐφ' οἷς τῶν μὲν οἰκείων πολλοὺς αἰσθάνεσθαι μετανοοῦντας, τῶν ἐπικαλεσαμένων δὲ ὁρᾶν ἄμετρον τὴν ὠμότητα μηδὲ δι' οὓς ἐσώθησαν αἰδουμένων:" "^4.36 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔξω τῶν πυλῶν ἦκτο, τὴν σωτηρίαν ἀπογνοὺς περὶ ταφῆς ἱκέτευεν: οἱ δὲ προαπειλήσαντες ἧς ἐπεθύμει μάλιστα γῆς μὴ μεταδώσειν αὐτῷ, τὸν φόνον ἐνήργουν. ^4.36 πλεῖστοι μὲν οὖν ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ ταύτην ἔπεσον τὴν μάχην, ἐν οἷς ὁ δεκαδάρχης Αἰβούτιος, ἀνὴρ οὐ μόνον ἐφ' ἧς ἔπεσε παρατάξεως, ἀλλὰ πανταχοῦ καὶ πρότερον γενναιότατος φανεὶς καὶ πλεῖστα κακὰ ̓Ιουδαίους ἐργασάμενος." '^4.37 ἑκατοντάρχης δέ τις, Γάλλος ὀνόματι, μετὰ στρατιωτῶν δέκα περισχεθεὶς ἐν τῇ ταραχῇ κατέδυ μὲν εἴς τινος οἰκίαν, ^4.37 στρατηγεῖν μὲν γὰρ ἄμεινον αὐτοῦ τὸν θεὸν ἀπονητὶ ̔Ρωμαίοις παραδιδόντα ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ τὴν νίκην ἀκινδύνως τῇ στρατιᾷ χαριζόμενον:' "^4.38 νεκροὶ δὲ κατὰ τὰς λεωφόρους πάσας ἐσωρεύοντο παμπληθεῖς, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ὁρμωμένων αὐτομολεῖν πάλιν τὴν ἔνδον ἀπώλειαν ᾑροῦντο: τὸν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς πατρίδος θάνατον ἐλπὶς ταφῆς ἐποίει δοκεῖν μετριώτερον.' "^4.38 τῶν δ' ἐν αὐτῇ διαλαλούντων παρὰ δεῖπνον ὅσα κατὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ἢ περὶ σφῶν ὁ δῆμος ἐβουλεύετο κατακροασάμενος, ἦν δὲ αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ Σύροι, νύκτωρ ἐπανίσταται καὶ πάντας ἀποσφάξας μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν εἰς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους διασώζεται." ^4.45 τῇ δ' ἑξῆς εἰς ̔Ιεριχοῦντα ἀφικνεῖται, καθ' ἣν αὐτῷ συμμίσγει Τραϊανὸς εἷς τῶν ἡγεμόνων τὴν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας ἄγων δύναμιν ἤδη τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην κεχειρωμένων." ^4.45 τὸ δ' ἀπερίσκεπτον ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ τῆς ὁρμῆς μανιῶδες οὐ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίων, οἳ πάντα ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ τάξει κατορθοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ βαρβαρικόν, καὶ ᾧ μάλιστα ̓Ιουδαῖοι κρατοῦνται." "^4.54 Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τοιούτοις πάθεσι διεκαρτέρουν, Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ πάρεργον ἐποιεῖτο τῆς πολιορκίας τοὺς τὸ ̓Ιταβύριον κατειληφότας ὄρος, ὅ ἐστι τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου καὶ Σκυθοπόλεως μέσον:' "^4.54 τὸν δὲ οὐκ ἔλεος εἰσῆλθεν ἀλλ' ὀργὴ περὶ τῆς ἡρπασμένης, καὶ πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐλθὼν καθάπερ τὰ τρωθέντα τῶν θηρίων, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς τρώσαντας οὐ κατέλαβεν, ἐφ' οὓς εὗρε τὸν θυμὸν ἠφίει." "^4.55 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἀναστὰς ἐκ τῆς Καισαρείας πέμπτῃ Δαισίου μηνὸς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὰ μηδέπω κατεστραμμένα τῶν τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας χωρίων. ^4.55 οὗ τὸ μὲν ὕψος ἐπὶ τριάκοντα σταδίους ἀνίσχει, μόλις προσβατὸν κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα, πεδίον δ' ἐστὶν ἡ κορυφὴ σταδίων ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι, πᾶν τετειχισμένον." '^4.56 ἤγειρε δὲ τοσοῦτον ὄντα τὸν περίβολον ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος ἐν τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέραις τῇ τε ἄλλῃ χορηγούμενος ὕλῃ κάτωθεν καὶ ὕδατι: καὶ γὰρ τοῖς ἐποίκοις μόνον ἦν ὄμβριον.' "^4.56 πόθοι δ' ἦσαν ἁρπαγῆς ἀπλήρωτοι καὶ τῶν πλουσίων οἴκων ἔρευνα φόνος τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ὕβρεις ἐπαίζοντο," '^4.57 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τὸ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐσκεδασμένον πλῆθος τῶν ζηλωτῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν πρὸς τοὺς διαπεφευγότας ἠθροίσθη, καὶ κατάγειν αὐτοὺς παρεσκευάσατο ̓Ιωάννης ἐπί τε τὸν δῆμον καὶ τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους. ^4.57 πολλοῦ οὖν πλήθους ἐπὶ τοῦτο συνειλεγμένου Οὐεσπασιανὸς Πλάκιδον σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ἑξακοσίοις πέμπει. ^4.58 πλεονεκτοῦντες δὲ τῷ τόπῳ καὶ πύργους ἔτι προσκατεσκεύασαν τέσσαρας μεγίστους, ὡς ἀφ' ὑψηλοτέρων ποιοῖντο τὰς ἀφέσεις, τὸν μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολικὴν καὶ βόρειον γωνίαν," '^4.58 τούτῳ τὸ μὲν προσβαίνειν ἀμήχανον ἦν, ἐλπίδι δὲ δεξιῶν καὶ παρακλήσεως πρὸς εἰρήνην τοὺς πολλοὺς προεκαλεῖτο.' "^4.59 κατῄεσαν δὲ ἀντεπιβουλεύοντες: ὅ τε γὰρ Πλάκιδος ὡμίλει πρᾳότερον σπουδάζων αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ λαβεῖν, κἀκεῖνοι κατῄεσαν ὡς πειθόμενοι δῆθεν, ἵνα ἀφυλάκτῳ προσπέσωσιν. ^4.59 περιαλγήσας δὲ τῷ πάθει καρτερεῖν τὴν βάσανον οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τῆς πατρίδος πορθουμένης ἑτέροις προσευσχολεῖν πολέμοις.' "^4.61 καὶ οἱ μὲν τὸ ̓Ιταβύριον καταλιπόντες ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ ἐπιχώριοι πίστεις λαβόντες, ἐπιλελοίπει δ' αὐτοὺς ὕδωρ, τό τε ὄρος καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς Πλακίδῳ παρέδοσαν." '^4.61 τετείχισται μὲν οὕτως ἡ Αἴγυπτος πάντοθεν: τὸ μεταξὺ δὲ Πηλουσίου καὶ Συήνης μῆκος αὐτῆς σταδίων δισχιλίων, ὅ τε ἀπὸ τῆς Πλινθίνης ἀνάπλους εἰς τὸ Πηλούσιον σταδίων τρισχιλίων ἑξακοσίων. ^4.71 καὶ παρελθόντος οἱ μὲν φύλακες αἰσθόμενοι μετὰ βοῆς ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα, δήλης δὲ τῆς εἰσβολῆς ταχέως καὶ τοῖς εἴσω γενομένης, οἱ μὲν ἁρπάζοντες τὰ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας ἐπισυρόμενοι πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν ἀνέφευγον μετὰ κωκυτοῦ καὶ βοῆς, οἱ δὲ τὸν Τίτον ὑπαντιάζοντες ἀδιαλείπτως ἔπιπτον:' "^4.72 ὅσοι δὲ ἀπεκωλύθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν κορυφὴν ἀναδραμεῖν ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας εἰς τὰς τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων φρουρὰς ἐξέπιπτον. ἄπειρος δ' ἦν πανταχοῦ φονευομένων ὁ στόνος, καὶ τὸ αἷμα πᾶσαν ἐπέκλυζε τὴν πόλιν κατὰ πρανοῦς χεόμενον." '^4.73 πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀναφεύγοντας εἰς τὴν ἄκραν ἐπεβοήθει Οὐεσπασιανὸς πᾶσαν εἰσαγαγὼν τὴν δύναμιν.' "^4.74 ἦν δ' ἥ τε κορυφὴ πάντοθεν πετρώδης καὶ δύσβατος, εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἐπηρμένη, καὶ πανταχόθεν † τοῦ βάθους κατέγεμεν περιειλημμένη κρημνοῖς κατέτεμνόν τε." "^4.75 ἐνταῦθα τοὺς προσβαίνοντας οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς τε ἄλλοις βέλεσι καὶ πέτρας κατακυλινδοῦντες ἐκάκουν: αὐτοὶ δὲ δι' ὕψος ἦσαν δυσέφικτοι βέλει." '^4.76 γίνεται δὲ πρὸς ἀπώλειαν αὐτῶν ἄντικρυς θύελλα δαιμόνιος, ἣ τὰ μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων ἔφερεν εἰς αὐτοὺς βέλη, τὰ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ πλάγια παρέσυρεν. ^4.77 οὔτε δὲ τοῖς ὑποκρήμνοις ἐφίστασθαι διὰ τὴν βίαν ἐδύναντο τοῦ πνεύματος μηδὲν ἑδραῖον ἔχοντες, οὔτε τοὺς προσβαίνοντας καθορᾶν. ^4.78 ἐπαναβαίνουσι δὲ ̔Ρωμαῖοι, καὶ περισχόντες οὓς μὲν ἀμυνομένους ἔφθανον, οὓς δὲ χεῖρας προί̈σχοντας: ἐτόνου δὲ τὸν θυμὸν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πάντας ἡ μνήμη τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης εἰσβολῆς ἀπολωλότων.' "^4.79 ἀπογινώσκοντες δὲ τὴν σωτηρίαν πανταχόθεν οἱ πολλοὶ περισχόμενοι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας αὑτούς τε κατεκρήμνιζον εἰς τὴν φάραγγα: βαθυτάτη δ' αὕτη κατὰ τὴν ἄκραν ὑπορώρυκτο." ^4.81 διεσώθη δὲ πλὴν δύο γυναικῶν οὐδείς: τῆς Φιλίππου δὲ ἦσαν ἀδελφῆς θυγατέρες αὗται, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ̓Ιακίμου τινὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐπισήμου, τετραρχήσαντος ̓Αγρίππᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ.' "^4.82 διεσώθησαν δὲ τὰς παρὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ὀργὰς ̔Ρωμαίων λαθοῦσαι: τότε γὰρ οὐδὲ νηπίων ἐφείδοντο, πολλὰ δ' ἑκάστοτε ἁρπάζοντες ἐσφενδόνων ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας." '^4.83 Γάμαλα μὲν οὕτως ἑάλω τρίτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι μηνὸς ̔Υπερβερεταίου τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἀρξαμένης Γορπιαίου μηνὸς τετάρτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι.' "^4.84 Μόνη δὲ Γίσχαλα πολίχνη τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀχείρωτος κατελείπετο, τοῦ μὲν πλήθους εἰρηνικὰ φρονοῦντος, καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν τὸ πλέον γεωργοὶ καὶ ταῖς ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν ἐλπίσιν ἀεὶ προσανέχοντες, παρεισεφθαρμένου δ' αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγου λῃστρικοῦ τάγματος, ᾧ τινες καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ συνενόσουν." '^4.85 ἐνῆγε δὲ τούτους εἰς τὴν ἀπόστασιν καὶ συνεκρότει Ληί̈ου τινὸς υἱὸς ̓Ιωάννης, γόης ἀνὴρ καὶ ποικιλώτατος τὸ ἦθος, πρόχειρος μὲν ἐλπίσαι μεγάλα, δεινὸς δὲ τῶν ἐλπισθέντων περιγενέσθαι παντί τε ὢν δῆλος ἀγαπᾶν τὸν πόλεμον εἰς δυναστείας ἐπίθεσιν.' "^4.86 ὑπὸ τούτῳ τὸ στασιῶδες ἐν τοῖς Γισχάλοις ἐτέτακτο, δι' οὓς τυχὸν καὶ πρεσβευσάμενον περὶ παραδόσεως τὸ δημοτικὸν ἐν πολέμου μοίρᾳ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἔφοδον ἐξεδέχετο." '^4.87 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τούτους Τίτον ἐκπέμπει σὺν χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν, τὸ δέκατον δὲ τάγμα ἀπαίρει εἰς Σκυθόπολιν.' "^4.88 αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν δυσὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Καισάρειαν, τοῦ τε συνεχοῦς καμάτου διδοὺς ἀνάπαυσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ δι' εὐθηνίαν τῶν πόλεων τά τε σώματα καὶ τὸ πρόθυμον ὑποθρέψειν οἰόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς μέλλοντας ἀγῶνας:" '^4.89 οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγον αὐτῷ πόνον ἑώρα περὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις λειπόμενον, ἅτε δὴ βασιλείου μὲν οὔσης τῆς πόλεως καὶ προανεχούσης ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους, συρρεόντων δὲ εἰς αὐτὴν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου διαδιδρασκόντων.' "^4.92 Τίτῳ δὲ προσιππασαμένῳ τοῖς Γισχάλοις εὐπετὲς μὲν ἦν ἐξ ἐφόδου τὴν πόλιν ἑλεῖν, εἰδὼς δέ, εἰ βίᾳ ληφθείη, διαφθαρησόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνέδην τὸ πλῆθος, ἦν δ' αὐτῷ κόρος ἤδη φόνων καὶ δι' οἴκτου τὸ πλέον ἀκρίτως συναπολλύμενον τοῖς αἰτίοις, ἐβούλετο μᾶλλον ὁμολογίαις παραστήσασθαι τὴν πόλιν." '^4.93 καὶ δὴ τοῦ τείχους ἀνδρῶν καταγέμοντος, οἳ τὸ πλέον ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ διεφθαρμένου τάγματος, θαυμάζειν ἔφη πρὸς αὐτούς, τίνι πεποιθότες πάσης ἑαλωκυίας πόλεως μόνοι τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλα μένουσιν, ^4.94 ἑωρακότες μὲν ὀχυρωτέρας πολλῷ πόλεις ὑπὸ μίαν προσβολὴν κατεστραμμένας, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων κτημάτων ἀπολαύοντας ὅσοι ταῖς ̔Ρωμαίων δεξιαῖς ἐπίστευσαν, ἃς καὶ νῦν προτείνειν αὐτοῖς μηδὲν μνησικακῶν τῆς αὐθαδείας. ^4.95 εἶναι γὰρ συγγνωστὸν ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδα, μηκέτι μέντοι τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις ἐπιμονήν: ^4.96 εἰ γὰρ οὐ πεισθήσονται λόγοις φιλανθρώποις καὶ δεξιαῖς πίστεως, πειράσειν αὐτοὺς ἀφειδῆ τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ ὅσον οὐδέπω † γνωσθήσεσθαι πιεζόμενον τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων μηχανήμασιν τὸ τεῖχος, ᾧ πεποιθότες ἐπιδείκνυνται μόνοι Γαλιλαίων, ὅτι εἰσὶν αὐθάδεις αἰχμάλωτοι. ^4.101 τί γὰρ ἄν τις ἐν νυκτὶ βουλεύσαιτο δρασμοῦ πλέον ἐξὸν περιστρατοπεδεύσαντα παραφυλάξαι; ^4.102 μέγα δὲ κέρδος αὐτοῖς τὸ μηδὲν παραβῆναι τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν. πρέπει δὲ τῷ παρὰ προσδοκίαν εἰρήνην χαριζομένῳ τοῖς σωζομένοις τηρεῖν καὶ τοὺς νόμους.” ^4.103 τοιούτοις ἐσοφίζετο τὸν Τίτον, οὐ τοσοῦτον τῆς ἑβδομάδος στοχαζόμενος, ὅσον τῆς αὑτοῦ σωτηρίας: ἐδεδοίκει δὲ ἐγκαταληφθῆναι παραχρῆμα τῆς πόλεως ἁλούσης ἐν νυκτὶ καὶ φυγῇ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχων τοῦ βίου.' "^4.104 θεοῦ δ' ἦν ἔργον ἄρα τοῦ σώζοντος τὸν ̓Ιωάννην ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὄλεθρον τὸ μὴ μόνον πεισθῆναι Τίτον τῇ σκήψει τῆς ὑπερθέσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς πόλεως πορρωτέρω στρατοπεδεύσασθαι πρὸς Κυδασοῖς:" '^4.105 μεσόγειος δέ ἐστι Τυρίων κώμη καρτερά, διὰ μίσους ἀεὶ καὶ πολέμου Γαλιλαίοις, ἔχουσα πλῆθός τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τῆς πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος διαφορᾶς ἐφόδια.' "^4.106 Νυκτὸς δ' ὁ ̓Ιωάννης ὡς οὐδεμίαν περὶ τῇ πόλει ̔Ρωμαίων ἑώρα φυλακήν, τὸν καιρὸν ἁρπασάμενος οὐ μόνον τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλίτας ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀργοτέρων συχνοὺς ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς ἀναλαβὼν ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἔφευγε." '^4.107 μέχρι μὲν οὖν εἴκοσι σταδίων οἷόν τε ἦν συνεξαγαγεῖν γυναικῶν καὶ παιδίων ὄχλον ἀνθρώπῳ κατασπερχομένῳ τοῖς ὑπὲρ αἰχμαλωσίας καὶ τοῦ ζῆν φόβοις, περαιτέρω δὲ προκόπτοντος ἀπελείποντο, καὶ δειναὶ τῶν ἐωμένων ἦσαν ὀλοφύρσεις: ^4.108 ὅσον γὰρ ἕκαστος τῶν οἰκείων ἐγίνετο πορρωτέρω, τοσοῦτον ἐγγὺς ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι τῶν πολεμίων, παρεῖναί τε ἤδη τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισομένους δοκοῦντες ἐπτόηντο, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀλλήλων ἐκ τοῦ δρόμου ψόφον ἐπεστρέφοντο καθάπερ ἤδη παρόντων οὓς ἔφευγον:' "^4.109 ἀνοδίαις τ' ἐνέπιπτον οἱ πολλοί, καὶ περὶ τὴν λεωφόρον ἡ τῶν φθανόντων ἔρις συνέτριβεν τοὺς πολλούς." "^4.111 ἀλλ' ἐνίκα τὸ ̓Ιωάννου παρακέλευσμα σώζειν ἑαυτοὺς ἐμβοῶντος καὶ καταφεύγειν ἔνθα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀπολειπομένων ἀμυνοῦνται ̔Ρωμαίους ἂν ἁρπαγῶσι. τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν διαδιδρασκόντων πλῆθος ὡς ἕκαστος ἰσχύος εἶχεν ἢ τάχους ἐσκέδαστο." "^4.112 Τίτος δὲ μεθ' ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὰς συνθήκας πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος παρῆν." "^4.113 ἀνοίγει δ' αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας ὁ δῆμος, καὶ μετὰ τῶν γενεῶν προελθόντες ἀνευφήμουν ὡς εὐεργέτην καὶ φρουρᾶς ἐλευθερώσαντα τὴν πόλιν:" '^4.114 ἐδήλουν γὰρ ἅμα τὴν τοῦ ̓Ιωάννου φυγὴν καὶ παρεκάλουν φείσασθαί τε αὐτῶν καὶ παρελθόντα τοὺς ὑπολειπομένους τῶν νεωτεριζόντων κολάσαι. ^4.115 ὁ δὲ τὰς τοῦ δήμου δεήσεις ἐν δευτέρῳ θέμενος μοῖραν ἔπεμπε τῶν ἱππέων ̓Ιωάννην διώξουσαν, οἳ τὸν μὲν οὐ καταλαμβάνουσιν, ἔφθη γὰρ εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα διαφυγών, τῶν δὲ συναπαράντων ἀποκτείνουσι μὲν εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, γύναια δὲ καὶ παιδία τρισχιλίων ὀλίγον ἀποδέοντα περιελάσαντες ἀνήγαγον. ^4.116 ὁ δὲ Τίτος ἤχθετο μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ παραχρῆμα τιμωρήσασθαι τὸν ̓Ιωάννην τῆς ἀπάτης, ἱκανὸν δὲ ἀστοχήσαντι τῷ θυμῷ παραμύθιον ἔχων τὸ πλῆθος τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καὶ τοὺς διεφθαρμένους εἰσῄει τε ἀνευφημούμενος εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ^4.117 καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ὀλίγον τοῦ τείχους παρασπάσαι κελεύσας νόμῳ καταλήψεως ἀπειλαῖς μᾶλλον ἢ κολάσει τοὺς ταράσσοντας τὴν πόλιν ἀνέστελλε:' "^4.118 πολλοὺς γὰρ ἂν καὶ διὰ τὰ οἰκεῖα μίση καὶ διαφορὰς ἰδίας ἐνδείξασθαι τοὺς ἀναιτίους, εἰ διακρίνοι τοὺς τιμωρίας ἀξίους: ἄμεινον δ' εἶναι μετέωρον ἐν φόβῳ τὸν αἴτιον καταλιπεῖν ἤ τινα τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων αὐτῷ συναπολεῖν:" '^4.119 τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἴσως καὶ σωφρονῆσαι δέει κολάσεως τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς παρῳχηκόσι συγγνώμην αἰδούμενον, ἀδιόρθωτον δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς παραναλωθεῖσι τιμωρίαν εἶναι. ^4.121 Πρὸς δὲ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ ̓Ιωάννου ὁ πᾶς δῆμος ἐξεκέχυτο, καὶ περὶ ἕκαστον τῶν συμπεφευγότων μυρίος ὅμιλος συνηθροισμένοι τὰς ἔξωθεν συμφορὰς ἀνεπυνθάνοντο.' "^4.122 τῶν δὲ τὸ μὲν ἆσθμα θερμὸν ἔτι κοπτόμενον ἐδήλου τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἠλαζονεύοντο δὲ κἀν κακοῖς, οὐ πεφευγέναι ̔Ρωμαίους φάσκοντες, ἀλλ' ἥκειν πολεμήσοντες αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἀσφαλοῦς:" '^4.123 ἀλογίστων γὰρ εἶναι καὶ ἀχρήστων παραβόλως προκινδυνεύειν περὶ Γίσχαλα καὶ πολίχνας ἀσθενεῖς, δέον τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰς ἀκμὰς ταμιεύεσθαι τῇ μητροπόλει καὶ συμφυλάσσειν. ^4.124 ἔνθα δὴ παρεδήλουν τὴν ἅλωσιν τῶν Γισχάλων, καὶ τὴν λεγομένην εὐσχημόνως ὑποχώρησιν αὐτῶν οἱ πολλοὶ δρασμὸν ἐνενόουν. ^4.125 ὡς μέντοι τὰ περὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ἠκούσθη, σύγχυσις οὐ μετρία κατέσχε τὸν δῆμον, καὶ μεγάλα τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἁλώσεως συνελογίζοντο τὰ τεκμήρια.' "^4.126 ̓Ιωάννης δ' ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς καταληφθεῖσιν ἧττον ἠρυθρία, περιιὼν δ' ἑκάστους ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐνῆγεν ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, τὰ μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀσθενῆ κατασκευάζων, τὴν δ' οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἐξαίρων," "^4.127 καὶ κατειρωνευόμενος τῆς τῶν ἀπείρων ἀγνοίας, ὡς οὐδ' ἂν πτερὰ λαβόντες ὑπερβαῖέν ποτε ̔Ρωμαῖοι τὸ ̔Ιεροσολύμων τεῖχος οἱ περὶ ταῖς Γαλιλαίων κώμαις κακοπαθοῦντες καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἐκεῖ τείχεσι κατατρίψαντες τὰς μηχανάς." ^4.438 Πλάκιδος δὲ δεξιᾷ τύχῃ χρώμενος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὰς πέριξ πολίχνας τε καὶ κώμας, καταλαμβανόμενός τε ̓́Αβιλα καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα καὶ Βησιμὼ τάς τε μέχρι τῆς ̓Ασφαλτίτιδος πάσας ἐγκαθίστησιν ἑκάστῃ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τῶν αὐτομόλων. ^4.442 ἕως μὲν οὖν ἐπεῖχεν ὁ χειμὼν τὰς ὑπηγμένας διησφαλίζετο κώμας τε καὶ πολίχνας φρουραῖς, δεκαδάρχας μὲν κώμαις ἐγκαθιστάς, ἑκατοντάρχας δὲ πόλεσι: πολλὰ δὲ ἀνῴκιζε καὶ τῶν πεπορθημένων.' "^4.456 ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ μῆκος μὲν σταδίων χιλίων διακοσίων, εὖρος δ' εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ μέσον ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου τέμνεται λίμνας τε ἔχει τήν τε ̓Ασφαλτῖτιν καὶ τὴν Τιβεριέων φύσιν ἐναντίας: ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἁλμυρώδης καὶ ἄγονος, ἡ Τιβεριέων δὲ γλυκεῖα καὶ γόνιμος." "^4.457 ἐκπυροῦται δὲ ὥρᾳ θέρους τὸ πεδίον καὶ δι' ὑπερβολὴν αὐχμοῦ περιέχει νοσώδη τὸν ἀέρα:" ^4.458 πᾶν γὰρ ἄνυδρον πλὴν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου, παρὸ καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὄχθαις φοινικῶνας εὐθαλεστέρους καὶ πολυφορωτέρους εἶναι συμβέβηκεν, ἧττον δὲ τοὺς πόρρω κεχωρισμένους. ^4.459 Παρὰ μέντοι τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦν ἐστι πηγὴ δαψιλής τε καὶ πρὸς ἀρδείας λιπαρωτάτη παρὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ἀναβλύζουσα πόλιν, ἣν ̓Ιησοῦς ὁ Ναυῆ παῖς στρατηγὸς ̔Εβραίων πρώτην εἷλε γῆς Χαναναίων δορίκτητον. ^4.461 ὃς ἐπιξενωθεὶς τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦν, περισσὸν δή τι φιλοφρονησαμένων αὐτὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων αὐτούς τε ἀμείβεται καὶ τὴν χώραν αἰωνίῳ χάριτι. ^4.462 προελθὼν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν πηγὴν καὶ καταβαλὼν εἰς τὸ ῥεῦμα πλῆρες ἁλῶν ἀγγεῖον κεράμου, ἔπειτα εἰς οὐρανὸν δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας δικαίαν κἀπὶ γῆς σπονδὰς μειλικτηρίους χεόμενος, τὴν μὲν ᾐτεῖτο μαλάξαι τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ γλυκυτέρας φλέβας ἀνοῖξαι,' "^4.463 τὸν δὲ ἐγκεράσασθαι τῷ ῥεύματι γονιμωτέρους τε ἀέρας δοῦναί τε ἅμα καὶ καρπῶν εὐθηνίαν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις καὶ τέκνων διαδοχήν, μηδ' ἐπιλιπεῖν αὐτοῖς τὸ τούτων γεννητικὸν ὕδωρ, ἕως μένουσι δίκαιοι." '^4.464 ταύταις ταῖς εὐχαῖς πολλὰ προσχειρουργήσας ἐξ ἐπιστήμης ἔτρεψε τὴν πηγήν, καὶ τὸ πρὶν ὀρφανίας αὐτοῖς καὶ λιμοῦ παραίτιον ὕδωρ ἔκτοτε εὐτεκνίας καὶ κόρου χορηγὸν κατέστη. ^4.465 τοσαύτην γοῦν ἐν ταῖς ἀρδείαις ἔχει δύναμιν ὡς, εἰ καὶ μόνον ἐφάψαιτο τῆς χώρας, νοστιμώτερον εἶναι τῶν μέχρι κόρου χρονιζόντων. ^4.466 παρὸ καὶ τῶν μὲν δαψιλεστέρως χρωμένων ἡ ὄνησίς ἐστιν ὀλίγη, τούτου δὲ τοῦ ὀλίγου χορηγία δαψιλής.' "^4.467 ἄρδει γοῦν πλέονα τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων, καὶ πεδίον μὲν ἔπεισιν ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίων μῆκος εὖρος δ' εἴκοσιν, ἐκτρέφει δ' ἐν αὐτῷ παραδείσους καλλίστους τε καὶ πυκνοτάτους." '^4.468 τῶν δὲ φοινίκων ἐπαρδομένων γένη πολλὰ ταῖς γεύσεσι καὶ ταῖς παρηγορίαις διάφορα: τούτων οἱ πιότεροι πατούμενοι καὶ μέλι δαψιλὲς ἀνιᾶσιν οὐ πολλῷ τοῦ λοιποῦ χεῖρον. ^4.469 καὶ μελιττοτρόφος δὲ ἡ χώρα: φέρει δὲ καὶ ὀποβάλσαμον, ὃ δὴ τιμιώτατον τῶν τῇδε καρπῶν, κύπρον τε καὶ μυροβάλανον, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἁμαρτεῖν τινα εἰπόντα θεῖον εἶναι τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ δαψιλῆ τὰ σπανιώτατα καὶ κάλλιστα γεννᾶται. ^4.471 αἴτιόν μοι δοκεῖ τὸ θερμὸν τῶν ἀέρων καὶ τὸ τῶν ὑδάτων εὔτονον, τῶν μὲν προκαλουμένων τὰ φυόμενα καὶ διαχεόντων, τῆς δὲ ἰκμάδος ῥιζούσης ἕκαστον ἰσχυρῶς καὶ χορηγούσης τὴν ἐν θέρει δύναμιν: περικαὲς δέ ἐστιν οὕτως τὸ χωρίον, ὡς μηδένα ῥᾳδίως προϊέναι. ^4.472 τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ πρὸ ἀνατολῆς ἀντλούμενον, ἔπειτα ἐξαιθριασθὲν γίνεται ψυχρότατον καὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν πρὸς τὸ περιέχον φύσιν λαμβάνει, χειμῶνος δὲ ἀνάπαλιν χλιαίνεται καὶ τοῖς ἐμβαίνουσι γίνεται προσηνέστατον. ^4.473 ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὸ περιέχον οὕτως εὔκρατον, ὡς λινοῦν ἀμφιέννυσθαι τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους νιφομένης τῆς ἄλλης ̓Ιουδαίας. ^4.474 ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ ̔Ιεροσολύμων μὲν σταδίους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, τοῦ δὲ ̓Ιορδάνου ἑξήκοντα, καὶ τὸ μὲν μέχρι ̔Ιεροσολύμων αὐτῆς ἔρημον καὶ πετρῶδες, τὸ δὲ μέχρι τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου καὶ τῆς ̓Ασφαλτίτιδος χθαμαλώτερον μέν, ἔρημον δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ ἄκαρπον. ^4.475 ἀλλὰ γὰρ τὰ μὲν περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦν εὐδαιμονεστάτην οὖσαν ἀποχρώντως δεδήλωται.' "^4.477 ἀφικόμενος γοῦν καθ' ἱστορίαν ἐπ' αὐτὴν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐκέλευσέ τινας τῶν νεῖν οὐκ ἐπισταμένων δεθέντας ὀπίσω τὰς χεῖρας ῥιφῆναι κατὰ τοῦ βυθοῦ, καὶ συνέβη πάντας ἐπινήξασθαι καθάπερ ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἄνω βιαζομένους." "^4.483 γειτνιᾷ δ' ἡ Σοδομῖτις αὐτῇ, πάλαι μὲν εὐδαίμων γῆ καρπῶν τε ἕνεκεν καὶ τῆς κατὰ πόλιν περιουσίας, νῦν δὲ κεκαυμένη πᾶσα." "^4.484 φασὶ δὲ ὡς δι' ἀσέβειαν οἰκητόρων κεραυνοῖς καταφλεγῆναι: ἔστι γοῦν ἔτι λείψανα τοῦ θείου πυρός, καὶ πέντε μὲν πόλεων ἰδεῖν σκιάς, ἔτι δὲ κἀν τοῖς καρποῖς σποδιὰν ἀναγεννωμένην, οἳ χροιὰν μὲν ἔχουσι τῶν ἐδωδίμων ὁμοίαν, δρεψαμένων δὲ χερσὶν εἰς καπνὸν διαλύονται καὶ τέφραν." '^4.485 τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τὴν Σοδομῖτιν μυθευόμενα τοιαύτην ἔχει πίστιν ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως. ^4.601 Τοιαῦτα κατὰ συστροφὰς οἱ στρατιῶται διελάλουν: ἔπειτα συναθροισθέντες καὶ παρακροτήσαντες ἀλλήλους ἀναγορεύουσι τὸν Οὐεσπασιανὸν αὐτοκράτορα καὶ σώζειν τὴν κινδυνεύουσαν ἡγεμονίαν παρεκάλουν. ^4.602 τῷ δὲ φροντὶς μὲν ἦν πάλαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, οὔτι γε μὴν αὐτὸς ἄρχειν προῄρητο, τοῖς μὲν ἔργοις ἑαυτὸν ἄξιον ἡγούμενος, προκρίνων δὲ τῶν ἐν λαμπρότητι κινδύνων τὴν ἐν ἰδιώταις ἀσφάλειαν. ^4.603 ἀρνουμένῳ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ ἡγεμόνες ἐπέκειντο καὶ περιχυθέντες οἱ στρατιῶται ξιφήρεις ἀναιρεῖν αὐτὸν ἠπείλουν, εἰ μὴ βούλοιτο ζῆν ἀξίως. ^4.604 πολλὰ δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς διατεινάμενος ἐξ ὧν διωθεῖτο τὴν ἀρχὴν τελευταῖον, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, εἴκει τοῖς ὀνομάσασι.' "^4.618 καὶ ὁ μὲν πεπιστευμένος ἤδη τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν προπαρεσκεύαζεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἄφιξιν, τάχιον δ' ἐπινοίας διήγγελλον αἱ φῆμαι τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνατολῆς αὐτοκράτορα, καὶ πᾶσα μὲν πόλις ἑώρταζεν εὐαγγέλια δὲ καὶ θυσίας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐπετέλει." "^4.622 Προχωρούσης δὲ πανταχοῦ κατὰ νοῦν τῆς τύχης καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων συννενευκότων ἐκ τοῦ πλείστου μέρους, ἤδη παρίστατο τῷ Οὐεσπασιανῷ νοεῖν, ὡς οὐ δίχα δαιμονίου προνοίας ἅψαιτο τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ δικαία τις εἱμαρμένη περιαγάγοι τὸ κρατεῖν τῶν ὅλων ἐπ' αὐτόν:" "^4.623 ἀναμιμνήσκεται γὰρ τά τε ἄλλα σημεῖα, πολλὰ δ' αὐτῷ γεγόνει πανταχοῦ προφαίνοντα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, καὶ τὰς τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου φωνάς, ὃς αὐτὸν ἔτι ζῶντος Νέρωνος αὐτοκράτορα προσειπεῖν ἐθάρσησεν." "^4.624 ἐξεπέπληκτο δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα δεσμώτην ἔτι ὄντα παρ' αὐτῷ, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος Μουκιανὸν ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσι καὶ φίλοις πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῦ τὸ δραστήριον ἐκδιηγεῖτο καὶ ὅσα περὶ τοῖς ̓Ιωταπάτοις δι' αὐτὸν ἔκαμον," '^4.625 ἔπειτα τὰς μαντείας, ἃς αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπώπτευσε τότε πλάσματα τοῦ δέους, ἀποδειχθῆναι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων θείας. ^4.626 “αἰσχρὸν οὖν, ἔφη, τὸν προθεσπίσαντά μοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ διάκονον τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ φωνῆς ἔτι αἰχμαλώτου τάξιν ἢ δεσμώτου τύχην ὑπομένειν” καὶ καλέσας τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον λυθῆναι κελεύει. ^4.629 συνεδόκει ταῦτα, καὶ παρελθών τις πελέκει διέκοψε τὴν ἅλυσιν. ὁ δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος εἰληφὼς περὶ τῶν προειρημένων γέρας τὴν ἐπιτιμίαν ἤδη καὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἀξιόπιστος ἦν.' "^5.2 ἀλλὰ καθεκτέον γὰρ καὶ τὰ πάθη τῷ νόμῳ τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς οὐκ ὀλοφυρμῶν οἰκείων ὁ καιρός, ἀλλ' ἀφηγήσεως πραγμάτων. δίειμι δὲ τὰ ἑξῆς ἔργα τῆς στάσεως." "^5.2 ἔτι δ' αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν συγκαθισταμένου τῷ πατρὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν νέον αὐτοῖς ἐγκεχειρισμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ συνέβη καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις στάσιν ἀνακμάσασαν τριμερῆ γενέσθαι καὶ καθ' αὑτοῦ θάτερον ἐπιστρέψαι μέρος, ὅπερ ἄν τις ὡς ἐν κακοῖς ἀγαθὸν εἴποι καὶ δίκης ἔργον." "^5.2 τὸ δὲ πρὸς δύσιν μέρος οὐκ εἶχε πύλην, ἀλλὰ διηνεκὲς ἐδεδόμητο ταύτῃ τὸ τεῖχος. αἱ στοαὶ δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν πυλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἔνδον ἐστραμμέναι πρὸ τῶν γαζοφυλακίων σφόδρα μὲν καλοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ἀνείχοντο κίοσιν, ἦσαν δ' ἁπλαῖ, καὶ πλὴν τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν κάτω κατ' οὐδὲν ἀπελείποντο." ^5.45 Τίτῳ μὲν οὖν οἰκτρὸν τὸ πάθος κατεφαίνετο πεντακοσίων ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ πλειόνων ἁλισκομένων, οὔτε δὲ τοὺς βίᾳ ληφθέντας ἀφεῖναι ἀσφαλὲς καὶ φυλάττειν τοσούτους φρουρὰν τῶν φυλαξόντων ἑώρα: τό γε μὴν πλέον οὐκ ἐκώλυεν τάχ' ἂν ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐλπίσας αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν, ὅμοια πεισομένους." "^5.45 φίλων δὲ δοκιμώτατος εὔνοιάν τε καὶ σύνεσιν Τιβέριος ̓Αλέξανδρος, πρότερον μὲν αὐτοῖς τὴν Αἴγυπτον διέπων,' "^5.46 ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ὁ ̓Επιφανὴς ̓Αντίοχος παρῆν ἄλλους τε ὁπλίτας συχνοὺς ἔχων καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν στῖφος Μακεδόνων καλούμενον, ἥλικας πάντας, ὑψηλούς, ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ ἀντίπαιδας, τὸν Μακεδονικὸν τρόπον ὡπλισμένους τε καὶ πεπαιδευμένους, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν εἶχον ὑστεροῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ τοῦ γένους. ^5.46 τότε δὲ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἄρχων, κριθεὶς ἄξιος ἐξ ὧν ἐδεξιώσατο πρῶτος ἐγειρομένην ἄρτι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ μετὰ πίστεως λαμπρᾶς ἐξ ἀδήλου τῇ τύχῃ προσέθετο, σύμβουλός γε μὴν ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου χρείαις ἡλικίᾳ τε προύχων καὶ κατ' ἐμπειρίαν εἵπετο." ^5.362 Οὗτος περιιὼν τὸ τεῖχος καὶ πειρώμενος ἔξω τε βέλους εἶναι καὶ ἐν ἐπηκόῳ, πολλὰ κατηντιβόλει φείσασθαι μὲν αὑτῶν καὶ τοῦ δήμου, φείσασθαι δὲ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ μηδὲ γενέσθαι πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν ἀλλοφύλων ἀπαθεστέρους.' "^5.363 ̔Ρωμαίους μέν γε τοὺς μὴ μετέχοντας ἐντρέπεσθαι τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἅγια καὶ μέχρι νῦν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπέχειν, τοὺς δ' ἐντραφέντας αὐτοῖς κἂν περισωθῇ μόνους ἕξοντας ὡρμῆσθαι πρὸς ἀπώλειαν αὐτῶν." '^5.364 ἦ μὴν τὰ καρτερώτερα μὲν αὐτῶν ὁρᾶν τείχη πεπτωκότα, λειπόμενον δὲ τὸ τῶν ἑαλωκότων ἀσθενέστερον: γινώσκειν δὲ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἰσχὺν ἀνυπόστατον καὶ τὸ δουλεύειν τούτοις οὐκ ἀπείρατον αὐτοῖς.' "^5.365 εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ πολεμεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας καλόν, χρῆναι τὸ πρῶτον: τὸ δ' ἅπαξ ὑποπεσόντας καὶ μακροῖς εἴξαντας χρόνοις ἔπειτα ἀποσείεσθαι τὸν ζυγὸν δυσθανατούντων, οὐ φιλελευθέρων εἶναι." '^5.366 δεῖν μέντοι καὶ δεσπότας ἀδοξεῖν ταπεινοτέρους, οὐχ οἷς ὑποχείρια τὰ πάντα. τί γὰρ ̔Ρωμαίους διαπεφευγέναι, πλὴν εἰ μή τι διὰ θάλπος ἢ κρύος ἄχρηστον;' "^5.367 μεταβῆναι γὰρ πρὸς αὐτοὺς πάντοθεν τὴν τύχην, καὶ κατὰ ἔθνος τὸν θεὸν ἐμπεριάγοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας εἶναι. νόμον γε μὴν ὡρίσθαι καὶ παρὰ θηρσὶν ἰσχυρότατον καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώποις, εἴκειν τοῖς δυνατωτέροις καὶ τὸ κρατεῖν παρ' οἷς ἀκμὴ τῶν ὅπλων εἶναι." "^5.368 διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτῶν καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἔτι δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀφορμαῖς ἀμείνους ὄντας εἶξαι ̔Ρωμαίοις, οὐκ ἂν εἰ μὴ τὸν θεὸν ᾔδεσαν σὺν αὐτοῖς τοῦθ' ὑπομείναντας." "^5.369 αὐτοὺς δὲ τίνι καὶ πεποιθότας ἀντέχειν, ἑαλωκυίας μὲν ἐκ πλείστου τῆς πόλεως μέρους, τῶν δ' ἔνδον, εἰ καὶ τὰ τείχη παρέμενεν, ἁλώσεως χεῖρον διακειμένων;" "^5.371 εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ παύσαιντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι τῆς πολιορκίας μηδ' ἐπιπίπτοιεν τῇ πόλει ξιφήρεις, αὐτοῖς γε τὸν ἄμαχον πόλεμον ἔνδον παρακαθῆσθαι καθ' ἑκάστην ὥραν τρεφόμενον, εἰ μὴ καὶ πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν ἆραι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ μάχεσθαι δύνανται μόνοι τε καὶ παθῶν ἐπικρατεῖν." '^5.372 προσετίθει δὲ ὡς καλὸν πρὸ ἀνηκέστου συμφορᾶς μεταβαλέσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὸ σωτήριον ἕως ἔξεστι ῥέψαι: καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ μνησικακήσειν αὐτοῖς ̔Ρωμαίους τῶν γεγενημένων, εἰ μὴ μέχρι τέλους ἀπαυθαδίσαιντο: φύσει τε γὰρ ἐν τῷ κρατεῖν ἡμέρους εἶναι καὶ πρὸ τῶν θυμῶν θήσεσθαι τὸ συμφέρον.' "^5.373 τοῦτο δ' εἶναι μήτε τὴν πόλιν ἀνδρῶν κενὴν μήτε τὴν χώραν ἔρημον ἔχειν. διὸ καὶ νῦν Καίσαρα βούλεσθαι δεξιὰν αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν σῶσαί τινα βίᾳ λαβόντα τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μάλιστα μηδ' ἐν ἐσχάταις συμφοραῖς ὑπακουσάντων παρακαλοῦντι." '^5.374 τοῦ γε μὴν ταχέως τὸ τρίτον τεῖχος ἁλώσεσθαι τὰ προεαλωκότα πίστιν εἶναι: κἂν ἄρρηκτον δὲ ᾖ τὸ ἔρυμα, τὸν λιμὸν ὑπὲρ ̔Ρωμαίων αὐτοῖς μαχεῖσθαι.' "^5.375 Ταῦτα τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον παραινοῦντα πολλοὶ μὲν ἔσκωπτον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους, πολλοὶ δ' ἐβλασφήμουν, ἔνιοι δ' ἔβαλλον. ὁ δ' ὡς ταῖς φανεραῖς οὐκ ἔπειθε συμβουλίαις, ἐπὶ τὰς ὁμοφύλους μετέβαινεν ἱστορίας “ἆ δειλοί," '^5.376 βοῶν, καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀμνήμονες συμμάχων, ὅπλοις καὶ χερσὶ πολεμεῖτε ̔Ρωμαίοις; τίνα γὰρ ἄλλον οὕτως ἐνικήσαμεν;' "^5.377 πότε δ' οὐ θεὸς ὁ κτίσας ἂν ἀδικῶνται ̓Ιουδαίων ἔκδικος; οὐκ ἐπιστραφέντες ὄψεσθε πόθεν ὁρμώμενοι μάχεσθε καὶ πηλίκον ἐμιάνατε σύμμαχον; οὐκ ἀναμνήσεσθε πατέρων ἔργα δαιμόνια, καὶ τὸν ἅγιον τόνδε χῶρον ἡλίκους ἡμῖν πάλαι πολέμους καθεῖλεν;" "^5.378 ἐγὼ μὲν φρίττω τὰ ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ λέγων εἰς ἀναξίους ἀκοάς: ἀκούετε δ' ὅμως, ἵνα γνῶτε μὴ μόνον ̔Ρωμαίοις πολεμοῦντες ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ θεῷ." "^5.379 βασιλεὺς ὁ τότε Νεχαὼς Αἰγυπτίων, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ Φαραώ, μυρίᾳ χειρὶ καταβὰς ἥρπασε Σάρραν βασιλίδα, τὴν μητέρα τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν." "^5.381 οὐ μετὰ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἄχραντος μὲν ἡ βασίλισσα ἀνεπέμφθη πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, προσκυνῶν δὲ τὸν ὑφ' ὑμῶν αἱμαχθέντα χῶρον ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ καὶ τρέμων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν νυκτὶ φαντασμάτων ἔφευγεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος, ἀργύρῳ δὲ καὶ χρυσῷ τοὺς θεοφιλεῖς ̔Εβραίους ἐδωρεῖτο;" '^5.382 εἴπω τὴν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μετοικίαν τῶν πατέρων; οὐ τυραννούμενοι καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἀλλοφύλοις ὑποπεπτωκότες τετρακοσίοις ἔτεσι παρὸν ὅπλοις ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ χερσὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐπέτρεψαν τῷ θεῷ; ^5.383 τίς οὐκ οἶδεν τὴν παντὸς θηρίου καταπλησθεῖσαν Αἴγυπτον καὶ πάσῃ φθαρεῖσαν νόσῳ, τὴν ἄκαρπον γῆν, τὸν ἐπιλείποντα Νεῖλον, τὰς ἐπαλλήλους δέκα πληγάς, τοὺς διὰ ταῦτα μετὰ φρουρᾶς προπεμπομένους πατέρας ἡμῶν ἀναιμάκτους ἀκινδύνους, οὓς ὁ θεὸς αὑτῷ νεωκόρους ἦγεν; ^5.384 ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπὸ Σύρων ἁρπαγεῖσαν ἁγίαν ἡμῖν λάρνακα οὐκ ἐστέναξε μὲν ἡ Παλαιστίνη καὶ Δαγὼν τὸ ξόανον, ἐστέναξε δὲ πᾶν τὸ τῶν ἁρπασαμένων ἔθνος,' "^5.385 σηπόμενοι δὲ τὰ κρυπτὰ τοῦ σώματος καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὰ σπλάγχνα μετὰ τῶν σιτίων καταφέροντες, χερσὶ ταῖς λῃσαμέναις ἀνεκόμισαν κυμβάλων καὶ τυμπάνων ἤχῳ καὶ πᾶσι μειλικτηρίοις ἱλασκόμενοι τὸ ἅγιον;" '^5.386 θεὸς ἦν ὁ ταῦτα πατράσιν ἡμετέροις στρατηγῶν, ὅτι τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παρέντες αὐτῷ κρῖναι τὸ ἔργον ἐπέτρεψαν. ^5.387 βασιλεὺς ̓Ασσυρίων Σενναχηρεὶμ ὅτε πᾶσαν τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐπισυρόμενος τήνδε περιεστρατοπεδεύσατο τὴν πόλιν, ἆρα χερσὶν ἀνθρωπίναις ἔπεσεν;' "^5.388 οὐχ αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἠρεμοῦσαι ἐν προσευχαῖς ἦσαν, ἄγγελος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ μιᾷ νυκτὶ τὴν ἄπειρον στρατιὰν ἐλυμήνατο, καὶ μεθ' ἡμέραν ἀναστὰς ὁ ̓Ασσύριος ὀκτωκαίδεκα μυριάδας ἐπὶ πεντακισχιλίοις νεκρῶν εὗρε, μετὰ δὲ τῶν καταλειπομένων ἀνόπλους καὶ μὴ διώκοντας ̔Εβραίους ἔφυγεν;" "^5.389 ἴστε καὶ τὴν ἐν Βαβυλῶνι δουλείαν, ἔνθα μετανάστης ὁ λαὸς ὢν ἔτεσιν ἑβδομήκοντα οὐ πρότερον εἰς ἐλευθερίαν ἀνεχαίτισεν ἢ Κῦρον τοῦτο χαρίσασθαι τῷ θεῷ: προυπέμφθησαν γοῦν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάλιν τὸν αὑτῶν σύμμαχον ἐνεωκόρουν." "^5.391 τοῦτο μέν, ἡνίκα βασιλεὺς Βαβυλωνίων ἐπολιόρκει ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, συμβαλὼν Σεδεκίας ὁ ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς παρὰ τὰς ̔Ιερεμίου προφητείας αὐτός τε ἑάλω καὶ τὸ ἄστυ μετὰ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκαπτόμενον εἶδε: καίτοι πόσῳ μετριώτερος ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖνος τῶν ὑμετέρων ἡγεμόνων ἦν, ὁ δ' ὑπ' αὐτῷ λαὸς ὑμῶν." "^5.392 βοῶντα γοῦν τὸν ̔Ιερεμίαν, ὡς ἀπέχθοιντο μὲν τῷ θεῷ διὰ τὰς εἰς αὐτὸν πλημμελείας, ἁλώσοιντο δ' εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν τὴν πόλιν, οὔθ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὔθ' ὁ δῆμος ἀνεῖλεν." "^5.393 ἀλλ' ὑμεῖς, ἵν' ἐάσω τἄνδον, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἑρμηνεῦσαι δυναίμην τὰς παρανομίας ὑμῶν ἀξίως, ἐμὲ τὸν παρακαλοῦντα πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὑμᾶς βλασφημεῖτε καὶ βάλλετε, παροξυνόμενοι πρὸς τὰς ὑπομνήσεις τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων καὶ μηδὲ τοὺς λόγους φέροντες ὧν τἆργα δρᾶτε καθ' ἡμέραν." "^5.394 τοῦτο δ', ἡνίκα ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ κληθέντος ̓Επιφανοῦς προσκαθεζομένου τῇ πόλει πολλὰ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἐξυβρικότος, οἱ πρόγονοι μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων προῆλθον, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀπεσφάγησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, διηρπάγη δὲ τὸ ἄστυ τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἠρημώθη δ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἓξ τὸ ἅγιον. καὶ τί δεῖ τἆλλα λέγειν;" "^5.395 ἀλλὰ ̔Ρωμαίους τίς ἐστρατολόγησε κατὰ τοῦ ἔθνους; οὐχ ἡ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἀσέβεια; πόθεν δ' ἠρξάμεθα δουλείας;" "^5.396 ἆρ' οὐχὶ ἐκ στάσεως τῶν προγόνων, ὅτε ἡ ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ μανία καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔρις Πομπήιον ἐπήγαγεν τῇ πόλει καὶ ̔Ρωμαίοις ὑπέταξεν ὁ θεὸς τοὺς οὐκ ἀξίους ἐλευθερίας;" "^5.397 τρισὶ γοῦν μησὶ πολιορκηθέντες ἑαυτοὺς παρέδοσαν, οὔθ' ἁμαρτόντες εἰς τὰ ἅγια καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἡλίκα ὑμεῖς καὶ πολὺ μείζοσιν ἀφορμαῖς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον χρώμενοι." "^5.398 τὸ δ' ̓Αντιγόνου τέλος τοῦ ̓Αριστοβούλου παιδὸς οὐκ ἴσμεν, οὗ βασιλεύοντος ὁ θεὸς ἁλώσει πάλιν τὸν λαὸν ἤλαυνε πλημμελοῦντα, καὶ ̔Ηρώδης μὲν ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου Σόσσιον, Σόσσιος δὲ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατιὰν ἤγαγεν, περισχεθέντες δ' ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ ἐπολιορκοῦντο, μέχρι δίκας τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν δόντες ἑάλωσαν καὶ διηρπάγη τοῖς πολεμίοις ἡ πόλις;" '^5.399 οὕτως οὐδέποτε τῷ ἔθνει τὰ ὅπλα δέδοται, τῷ δὲ πολεμεῖσθαι καὶ τὸ ἁλώσεσθαι πάντως πρόσεστι.' "^5.401 ὑμῖν δὲ τί τῶν εὐλογηθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ νομοθέτου πέπρακται; τί δὲ τῶν ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατηραμένων παραλέλειπται; πόσῳ δ' ἐστὲ τῶν τάχιον ἁλόντων ἀσεβέστεροι;" "^5.402 οὐ τὰ κρυπτὰ μὲν τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἠδοξήκατε, κλοπὰς λέγω καὶ ἐνέδρας καὶ μοιχείας, ἁρπαγαῖς δ' ἐρίζετε καὶ φόνοις καὶ ξένας καινοτομεῖτε κακίας ὁδούς, ἐκδοχεῖον δὲ πάντων τὸ ἱερὸν γέγονεν καὶ χερσὶν ἐμφυλίοις ὁ θεῖος μεμίανται χῶρος, ὃν καὶ ̔Ρωμαῖοι πόρρωθεν προσεκύνουν, πολλὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐθῶν εἰς τὸν ὑμέτερον παραλύοντες νόμον." "^5.403 εἶτ' ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν ἀσεβηθέντα σύμμαχον προσδοκᾶτε; πάνυ γοῦν ἐστὲ δίκαιοι ἱκέται καὶ χερσὶ καθαραῖς τὸν βοηθὸν ὑμῶν παρακαλεῖτε." '^5.404 τοιαύταις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἡμῶν ἱκέτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Ασσύριον, ὅτε τὸν μέγαν ἐκεῖνον στρατὸν μιᾷ νυκτὶ κατέστρωσεν ὁ θεός; ὅμοια δὲ τῷ ̓Ασσυρίῳ ̔Ρωμαῖοι δρῶσιν, ἵνα καὶ ἄμυναν ὑμεῖς ὁμοίαν ἐλπίσητε;' "^5.405 οὐχ ὁ μὲν χρήματα παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡμῶν λαβὼν ἐφ' ᾧ μὴ πορθήσει τὴν πόλιν κατέβη παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους ἐμπρῆσαι τὸν ναόν, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ τὸν συνήθη δασμὸν αἰτοῦσιν, ὃν οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν τοῖς ἐκείνων πατράσι παρέσχον;" "^5.406 καὶ τούτου τυχόντες οὔτε πορθοῦσι τὴν πόλιν οὔτε ψαύουσι τῶν ἁγίων, διδόασι δὲ ὑμῖν τὰ ἄλλα, γενεάς τ' ἐλευθέρας καὶ κτήσεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν νέμεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους σώζουσι." "^5.407 μανία δὴ τὸν θεὸν προσδοκᾶν ἐπὶ δικαίοις οἷος ἐπ' ἀδίκοις ἐφάνη. καὶ παραχρῆμα δὲ ἀμύνειν οἶδεν ὅταν δέῃ: τοὺς γοῦν ̓Ασσυρίους κατὰ νύκτα τὴν πρώτην παραστρατοπεδευσαμένους ἔκλασεν:" "^5.408 ὥστ' εἰ καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν γενεὰν ἐλευθερίας ἢ ̔Ρωμαίους κολάσεως ἀξίους ἔκρινε, κἂν παραχρῆμα καθάπερ τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίοις ἐνέσκηψεν, ὅτε τοῦ ἔθνους ἥπτετο Πομπήιος, ὅτε μετ' αὐτὸν ἀνῄει Σόσσιος, ὅτε Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐπόρθει τὴν Γαλιλαίαν, τὰ τελευταῖα νῦν, ὅτε ἤγγιζε Τίτος τῇ πόλει." "^5.409 καίτοι Μάγνος μὲν καὶ Σόσσιος πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν παθεῖν καὶ ἀνὰ κράτος ἔλαβον τὴν πόλιν, Οὐεσπασιανὸς δ' ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ἡμᾶς πολέμου καὶ βασιλείας ἤρξατο: Τίτῳ μὲν γὰρ καὶ πηγαὶ πλουσιώτεραι ῥέουσιν αἱ ξηρανθεῖσαι πρότερον ὑμῖν:" "^5.411 τό γε μὴν τέρας τοῦτο πεπείραται καὶ πρότερον ἐφ' ἁλώσει τῆς πόλεως γεγενημένον, ὅτε ὁ προειρημένος Βαβυλώνιος ἐπεστράτευσεν, ὃς τήν τε πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνέπρησε καὶ τὸν ναόν, οὐδὲν οἶμαι τῶν τότε ἠσεβηκότων τηλικοῦτον ἡλίκα ὑμεῖς:" "^5.412 ὥστε ἐγὼ πεφευγέναι μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἁγίων οἶμαι τὸ θεῖον, ἑστάναι δὲ παρ' οἷς πολεμεῖτε νῦν." "^5.413 ἀλλ' ἀνὴρ μὲν ἀγαθὸς οἰκίαν ἀσελγῆ φεύξεται καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ στυγήσει, τὸν δὲ θεὸν ἔτι πείθεσθε τοῖς οἰκείοις κακοῖς παραμένειν, ὃς τά τε κρυπτὰ πάντα ἐφορᾷ καὶ τῶν σιγωμένων ἀκούει;" "^5.414 τί δὲ σιγᾶται παρ' ὑμῖν ἢ τί κρύπτεται; τί δ' οὐχὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς φανερὸν γέγονε; πομπεύετε γὰρ παρανομοῦντες καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν ἐρίζετε, τίς χείρων γένηται, τῆς ἀδικίας ὥσπερ ἀρετῆς ἐπίδειξιν ποιούμενοι." '^5.415 καταλείπεται δὲ ὅμως ἔτι σωτηρίας ὁδός, ἐὰν θέλητε, καὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐδιάλλακτον ἐξομολογουμένοις καὶ μετανοοῦσιν. ^5.416 ὦ σιδήρειοι, ῥίψατε τὰς πανοπλίας, λάβετε ἤδη κατερειπομένης αἰδῶ πατρίδος, ἐπιστράφητε καὶ θεάσασθε τὸ κάλλος ἧς προδίδοτε, οἷον ἄστυ, οἷον ἱερόν, ὅσων ἐθνῶν δῶρα.' "^5.417 ἐπὶ ταῦτά τις ὁδηγεῖ φλόγα; ταῦτά τις μηκέτ' εἶναι θέλει; καὶ τί σώζεσθαι τούτων ἀξιώτερον, ἄτεγκτοι καὶ λίθων ἀπαθέστεροι." '^5.418 καὶ εἰ μὴ ταῦτα γνησίοις ὄμμασιν βλέπετε, γενεὰς γοῦν ὑμετέρας οἰκτείρατε, καὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἑκάστῳ γενέσθω τέκνα καὶ γυνὴ καὶ γονεῖς, οὓς ἀναλώσει μετὰ μικρὸν ἢ λιμὸς ἢ πόλεμος.' "^5.419 οἶδ' ὅτι μοι συγκινδυνεύει μήτηρ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ γένος οὐκ ἄσημον καὶ πάλαι λαμπρὸς οἶκος, καὶ τάχα δοκῶ διὰ ταῦτα συμβουλεύειν. ἀποκτείνατε αὐτούς, λάβετε μισθὸν τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας τὸ ἐμὸν αἷμα: κἀγὼ θνήσκειν ἕτοιμος, εἰ μετ' ἐμὲ σωφρονεῖν μέλλετε.”" ^5.519 Περιιὼν δὲ ταύτας ὁ Τίτος ὡς ἐθεάσατο πεπλησμένας τῶν νεκρῶν καὶ βαθὺν ἰχῶρα μυδώντων ὑπορρέοντα τῶν σωμάτων, ἐστέναξέ τε καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας κατεμαρτύρατο τὸν θεόν, ὡς οὐκ εἴη τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ. ^5.541 Κἀν τούτῳ περιιὼν ̓Ιώσηπος, οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει παρακαλῶν, βάλλεται τὴν κεφαλὴν λίθῳ καὶ παραχρῆμα πίπτει καρωθείς. ἐκδρομὴ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ πτῶμα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων γίνεται, κἂν ἔφθη συρεὶς εἰς τὴν πόλιν, εἰ μὴ ταχέως Καῖσαρ ἔπεμψε τοὺς ὑπερασπίζοντας.' "^5.542 μαχομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος μὲν αἴρεται βραχύ τι τῶν πραττομένων ἐπαί̈ων, οἱ στασιασταὶ δ' ὡς ἀνελόντες ὃν ἐπεθύμουν μάλιστα μετὰ χαρᾶς ἀνεβόων." "^5.543 διαγγέλλεταί τε εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὸ καταλειπόμενον πλῆθος ἐπέσχεν ἀθυμία πεπεισμένους οἴχεσθαι τῷ ὄντι δι' ὃν αὐτομολεῖν ἐθάρρουν." '^5.544 ἀκούσασα δὲ ἡ τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου μήτηρ ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ τεθνάναι τὸν υἱόν, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς φύλακας ἀπὸ ̓Ιωταπάτων τοῦτο ἔφη πεπεῖσθαι: καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ ζῶντος ἀπολαύειν:' "^5.545 ἰδίᾳ δὲ ὀλοφυρομένη πρὸς τὰς θεραπαινίδας τοῦτον εἰληφέναι τῆς εὐτεκνίας ἔλεγε καρπὸν τὸ μηδὲ θάψαι τὸν υἱόν, ὑφ' οὗ ταφήσεσθαι προσεδόκησεν." '^5.546 ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὔτε ταύτην ἐπὶ πλέον ὠδύνα τὸ ψεῦδος οὔτε τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔθαλπε: ταχέως γὰρ ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀνήνεγκεν ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος, καὶ προελθὼν τοὺς μὲν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐβόα δίκας αὐτῷ δώσειν τοῦ τραύματος, τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἐπὶ πίστιν πάλιν προυκαλεῖτο. ^5.547 θάρσος δὲ τῷ λαῷ καὶ τοῖς στασιασταῖς ἔκπληξις ἐμπίπτει πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῦ.' "^6.216 ἀντὶ δὲ εἰρήνης πόλεμον, πρὸ κόρου δὲ καὶ εὐθηνίας λιμὸν αἱρουμένους, ἰδίαις δὲ χερσὶν ἀρξαμένους καίειν τὸ συντηρούμενον ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἱερὸν αὐτοῖς, εἶναι καὶ τοιαύτης τροφῆς ἀξίους." "^6.236 Τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ Τίτος μέρει τῆς δυνάμεως σβεννύειν τε καὶ τὰ παρὰ τὰς πύλας ὁδοποιεῖν εἰς εὐμαρεστέραν τῶν ταγμάτων ἄνοδον κελεύσας αὐτὸς συνῆγε τοὺς ἡγεμόνας." '^6.237 καὶ συνελθόντων ἓξ τῶν κορυφαιοτάτων, Τιβερίου τε ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ πάντων τῶν στρατευμάτων ἐπάρχοντος, καὶ Σέξτου Κερεαλίου τοῦ τὸ πέμπτον ἄγοντος τάγμα, καὶ Λαρκίου Λεπίδου τὸ δέκατον, καὶ Τίτου Φρυγίου τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον, ^6.238 πρὸς οἷς Φρόντων ἦν ̔Ετέριος στρατοπεδάρχης τῶν ἀπὸ ̓Αλεξανδρείας δύο ταγμάτων, καὶ Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ̓Ιουλιανὸς ὁ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπίτροπος, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ἐπιτρόπων καὶ χιλιάρχων ἀθροισθέντων, βουλὴν περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προυτίθει.' "^6.239 τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἐδόκει χρῆσθαι τῷ τοῦ πολέμου νόμῳ: μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε ̓Ιουδαίους παύσασθαι νεωτερίζοντας τοῦ ναοῦ μένοντος, ἐφ' ὃν οἱ πανταχόθεν συλλέγονται." "^6.241 ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐδ' ἂν ἐπιβάντες ἐπ' αὐτοῦ πολεμῶσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι φήσας ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀμυνεῖσθαι τὰ ἄψυχα οὐδὲ καταφλέξειν ποτὲ τηλικοῦτον ἔργον: ̔Ρωμαίων γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὴν βλάβην, ὥσπερ καὶ κόσμον τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ μένοντος:" '^6.242 θαρροῦντες δὲ ἤδη προσετίθεντο τῇ γνώμῃ Φρόντων τε καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ Κερεάλιος. ^6.243 τότε μὲν οὖν διαλύει τὸ συνέδριον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας δυνάμεις διαναπαῦσαι κελεύσας τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, ὅπως ἐρρωμενεστέροις ἐν τῇ παρατάξει χρήσαιτο, τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν σπειρῶν ἐπιλέκτοις ὁδοποιεῖν διὰ τῶν ἐρειπίων προσέταξε καὶ τὸ πῦρ σβεννύειν.' "^6.244 Κατ' ἐκείνην μὲν δὴ τὴν ἡμέραν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων κάματός τε καὶ κατάπληξις ἐκράτησε τὰς ὁρμάς: τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ συλλεξάμενοί τε τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ ἀναθαρσήσαντες ἐπεκθέουσι διὰ τῆς ἀνατολικῆς πύλης τοῖς φύλαξι τοῦ ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ περὶ δευτέραν ὥραν." "^6.245 οἱ δὲ καρτερῶς μὲν ἐδέξαντο αὐτῶν τὴν ἐμβολὴν καὶ φραξάμενοι τοῖς θυρεοῖς κατὰ μέτωπον ὥσπερ τεῖχος ἐπύκνωσαν τὴν φάλαγγα, δῆλοι δ' ἦσαν οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ συμμενοῦντες πλήθει τε τῶν ἐκτρεχόντων καὶ θυμοῖς ἡττώμενοι." '^6.246 φθάσας δὲ τῆς παρατάξεως τὴν ῥοπὴν Καῖσαρ, καθεώρα γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας, ἐπήμυνε μετὰ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων. ^6.247 ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ τῶν πρώτων πεσόντων ἐτράπησαν οἱ πολλοί: ^6.248 καὶ ὑποχωροῦσι μὲν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπιστρεφόμενοι προσέκειντο, μεταβαλλομένων δὲ ἀνέφευγον πάλιν, ἕως περὶ πέμπτην τῆς ἡμέρας ὥραν οἱ μὲν βιασθέντες εἰς τὸ ἔνδον συνεκλείσθησαν ἱερόν. ^6.249 Τίτος δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν διεγνωκὼς τῆς ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω μετὰ πάσης ἐμβαλεῖν τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τὸν ναὸν περικατασχεῖν.' "^6.251 λαμβάνουσι δ' αἱ φλόγες ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν: ὑποχωρήσαντος γὰρ τοῦ Τίτου πρὸς ὀλίγον λωφήσαντες οἱ στασιασταὶ πάλιν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπιτίθενται, καὶ τῶν τοῦ ναοῦ φρουρῶν γίνεται συμβολὴ πρὸς τοὺς σβεννύντας τὸ πῦρ τοῦ ἔνδοθεν ἱεροῦ, οἳ τρεψάμενοι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους μέχρι τοῦ ναοῦ παρηκολούθουν." "^6.252 ἔνθα δὴ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις οὔτε παράγγελμα περιμείνας οὔτ' ἐπὶ τηλικούτῳ δείσας ἐγχειρήματι, δαιμονίῳ ὁρμῇ τινι χρώμενος ἁρπάζει μὲν ἐκ τῆς φλεγομένης † φλογός, ἀνακουφισθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ συστρατιώτου τὸ πῦρ ἐνίησι θυρίδι χρυσῇ, καθ' ἣν εἰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν ναὸν οἴκους εἰσιτὸν ἦν ἐκ τοῦ βορείου κλίματος." "^6.253 αἰρομένης δὲ τῆς φλογὸς ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν ἐγείρεται κραυγὴ τοῦ πάθους ἀξία, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν συνέθεον, οὔτε τοῦ ζῆν ἔτι φειδὼ λαμβάνοντες οὔτε ταμιευόμενοι τὴν ἰσχύν, δι' ὃ φυλακτικοὶ πρότερον ἦσαν οἰχομένου." '^6.254 Δραμὼν δέ τις ἀγγέλλει Τίτῳ: κἀκεῖνος, ἔτυχεν δὲ κατὰ σκηνὴν ἀναπαυόμενος ἐκ τῆς μάχης, ὡς εἶχεν ἀναπηδήσας ἔθει πρὸς τὸν ναὸν εἴρξων τὸ πῦρ. ^6.255 κατόπιν δὲ οἵ τε ἡγεμόνες εἵποντο πάντες, καὶ πτοηθέντα τούτοις ἠκολούθει τὰ τάγματα: βοὴ δὲ ἦν καὶ θόρυβος ἅτε τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως ἀτάκτως κεκινημένης. ^6.256 ὁ μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ τῇ τε φωνῇ καὶ τῇ δεξιᾷ διεσήμαινε τοῖς μαχομένοις τὸ πῦρ σβεννύειν, οὔτε δὲ βοῶντος ἤκουον μείζονι κραυγῇ τὰς ἀκοὰς προκατειλημμένοι καὶ τοῖς νεύμασι τῆς χειρὸς οὐ προσεῖχον, οἱ μὲν τῷ πολεμεῖν, οἱ δὲ ὀργῇ περισπώμενοι.' "^6.257 τῶν δὲ ταγμάτων εἰσθεόντων οὔτε παραίνεσις οὔτ' ἀπειλὴ κατεῖχεν τὰς ὁρμάς, ἀλλ' ὁ θυμὸς ἁπάντων ἐστρατήγει: καὶ περὶ τὰς εἰσόδους συνωθούμενοι πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπ' ἀλλήλων κατεπατοῦντο, πολλοὶ δὲ θερμοῖς ἔτι καὶ τυφομένοις τοῖς ἐρειπίοις τῶν στοῶν ἐμπίπτοντες ἡττωμένων συμφοραῖς ἐχρῶντο." '^6.258 πλησίον δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ γινόμενοι τῶν μὲν τοῦ Καίσαρος παραγγελμάτων προσεποιοῦντο μηδὲ κατακούειν, τοῖς πρὸ αὐτῶν δὲ τὸ πῦρ ἐνιέναι παρεκελεύοντο.' "^6.259 τῶν δὲ στασιαστῶν ἀμηχανία μὲν ἦν ἤδη τοῦ βοηθεῖν, φόνος δὲ πανταχοῦ καὶ τροπή. τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου λαὸς ἀσθενὴς καὶ ἄνοπλος ὅπου καταληφθείη τις ἀπεσφάττετο, καὶ περὶ μὲν τὸν βωμὸν πλῆθος ἐσωρεύετο νεκρῶν, κατὰ δὲ τῶν τοῦ ναοῦ βάθρων αἷμά τ' ἔρρει πολὺ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄνω φονευομένων σώματα κατωλίσθανε." ^6.261 τῆς φλογὸς δὲ οὐδέπω διικνουμένης οὐδαμόθεν εἴσω, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ναὸν οἴκους νεμομένης, νομίσας, ὅπερ ἦν, ἔτι σώζεσθαι τὸ ἔργον δύνασθαι προπηδᾷ, ^6.262 καὶ αὐτός τε παρακαλεῖν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπειρᾶτο τὸ πῦρ σβεννύειν καὶ Λιβεράλιον ἑκατοντάρχην τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν λογχοφόρων ξύλοις παίοντα τοὺς ἀπειθοῦντας ἐκέλευσεν εἴργειν. ^6.263 τῶν δὲ καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα αἰδῶ καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κωλύοντος φόβον ἐνίκων οἱ θυμοὶ καὶ τὸ πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους μῖσος, καὶ πολεμική τις ὁρμὴ λαβροτέρα: ^6.264 τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς ἐνῆγεν ἁρπαγῆς ἐλπίς, δόξαν τε ἔχοντας ὡς τὰ ἔνδον ἅπαντα χρημάτων μεστὰ εἴη, καὶ τὰ πέριξ ὁρῶντας χρυσοῦ πεποιημένα. ^6.265 φθάνει δέ τις καὶ τῶν εἴσω παρεληλυθότων ἐκπηδήσαντος τοῦ Καίσαρος πρὸς ἐποχὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πῦρ εἰς τοὺς στροφέας ἐμβαλὼν τῆς πύλης † ἐν σκότῳ: ^6.266 τότε γὰρ ἐξαπίνης ἔνδοθεν ἐκφανείσης φλογὸς οἵ τε ἡγεμόνες μετὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀνεχώρουν, καὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν οὐδεὶς ὑφάπτειν ἐκώλυεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν ναὸς οὕτως ἄκοντος Καίσαρος ἐμπίπραται. ^7.45 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑποπτεύσας ἀναζητεῖ τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ γνοὺς ἄδικον τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπενηνεγμένην τοὺς μὲν ἀφίησι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων Τίτου σπουδάσαντος, δίκην δ' ἐπέθηκεν ̓Ιωνάθῃ τὴν προσήκουσαν: ζῶν γὰρ κατεκαύθη πρότερον αἰκισθείς." "^7.45 τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλέων αὐτοῖς προσφερομένων εἴς τε πλῆθος ἐπέδωκαν καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξελάμπρυναν, ἀεί τε προσαγόμενοι ταῖς θρησκείαις πολὺ πλῆθος ̔Ελλήνων, κἀκείνους τρόπῳ τινὶ μοῖραν αὐτῶν πεποίηντο.' "^7.73 προτρέπεται δὲ τὰ πλήθη πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ γένη καὶ γειτονίας ποιούμενοι τὰς ἑστιάσεις ηὔχοντο τῷ θεῷ σπένδοντες αὐτόν τ' ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον Οὐεσπασιανὸν ἐπιμεῖναι τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ, καὶ παισὶν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ γινομένοις φυλαχθῆναι τὸ κράτος ἀνανταγώνιστον." '^7.121 οὐ πολλῶν δὲ ἡμερῶν διελθουσῶν ἕνα καὶ κοινὸν ἔγνωσαν τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις ποιήσασθαι θρίαμβον, καίπερ ἑκατέρῳ τῆς βουλῆς ἴδιον ψηφισαμένης. ^7.123 Τοῦ δὲ στρατιωτικοῦ παντὸς ἔτι νύκτωρ κατὰ λόχους καὶ τάξεις ὑπὸ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι διεξωδευκότος καὶ περὶ θύρας ὄντος οὐ τῶν ἄνω βασιλείων ἀλλὰ πλησίον τοῦ τῆς ̓́Ισιδος ἱεροῦ, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἀνεπαύοντο τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης οἱ αὐτοκράτορες, ^7.128 καὶ πολλῆς ἐκ πάντων ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναστὰς καὶ τῷ περιβλήματι τὸ πλέον τῆς κεφαλῆς μέρος ἐπικαλυψάμενος εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο τὰς νενομισμένας: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Τίτος ηὔξατο. ^7.131 ἐνταῦθα τροφῆς τε προαπογεύονται καὶ τὰς θριαμβικὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀμφιασάμενοι τοῖς τε παριδρυμένοις τῇ πύλῃ θύσαντες θεοῖς ἔπεμπον τὸν θρίαμβον διὰ τῶν θεάτρων διεξελαύνοντες, ὅπως εἴη τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἡ θέα ῥᾴων. ^7.132 ̓Αμήχανον δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν εἰπεῖν τῶν θεαμάτων ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν ἐν ἅπασιν οἷς ἄν τις ἐπινοήσειεν ἢ τεχνῶν ἔργοις ἢ πλούτου μέρεσιν ἢ φύσεως σπανιότησιν:' "^7.133 σχεδὸν γὰρ ὅσα τοῖς πώποτε ἀνθρώποις εὐδαιμονήσασιν ἐκτήθη κατὰ μέρος ἄλλα παρ' ἄλλοις θαυμαστὰ καὶ πολυτελῆ, ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἀθρόα τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἔδειξε τὸ μέγεθος." "^7.134 ἀργύρου γὰρ καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἐλέφαντος ἐν παντοίαις ἰδέαις κατασκευασμάτων ἦν ὁρᾶν οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν πομπῇ κομιζόμενον πλῆθος, ἀλλ' ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις ῥέοντα ποταμόν, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐκ πορφύρας ὑφάσματα τῆς σπανιωτάτης φερόμενα, τὰ δ' εἰς ἀκριβῆ ζωγραφίαν πεποικιλμένα τῇ Βαβυλωνίων τέχνῃ:" "^7.135 λίθοι τε διαφανεῖς, οἱ μὲν χρυσοῖς ἐμπεπλεγμένοι στεφάνοις, οἱ δὲ κατ' ἄλλας ποιήσεις, τοσοῦτοι παρηνέχθησαν, ὥστε μαθεῖν ὅτι μάτην εἶναί τι τούτων σπάνιον ὑπειλήφαμεν." "^7.136 ἐφέρετο δὲ καὶ θεῶν ἀγάλματα τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς μεγέθεσι θαυμαστὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν τέχνην οὐ παρέργως πεποιημένα, καὶ τούτων οὐδέν, ὅ τι μὴ τῆς ὕλης τῆς πολυτελοῦς, ζῴων τε πολλαὶ φύσεις παρήγοντο κόσμον οἰκεῖον ἁπάντων περικειμένων." "^7.137 ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ κομίζον ἕκαστα τούτων πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἁλουργαῖς ἐσθῆσι καὶ διαχρύσοις κεκοσμημένον, οἵ τ' εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πομπεύειν διακριθέντες ἐξαίρετον εἶχον καὶ καταπληκτικὴν περὶ αὐτοὺς τοῦ κόσμου τὴν πολυτέλειαν." "^7.138 ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐδὲ τὸν αἰχμάλωτον ἦν ἰδεῖν ὄχλον ἀκόσμητον, ἀλλ' ἡ τῶν ἐσθήτων ποικιλία καὶ τὸ κάλλος αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς κακώσεως τῶν σωμάτων ἀηδίαν ἔκλεπτε τῆς ὄψεως." "^7.139 θαῦμα δ' ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα παρεῖχεν ἡ τῶν φερομένων πηγμάτων κατασκευή: καὶ γὰρ διὰ μέγεθος ἦν δεῖσαι τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς φορᾶς ἀπιστήσαντα," '^7.141 καὶ γὰρ ὑφάσματα πολλοῖς διάχρυσα περιβέβλητο, καὶ χρυσὸς καὶ ἐλέφας οὐκ ἀποίητος πᾶσι περιεπεπήγει. ^7.142 διὰ πολλῶν δὲ μιμημάτων ὁ πόλεμος ἄλλος εἰς ἄλλα μεμερισμένος ἐναργεστάτην ὄψιν αὑτοῦ παρεῖχεν:' "^7.143 ἦν γὰρ ὁρᾶν χώραν μὲν εὐδαίμονα δῃουμένην, ὅλας δὲ φάλαγγας κτεινομένας πολεμίων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας τοὺς δ' εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ἀγομένους, τείχη δ' ὑπερβάλλοντα μεγέθει μηχαναῖς ἐρειπόμενα καὶ φρουρίων ἁλισκομένας ὀχυρότητας καὶ πόλεων πολυανθρώπους περιβόλους κατ' ἄκρας ἐχομένους," '^7.144 καὶ στρατιὰν ἔνδον τειχῶν εἰσχεομένην, καὶ πάντα φόνου πλήθοντα τόπον, καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν ἱκεσίας, πῦρ τε ἐνιέμενον ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκαφὰς οἴκων ἐπὶ τοῖς δεσπόταις, ^7.145 καὶ μετὰ πολλὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ κατήφειαν ποταμοὺς ῥέοντας οὐκ ἐπὶ γῆν γεωργουμένην, οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἢ βοσκήμασιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐπιπανταχόθεν φλεγομένης: ταῦτα γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πεισομένους αὑτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ παρέδοσαν.' "^7.146 ἡ τέχνη δὲ καὶ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἡ μεγαλουργία τοῖς οὐκ ἰδοῦσι γινόμενα τότ' ἐδείκνυεν ὡς παροῦσι." "^7.147 τέτακτο δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πηγμάτων ὁ τῆς ἁλισκομένης πόλεως στρατηγὸς ὃν τρόπον ἐλήφθη." "^7.148 πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ νῆες εἵποντο. λάφυρα δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χύδην ἐφέρετο, διέπρεπε δὲ πάντων τὰ ἐγκαταληφθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ, χρυσῆ τε τράπεζα τὴν ὁλκὴν πολυτάλαντος καὶ λυχνία χρυσῆ μὲν ὁμοίως πεποιημένη, τὸ δ' ἔργον ἐξήλλακτο τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν χρῆσιν συνηθείας." "^7.149 ὁ μὲν γὰρ μέσος ἦν κίων ἐκ τῆς βάσεως πεπηγώς, λεπτοὶ δ' ἀπ' αὐτοῦ μεμήκυντο καυλίσκοι τριαίνης σχήματι παραπλησίαν τὴν θέσιν ἔχοντες, λύχνον ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐπ' ἄκρον κεχαλκευμένος: ἑπτὰ δ' ἦσαν οὗτοι τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἑβδομάδος τὴν τιμὴν ἐμφανίζοντες." "^7.151 ἐπὶ τούτοις παρῄεσαν πολλοὶ Νίκης ἀγάλματα κομίζοντες: ἐξ ἐλέφαντος δ' ἦν πάντων καὶ χρυσοῦ ἡ κατασκευή." "^7.152 μεθ' ἃ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἤλαυνε πρῶτος καὶ Τίτος εἵπετο, Δομετιανὸς δὲ παρίππευεν, αὐτός τε διαπρεπῶς κεκοσμημένος καὶ τὸν ἵππον παρέχων θέας ἄξιον." "^7.153 ̓͂Ην δὲ τῆς πομπῆς τὸ τέλος ἐπὶ τὸν νεὼ τοῦ Καπετωλίου Διός, ἐφ' ὃν ἐλθόντες ἔστησαν: ἦν γὰρ παλαιὸν πάτριον περιμένειν, μέχρις ἂν τὸν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν πολεμίων θάνατον ἀπαγγείλῃ τις." "^7.154 Σίμων οὗτος ἦν ὁ Γιώρα, τότε πεπομπευκὼς ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, βρόχῳ δὲ περιβληθεὶς εἰς τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐσύρετο τόπον αἰκιζομένων αὐτὸν ἅμα τῶν ἀγόντων: νόμος δ' ἐστὶ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐκεῖ κτείνειν τοὺς ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ θάνατον κατεγνωσμένους." "^7.155 ἐπεὶ δ' ἀπηγγέλθη τέλος ἔχων καὶ πάντες εὐφήμησαν, ἤρχοντο τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς ἐπὶ ταῖς νομιζομέναις καλλιερήσαντες εὐχαῖς ἀπῄεσαν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον." "^7.156 καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτοὶ πρὸς εὐωχίαν ὑπεδέχοντο, τοῖς δ' ἄλλοις ἅπασιν εὐτρεπεῖς κατὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον αἱ τῆς ἑστιάσεως ἦσαν παρασκευαί." '^7.157 ταύτην γὰρ τὴν ἡμέραν ἡ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλις ἑώρταζεν ἐπινίκιον μὲν τῆς κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων στρατείας, πέρας δὲ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν, ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐλπίδων. ^7.158 Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους καὶ τὴν βεβαιοτάτην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἔγνω τέμενος Εἰρήνης κατασκευάσαι: ταχὺ δὲ δὴ μάλα καὶ πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρεῖττον ἐπινοίας ἐτετελείωτο. ^7.159 τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν:' "^7.161 ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '^7.162 τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν. ^7.217 οὐ γὰρ κατῴκισεν ἐκεῖ πόλιν ἰδίαν αὑτῷ τὴν χώραν φυλάττων, ὀκτακοσίοις δὲ μόνοις ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς διαφειμένοις χωρίον ἔδωκεν εἰς κατοίκησιν, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν ̓Αμμαοῦς, ἀπέχει δὲ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων σταδίους τριάκοντα. ^7.218 φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν. ^7.219 ̓́Ηδη δὲ ἔτος τέταρτον Οὐεσπασιανοῦ διέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν συνέβη τὸν βασιλέα τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς ̓Αντίοχον μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς πανοικεσίᾳ περιπεσεῖν ἀπὸ τοιαύτης αἰτίας: ^7.221 γράμματα πρὸς Καίσαρα διεπέμψατο, λέγων τὸν ̓Αντίοχον μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ̓Επιφανοῦς διεγνωκέναι ̔Ρωμαίων ἀφίστασθαι συνθήκας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Πάρθων πεποιημένον: ^7.222 δεῖν οὖν προκαταλαβεῖν αὐτούς, μὴ φθάσαντες τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρξασθαι πᾶσαν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχὴν πολέμῳ συνταράξωσιν. ^7.223 ἔμελλε Καῖσαρ τοιούτου μηνύματος αὐτῷ προσπεσόντος μὴ περιορᾶν: καὶ γὰρ ἡ γειτνίασις τῶν βασιλέων ἐποίει τὸ πρᾶγμα μείζονος ἄξιον προνοίας:' "^7.224 τὰ γὰρ Σαμόσατα τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς μεγίστη πόλις κεῖται παρὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην, ὥστ' εἶναι τοῖς Πάρθοις, εἴ τι τοιοῦτον διενενόηντο, ῥᾴστην μὲν τὴν διάβασιν βεβαίαν δὲ τὴν ὑποδοχήν." '^7.225 πιστευθεὶς οὖν Παῖτος καὶ λαβὼν ἐξουσίαν πράττειν ἃ δοκεῖ συμφέρειν οὐκ ἐμέλλησεν, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Αντίοχον οὐδὲν προσδοκώντων εἰς τὴν Κομμαγηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, τῶν μὲν ταγμάτων ἄγων τὸ ἕκτον καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ λόχους καί τινας ἴλας ἱππέων: ^7.226 συνεμάχουν δὲ καὶ βασιλεῖς αὐτῷ τῆς μὲν Χαλκιδικῆς λεγομένης ̓Αριστόβουλος, τῆς ̓Εμέσης δὲ καλουμένης Σόαιμος.' "^7.227 ἦν δ' αὐτοῖς τὰ περὶ τὴν εἰσβολὴν ἀνανταγώνιστα: τῶν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν χώραν οὐδεὶς ἤθελε χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν." '^7.228 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ τῆς ἀγγελίας ἀδοκήτως προσπεσούσης πολέμου μὲν οὐδὲ ἐπίνοιαν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἔσπασεν, ἔγνω δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλείαν ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ σχήματος καταλιπὼν μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ὑπεξελθεῖν, οὕτως ἂν οἰόμενος καθαρὸν ̔Ρωμαίοις αὑτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι τῆς ἐπενηνεγμένης αἰτίας. ^7.229 καὶ προελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἑκατὸν σταδίους πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πεδίον ἐν αὐτῷ καταυλίζεται.' "^7.231 οὐ μὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδ' ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης προήχθη πρᾶξαί τι πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμικόν, ἀλλὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ τύχην ὀδυρόμενος ὅ τι δέοι παθεῖν ὑπέμενε:" '^7.232 νέοις δὲ καὶ πολέμων ἐμπείροις καὶ ῥώμῃ σωμάτων διαφέρουσιν οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἦν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ τὴν συμφορὰν ἀμαχεὶ καρτερεῖν: τρέπονται οὖν πρὸς ἀλκὴν ̓Επιφανής τε καὶ Καλλίνικος.' "^7.233 σφοδρᾶς δὲ τῆς μάχης καὶ παρ' ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν γενομένης αὐτοὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν διαπρεπῆ παρέσχον καὶ μηδὲν ἐλαττωθείσῃ τῇ σφετέρᾳ δυνάμει ἑσπέρᾳ διελύθησαν." "^7.234 ̓Αντιόχῳ δ' οὐδ' ἐπὶ τῇ μάχῃ τοῦτον κεχωρηκυίᾳ τὸν τρόπον μένειν ἀνεκτὸν ἐδόκει, λαβὼν δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας μετ' ἐκείνων ἐποιεῖτο τὴν φυγὴν εἰς Κιλικίαν, καὶ τοῦτο πράξας τὰ φρονήματα τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν κατέκλασεν:" "^7.235 ὡς γὰρ κατεγνωσμένης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπέστησαν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους μετεβάλοντο, καὶ πάντων πρόδηλος ἦν ἀπόγνωσις." "^7.236 πρὶν οὖν τελέως ἐρημωθῆναι τῶν συμμάχων τοῖς περὶ τὸν ̓Επιφανῆ σώζειν αὑτοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων ἦν ἀναγκαῖον, καὶ γίνονται δέκα σύμπαντες ἱππεῖς οἱ μετ' αὐτῶν τὸν Εὐφράτην διαβαλόντες," "^7.237 ἔνθεν ἤδη μετ' ἀδείας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Πάρθων Βολογέσην κομισθέντες οὐχ ὡς φυγάδες ὑπερηφανήθησαν, ἀλλ' ὡς ἔτι τὴν παλαιὰν ἔχοντες εὐδαιμονίαν πάσης τιμῆς ἠξιώθησαν." "^7.238 ̓Αντιόχῳ δ' εἰς Ταρσὸν ἀφιγμένῳ τῆς Κιλικίας ἑκατοντάρχην Παῖτος ἐπιπέμψας δεδεμένον αὐτὸν εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἀπέστειλεν." "^7.239 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δ' οὕτως οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀναχθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα, τῆς παλαιᾶς ἀξιῶν φιλίας μᾶλλον αἰδῶ λαβεῖν ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου πρόφασιν ἀπαραίτητον ὀργὴν διαφυλάττειν." ^7.241 ταῦτα τοῖς περὶ τὸν ̓Επιφανῆ πυθομένοις, πρότερον σφόδρα περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς δεδιόσιν ἀνείθησαν αἱ ψυχαὶ μεγάλης καὶ δυσδιαθέτου φροντίδος. ^7.242 ἐλπὶς δὲ καὶ αὐτοῖς τῶν παρὰ Καίσαρος διαλλαγῶν ἐγένετο Βολογέσου περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιστείλαντος: οὐδὲ γὰρ εὐδαιμονοῦντες ὑπέμενον ἔξω τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ζῆν ἡγεμονίας. ^7.243 δόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡμέρως αὐτοῖς τὴν ἄδειαν εἰς ̔Ρώμην παρεγένοντο, τοῦ τε πατρὸς ὡς αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος εὐθὺς ἐλθόντος πάσης ἀξιούμενοι τιμῆς κατέμενον ἐνταῦθα. ^7.421 ὁ δὲ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὴν ἀκατάπαυστον ὑφορώμενος νεωτεροποιίαν καὶ δείσας, μὴ πάλιν εἰς ἓν ἀθρόοι συλλεγῶσι καί τινας αὑτοῖς συνεπισπάσωνται, προσέταξε τῷ Λούππῳ τὸν ἐν τῇ ̓Ονίου καλουμένῃ νεὼν καθελεῖν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων.' 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1.3 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter. ^1.3 I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work. ^1.3 When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. ^1.7 1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. ^1.7 3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, ^1.8 And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. ^1.8 as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter. ^1.19 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. ^1.19 7. For example, I shall relate how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Socius upon them; ^1.29 3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius, a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod into his kingdom. ^1.29 Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strongholds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph. ^1.127 he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. ^1.138 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations for a siege, but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. ^1.152 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. ^1.153 Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. ^1.179 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak more largely. ^2.284 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius Jyar. ^2.285 Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; ^2.286 but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; ^2.287 but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. ^2.288 He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. ^2.289 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. ^2.291 Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. ^2.292 But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. ^2.345 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. ^2.346 But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. ^2.347 And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. ^2.348 I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; ^2.349 for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. ^2.351 but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. ^2.352 Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. ^2.353 Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: ^2.354 nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. ^2.355 However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; ^2.356 but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans into your city, when Pompey came first into the country. ^2.357 But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and valiant souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. ^2.358 While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. ^2.359 Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus for their king, and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. ^2.361 Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? ^2.362 Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? ^2.363 nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. ^2.364 What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? ^2.365 Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. ^2.366 What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, ^2.367 who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? ^2.368 How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? ^2.369 Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the ^2.371 Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. ^2.372 Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; ^2.373 and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; ^2.374 nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. ^2.375 Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. ^2.376 Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; ^2.377 yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. ^2.378 Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the continent of this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: ^2.379 And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. ^2.381 Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. ^2.382 And as for the third part of the habitable earth Africa, whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. ^2.383 And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. ^2.384 And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? ^2.385 This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, ^2.386 its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months in the year: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; ^2.387 yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. ^2.388 Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are under the Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance ^2.389 (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. ^2.391 Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? ^2.392 and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. ^2.393 But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; ^2.394 and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. ^2.395 What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. ^2.396 But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches instead of commiseration. ^2.397 But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. ^2.398 Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, ^2.399 whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. ^2.401 I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” ^2.451 The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Aias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; ^2.452 which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, ^2.453 Eleazar’s men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. ^2.454 And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction, ^2.562 3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some they persuaded by entreaties to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. ^2.563 Joseph also, the son of Gorion, and Aus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; ^2.564 for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. ^2.565 However, the want they were in of Eleazar’s money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs. ^2.566 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. ^2.567 Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. ^2.568 But John, the son of Matthias, was made the governor of the toparchies of Gophritica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command. ^2.576 He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of which he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them. ^3.1 1. When Nero was informed of the Romans’ ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, ^3.1 They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; ^3.1 This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible. ^3.2 That he did not see what advantage he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. ^3.2 and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in how to recover his affairs again. ^3.2 and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. ^3.3 2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also,— ^3.3 At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans. ^3.3 So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: ^3.4 he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, ^3.4 its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan. ^3.4 “Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. ^3.5 There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus’s giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, ^3.5 and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceedingly sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people. ^3.5 which had been little known before whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own. ^3.6 3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian’s age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father’s prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian’s being himself emperor afterwards. ^3.6 These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city’s liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. ^3.29 4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. ^3.29 When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; ^3.35 1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded toward the sunsetting, with the borders of the territory belonging toPtolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians; ^3.35 3. Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor’s proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. ^3.36 but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them.” As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans. ^3.36 to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod the king dwelt therein; ^3.37 nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. ^3.37 they are bounded on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippene and Gadaris, and also with Gaulanitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; ^3.38 If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. ^3.38 its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor; ^3.39 and when he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for himself also. He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately; for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than life; ^3.39 its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; ^3.41 2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; ^3.41 the citizens here received both the Roman army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this partly out of the goodwill they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death. ^3.42 for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; ^3.42 where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable. ^3.43 accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are everywhere so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants. ^3.43 that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities. ^3.44 3. In short, if anyone will suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is everywhere fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits; ^3.44 and what usually becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean affliction, became a spur to them to venture on further calamities, and the end of one misery became still the beginning of another; ^3.45 their leader was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the principal head of a band of robbers. ^3.45 yet hath it a moist soil in other parts, and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. ^3.46 But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance. ^3.46 Now the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; ^3.47 But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them. ^3.47 its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa. ^3.48 4. Now, as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea; ^3.48 Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. ^3.49 So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, ^3.49 for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no want; ^3.51 5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. ^3.51 this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; ^3.52 Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. ^3.52 The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. ^3.53 And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. ^3.53 Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais: ^3.54 Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; ^3.54 it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; ^3.55 Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; ^3.56 and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulanitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. ^3.57 This last country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians. ^3.58 And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that lie round about it. ^3.111 aw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign; because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so affrighted as to surrender themselves. ^3.112 But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprised of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and their children to be in danger, ^3.113 and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them; because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armor on, while the others were completely armed. ^3.114 However, three men of the Jews’ side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the city, ran away. ^3.132 1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of men grown up and fit for war. ^3.133 He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been guilty of in the affair of Cestius. ^3.134 He also set fire not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity. ^3.141 3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both footmen and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. ^3.142 Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days’ time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. ^3.143 And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. ^3.144 So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately. ^3.145 4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata; ^3.146 and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city, and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation; ^3.147 which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall. ^3.148 Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; ^3.149 which thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity. ^3.151 But when Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jewish multitude with him; ^3.152 these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; ^3.153 for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. ^3.154 And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews’ side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded. ^3.155 6. On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate battle with them than before. For they were now become more courageous than formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; ^3.156 for a sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. ^3.157 Thus did the Romans try to make an impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city. ^3.158 7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built upon a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. ^3.159 This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies. ^3.161 8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage. ^3.162 And when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, ^3.163 besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, ^3.164 while others pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. ^3.165 However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen. ^3.166 9. Vespasian then set the engines for throwing stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall. ^3.167 At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only notcome upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines; ^3.168 for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines. ^3.169 Yet did not the others lie still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles, ^3.171 10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city’s preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; ^3.172 and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: ^3.173 He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, ^3.174 and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. ^3.175 This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus’s contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city. ^3.176 11. And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapata; ^3.177 for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties, together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works; ^3.178 and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender, ^3.179 as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they should perish by famine: ^3.181 12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of allnecessaries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, ^3.182 and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely, ^3.183 for Josephus seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure; ^3.184 but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, ^3.185 for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them. ^3.186 13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; ^3.187 but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. ^3.188 At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, ^3.189 which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst. ^3.191 There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance; ^3.192 he enjoined them also to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheepskins as had their wool upon them, that if anyone should spy them out in the nighttime, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough place about themselves. ^3.193 15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended on him, and him alone; ^3.194 for that there was still hope of the city’s deliverance, if he would stay with them, because everybody would undertake any pains with great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they should be taken: ^3.195 that it became him neither to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm; ^3.196 for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided. ^3.197 16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would go out of the city for their sakes; ^3.198 for that if he staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief; ^3.199 for that he would then immediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war. ^3.201 Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, ^3.202 and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their fortune;—and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them. ^3.203 17. Now, Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations had much broken that of his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved to stay, ^3.204 and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, “Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity.” ^3.205 Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies’ outguards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works. ^3.206 And this was the manner in which he never left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights. ^3.207 18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies, (although they were ashamed to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city), ^3.208 ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not fight it out with men under desperation, ^3.209 while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; ^3.211 So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines. ^3.212 Now, the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring another by turns, when it was tired down. ^3.213 19. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram. ^3.214 This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. ^3.215 This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it, in the nature of a cross. ^3.216 When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent. ^3.217 Nor is there any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last. ^3.218 This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet. ^3.219 So these Romans brought the several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall. ^3.221 Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken. ^3.222 20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. ^3.223 With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff. ^3.224 This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, becauseit let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, ^3.225 till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks. ^3.226 Now, when the battering ram thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal; ^3.227 whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Romans themselves; ^3.228 nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews’ boldness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the fire caught hold of everything immediately, and what cost the Romans a great deal of pains was in one hour consumed. ^3.229 21. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar, and was born at Saab, in Galilee. ^3.231 and this while he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts; ^3.232 nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness; after which he threw himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down together with the head of the ram. ^3.233 Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their assaults. ^3.234 22. After these men’s performances, Josephus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground. ^3.235 However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before; ^3.236 where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans; ^3.237 for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general; ^3.238 and before them all came Titus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son’s fear, and to the disorder the army was under, ^3.239 for being superior to his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now everybody was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily to the walls. ^3.241 and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, ^3.242 for the light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the daytime, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided; ^3.243 for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers; ^3.244 for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones. ^3.245 And anyone may learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of those that stood round about Josephus was near the wall, his head was carried away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. ^3.246 In the daytime also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half a furlong, so great was the force of that engine. ^3.247 The noise of the instruments themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them was so also; ^3.248 of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain; ^3.249 while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses; ^3.251 yet did a great part of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully, as were a great part of them wounded. ^3.252 However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city. ^3.253 24. In the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city by storm, after a little recreation upon the hard pains they had been at the night before; ^3.254 and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; ^3.255 behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken; ^3.256 and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to havetheir darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines, ^3.257 and bid them to take up other ladders, and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city. ^3.258 25. But Josephus, understanding the meaning of Vespasian’s contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger. ^3.259 He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy’s darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers; ^3.261 and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors. ^3.262 26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army (for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed), when they also saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, and the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually come upon them already. ^3.263 But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was; ^3.264 for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming. ^3.265 27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so fast, that they intercepted the light. ^3.266 However, Josephus’s men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts; ^3.267 and as to the engines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them. ^3.268 And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them; ^3.269 nor did they leave struggling with the Romans till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. ^3.271 28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. ^3.272 Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: ^3.273 this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains, ^3.274 for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; ^3.275 and as the men were cooped up in their headpieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them. ^3.276 29. However, in this ill success of the Romans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself; ^3.277 and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down; ^3.278 by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised, ^3.279 and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them. ^3.281 of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried off wounded. ^3.282 This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius Sivan. ^3.283 30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what had happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting somewhat to do than any further exhortations, ^3.284 he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. ^3.285 These towers he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, ^3.286 who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them. ^3.287 Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them. ^3.288 And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to themselves. ^3.289 31. About this time it was that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen. ^3.291 and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely, that they fell in together with them: ^3.292 but when the Jews were endeavoring to get again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them. ^3.293 It was certainly God therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies; ^3.294 for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications; ^3.295 for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the second, ^3.296 o they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own friends, which quite broke their spirits; ^3.297 and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thousand. ^3.298 So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. ^3.299 Vespasian hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. ^3.301 and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. ^3.302 Then did Titus’s men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them; ^3.303 for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, ^3.304 and sustained a fight with them for six hours’ time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity; ^3.305 o that the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the former fight, was fifteen thousand, and the captives were two thousand one hundred and thirty. ^3.306 This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius Sivan. ^3.311 who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. ^3.312 Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries), ^3.313 insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans, ^3.314 by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; ^3.341 but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground; ^3.342 and there he met with forty persons of eminency that had concealed themselves, and with provisions enough to satisfy them for not a few days. ^3.343 So in the daytime he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the nighttime he got up out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch; but as all places were guarded everywhere on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. ^3.344 Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up. ^3.345 2. So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not prevail with him; ^3.346 for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. ^3.347 When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him; ^3.348 that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage. ^3.349 He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him. ^3.351 And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the nighttime, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. ^3.352 Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: ^3.353 and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, ^3.354 and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.” ^3.355 4. When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor’s invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out, ^3.356 “Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. ^3.361 5. Upon this Josephus was afraid of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God, if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in, ^3.362 when he said thus to them:—“O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? ^3.363 Can anyone pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. ^3.364 If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us. ^3.365 I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now, he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. ^3.366 What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? ^3.367 If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. ^3.368 And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. ^3.369 Now, self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator; ^3.371 And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us. ^3.372 The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if anyone destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if anyone cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it. ^3.373 Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their masters shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not think ourselves highly guilty of impiety? ^3.374 Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; ^3.375 while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity? ^3.376 for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator. ^3.377 Accordingly, our laws determine that the bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies sooner. ^3.378 The laws of other nations also enjoin such men’s hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. ^3.379 It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator. ^3.381 For my part, I will not run over to our enemies’ quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. ^3.382 However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself.” ^3.383 6. Now these and many the like motives did Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves; ^3.384 but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him; ^3.385 but he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions (as he well might in the great distress he was then in), he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those that last touched them. ^3.386 Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite him with their swords, were not thoroughly either willing or able to do it. ^3.387 7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard in the manner following: ^3.388 “And now,” said he, “since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, ^3.389 and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself.” This proposal appeared to them to be very just; ^3.391 yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself. ^3.392 8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian. ^3.399 9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, ^3.401 Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. ^3.402 Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.” ^3.403 When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; ^3.404 but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs foreshowing his advancement. ^3.405 He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.” ^3.406 To which Josephus replied, “I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.” ^3.407 Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. ^3.408 Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him. ^3.462 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; ^3.463 for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. ^3.464 The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; ^3.465 for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews’ revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality. ^3.466 Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. ^3.467 But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; ^3.468 and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered anything themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, ^3.469 where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. ^3.471 2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, ^3.472 “My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. ^3.473 For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. ^3.474 As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: ^3.475 let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: ^3.476 for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. ^3.477 Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. ^3.478 Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. ^3.479 It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not forever desert us in our ill fortune. ^3.481 We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. ^3.482 And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. ^3.483 And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. ^3.484 Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.” ^3.485 3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. ^3.486 Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; ^3.487 which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. ^3.488 Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; ^3.489 many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. ^3.491 and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city. ^3.492 4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; ^3.493 but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. ^3.494 And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, “Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? ^3.495 Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: ^3.496 accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city.” ^3.497 5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. ^3.498 Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst anyone venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, ^3.499 while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone abroad. ^3.501 till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. ^3.502 But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy. ^4.17 4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines; ^4.17 the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation. ^4.18 However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably;—it is this, that though we should be taken by them (God forbid the event should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us. ^4.18 but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries. ^4.19 However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; ^4.19 perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance before them, and they will come to nothing. ^4.21 And by way of contrivancehow he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with Aus, and with the chief of the people; ^4.21 but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going any further, and with great courage beat them back; ^4.22 and the Romans were so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; ^4.22 that they ought to choose one of these two methods: either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; ^4.23 Now, there were two active men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot; ^4.23 and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies’ houses, which were low; ^4.24 And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; ^4.24 but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them. ^4.25 As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them. ^4.25 By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. ^4.26 The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them. ^4.26 You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane wretches, ^4.27 4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man’s injunction whomsoever. ^4.27 Now the very ruins afforded them stones enough; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies’ side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to dispatch such as were only half dead; ^4.28 One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants, whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. ^4.28 nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner; ^4.29 for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. ^4.29 nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd. ^4.31 But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; ^4.31 The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare anybody; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, ^4.32 for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus. ^4.32 he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; ^4.33 However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor, ^4.33 Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners; ^4.34 and bore up against the enemy’s attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks; ^4.34 in the meantime, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril. ^4.35 That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them; ^4.35 and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. ^4.36 Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. ^4.36 and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him without permitting him to be buried. ^4.37 But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, ^4.37 that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger; ^4.38 Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them. ^4.38 where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against the Romans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians). So he got up in the nighttime, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans. ^4.45 But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. ^4.45 and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already. ^4.54 8. And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, ^4.54 but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. ^4.55 But in the meantime Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Daesius, Sivan, and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. ^4.55 whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. ^4.56 Now, Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days’ time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water. ^4.56 while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. ^4.57 As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither. ^4.57 In the meantime, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that had fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, ^4.58 Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. ^4.58 but having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places, ^4.59 Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware of it: ^4.59 And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native country was laid waste; ^4.61 And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Syene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. ^4.61 So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus. ^4.71 Now, as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; ^4.72 but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great everywhere, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. ^4.73 But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with him; ^4.74 now this upper part of the city was every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevated to a vast altitude, and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices, ^4.75 whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy’s darts could hardly reach them. ^4.76 However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them; ^4.77 nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon, nor could they see those that were ascending up to them; ^4.78 o the Romans got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now; ^4.79 a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; ^4.81 nor did anyone escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa’s army; ^4.82 and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the sight of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel. ^4.83 And thus was Galama taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetaeus Tieri, whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth day of the month Gorpiaeus Elul. ^4.84 1. Now, no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. ^4.85 It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to everybody that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; ^4.86 and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array. ^4.87 Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis, ^4.88 while he returned to Caesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards; ^4.89 for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. ^4.92 2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. ^4.93 Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them,—That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them, ^4.94 especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have entrusted themselves to the security of the Romans’ right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; ^4.95 for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; ^4.96 for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives. ^4.101 and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should anybody think of doing anything in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; ^4.102 and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. ^4.103 Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. ^4.104 Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. ^4.105 This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation. ^4.106 4. Now, in the nighttime, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. ^4.107 And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; ^4.108 for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. ^4.109 Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. ^4.111 but John’s exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that ran thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another. ^4.112 5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; ^4.113 whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; ^4.114 they also informed him of John’s flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. ^4.115 But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. ^4.116 However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. ^4.117 So he entered the city in the midst ofacclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; ^4.118 for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fearsthan to destroy with him anyone that did not deserve it; ^4.119 for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. ^4.121 1. Now, upon John’s entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad, ^4.122 when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard; ^4.123 for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. ^4.124 But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight; ^4.125 and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also. ^4.126 But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. ^4.127 He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls. ^4.438 And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. ^4.442 while therefore the winter was his hinderance from going into the field, he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste; ^4.456 its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. ^4.457 This plain is much burnt up in summertime, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; ^4.458 it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful. ^4.459 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. ^4.461 who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; ^4.462 for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication,—That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; ^4.463 that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous. ^4.464 To these prayers Elisha joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. ^4.465 Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it does but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. ^4.466 For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. ^4.467 Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. ^4.468 There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. ^4.469 This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the most excellent sort. ^4.471 the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summertime. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; ^4.472 and if the water be drawn up before sunrising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; ^4.473 as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. ^4.474 This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. ^4.475 But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation. ^4.477 Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. ^4.483 The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. ^4.484 It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces or shadows of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. ^4.485 And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us. ^4.601 4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor, and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. ^4.602 Now Vespasian’s concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; ^4.603 but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. ^4.604 And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor. ^4.618 Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey to Rome. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; ^4.622 7. So Vespasian’s good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; ^4.623 for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; ^4.624 o he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. ^4.625 After that he related those predictions of his which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. ^4.626 “It is a shameful thing (said he) that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner.” So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; ^4.629 This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also. ^5.2 But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestic lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition. ^5.2 Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice. ^5.2 The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court. ^5.45 This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as guarded them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment. ^5.45 as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his goodwill to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, ^5.46 3. In the meantime Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; ^5.46 but was now thought worthy to be general of the army under Titus. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs. ^5.362 3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; ^5.363 for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. ^5.364 That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; ^5.365 for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. ^5.366 Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? ^5.367 And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard ^5.368 for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. ^5.369 As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? ^5.371 for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. ^5.372 He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; ^5.373 which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save anyone of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; ^5.374 for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them. ^5.375 4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, ^5.376 and cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? ^5.377 and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? ^5.378 I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. ^5.379 In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. ^5.381 Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. ^5.382 Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God? ^5.383 Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? ^5.384 Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? asdid their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, ^5.385 how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. ^5.386 It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. ^5.387 When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? ^5.388 were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. ^5.389 You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. ^5.391 for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! ^5.392 for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; ^5.393 but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. ^5.394 For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? ^5.395 Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? ^5.396 Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? ^5.397 After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. ^5.398 Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people’s offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. ^5.399 Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; ^5.401 As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! ^5.402 You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarreling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. ^5.403 And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! ^5.404 Did your king Hezekiah lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? ^5.405 Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; ^5.406 and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve your holy laws inviolate to you. ^5.407 And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. ^5.408 Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to the city; ^5.409 although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; ^5.411 The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. ^5.412 Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. ^5.413 Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? ^5.414 Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. ^5.415 However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. ^5.416 O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. ^5.417 Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! ^5.418 And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. ^5.419 I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.” ^5.519 4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing; ^5.541 3. In the meantime, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; ^5.542 and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. ^5.543 This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans. ^5.544 But when Josephus’s mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, that he would be slain, and she should never enjoy him alive any more. ^5.545 She also made great lamentation privately to the maidservants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. ^5.546 However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them. ^5.547 This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious. ^6.216 That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. ^6.236 3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. ^6.237 of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander under the general of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: ^6.238 there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. ^6.239 Now, some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, and demolish it, because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. ^6.241 But Titus said, that “although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are iimate, instead of the men themselves;” and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. ^6.242 So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. ^6.243 Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire. ^6.244 4. Now it is true that on this day the Jews were so weary, and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. ^6.245 These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. ^6.246 However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. ^6.247 Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the forefront, many of the rest were put to flight. ^6.248 But as the Romans were going off, the Jews turned upon them, and fought them; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner court of the temple. ^6.249 5. So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his whole army, and to encamp round about the holy house. ^6.251 although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them; for upon Titus’s retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning in the inner court of the temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. ^6.252 At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. ^6.253 As the flames went upward, the Jews made a great clamor, such as so mighty an affliction required, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, nor suffered anything to restrain their force, since that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it. ^6.254 6. And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; ^6.255 after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. ^6.256 Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench the fire. ^6.257 But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dinned by a greater noise another way; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could restrain their violence, but each one’s own passion was his commander at this time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way with those whom they had conquered; ^6.258 and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar’s orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. ^6.259 As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to afford their assistance towards quenching the fire; they were everywhere slain, and everywhere beaten; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now, round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another, as at the steps going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above on the altar fell down. ^6.261 But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was, that the house itself might yet be saved, ^6.262 he came in haste and endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them; ^6.263 yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. ^6.264 Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold. ^6.265 And besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; ^6.266 whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar’s approbation. ^7.45 and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body. ^7.45 yet did Vespasian suspect the matter, and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus’s concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive. ^7.73 The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition. ^7.121 nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. ^7.123 4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the nighttime, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. ^7.128 And when everybody entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers; the like prayers did Titus put up also; ^7.131 there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes. ^7.132 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; ^7.133 for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; ^7.134 for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. ^7.135 There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. ^7.136 The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. ^7.137 The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. ^7.138 Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. ^7.139 But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; ^7.141 for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; ^7.142 and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. ^7.143 For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, ^7.144 and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: ^7.145 rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. ^7.146 Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. ^7.147 On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; ^7.148 and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; ^7.149 for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; ^7.151 After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. ^7.152 After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration. ^7.153 6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans’ ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain. ^7.154 This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there. ^7.155 Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had sent up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. ^7.156 And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for their feasting at home; ^7.157 for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness. ^7.158 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: ^7.159 for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; ^7.161 he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. ^7.162 But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there. ^7.217 for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus, and is distant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. ^7.218 He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time. ^7.219 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: ^7.221 and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; ^7.222 that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. ^7.223 Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; ^7.224 for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. ^7.225 Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. ^7.226 These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. ^7.227 Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. ^7.228 When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. ^7.229 So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. ^7.231 However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. ^7.232 But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; ^7.233 and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; ^7.234 yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. ^7.235 Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. ^7.236 It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, ^7.237 whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity. ^7.238 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. ^7.239 However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. ^7.241 When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. ^7.242 He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. ^7.243 So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained. ^7.421 who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,' ' None

15. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.37-1.40, 2.175 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, confirmed as emperor by Judean religion and texts

Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 105; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 80; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148

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1.37 εἰκότως οὖν, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀναγκαίως, ἅτε μήτε τὸ ὑπογράφειν αὐτεξουσίου πᾶσιν ὄντος μήτε τινὸς ἐν τοῖς γραφομένοις ἐνούσης διαφωνίας, ἀλλὰ μόνον τῶν προφητῶν τὰ μὲν ἀνωτάτω καὶ παλαιότατα κατὰ τὴν ἐπίπνοιαν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων, τὰ δὲ καθ' αὑτοὺς ὡς ἐγένετο σαφῶς συγγραφόντων," "^1.38 οὐ μυριάδες βιβλίων εἰσὶ παρ' ἡμῖν ἀσυμφώνων καὶ μαχομένων, δύο δὲ μόνα πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι βιβλία τοῦ παντὸς ἔχοντα χρόνου τὴν ἀναγραφήν, τὰ δικαίως πεπιστευμένα." "^1.39 καὶ τούτων πέντε μέν ἐστι Μωυσέως, ἃ τούς τε νόμους περιέχει καὶ τὴν ἀπ' ἀνθρωπογονίας παράδοσιν μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ τελευτῆς: οὗτος ὁ χρόνος ἀπολείπει τρισχιλίων ὀλίγῳ ἐτῶν." "^2.175 οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑποτίμησιν κατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κάλλιστον καὶ ἀναγκαιότατον ἀπέδειξε παίδευμα τὸν νόμον, οὐκ εἰσάπαξ ἀκροασομένοις οὐδὲ δὶς ἢ πολλάκις, ἀλλ' ἑκάστης ἑβδομάδος τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων ἀφεμένους ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐκέλευσε τοῦ νόμου συλλέγεσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἀκριβῶς ἐκμανθάνειν: ὃ δὴ πάντες ἐοίκασιν οἱ νομοθέται παραλιπεῖν." " None

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1.37 and this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also. 8. ^1.38 For we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, disagreeing from and contradicting one another as the Greeks have, but only twenty-two books, which contain the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine; ^1.39 and of them five belong to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of mankind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three thousand years; ^2.175 for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected.

16. New Testament, Acts, 11.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 123; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 28; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 758; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 477

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11.28 ἀναστὰς δὲ εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὀνόματι Ἄγαβος ἐσήμαινεν διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος λιμὸν μεγάλην μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην· ἥτις ἐγένετο ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου.' ' None

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11.28 One of them named Agabus stood up, and indicated by the Spirit that there should be a great famine over all the world, which also happened in the days of Claudius. ' ' None

17. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2.3, 12.2, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian • Vespasian • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Nero • Vespasian, his Hellenism

Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 192; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 97, 228; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 27; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 283; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 318; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 509; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 477; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 149

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12.2 \xa0Estates of those in no way connected with him were confiscated, if but one man came forward to declare that he had heard from the deceased during his lifetime that Caesar was his heir. Besides other taxes, that on the Jews was levied with the utmost rigour, and those were prosecuted who without publicly acknowledging that faith yet lived as Jews, as well as those who concealed their origin and did not pay the tribute levied upon their people. I\xa0recall being present in my youth when the person of a man ninety years old was examined before the procurator and a very crowded court, to see whether he was circumcised. ^13.2 \xa0With no less arrogance he began as follows in issuing a circular letter in the name of his procurators, "Our Master and our God bids that this be done." And so the custom arose of henceforth addressing him in no other way even in writing or in conversation. He suffered no statues to be set up in his honour in the Capitol, except of gold and silver and of a fixed weight. He erected so many and such huge vaulted passage-ways and arches in the various regions of the city, adorned with chariots and triumphal emblems, that on one of them someone wrote in Greek: "It is enough."' ' None

18. Suetonius, Otho, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

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7.1 \xa0Next, as the day was drawing to its close, he entered the senate and after giving a brief account of himself, alleging that he had been carried off in the streets and forced to undertake the rule, which he would exercise in accordance with the general will, he went to the Palace. When in the midst of the other adulations of those who congratulated and flattered him, he was hailed by the common herd as Nero, he made no sign of dissent; on the contrary, according to some writers, he even made use of that surname in his commissions and his first letters to some of the governors of the provinces. Certain it is that he suffered Nero's busts and statues to be set up again, and reinstated his procurators and freedmen in their former posts, while the first grant that he signed as emperor was one of fifty million sesterces for finishing the Golden House."" None

19. Suetonius, Titus, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian,, in Josephus

Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 59, 67; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 152; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 231

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4.3 \xa0Then, after holding the office of quaestor, as commander of a legion he subjugated the two strong cities of Tarichaeae and Gamala in Judaea, having his horse killed under him in one battle and mounting another, whose rider had fallen fighting by his side.' ' None

20. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 5.6, 6.3, 7.2-7.3, 8.5, 9.1, 16.1, 16.3, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Vespasian’s uprising in • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Suetonius, Life of Vespasian • Emperors and Egypt, Vespasian • Rome, Vespasian restores • Vespasian • Vespasian, • Vespasian, Emperor • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, as restitutor libertatis • Vespasian, coins with • Vespasian, exemptions granted by • Vespasian, healing of visitors to Alexandrian Sarapieion • Vespasian, his avarice • Vespasian, his triumph • Vespasian, patronizes artists • Vespasian, reconstruction of Jupiter Capitolinus’ temple • Vespasian, restores Temple of Honos et Virtus • Vespasian, taxes under • Vespasian,, in Josephus • arch, decreed to Vespasian and Titus • tributum capitis, under Vespasian, more than head tax

Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 123, 192; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 71; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 167; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 45, 50, 55, 63, 64; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 93, 137; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016), Viewing Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology: VeHinnei Rachel - Essays in honor of Rachel Hachlili, 76; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 6, 39, 245; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 199; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 281; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 122; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 162; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 191, 195; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 221, 339; Robbins et al. (2017), The Art of Visual Exegesis, 245; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 77, 147, 148, 221, 272, 294, 299; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 149, 159, 230, 231; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 237; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 167; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 365; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 259

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5.6 When he consulted the oracle of the god of Carmel in Judaea, the lots were highly encouraging, promising that whatever he planned or wished however great it might be, would come to pass; and one of his high-born prisoners, Josephus by name, as he was being put in chains, declared most confidently that he would soon be released by the same man, who would then, however, be emperor. ^6.3 \xa0Accordingly the names of all the consular governors who were serving anywhere were taken up, and since objection was made to the rest for one reason or another, while some members of the third legion, which had been transferred from Syria to Moesia just before the death of Nero, highly commended Vespasian, they uimously agreed on him and forthwith inscribed his name on all their banners. At the time, however, the movement was checked and the soldiers recalled to their allegiance for a season. But when their action became known, Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, was the first to compel his legions to take the oath for Vespasian on the Kalends of July, the day which was afterwards celebrated as that of his accession; then the army in Judaea swore allegiance to him personally on the fifth day before the Ides of July. ^7.2 Vespasian as yet lacked prestige and a certain divinity, so to speak, since he was an unexpected and still new-made emperor; but these also were given him. A\xa0man of the people who was blind, and another who was lame, came to him together as he sat on the tribunal, begging for the help for their disorders which Serapis had promised in a dream; for the god declared that Vespasian would restore the eyes, if he would spit upon them, and give strength to the leg, if he would deign to touch it with his heel. ^7.3 \xa0Though he had hardly any faith that this could possibly succeed, and therefore shrank even from making the attempt, he was at last prevailed upon by his friends and tried both things in public before a large crowd; and with success. At this same time, by the direction of certain soothsayers, some vases of antique workmanship were dug up in a consecrated spot at Tegea in Arcadia and on them was an image very like Vespasian. ^8.5 As the city was unsightly from former fires and fallen buildings, he allowed anyone to take possession of vacant sites and build upon them, in case the owners failed to do so. He began the restoration of the Capitol in person, was the first to lend a hand in clearing away the debris, and carried some of it off on his own head. He undertook to restore the three thousand bronze tablets which were destroyed with the temple, making a thorough search for copies: priceless and most ancient records of the empire, containing the decrees of the senate and the acts of the commons almost from the foundation of the city, regarding alliances, treaties, and special privileges granted to individuals. ^9.1 \xa0He also undertook new works, the temple of Peace hard by the Forum and one to the Deified Claudius on the Caelian mount, which was begun by Agrippina, but almost utterly destroyed by Nero; also an amphitheatre in the heart of the city, a plan which he learned that Augustus had cherished. ^16.1 \xa0The only thing for which he can fairly be censured was his love of money. For not content with reviving the imposts which had been repealed under Galba, he added new and heavy burdens, increasing the amount of tribute paid by the provinces, in some cases actually doubling it, and quite openly carrying on traffic which would be shameful even for a man in private life; for he would buy up certain commodities merely in order to distribute them at a profit. ^1
6.3 Some say that he was naturally covetous and was taunted with it by an old herdsman of his, who on being forced to pay for the freedom for which he earnestly begged Vespasian when he became emperor, cried: "The fox changes his fur, but not his nature." Others on the contrary believe that he was driven by necessity to raise money by spoliation and robbery because of the desperate state of the treasury and the privy purse; to which he bore witness at the very beginning of his reign by declaring that forty thousand millions were needed to set the State upright. This latter view seems the more probable, since he made the best use of his gains, ill-gotten though they were. ^23.3 \xa0When Titus found fault with him for contriving a tax upon public conveniences, he held a piece of money from the first payment to his son\'s nose, asking whether its odour was offensive to him. When Titus said "No," he replied, "Yet it comes from urine." On the report of a deputation that a colossal statue of great cost had been voted him at public expense, he demanded to have it set up at once, and holding out his open hand, said that the base was ready.' ' None

21. Tacitus, Annals, 2.43.1, 2.85, 3.55, 3.55.4, 4.32, 6.28.1, 12.43, 14.12, 15.22.2, 15.41, 15.44.4-15.44.5, 15.47.2, 16.5.3, 16.6.2, 16.13.2, 16.22, 16.34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Vespasian performs healing • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, duration • Vespasian • Vespasian (Roman emperor) • Vespasian, Emperor • Vespasian, Vesta, temple of • Vespasian, and fatum • Vespasian, and recovery of Rome • Vespasian, and signs • Vespasian, emperor • Vespasian, inventories Nero’s Greek plunder • Vespasian, signs recorded by Suetonius • Vespasian, triumph of, act of healing at Alexandria • Vespasian,, and Helvidius

Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 28, 29; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 78; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 151, 162, 169, 181, 210, 212, 219, 220; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155, 162; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 327; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 43; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 301; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 47; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 107, 230, 317, 319, 322, 334, 336, 357, 358; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 135, 483; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 164; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 84, 85, 334, 363, 365

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2.85 Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent. ^3.55 Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura; luxusque mensae a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma quis Servius Galba rerum adeptus est per annos centum pro- fusis sumptibus exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes studio magnificentiae prolabebantur. nam etiam tum plebem socios regna colere et coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur. postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat, ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e municipiis et coloniis atque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, et quamquam fortuna vel industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervenirent, mansit tamen prior animus. sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu victuque. obsequium inde in principem et aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur; nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis in maiores certamina ex honesto maneant. ^4.32 Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur. ^12.43 Multa eo anno prodigia evenere. insessum diris avibus Capitolium, crebris terrae motibus prorutae domus, ac dum latius metuitur, trepidatione vulgi invalidus quisque obtriti; frugum quoque egestas et orta ex eo fames in prodigium accipiebatur. nec occulti tantum questus, sed iura reddentem Claudium circumvasere clamoribus turbidis, pulsumque in extremam fori partem vi urgebant, donec militum globo infensos perrupit. quindecim dierum alimenta urbi, non amplius superfuisse constitit, magnaque deum benignitate et modestia hiemis rebus extremis subventum. at hercule olim Italia legionibus longinquas in provincias commeatus portabat, nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Aegyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani permissa est. ^14.12 Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata. ^15.41 Domuum et insularum et templorum quae amissa sunt numerum inire haud promptum fuerit: sed vetustissima religione, quod Servius Tullius Lunae et magna ara fanumque quae praesenti Herculi Arcas Evander sacraverat, aedesque Statoris Iovis vota Romulo Numaeque regia et delubrum Vestae cum Penatibus populi Romani exusta; iam opes tot victoriis quaesitae et Graecarum artium decora, exim monumenta ingeniorum antiqua et incorrupta, ut quamvis in tanta resurgentis urbis pulchritudine multa seniores meminerint quae reparari nequibant. fuere qui adnotarent xiiii Kal. Sextilis principium incendii huius ortum, et quo Senones captam urbem inflammaverint. alii eo usque cura progressi sunt ut totidem annos mensisque et dies inter utraque incendia numerent.' "^16.22 Quin et illa obiectabat, principio anni vitare Thraseam sollemne ius iurandum; nuncupationibus votorum non adesse, quamvis quindecimvirali sacerdotio praeditum; numquam pro salute principis aut caelesti voce immolavisse; adsiduum olim et indefessum, qui vulgaribus quoque patrum consultis semet fautorem aut adversarium ostenderet, triennio non introisse curiam; nuperrimeque, cum ad coercendos Silanum et Veterem certatim concurreretur, privatis potius clientium negotiis vacavisse. secessionem iam id et partis et, si idem multi audeant, bellum esse. 'ut quondam C. Caesarem' inquit 'et M. Catonem, ita nunc te, Nero, et Thraseam avida discordiarum civitas loquitur. et habet sectatores vel potius satellites, qui nondum contumaciam sententiarum, sed habitum vultumque eius sectantur, rigidi et tristes, quo tibi lasciviam exprobrent. huic uni incolumitas tua sine cura, artes sine honore. prospera principis respuit: etiamne luctibus et doloribus non satiatur? eiusdem animi est Poppaeam divam non credere, cuius in acta divi Augusti et divi Iuli non iurare. spernit religiones, abrogat leges. diurna populi Romani per provincias, per exercitus curatius leguntur, ut noscatur quid Thrasea non fecerit. aut transeamus ad illa instituta, si potiora sunt, aut nova cupientibus auferatur dux et auctor. ista secta Tuberones et Favonios, veteri quoque rei publicae ingrata nomina, genuit. ut imperium evertant libertatem praeferunt: si perverterint, libertatem ipsam adgredientur. frustra Cassium amovisti, si gliscere et vigere Brutorum aemulos passurus es. denique nihil ipse de Thrasea scripseris: disceptatorem senatum nobis relinque.' extollit ira promptum Cossutiani animum Nero adicitque Marcellum Eprium acri eloquentia." ^16.34 Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere.' ' None

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2.43.1 \xa0These circumstances, then, and the events in Armenia, which I\xa0mentioned above, were discussed by Tiberius before the senate. "The commotion in the East," he added, "could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus: for his own years were trending to their autumn, and those of Drusus were as yet scarcely mature." There followed a decree of the Fathers, delegating to Germanicus the provinces beyond the sea, with powers overriding, in all regions he might visit, those of the local governors holding office by allotment or imperial nomination. Tiberius, however, had removed Creticus Silanus from Syria â\x80\x94 he was a marriage connection of Germanicus, whose eldest son, Nero, was plighted to his daughter â\x80\x94 and had given the appointment to Gnaeus Piso, a man of ungoverned passions and constitutional insubordinacy. For there was a strain of wild arrogance in the blood â\x80\x94 a\xa0strain derived from his father Piso; who in the Civil War lent strenuous aid against Caesar to the republican party during its resurrection in Africa, then followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and, on the annulment of his exile, refused to become a suitor for office, until approached with a special request to accept a consulate proffered by Augustus. But, apart from the paternal temper, Piso\'s brain was fired by the lineage and wealth of his wife Plancina: to Tiberius he accorded a grudging precedence; upon his children he looked down as far beneath him. Nor did he entertain a doubt that he had been selected for the governorship of Syria in order to repress the ambitions of Germanicus. The belief has been held that he did in fact receive private instructions from Tiberius; and Plancina, beyond question, had advice from the ex-empress, bent with feminine jealousy upon persecuting Agrippina. For the court was split and torn by unspoken preferences for Germanicus or for Drusus. Tiberius leaned to the latter as his own issue and blood of his blood. Germanicus, owing to the estrangement of his uncle, had risen in the esteem of the world; and he had a further advantage in the distinction of his mother\'s family, among whom he could point to Mark Antony for a grandfather and to Augustus for a great-uncle. On the other hand, the plain Roman knight, Pomponius Atticus, who was great-grandfather to Drusus, seemed to reflect no credit upon the ancestral effigies of the Claudian house; while both in fecundity and in fair fame Agrippina, the consort of Germanicus, ranked higher than Drusus\' helpmeet, Livia. The brothers, however, maintained a singular uimity, unshaken by the contentions of their kith and kin. ^2.85 \xa0In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles\' list â\x80\x94 the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife\'s manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. â\x80\x94 Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. <' "^3.55.4 \xa0When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientÃ¨le. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things â\x80\x94 moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain!" ^3.55 \xa0When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientÃ¨le. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things â\x80\x94 moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain!" "^4.32 \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that very many of the events I\xa0have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â\x80\x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. <' "^6.28.1 \xa0In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I\xa0propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of\xa01461\xa0years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For â\x80\x94 so the tale is told â\x80\x94 when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. â\x80\x94 The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. <" ^12.43 \xa0Many prodigies occurred during the year. Ominous birds took their seat on the Capitol; houses were overturned by repeated shocks of earthquake, and, as the panic spread, the weak were trampled underfoot in the trepidation of the crowd. A\xa0shortage of corn, again, and the famine which resulted, were construed as a supernatural warning. Nor were the complaints always whispered. Claudius, sitting in judgement, was surrounded by a wildly clamorous mob, and, driven into the farthest corner of the Forum, was there subjected to violent pressure, until, with the help of a body of troops, he forced a way through the hostile throng. It was established that the capital had provisions for fifteen days, no more; and the crisis was relieved only by the especial grace of the gods and the mildness of the winter. And yet, Heaven knows, in the past, Italy exported supplies for the legions into remote provinces; nor is sterility the trouble now, but we cultivate Africa and Egypt by preference, and the life of the Roman nation has been staked upon cargo-boats and accidents. <' "^14.12 \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <" ^15.22.2 \xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. < ^15.41 \xa0It would not be easy to attempt an estimate of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and temples, which were lost; but the flames consumed, in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the Penates of the Roman people. To these must be added the precious trophies won upon so many fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary genius; so that, despite the striking beauty of the rearisen city, the older generation recollects much that it proved impossible to replace. There were those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones: others have pushed their researches so far as to resolve the interval between the two fires into equal numbers of years, of months, and of days. <' "^15.44.4 \xa0So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. <" "^15.44.5 \xa0So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. <" ^15.47.2 \xa0At the close of the year, report was busy with portents heralding disaster to come â\x80\x94 lightning-flashes in numbers never exceeded, a comet (a\xa0phenomenon to which Nero always made atonement in noble blood); two-headed embryos, human or of the other animals, thrown out in public or discovered in the sacrifices where it is the rule to kill pregt victims. Again, in the territory of Placentia, a calf was born close to the road with the head grown to a leg; and there followed an interpretation of the soothsayers, stating that another head was being prepared for the world; but it would be neither strong nor secret, as it had been repressed in the womb, and had been brought forth at the wayside. ^16.5.3 \xa0But the spectators from remote country towns in the still austere Italy tenacious of its ancient ways â\x80\x94 those novices in wantonness from far-off provinces, who had come on a public mission or upon private business â\x80\x94 were neither able to tolerate the spectacle nor competent to their degrading task. They flagged with inexperienced hands; they deranged the experts; often they had to be castigated by the soldiers stationed among the blocks of seats to assure that not a moment of time should be wasted in unmodulated clamour or sluggish silence. It was known that numbers of knights were crushed to death while fighting their way up through the narrow gangway and the inrush of the descending crowd, and that others, through spending day and night on the benches, were attacked by incurable disease. For it was a graver ground of fear to be missing from the spectacle, since there was a host of spies openly present, and more in hiding, to note the names and faces, the gaiety and gloom, of the assembly. Hence, the lot of the humble was punishment, at once inflicted: in the case of the great, the debt of hatred, dissembled for a moment, was speedily repaid; and the story was told that Vespasian, reprimanded by the freedman Phoebus for closing his eyelids, and screened with difficulty by the prayers of the better party, was only saved later from the impending destruction by his predestined greatness. < ^16.6.2 \xa0After the close of the festival, Poppaea met her end through a chance outburst of anger on the part of her husband, who felled her with a kick during pregcy. That poison played its part I\xa0am unable to believe, though the assertion is made by some writers less from conviction than from hatred; for Nero was desirous of children, and love for his wife was a ruling passion. The body was not cremated in the Roman style, but, in conformity with the practice of foreign courts, was embalmed by stuffing with spices, then laid to rest in the mausoleum of the Julian race. Still, a public funeral was held; and the emperor at the Rostra eulogized her beauty, the fact that she had been the mother of an infant daughter now divine, and other favours of fortune which did duty for virtues. <' "^16.13.2 \xa0Upon this year, disgraced by so many deeds of shame, Heaven also set its mark by tempest and disease. Campania was wasted by a whirlwind, which far and wide wrecked the farms, the fruit trees, and the crops, and carried its fury to the neighbourhood of the capital, where all classes of men were being decimated by a deadly epidemic. No outward sign of a distempered air was visible. Yet the houses were filled with lifeless bodies, the streets with funerals. Neither sex nor age gave immunity from danger; slaves and the free-born populace alike were summarily cut down, amid the laments of their wives and children, who, themselves infected while tending or mourning the victims, were often burnt upon the same pyre. Knights and senators, though they perished on all hands, were less deplored â\x80\x94 as if, by undergoing the common lot, they were cheating the ferocity of the emperor. In the same year, levies were held in Narbonese Gaul, Africa, and Asia, to recruit the legions of Illyricum, in which all men incapacitated by age or sickness were being discharged from the service. The emperor alleviated the disaster at Lugdunum by a grant of four million sesterces to repair the town's losses: the same amount which Lugdunum had previously offered in aid of the misfortunes of the capital. <" ^16.22 \xa0He preferred other charges as well:â\x80\x94 "At the beginning of the year, Thrasea evaded the customary oath; though the holder of a quindecimviral priesthood, he took no part in the national vows; he had never offered a sacrifice for the welfare of the emperor or for his celestial voice. Once a constant and indefatigable member, who showed himself the advocate or the adversary of the most commonplace resolutions of the Fathers, for three years he had not set foot within the curia; and but yesterday, when his colleagues were gathering with emulous haste to crush Silanus and Vetus, he had preferred to devote his leisure to the private cases of his clients. Matters were come already to a schism and to factions: if many made the same venture, it was war! \'As once,\' he said, \'this discord-loving state prated of Caesar and Cato, so now, Nero, it prates of yourself and Thrasea. And he has his followers â\x80\x94\xa0his satellites, rather â\x80\x94 who affect, not as yet the contumacity of his opinions, but his bearing and his looks, and whose stiffness and austerity are designed for an impeachment of your wantonness. To him alone your safety is a thing uncared for, your talents a thing unhonoured. The imperial happiness he cannot brook: can he not even be satisfied with the imperial bereavements and sorrows? Not to believe Poppaea deity bespeaks the same temper that will not swear to the acts of the deified Augustus and the deified Julius. He contemns religion, he abrogates law. The journal of the Roman people is scanned throughout the provinces and armies with double care for news of what Thrasea has not done! Either let us pass over to his creed, if it is the better, or let these seekers after a new world lose their chief and their instigator. It is the sect that produced the Tuberones and the Favonii â\x80\x94 names unloved even in the old republic. In order to subvert the empire, they make a parade of liberty: the empire overthrown, they will lay hands on liberty itself. You have removed Cassius to little purpose, if you intend to allow these rivals of the Bruti to multiply and flourish! A\xa0word in conclusion: write nothing yourself about Thrasea â\x80\x94 leave the senate to decide between us!\'\xa0" Nero fanned still more the eager fury of Cossutianus, and reinforced him with the mordant eloquence of Eprius Marcellus. <' "^16.34 \xa0The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom â\x80\x94 to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices â\x80\x94 he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. <"' None

22. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.2, 1.50.4, 1.86, 2.1, 2.1.1, 2.2.2, 2.3-2.5, 2.4.2, 2.74.1, 2.78, 2.78.1, 2.78.3-2.78.4, 2.80, 2.101, 3.1, 3.55, 3.71-3.72, 3.74.1, 3.86, 4.1, 4.3-4.4, 4.27, 4.40.1, 4.52-4.54, 4.57, 4.59, 4.73, 4.81-4.82, 4.84, 5.2.1, 5.5.1, 5.8.2-5.8.3, 5.13, 5.13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Vespasian performs healing • Alexandria, Vespasian’s uprising in • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Suetonius, Life of Vespasian • Emperors and Egypt, Vespasian • Syria, Vespasian’s interaction with • Vespasian • Vespasian (Roman emperor) • Vespasian (emperor), • Vespasian, Emperor • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of • Vespasian, Roman Emperor • Vespasian, and Alexander • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians • Vespasian, and Nero • Vespasian, and astrology • Vespasian, and civil war of AD • Vespasian, and fatum • Vespasian, and recovery of Rome • Vespasian, and signs • Vespasian, as restitutor libertatis • Vespasian, associates self with Venus • Vespasian, coins with • Vespasian, confirmed as emperor by Judean religion and texts • Vespasian, emperor • Vespasian, fights northern barbarians • Vespasian, healing of visitors to Alexandrian Sarapieion • Vespasian, his commentarii • Vespasian, his triumph • Vespasian, legitimacy of • Vespasian, reconstruction of Jupiter Capitolinus’ temple • Vespasian, signs recorded by Suetonius • Vespasian,, in Josephus • haruspices, and Vespasian

Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 34, 123, 193; Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 37; Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 105; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 71; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160, 167; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 45, 50, 55, 57, 64, 266; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 189; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 95, 129, 278, 314; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 305; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 78, 144, 164, 169, 170; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162, 167, 169, 174, 175, 203, 212, 220; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 104, 155, 162; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 148; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 208; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 245; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 103, 153; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 122; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 62; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 76, 77; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 188, 190, 191, 193, 194, 198; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 221, 339; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281, 294; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 271; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 51, 104, 105, 106, 169, 230, 357, 359; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 543; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160, 167

2.1 \xa0Fortune was already, in an opposite quarter of the world, founding and making ready for a new dynasty, which from its varying destinies brought to the state joy or misery, to the emperors themselves success or doom. Titus Vespasianus had been dispatched by his father from Judea while Galba was still alive. The reason given out for his journey was a desire to pay his respects to the emperor, and the fact that Titus was now old enough to begin his political career. But the common people, who are always ready to invent, had spread the report that he had been summoned to Rome to be adopted. This gossip was based on the emperor's age and childlessness, and was due also to the popular passion for designating many successors until one is chosen. The report gained a readier hearing from the nature of Titus himself, which was equal to the highest fortune, from his personal beauty and a certain majesty which he possessed, as well as from Vespasian's good fortune, from prophetic oracles, and even from chance occurrences which, amid the general credulity, were regarded as omens. When Titus received certain information with regard to Galba's death he was at Corinth, a city of Achaia, and met men there who positively declared that Vitellius had taken up arms and begun war; in his anxiety he called a\xa0few of his friends and reviewed fully the two possible courses of action: if he should go on to Rome, he would enjoy no gratitude for an act of courtesy intended for another emperor, and he would be a hostage in the hands of either Vitellius or Otho; on the other hand, if he returned to his father, the victor would undoubtedly feel offence; yet, if his father joined the victor's party, while victory was still uncertain, the son would be excused; but if Vespasian should assume the imperial office, his rivals would be concerned with war and have to forget offences."^1.50.4 \xa0Rome was in a state of excitement and horror-stricken not only at the recent outrageous crime, but also at the thought of Otho's former character. Now it was terrified in addition by news with regard to Vitellius, which had been suppressed before Galba's death, so that the citizens believed that only the army of Upper Germany had mutinied. Then the thought that two men, the worst in the world for their shamelessness, indolence, and profligacy, had been apparently chosen by fate to ruin the empire, caused open grief not only to the senators and knights who had some share and interest in the state, but even to the common people. Their talk was no longer of the recent horrors of a bloody peace, but they recalled memories of the civil wars and spoke of the many times the city had been captured by Roman armies, of the devastation of Italy, of the plundering of the provinces, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina, names notorious for public disaster. They said that the world had been well-nigh overturned, even when the principate was the prize of honest men; but yet the empire had remained when Julius Caesar won, and had likewise remained when Augustus won; the republic would have remained if Pompey and Brutus had been successful; but now â\x80\x94 should they go to the temples to pray for an Otho or a Vitellius? Prayers for either would be impious and vows for either detestable when, in the struggle between the two, the only thing of which men were certain was that the victor would be the worse. There were some who had forebodings of Vespasian and the armies in the East, and yet although Vespasian was a better man than Otho or Vitellius, they shuddered at another war and another massacre. Indeed Vespasian's reputation was uncertain; he, unlike all his predecessors, was the only emperor who was changed for the better by his office." "^1.86 \xa0Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes." "^2.1 \xa0Fortune was already, in an opposite quarter of the world, founding and making ready for a new dynasty, which from its varying destinies brought to the state joy or misery, to the emperors themselves success or doom. Titus Vespasianus had been dispatched by his father from Judea while Galba was still alive. The reason given out for his journey was a desire to pay his respects to the emperor, and the fact that Titus was now old enough to begin his political career. But the common people, who are always ready to invent, had spread the report that he had been summoned to Rome to be adopted. This gossip was based on the emperor's age and childlessness, and was due also to the popular passion for designating many successors until one is chosen. The report gained a readier hearing from the nature of Titus himself, which was equal to the highest fortune, from his personal beauty and a certain majesty which he possessed, as well as from Vespasian's good fortune, from prophetic oracles, and even from chance occurrences which, amid the general credulity, were regarded as omens. When Titus received certain information with regard to Galba's death he was at Corinth, a city of Achaia, and met men there who positively declared that Vitellius had taken up arms and begun war; in his anxiety he called a\xa0few of his friends and reviewed fully the two possible courses of action: if he should go on to Rome, he would enjoy no gratitude for an act of courtesy intended for another emperor, and he would be a hostage in the hands of either Vitellius or Otho; on the other hand, if he returned to his father, the victor would undoubtedly feel offence; yet, if his father joined the victor's party, while victory was still uncertain, the son would be excused; but if Vespasian should assume the imperial office, his rivals would be concerned with war and have to forget offences." "^2.2.2 \xa0These considerations and others like them made him waver between hope and fear; but hope finally won. Some believed that he turned back because of his passionate longing to see again Queen Berenice; and the young man's heart was not insensible to Berenice, but his feelings towards her proved no obstacle to action. He spent his youth in the delights of self-indulgence, but he showed more restraint in his own reign than in that of his father. So at this time he coasted along the shores of Achaia and Asia, leaving the land on the left, and made for the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus; from Cyprus he struck out boldly for Syria. While he was in Cyprus, he was overtaken by a desire to visit and examine the temple of Paphian Venus, which was famous both among natives and strangers. It may not prove a wearisome digression to discuss briefly the origin of this cult, the temple ritual, and the form under which the goddess is worshipped, for she is not so represented elsewhere." ^2.3 \xa0The founder of the temple, according to ancient tradition, was King Aerias. Some, however, say that this was the name of the goddess herself. A\xa0more recent tradition reports that the temple was consecrated by Cinyras, and that the goddess herself after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither; but that the science and method of divination were imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and so it was agreed that the descendants of both Tamiras and Cinyras should preside over the sacred rites. It is also said that in a later time the foreigners gave up the craft that they had introduced, that the royal family might have some prerogative over foreign stock. Only a descendant of Cinyras is now consulted as priest. Such victims are accepted as the individual vows, but male ones are preferred. The greatest confidence is put in the entrails of kids. Blood may not be shed upon the altar, but offering is made only with prayers and pure fire. The altar is never wet by any rain, although it is in the open air. The representation of the goddess is not in human form, but it is a circular mass that is broader at the base and rises like a turning-post to a small circumference at the top. The reason for this is obscure.' "^2.4 \xa0After Titus had examined the treasures, the gifts made by kings, and all those other things which the Greeks from their delight in ancient tales attribute to a dim antiquity, he asked the oracle first with regard to his voyage. On learning that his path was open and the sea favourable, he slew many victims and then questioned indirectly about himself. When Sostratus, for such was the priest's name, saw that the entrails were uniformly favourable and that the goddess favoured great undertakings, he made at the moment a brief reply in the usual fashion, but asked for a private interview in which he disclosed the future. Greatly encouraged, Titus sailed on to his father; his arrival brought a great accession of confidence to the provincials and to the troops, who were in a state of anxious uncertainty. Vespasian had almost put an end to the war with the Jews. The siege of Jerusalem, however, remained, a task rendered difficult and arduous by the character of the mountain-citadel and the obstinate superstition of the Jews rather than by any adequate resources which the besieged possessed to withstand the inevitable hardships of a siege. As we have stated above, Vespasian himself had three legions experienced in war. Mucianus was in command of four in a peaceful province, but a spirit of emulation and the glory won by the neighbouring army had banished from his troops all inclination to idleness, and just as dangers and toils had given Vespasian's troops power of resistance, so those of Mucianus had gained vigour from unbroken repose and that love of war which springs from inexperience. Both generals had auxiliary infantry and cavalry, as well as fleets and allied kings; while each possessed a famous name, though a different reputation." "^2.5 \xa0Vespasian was energetic in war. He used to march at the head of his troops, select a place for camp, oppose the enemy night and day with wise strategy and, if occasion demanded, with his own hands. His food was whatever chance offered; in his dress and bearing he hardly differed from the common soldier. He would have been quite equal to the generals of old if he had not been avaricious. Mucianus, on the other hand, was eminent for his magnificence and wealth and by the complete superiority of his scale of life to that of a private citizen. He was the readier speaker, experienced in civil administration and in statesmanship. It would have been a rare combination for an emperor if the faults of the two could have been done away with and their virtues only combined in one man. But Mucianus was governor of Syria, Vespasian of Judea. They had quarrelled through jealousy because they governed neighbouring provinces. Finally at Nero's death they had laid aside their hostilities and consulted together, at first through friends as go-betweens; and then Titus, the chief bond of their concord, had ended their dangerous feud by pointing out their common interests; both by his nature and skill he was well calculated to win over even a person of the character of Mucianus. Tribunes, centurions, and the common soldiers were secured for the cause by industry or by licence, by virtues or by pleasures, according to the individual's character." "^2.7
4.1 \xa0As for Vespasian, he now began to reflect on the possibilities of war and armed combat and to review the strength of the forces near and far. His own soldiers were so ready that when he administered the oath and made vows for the success of Vitellius, they listened in complete silence. The sentiments of Mucianus were not hostile to him and indeed were favourable to Titus; Tiberius Alexander, the prefect of Egypt, had already cast his lot with his side; he could count on the loyalty of the Third legion, which had been transferred from Syria to Moesia; and he had hopes that the legions in Illyricum would follow the Third. There was reason for this expectation, for all the eastern forces had been fired with rage over the arrogance of the soldiers of Vitellius who came to them, because though savage in appearance and barbarous in speech, they constantly mocked at all the others as their inferiors. But a war of such scope can never be undertaken without hesitation; and Vespasian, at one moment inspired with hope, would at time ponder over the obstacles â\x80\x94 what could that day be on which he should entrust his sixty years and his two young sons to the fortune of war? He reflected that private plans allow one to advance or retreat and permit the individual to take that measure of Fortune's gifts that he will; but when a man aims at the imperial power, there is no mean between the heights and the abyss." ^2.78 \xa0After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple â\x80\x94 such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim\'s vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men\'s lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian\'s presence â\x80\x94 for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea. ^3.1 \xa0The generals of the Flavian party were planning their campaign with better fortune and greater loyalty. They had come together at Poetovio, the winter quarters of the Thirteenth legion. There they discussed whether they should guard the passes of the Pannonian Alps until the whole mass of their forces could be raised behind them, or whether it would not be a bolder stroke to engage the enemy at once and struggle with him for the possession of Italy. Those who favoured waiting for the auxiliaries and prolonging the war, emphasized the strength and reputation of the German legions and dwelt on the fact that the flower of the army in Britain had recently arrived with Vitellius; they pointed out that they had on their side an inferior number of legions, and at best legions which had lately been beaten, and that although the soldiers talked boldly enough, the defeated always have less courage. But while they meantime held the Alps, Mucianus, they said, would arrive with the troops from the east; Vespasian had besides full control of the sea and his fleets, and he could count on the enthusiastic support of the provinces, through whose aid he could raise the storm of almost a second war. Therefore they declared that delay would favour them, that new forces would join them, and that they would lose none of their present advantages. ^3.55 \xa0Vitellius was like a man wakened from a deep sleep. He ordered Julius Priscus and Alfenus Avarus to block the passes of the Apennines with fourteen praetorian cohorts and all the cavalry. A\xa0legion of marines followed them later. These thousands of armed forces, consisting too of picked men and horses, were equal to taking the offensive if they had had another leader. The rest of the cohorts Vitellius gave to his brother Lucius for the defence of Rome, while he, abating in no degree his usual life of pleasure and urged on by his lack of confidence in the future, held the comitia before the usual time, and designated the consuls for many years to come. He granted special treaties to allies and bestowed Latin rights on foreigners with a generous hand; he reduced the tribute for some provincials, he relieved others from all obligations â\x80\x94 in short, with no regard for the future he crippled the empire. But the mob attended in delight on the great indulgences that he bestowed; the most foolish citizens bought them, while the wise regarded as worthless privileges which could neither be granted nor accepted if the state was to stand. Finally Vitellius listened to the demands of his army which had stopped at Mevania, and left Rome, accompanied by a long line of senators, many of whom were drawn in his train by their desire to secure his favour, most however by fear. So he came to camp with no clear purpose in mind, an easy prey to treacherous advice. ^3.71 \xa0Martialis had hardly returned to the Capitol when the soldiers arrived in fury. They had no leader; each directed his own movements. Rushing through the Forum and past the temples that rise above it, they advanced in column up the hill, as far as the first gates of the Capitoline citadel. There were then some old colonnades on the right as you go up the slopes; the defenders came out on the roofs of these and showered stones and tiles on their assailants. The latter had no arms except their swords, and they thought that it would cost too much time to send for artillery and missiles; consequently they threw firebrands on a projecting colonnade, and then followed in the path of the flames; they actually burned the gates of the Capitol and would have forced their way through, if Sabinus had not torn down all the statues, memorials to the glory of our ancestors, and piled them up across the entrance as a barricade. Then the assailants tried different approaches to the Capitol, one by the grove of the asylum and another by the hundred steps that lead up to the Tarpeian Rock. Both attacks were unexpected; but the one by the asylum was closer and more threatening. Moreover, the defenders were unable to stop those who climbed through neighbouring houses, which, built high in time of peace, reached the level of the Capitol. It is a question here whether it was the besiegers or the besieged who threw fire on the roofs. The more common tradition says this was done by the latter in their attempts to repel their assailants, who were climbing up or had reached the top. From the houses the fire spread to the colonnades adjoining the temple; then the "eagles" which supported the roof, being of old wood, caught and fed the flames. So the Capitol burned with its doors closed; none defended it, none pillaged it.' "^3.72 \xa0This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â\x80\x94 this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â\x80\x94 and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned." "^3.7
4.1 \xa0Domitian was concealed in the lodging of a temple attendant when the assailants broke into the citadel; then through the cleverness of a freedman he was dressed in a linen robe and so was able to join a crowd of devotees without being recognized and to escape to the house of Cornelius Primus, one of his father's clients, near the Velabrum, where he remained in concealment. When his father came to power, Domitian tore down the lodging of the temple attendant and built a small chapel to Jupiter the Preserver with an altar on which his escape was represented in a marble relief. Later, when he had himself gained the imperial throne, he dedicated a great temple of Jupiter the Guardian, with his own effigy in the lap of the god. Sabinus and Atticus were loaded with chains and taken before Vitellius, who received them with no angry word or look, although the crowd cried out in rage, asking for the right to kill them and demanding rewards for accomplishing this task. Those who stood nearest were the first to raise these cries, and then the lowest plebeians with mingled flattery and threats began to demand the punishment of Sabinus. Vitellius stood on the steps of the palace and was about to appeal to them, when they forced him to withdraw. Then they ran Sabinus through, mutilated him, and cut off his head, after which they dragged his headless body to the Gemonian stairs." "^3.86 \xa0His native city was Luceria. He had nearly completed the fifty-seventh year of his age. The consulate, priesthoods, a name and place among the first men of his day, he acquired by no merit of his own but wholly through his father's eminence. The men who gave him the principate did not know him. Seldom has the support of the army been gained by any man through honourable means to the degree that he won it through his worthlessness. Yet his nature was marked by simplicity and liberality â\x80\x94 qualities which, if unchecked, prove the ruin of their possessor. Thinking, as he did, that friendships are cemented by greater gifts rather than by high character, he bought more friends than he kept. Undoubtedly it was to the advantage of the state that Vitellius should fall, but those who betrayed him to Vespasian cannot make a virtue of their own treachery, for they had already deserted Galba. The day hurried to its close. It was impossible to summon the senate because the senators had stolen away from the city or were hiding in their clients' houses. Now that he had no enemies to fear, Domitian presented himself to the leaders of his father's party, and was greeted by them as Caesar; then crowds of soldiers, still in arms, escorted him to his ancestral hearth." "^4.1 \xa0The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts." ^4.3 \xa0During these same days Lucilius Bassus was sent with a force of light armed cavalry to restore order in Campania, where the people of the towns were rather at variance with one another than rebellious toward the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order, and the smaller towns escaped punishment. Capua, however, had the Third legion quartered on it for the winter, and its nobler houses were ruined; while the people of Tarracina, on the other hand, received no assistance: so much easier is it to repay injury than to reward kindness, for gratitude is regarded as a burden, revenge as gain. The Tarracines, however, found comfort in the fact that the slave of Verginius Capito, who had betrayed them, was crucified wearing the very rings that he had received from Vitellius. But at Rome the senators voted to Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually given the emperors. They were filled with joy and confident hope, for it seemed to them that civil warfare, which, breaking out in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, had moved to arms first the Germanies, then Illyricum, and which had traversed Egypt, Judea, Syria, and all provinces and armies, was now at an end, as if the expiation of the whole world had been completed: their zeal was increased by a letter from Vespasian, written as if war were still going on. That at least was the impression that it made at first; but in reality Vespasian spoke as an emperor, with humility of himself, magnificently of the state. Nor did the senate fail in homage: it elected Vespasian consul with his son Titus, and bestowed a praetorship with consular power on Domitian. ^4.4 \xa0Mucianus also had sent a letter to the senate that gave occasion for comment. "If," they said, "he were a private citizen, why this official language? He might have said the same things a\xa0few days later, speaking in the senate." Even his attack on Vitellius came too late and showed no independence. But they thought it a haughty thing toward the state and an act of insolence toward the emperor for him to boast that he had had the empire in his own hand and had presented it to Vespasian. Yet their discontent was concealed; their flattery was open: in magnificent terms the senators gave Mucianus the insignia of a triumph, in reality for civil war, although his expedition against the Sarmatae was made the pretext. They also voted Antonius Primus the insignia of consular rank, Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus of praetorian. Then they took thought for the gods: they voted to restore the Capitol. All these measures were proposed by Valerius Asiaticus, consul elect; the rest of the senators showed their approval by their looks and hands; a\xa0few of conspicuous dignity or whose nature was well trained in flattery expressed themselves in formal speeches. When the turn came to Helvidius Priscus, praetor elect, he spoke in terms which, while honourable to a good emperor, .\xa0.\xa0. There was no false flattery in his speech, which was received with enthusiasm by the senate. This was the day that stood out in his career as marking the beginning of great disfavour and of great glory.' "^4.27 \xa0Now it happened that not far from camp the Germans started to drag to their bank a ship loaded with grain which had grounded on a bar. Gallus did not wish to allow this and sent a cohort to rescue the ship: the Germans also were reinforced, and as assistance gradually gathered, the two sides engaged in a pitched battle. The Germans inflicted heavy losses on our men and got the ship away. The defeated Roman troops, as had then become their fashion, did not blame their own lack of energy, but charged their commander with treachery. They dragged him from his tent, tore his clothing and beat him, bidding him tell what bribe he had received and who his accomplices were in betraying his troops. Their anger toward Hordeonius returned: they called him the author and Gallus the tool, until, frightened by their threats to kill him, he himself actually charged Hordeonius with treachery; and then Hordeonius was put in chains and only released on Vocula's arrival. The following day Vocula had the ringleaders in the mutiny put to death, so great was the contrast in this army between unbridled licence and obedient submission. Undoubtedly the common soldiers were faithful to Vitellius, but all the officers inclined to favour Vespasian: hence that alternation of crimes and punishment and that combination of rage with obedience, so that although the troops could be punished they could not be controlled." "^4.40.1 \xa0On the day when Domitian entered the senate, he spoke briefly and in moderate terms of his father's and brother's absence and of his own youth; his bearing was becoming; and since his character was as yet unknown, the confusion that frequently covered his face was regarded as a mark of modesty. When Domitian brought up the question of restoring Galba's honours, Curtius Montanus moved that Piso's memory also should be honoured. The senate passed both motions, but the one with regard to Piso was never carried into effect. Then a commission was selected by lot to restore property stolen during the war, to determine and replace the bronze tablets of the laws that had fallen down from age, to purge the public records of the additions with which the flattery of the times had defiled them, and to check public expenditures. His praetorship was given back to Tettius Julianus after it became known that he had fled to Vespasian for protection: Grypus retained his office. Then the senate decided to take up again the case between Musonius Rufus and Publius Celer; Publius was condemned and the shades of Soranus were appeased. That day which was marked by this act of public severity was not without its private glory also. Musonius was held to have carried through an act of justice, but public opinion took a different view of Demetrius the Cynic, because he had shown more selfish interest than honourable purpose in defending Publius, who was manifestly guilty: Publius himself in the hour of danger had neither the courage nor the eloquence to meet it. Now that the signal had been given for vengeance on the informers, Junius Mauricus asked Caesar to give the senate power to examine the imperial records that they might know who the informers were that had brought each accusation. Domitian replied that on a matter of such importance he must consult the emperor." ^4.52 \xa0It is said that Titus, before leaving, in a long interview with his father begged him not to be easily excited by the reports of those who calumniated Domitian, and urged him to show himself impartial and forgiving toward his son. "Neither armies nor fleets," he argued, "are so strong a defence of the imperial power as a\xa0number of children; for friends are chilled, changed, and lost by time, fortune, and sometimes by inordinate desires or by mistakes: the ties of blood cannot be severed by any man, least of all by princes, whose success others also enjoy, but whose misfortunes touch only their nearest kin. Not even brothers will always agree unless the father sets the example." Not so much reconciled toward Domitian as delighted with Titus\'s show of brotherly affection, Vespasian bade him be of good cheer and to magnify the state by war and arms; he would himself care for peace and his house. Then he had some of the swiftest ships laden with grain and entrusted to the sea, although it was still dangerous: for, in fact, Rome was in such a critical condition that she did not have more than ten days\' supplies in her granaries when the supplies from Vespasian came to her relief.' "^4.53 \xa0The charge of restoring the Capitol was given by Vespasian to Lucius Vestinus, a member of the equestrian order, but one whose influence and reputation put him on an equality with the nobility. The haruspices when assembled by him directed that the ruins of the old shrine should be carried away to the marshes and that a new temple should be erected on exactly the same site as the old: the gods were unwilling to have the old plan changed. On the twenty-first of June, under a cloudless sky, the area that was dedicated to the temple was surrounded with fillets and garlands; soldiers, who had auspicious names, entered the enclosure carrying boughs of good omen; then the Vestals, accompanied by boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were living, sprinkled the area with water drawn from fountains and streams. Next Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, guided by the pontifex Plautius Aelianus, purified the area with the sacrifice of the suovetaurilia, and placed the vitals of the victims on an altar of turf; and then, after he had prayed to Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and to the gods who protect the empire to prosper this undertaking and by their divine assistance to raise again their home which man's piety had begun, he touched the fillets with which the foundation stone was wound and the ropes entwined; at the same time the rest of the magistrates, the priests, senators, knights, and a great part of the people, putting forth their strength together in one enthusiastic and joyful effort, dragged the huge stone to its place. A\xa0shower of gold and silver and of virgin ores, never smelted in any furnace, but in their natural state, was thrown everywhere into the foundations: the haruspices had warned against the profanation of the work by the use of stone or gold intended for any other purpose. The temple was given greater height than the old: this was the only change that religious scruples allowed, and the only feature that was thought wanting in the magnificence of the old structure." '^4.54 \xa0In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove\'s home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people. ^4.57 \xa0Vocula, lured on by the artifices of the Gauls, hurried against the enemy; and he was not far from Vetera when Classicus and Tutor, advancing from the main force under the pretext of reconnoitring, concluded their agreement with the German chiefs, and it was then that they first withdrew apart from the legions and fortified their own camp with a separate rampart, although Vocula protested that the Roman state had not yet been so broken by civil war as to be an object of contempt in the eyes of even the Treviri and Lingones. "There are still left faithful provinces," he said; "there still remain victorious armies, the fortune of the empire, and the avenging gods. Thus in former times Sacrovir and the Aeduans, more recently Vindex and all the Gallic provinces, have been crushed in a single battle. Those who break treaties must still face the same divinities, the same fates as before. The deified Julius and the deified Augustus better understood the spirit of the Gauls: Galba\'s acts and the reduction of the tribute have inspired them with a hostile spirit. Now they are enemies because the burden of their servitude is light; when we have despoiled and stripped them they will be friends." After speaking thus in anger, seeing that Classicus and Tutor persisted in their treachery, Vocula turned and withdrew to Novaesium: the Gauls occupied a position two miles away. There the centurions and soldiers frequently visited them, and attempts were made so to tamper with their loyalty, that, by an unheard-of crime, a Roman army should swear allegiance to foreigners and pledge themselves to this awful sin by killing or arresting their chief officers. Although many advised Vocula to escape, he thought it wise to act boldly, called an assembly, and spoke to this effect. ^4.59 \xa0The troops received this speech with varied feelings of hope, fear, and shame. Vocula had withdrawn and was preparing to end his life, but his freedmen and slaves prevented him from voluntarily anticipating the most hideous of deaths. Classicus sent Aemilius Longinus, a deserter from the First legion, and so had Vocula quickly despatched; as for the legates, Herennius and Numisius, he was satisfied with putting them into chains. Then he assumed the insignia of a Roman general and entered the camp. Hardened as he was to every crime, he found not a word to utter beyond stating the oath: those who were present swore allegiance to the "Empire of the Gauls." Vocula\'s assassin he honoured with promotion to a high rank; on the others he bestowed rewards proportionate to their crimes. Then Tutor and Classicus divided the conduct of the war between them. Tutor besieged Cologne with a strong force and compelled its inhabitants and all the soldiers on the upper Rhine to take the same oath of allegiance; at Mainz he killed the tribunes and expelled the prefect of the camp when they refused to swear: Classicus ordered the worst of the men who had surrendered to go to the besieged, and offer them pardon if they would accept the actual situation: otherwise there was no hope; they would suffer famine, sword, and the worst extremities. His messengers emphasized their words by citing their own example. ^4.73 \xa0Presently Cerialis called an assembly of the Treviri and Lingones and addressed them thus: "I\xa0have never practised oratory and the Roman people has ever asserted its merits by arms: but since words have the greatest weight with you and you do not reckon good and evil according to their own nature, but estimate them by the talk of seditious men, I\xa0have decided to say a\xa0few things which now that the war is over are more useful for you to hear than for me to say. Roman commanders and generals entered your land and the lands of the other Gauls from no desire for gain but because they were invited by your forefathers, who were wearied to death by internal quarrels, while the Germans whom they had invited to help them had enslaved them all, allies and enemies alike. How many battles we have fought against the Cimbri and Teutoni, with what hardships on the part of our armies and with what result we have conducted our wars against the Germans, is perfectly well known. We have occupied the banks of the Rhine not to protect Italy but to prevent a second Ariovistus from gaining the throne of Gaul. Do you believe that you are dearer to Civilis and his Batavians or to the peoples across the Rhine than your grandfathers and fathers were to their ancestors? The Germans always have the same reasons for crossing into the Gallic provinces â\x80\x94 lust, avarice, and their longing to change their homes, that they may leave behind their swamps and deserts, and become masters of this most fertile soil and of you yourselves: freedom, however, and specious names are their pretexts; but no man has ever been ambitious to enslave another or to win dominion for himself without using those very same words.' "^4.81 \xa0During the months while Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the regular season of the summer winds and a settled sea, many marvels continued to mark the favour of heaven and a certain partiality of the gods toward him. One of the common people of Alexandria, well known for his loss of sight, threw himself before Vespasian's knees, praying him with groans to cure his blindness, being so directed by the god Serapis, whom this most superstitious of nations worships before all others; and he besought the emperor to deign to moisten his cheeks and eyes with his spittle. Another, whose hand was useless, prompted by the same god, begged Caesar to step and trample on it. Vespasian at first ridiculed these appeals and treated them with scorn; then, when the men persisted, he began at one moment to fear the discredit of failure, at another to be inspired with hopes of success by the appeals of the suppliants and the flattery of his courtiers: finally, he directed the physicians to give their opinion as to whether such blindness and infirmity could be overcome by human aid. Their reply treated the two cases differently: they said that in the first the power of sight had not been completely eaten away and it would return if the obstacles were removed; in the other, the joints had slipped and become displaced, but they could be restored if a healing pressure were applied to them. Such perhaps was the wish of the gods, and it might be that the emperor had been chosen for this divine service; in any case, if a cure were obtained, the glory would be Caesar's, but in the event of failure, ridicule would fall only on the poor suppliants. So Vespasian, believing that his good fortune was capable of anything and that nothing was any longer incredible, with a smiling countece, and amid intense excitement on the part of the bystanders, did as he was asked to do. The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward." "^4.82 \xa0These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides." "^4.84 \xa0When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A\xa0temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I\xa0am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy\xa0III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis." "^5.
2.1 \xa0However, as I\xa0am about to describe the last days of a famous city, it seems proper for me to give some account of its origin. It is said that the Jews were originally exiles from the island of Crete who settled in the farthest parts of Libya at the time when Saturn had been deposed and expelled by Jove. An argument in favour of this is derived from the name: there is a famous mountain in Crete called Ida, and hence the inhabitants were called the Idaei, which was later lengthened into the barbarous form Iudaei. Some hold that in the reign of Isis the superfluous population of Egypt, under the leadership of Hierosolymus and Iuda, discharged itself on the neighbouring lands; many others think that they were an Egyptian stock, which in the reign of Cepheus was forced to migrate by fear and hatred. Still others report that they were Assyrian refugees, a landless people, who first got control of a part of Egypt, then later they had their own cities and lived in the Hebrew territory and the nearer parts of Syria. Still others say that the Jews are of illustrious origin, being the Solymi, a people celebrated in Homer's poems, who founded a city and gave it the name Hierosolyma, formed from their own." "^5.5.1 \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." ^5.8.2 \xa0A\xa0great part of Judea is covered with scattered villages, but there are some towns also; Jerusalem is the capital of the Jews. In it was a temple possessing enormous riches. The first line of fortifications protected the city, the next the palace, and the innermost wall the temple. Only a Jew might approach its doors, and all save the priests were forbidden to cross the threshold. While the East was under the dominion of the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, the Jews were regarded as the meanest of their subjects: but after the Macedonians gained supremacy, King Antiochus endeavoured to abolish Jewish superstition and to introduce Greek civilization; the war with the Parthians, however, prevented his improving this basest of peoples; for it was exactly at that time that Arsaces had revolted. Later on, since the power of Macedon had waned, the Parthians were not yet come to their strength, and the Romans were far away, the Jews selected their own kings. These in turn were expelled by the fickle mob; but recovering their throne by force of arms, they banished citizens, destroyed towns, killed brothers, wives, and parents, and dared essay every other kind of royal crime without hesitation; but they fostered the national superstition, for they had assumed the priesthood to support their civil authority. ^5.1
3.1 \xa0Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented.' "^5.13 \xa0Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented. " None

23. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 30; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 199

24. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians • Vespasian, deification of

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 154, 263; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 154, 263

25. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, verdict • Vespasian

Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 192; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 53; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 357; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 149

26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian accession

Found in books: Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 74; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 164, 230

27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, triumph of, act of healing at Alexandria

Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 104; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 327; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 43

28. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

29. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309

30. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Josephus, granted Roman citizenship by Vespasian • Vespasian • Vespasian (Roman emperor) • Vespasian, and Alexander • Vespasian, and Nero • Vespasian, and civil war of AD • Vespasian, associates self with Venus • Vespasian, fights northern barbarians • Vespasian, his commentarii • Vespasian, his triumph • Vespasian,, in Josephus

Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 45, 49, 52, 59, 63, 66; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 117, 118; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 162, 163, 172, 175, 176; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 80; JonquiÃ¨re (2007), Prayer in Josephus Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 189, 208; Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 30; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 148; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 201; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 260; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 41, 47; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 544, 545; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 150

31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Emperors and Egypt, Vespasian • Vespasian, triumph of, act of healing at Alexandria

Found in books: Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 327; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 127

32. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Emperors and Egypt, Vespasian • Vespasian • Vespasian, and Nero • Vespasian, declared emperor in Egypt • Vespasian, fights northern barbarians • Vespasian, his triumph • Vespasian, inventories Nero’s Greek plunder • Vespasian, reuses Nero’s Greek plunder

Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 34; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 339; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 90; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 130; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 56, 73, 153, 214, 272, 275

33. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Josephus, on Vespasian reserving Jewish Palestine as his property • Principate, Vespasian’s restoration of • Vespasian • Vespasian (Roman emperor) • Vespasian (Roman emperor), Dio’s view of • Vespasian (Roman emperor), reconstruction of Rome • Vespasian, Roman Emperor • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, associates self with Venus • Vespasian, closes Temple of Janus • Vespasian, confirmed as emperor by Judean religion and texts • Vespasian, exemptions granted by • Vespasian, expands pomerium • Vespasian, his Hellenism • Vespasian, patronizes artists • Vespasian, restores Temple of Honos et Virtus • Vespasian, taxes under • arch, decreed to Vespasian and Titus • taxes, poll tax (tributum capitis), imposed by Vespasian • tributum capitis, under Vespasian, more than head tax

Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 105, 106; Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 123; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 117; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 228; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155, 162; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 137; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 27, 55; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 199; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193, 195, 196; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148, 272, 284, 299; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 79; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 245; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 477; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 21, 237

^57.18.3 \xa0Later, when Marcus Junius and Lucius Norbanus assumed office, an omen of no little importance occurred on the very first day of the year, and it doubtless had a bearing on the fate of Germanicus. The consul Norbanus, it seems, had always been devoted to the trumpet, and as he practised on it assiduously, he wished to play the instrument on this occasion, also, at dawn, when many persons were already near his house.' "^57.18.4 \xa0This proceeding startled them all alike, just as if the consul had given them a signal for battle; and they were also alarmed by the falling of the statue Janus. They were furthermore disturbed not a little by an oracle, reputed to be an utterance of the Sibyl, which, although it did not fit this period of the city's history at all, was nevertheless applied to the situation then existing." '^57.18.5 \xa0It ran:"When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris .\xa0.\xa0." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine.' "^67.14.1 \xa0At this time the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stone. And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul, although he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's." '^67.14.2 \xa0The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were put to death, and the rest were at least deprived of their property. ^69.12.1 \xa0At Jerusalem he founded a city in place of the one which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the temple of the god he raised a new temple to Jupiter. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration,' ' None

34. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10.7.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, reuses Nero’s Greek plunder

Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 53; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 73, 153

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10.7.1 ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς.'' None

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10.7.1 It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men.'' None

35. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 5.35 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 367; Demoen and Praet (2009), Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii, 62

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5.35 σιωπὴ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐγένετο καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον τοῦ βασιλέως ἀγῶνα ἐπεδήλου τῆς γνώμης, ἐπειδὴ πάνθ' ὥσπερ αὐτοκράτωρ χρηματίζων τε καὶ πράττων ἀπάγεσθαι ἐδόκει τῆς βουλῆς ταύτης, καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “δοκεῖτέ μοι” εἶπεν “ἁμαρτάνειν ἀναλύοντες βασιλέα περὶ πραγμάτων ἤδη βεβουλευμένων, ἐς ἀδολεσχίαν καθιστάμενοι μειρακιώδη καὶ ἀργοτέραν τοῦ καιροῦ. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐμοὶ κεκτημένῳ δύναμιν, ὁπόσην οὗτος, καὶ βουλευομένῳ, τί δρῴην ἂν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀγαθόν, ξύμβουλοι τῶν τοιούτων ἐγίγνεσθε, προὔβαινεν ἂν ὁ λόγος ὑμῖν — αἱ γὰρ φιλόσοφοι γνῶμαι τοὺς φιλοσόφους τῶν ἀκροατῶν διορθοῦνται — ἀνδρὶ δὲ ξυμβουλεύοντας ὑπάτῳ καὶ ἄρχειν εἰθισμένῳ, καὶ ᾧ ἕτοιμον, ἐπειδὰν ἐκπέσῃ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀπολωλέναι, τί δεῖ ἐπιπλήττειν, εἰ μὴ διωθεῖται τὰ παρὰ τῆς τύχης, ἀλλὰ δέχεται μὲν αὐτὰ ἥκοντα, βουλεύεται δέ, ὅπως χρήσεται σωφρόνως οἷς ἔχει; ὥσπερ οὖν, εἰ ἀθλητὴν ὁρῶντες εὐψυχίᾳ τε κατεσκευασμένον καὶ μήκει καὶ τὴν ἁρμονίαν τοῦ σώματος ἐπιτήδειον ἐς ̓Ολυμπίαν βαδίζοντα δι' ̓Αρκαδίας ἤδη προσελθόντες ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς ἀντιπάλους ἐρρώννυμεν, ἐκελεύομεν δὲ αὐτόν, ἐπειδὰν νικήσῃ τὰ ̓Ολύμπια, μὴ κηρύττεσθαι τῆς νίκης, μηδὲ ὑπέχειν τὴν κεφεαλὴν τῷ κοτίνῳ, ληρεῖν ἂν ἐδόξαμεν ἢ παίζειν ἐς τοὺς ἑτέρων πόνους, οὕτως ἐνθυμούμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ ὁπόση μὲν αἰχμὴ περὶ αὐτόν, ὁπόσος δὲ χαλκὸς ἀστράπτει, πλῆθος δὲ ἵππων ὅσον, αὐτὸς δὲ ὡς γενναῖός τε καὶ σώφρων καὶ πρέπων κατασχεῖν ἃ διανοεῖται, πέμπωμεν ἐφ' ἃ ὥρμηκεν αἴσια μὲν φθεγγόμενοι πρὸς αὐτόν, εὐφημότερα δὲ τούτων παρεγγυῶντες. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνο ἐνεθυμήθητε, ὅτι δυοῖν παίδοιν πατὴρ οὗτος, οἳ στρατοπέδων ἤδη ἄρχουσιν, οἷς εἰ μὴ παραδώσει τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐχθίστοις χρήσεται, καὶ τί λοιπόν, ἀλλ' ἢ ἐκπεπολεμῆσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον; τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ὑποδεξάμενος θεραπεύσεται μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ παίδων, στηρίξεται δὲ ἐπ' αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπ' αὐτοῦ οἱ παῖδες, δορυφόροις δὲ αὑτοῦ χρήσεται, μὰ Δί', οὐ μεμισθωμένοις, οὐδ' ἠναγκασμένοις, οὐδὲ πλαττομένοις εὔνουν πρόσωπον, ἀλλ' ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τε καὶ φιλτάτοις. ἐμοὶ πολιτείας μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς μέλει, ζῶ γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῖς θεοῖς, τὴν δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀγέλην οὐκ ἀξιῶ φθείρεσθαι χήτει βουκόλου δικαίου τε καὶ σώφρονος. ὥσπερ γὰρ εἷς ἀρετῇ προὔχων μεθίστησι τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἐς τὸ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς τοῦ ἀρίστου ἀρχὴν φαίνεσθαι, οὕτως ἡ ἑνὸς ἀρχὴ πάντα ἐς τὸ ξυμφέρον τοῦ κοινοῦ προορῶσα δῆμός ἐστιν. οὐ κατέλυσας, φησί, Νέρωνα. σὺ δὲ, Εὐφρᾶτα; Δίων δέ; ἐγὼ δέ; ἀλλ' ὅμως οὐδεὶς ἡμῖν ἐπιπλήττει τοῦτο, οὐδ' ἡγεῖται δειλούς, εἰ φιλοσόφων ἀνδρῶν μυρίας ἤδη καθελόντων τυραννίδας ἀπελείφθημεν ἡμεῖς τοῦ δόξαι ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας τι πράττειν. καίτοι τό γε ἐπ' ἐμοὶ καὶ παρεταττόμην πρὸς Νέρωνα, πολλὰ μὲν κακοήθως διαλεχθεὶς καὶ τὸν ὠμότατον Τιγελλῖνον ἐπικόψας ἀκούοντα, ἃ δὲ περὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια τῶν χωρίων ὠφέλουν Βίνδικα, Νέρωνι δήπου ἐπετείχιζον. ἀλλ' οὔτε ἐμαυτὸν διὰ ταῦτα φήσω καθῃρηκέναι τὸν τύραννον, οὔτε ὑμᾶς, ἐπεὶ μὴ ταῦτ' ἐπράττετε, μαλακωτέρους ἡγήσομαι τοῦ φιλοσοφίᾳ προσήκοντος. ἀνδρὶ μὲν οὖν φιλοσόφῳ τὸ ἐπὶ νοῦν ἐλθὸν εἰρήσεται, ποιήσεται δέ, οἶμαι, λόγον τοῦ μή τι ἀνοήτως ἢ μανικῶς εἰπεῖν: ὑπάτῳ δ' ἐνθυμουμένῳ καταλῦσαι τύραννον πρῶτον μὲν δεῖ βουλῆς πλείονος, ἵν' ἐξ ἀφανοῦς προσβαίη τοῖς πράγμασιν, εἶτ' ἐπιτηδείου σχήματος ἐς τὸ μὴ παρορκεῖν δοκεῖν. εἰ γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτόν, ὃς ἀπέφηνεν αὐτὸν στρατηγὸν καὶ ᾧ τὰ βέλτιστα βουλεύσειν τε καὶ πράξειν ὤμοσε, μέλλοι χρήσεσθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἀπολογεῖσθαι δήπου τοῖς θεοῖς δεῖ πρότετον, ὡς ξὺν ὁσίᾳ ἐπιορκοῦντα, φίλων τε δεῖ πλειόνων, οὐ γὰρ ἀχαρακώτους γε, οὐδὲ ἀφράκτους χρὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα πράττειν, καὶ χρημάτων ὡς πλείστων, ἵν' ὑποποιήσαιτο τὰς δυνάμεις καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιτιθέμενος ἀνθρώπῳ τὰ ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ κεκτημένῳ. τριβὴ δὲ ὅση περὶ ταῦτα, ὅσοι δὲ χρόνοι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκδέχεσθε, ὅπη βούλεσθε, μὴ γὰρ ἐς ἔλεγχον ἴωμεν ὧν ἐνεθυμήθη μέν, ὡς εἰκός, οὗτος, ἡ τύχη δὲ οὐδὲ ἀγωνισαμένῳ ξυνέλαβε: πρὸς δὲ ἐκεῖνο τί ἐρεῖτε; τὸν γὰρ χθὲς ἄρχοντα καὶ στεφανούμενον μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πόλεων ἐν τοῖς δεῦρο ἱεροῖς, χρηματίζοντα δὲ λαμπρῶς καὶ ἀφθόνως, τοῦτον κελεύετε δημοσίᾳ κηρύττειν τήμερον, ὡς ἰδιώτης μὲν εἴη λοιπόν, παρανοῶν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἦλθεν; ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐπιτελῶν τὰ δεδογμένα προθύμους δορυφόρους, οἷς πιστεύων ταῦτ' ἐνεθυμήθη, παραστήσεται, οὕτως ἐς τὸ μεθίστασθαι τῶν δοξάντων ἥκων πολεμίῳ τῷ μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπιστουμένῳ χρήσεται.”"" None

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5.35 There followed a spell of silence during which the emperor's countece betrayed contending emotions; for though he was an absolute ruler both in title and fact, it looked as if they were trying to divert him from his resolution to remain such; and accordingly Apollonius remarked: It seems to me you are mistaken in trying to cancel a monarchical policy when it is already a foregone conclusion; and that you indulge a garrulity as childish as it is in such a crisis idle. Were it I that had stepped into such a position of influence as he has, and were I, when taking counsel about what good I could do to the world, treated to such advice as you now give, your arguments would carry some force, for philosophic aphorisms might amend the philosophically-minded of your listeners; but as it is a consul and a man accustomed to rule, whom you pretend to advise, one moreover over whom ruin impends if he fall from power, need we carp, if instead of rejecting the gifts of fortune, he welcomes them when they come, and only deliberates how to make a discreet use of what is his own? Let us take a similar case. Suppose we saw an athlete well endowed with courage and stature, and by his well-knit frame marked out as a winner in the Olympic contest, suppose we approached him when he was already on his way thither from Arcadia, and, while encouraging him to face his rivals, yet insisted that, in the event of his winning the prize, he must not allow himself to be proclaimed the victor, nor consent to wear the wreath of wild olive — should we not be set down as imbeciles, mocking at another's labors? Similarly when we regard the eminent man before us, and think of the enormous army at his disposal, of the glint of their brazen arms, of his clouds of cavalry, of his own personal qualities, of his generosity, self-restraint, of his fitness to attain his object — ought we not to send him forward on the path that leads to his goal, with favoring encouragement, and with more auspicious pledges for his future than these you have recorded? For there is another thing you have forgotten, that he is the father of two sons who are already in the command of armies, and whose deepest enmity he will incur if he does not bequeath the empire to them. Is he not confronted by the alternative of embroiling himself in hostilities with his own family? If however he accepts the throne, he will have the devoted service of his own children, they will lean on him and he on them, using them as his bodyguard, and, by Zeus, as a bodyguard not hired by money, nor levied by force nor feigning loyalty with their faces only, but attached to him by bonds of natural instinct and true affection.For myself I care little about constitutions, seeing that my life is governed by the Gods; but I do not like to see the human flock perish for want of a shepherd at once just and moderate. For just as a single man pre-eminent in virtue transforms a democracy into the guise of a government of a single man who is the best; so the government of one man, of it provides all round for the welfare of the community, is popular government. You did not, we are told, help to depose Nero. And did you, Euphrates, or you, Dion? Did I myself? However, no one finds fault with us for that, nor regards us as cowardly, because, after philosophers have destroyed a thousand tyrannies, we have missed the glory of string a blow for liberty. Not but that, as regards myself, I did take the field against Nero, and besides frequent aspersions in my lectures assailed his cut-throat Tigellinus to his face; and the aid I rendered to Vindex in the western half of the empire was, I hardly need say, in the nature of a redoubt raised against Nero. But I should not on that account claim for myself the honor of having pulled down that tyrant, any more than I should regard yourselves as falling short of the philosopher's ideal of courage and constancy, because you did nothing of the sort. For a man then of philosophic habit it is enough that he should say what he really thinks; but he will, I imagine, take care not to talk like a fool or a madman. For a consul, on the other hand, who designs to depose a tyrant, the first requisite is plenty of deliberation, with a view to conceal his plans till they are ripe for action; and the second is a suitable pretense to save him from the reproach of breaking his oath. For before he dreams of resorting to arms against the man who appointed him general and whose welfare he swore to safeguard in the council-chamber and on the field, he must surely in self-defense furnish heaven with proof that he perjures himself in the cause of religion. He will also need many friends, if he is not to approach the enterprise unfenced and unfortified, and also all the money he can get so as to be able to win over the men in power, the more so as he attacks a man who commands the resources of the entire earth. All this demands no end of care, no end of time. And you may take all this as you like, for we are not called upon to sit in judgment on ambitions which he may possibly have entertained, but in which fortune resolved to second him, ere ever he came to fight for them. What answer, however, will you make to the following proposition? Here is one who yesterday assumed the throne, who accepted the crown offered by the cities here in the temples around us, whose rescripts are as brilliant as they are ungrudging: do you bid him issue a proclamation today to the effect that for the future he retires into private life, and only assumed the reigns of government in an access of madness? As, if he carries through the policy on which he is resolved, he will confirm the loyalty of the guards relying on whom he first entertained it; so, if he falters and departs from it, he will find an enemy in everyone whom from that moment he must mistrust."" None

36. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.8, 8.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, proposals • Vespasian • Vespasian, triumph of

Found in books: Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 179; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 230; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 281; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175

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5.8 To Titinius Capito. You urge me to write history, nor are you the first to do so. Many others have often given me the same advice, and I am quite willing to follow it, not because I feel confident that I should succeed in so doing - for it would be presumption to think so until one had tried - but because it seems to me a very proper thing not to let people be forgotten whose fame ought never to die, and to perpetuate the glories of others together with one\'s own. Personally, I confess that there is nothing on which I have set my heart so much as to win a lasting reputation, and the ambition is a worthy one for any man, especially for one who is not conscious of having committed any wrong and has no cause to fear being remembered by posterity. Hence it is that both day and night I scheme to find a way "to raise myself above the ordinary dull level" Again, there is a precedent in my own family which impels me towards writing history. My uncle, who was also my father by adoption, was a historian of the most scrupulous type, and I find all wise men agree that one can do nothing better than follow in the footsteps of one\'s ancestors, provided that they have gone in the right path themselves. Why, then, do I hesitate? For this reason, that I have delivered a number of pleadings of serious importance, and it is my intention to revise them carefully - though my hopes of fame from them are only slight - lest, in spite of all the trouble they have given me, they should perish with me, just for want of receiving the last polishing and additional touches. For if you have a view to what posterity will say, all that is not absolutely finished must be classed as incomplete matter. You will say I began to plead in the forum in my nineteenth year, and it is only just now that I begin to see darkly what an orator ought to be. What would happen if I were to take on a new task in addition to this one? Oratory and history have many things in common, but they also differ greatly in the points that seem common to both. There is narrative in both, but of a different type; the humblest, meanest and most common-place subjects suit the one; the other requires research, splendour, and dignity. In the one you may describe the bones, muscles, and nerves of the body, in the other brawny parts and flowing manes. In oratory one wants force, invective, sustained attack; in history the charm is obtained by copiousness and agreeableness, even by sweetness of style. Lastly, the words used, the forms of speech, and the construction of the sentences are different. For, as Thucydides remarks, it makes all the difference whether the composition is to be a possession for all time or a declamation for the moment; † oratory has to do with the latter, history with the former. Hence it is that I do not feel tempted to hopelessly jumble together two dissimilar styles which differ from one another just because of their great importance, and I am afraid I should become bewildered by such a terrible medley and write in the one style just where I ought to be employing the other. For the meantime, therefore, to use the language of the courts, I ask your gracious permission to go on with my pleading. However, do you be good enough even now to consider the period which it would be best for me to tackle. Shall it be a period of ancient history which others have dealt with before me? If so, the materials are all ready to hand, but the putting them together would be a heavy task. On the other hand, if I choose a modern period which has not been dealt with, I shall get but small thanks and am bound to give serious offence. For, besides the fact that the general standard of morality is so lax that there is much more to censure than to praise, you are sure to be called niggardly if you praise and too censorious if you censure, though you may have been lavish of appreciation and scrupulously guarded in reproach. However, these considerations do not stay me, for I have the courage of my convictions. I only beg of you to prepare the way for me in the direction you urge me to take, and choose a subject for me, so that, when I am at length ready to take pen in hand, no other overpowering reason may crop up to make me hesitate and delay my purpose. Farewell. ' ' None

37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 193; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 138

38. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.10.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, Emperor

Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 263; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 272

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16.10.14 For he did not (as in the case of other cities) permit the contests to be terminated at his own discretion, but left them (as the custom is) to various chances. Then, as he surveyed the sections of the city and its suburbs, lying within the summits of the seven hills, along their slopes, or on level ground, he thought that whatever first met his gaze towered above all the rest: the sanctuaries of Tarpeian Jove so far surpassing as things divine excel those of earth; the baths built up to the measure of provinces; the huge bulk of the amphitheatre, strengthened by its framework of Tiburtine stone, Travertine. to whose top human eyesight barely ascends; the Pantheon like a rounded city-district, Regio here refers to one of the regions, or districts, into which the city was divided. vaulted over in lofty beauty; and the exalted heights which rise with platforms to which one may mount, and bear the likenesses of former emperors; The columns of Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. The platform at the top was reached by a stairway within the column. the Temple of the City, The double temple of Venus and Roma, built by Hadriian and dedicated in A.D. 135 the Forum of Peace, The Forum Pacis, or Vespasiani, was begun by Vespasian in A.D. 71, after the taking of Jerusalem, and dedicated in 75. It lay behind the basilica Aemilia. the Theatre of Pompey, Built in 55 B.C. in the Campus Martius. the Oleum, A building for musical performances, erected by Domitian, probably near his Stadium. the Stadium, The Stadium of Domitian in the Campus Martius, the shape and size of which is almost exactly preserved by the modern Piazza Navona. and amongst these the other adornments of the Eternal City.'' None

39. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, Roman Emperor • Vespasian, patronizes artists

Found in books: Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016), Viewing Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology: VeHinnei Rachel - Essays in honor of Rachel Hachlili, 440; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 119; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 299

40. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.801-6.805, 8.219-8.248, 8.250-8.267
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 164, 263; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 127; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 164, 263

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6.801 Nec vero Alcides tantum telluris obivit, ^6.802 fixerit aeripedem cervam licet, aut Erymanthi ^6.803 pacarit nemora, et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; ^6.804 nec, qui pampineis victor iuga flectit habenis, ^6.805 Liber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigres. ^8.219 Hic vero Alcidae furiis exarserat atro ^8.220 felle dolor: rapit arma manu nodisque gravatum ^8.221 robur et aerii cursu petit ardua montis. ^8.222 Tum primum nostri Cacum videre timentem ^8.223 turbatumque oculis: fugit ilicet ocior Euro ^8.224 speluncamque petit, pedibus timor addidit alas. ^8.225 Ut sese inclusit ruptisque immane catenis ^8.226 deiecit saxum, ferro quod et arte paterna ^8.227 pendebat, fultosque emuniit obice postis, ^8.228 ecce furens animis aderat Tirynthius omnemque ^8.229 accessum lustrans huc ora ferebat et illuc, ^8.230 dentibus infrendens. Ter totum fervidus ira ^8.231 lustrat Aventini montem, ter saxea temptat ^8.232 limina nequiquam, ter fessus valle resedit. ^8.233 Stabat acuta silex, praecisis undique saxis ^8.234 speluncae dorso insurgens, altissima visu, ^8.235 dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum. ^8.236 Hanc, ut prona iugo laevum incumbebat in amnem, ^8.237 dexter in adversum nitens concussit et imis ^8.239 inpulit, inpulsu quo maximus intonat aether ^8.240 dissultant ripae refluitque exterritus amnis. ^8.241 At specus et Caci detecta apparuit ingens ^8.242 regia, et umbrosae penitus patuere cavernae: ^8.243 non secus ac siqua penitus vi terra dehiscens ^8.244 infernas reseret sedes et regna recludat ^8.245 pallida, dis invisa, superque immane barathrum ^8.246 cernatur, trepident inmisso lumine manes. ^8.247 Ergo insperata deprensum luce repente ^8.248 inclusumque cavo saxo atque insueta rudentem ^8.250 advocat et ramis vastisque molaribus instat. ^8.251 Ille autem, neque enim fuga iam super ulla pericli, ^8.252 faucibus ingentem fumum (mirabile dictu) ^8.253 evomit involvitque domum caligine caeca, ^8.254 prospectum eripiens oculis, glomeratque sub antro ^8.255 fumiferam noctem commixtis igne tenebris. ^8.256 Non tulit Alcides animis seque ipse per ignem ^8.257 praecipiti iecit saltu, qua plurimus undam ^8.258 fumus agit nebulaque ingens specus aestuat atra. ^8.259 Hic Cacum in tenebris incendia vana vomentem ^8.260 corripit in nodum complexus et angit inhaerens ^8.261 elisos oculos et siccum sanguine guttur. ^8.262 Panditur extemplo foribus domus atra revolsis, ^8.263 abstractaeque boves abiurataeque rapinae ^8.264 caelo ostenduntur, pedibusque informe cadaver ^8.265 protrahitur. Nequeunt expleri corda tuendo ^8.266 terribilis oculos, voltum villosaque saetis ^8.267 pectora semiferi atque extinctos faucibus ignis.' ' None

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6.801 In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; ^6.802 Another did incestuously take ^6.803 His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. ^6.804 All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; ^6.805 And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell, ^8.219 and with a wide-eyed wonder I did view ' "^8.220 those Teucrian lords, Laomedon's great heir, " '^8.221 and, towering highest in their goodly throng, ^8.222 Anchises, whom my warm young heart desired ^8.223 to speak with and to clasp his hand in mine. ^8.224 So I approached, and joyful led him home ' "^8.225 to Pheneus' olden wall. He gave me gifts " '^8.226 the day he bade adieu; a quiver rare ^8.227 filled with good Lycian arrows, a rich cloak ^8.228 inwove with thread of gold, and bridle reins ^8.229 all golden, now to youthful Pallas given. ^8.230 Therefore thy plea is granted, and my hand ^8.231 here clasps in loyal amity with thine. ^8.232 To-morrow at the sunrise thou shalt have ^8.233 my tribute for the war, and go thy way ^8.234 my glad ally. But now this festival, ' "^8.235 whose solemn rite 't were impious to delay, " '^8.236 I pray thee celebrate, and bring with thee ^8.237 well-omened looks and words. Allies we are! ^8.239 So saying, he bade his followers renew ' "^8.240 th' abandoned feast and wine; and placed each guest " '^8.241 on turf-built couch of green, most honoring ^8.242 Aeneas by a throne of maple fair ' "^8.243 decked with a lion's pelt and flowing mane. " "^8.244 Then high-born pages, with the altar's priest, " '^8.245 bring on the roasted beeves and load the board ^8.246 with baskets of fine bread; and wine they bring — ^8.247 of Ceres and of Bacchus gift and toil. ^8.248 While good Aeneas and his Trojans share ^8.250 When hunger and its eager edge were gone, ^8.251 Evander spoke: “This votive holiday, ^8.252 yon tables spread and altar so divine, ^8.253 are not some superstition dark and vain, ^8.254 that knows not the old gods, O Trojan King! ^8.255 But as men saved from danger and great fear ^8.256 this thankful sacrifice we pay. Behold, ^8.257 yon huge rock, beetling from the mountain wall, ^8.258 hung from the cliff above. How lone and bare ^8.259 the hollowed mountain looks! How crag on crag ^8.260 tumbled and tossed in huge confusion lie! ^8.261 A cavern once it was, which ran deep down ' "^8.262 into the darkness. There th' half-human shape " '^8.263 of Cacus made its hideous den, concealed ^8.264 from sunlight and the day. The ground was wet ^8.265 at all times with fresh gore; the portal grim ^8.266 was hung about with heads of slaughtered men, ^8.267 bloody and pale—a fearsome sight to see. ' ' None

41. Vergil, Georgics, 1.1-1.42, 1.129-1.138, 3.68, 3.478, 4.389
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, deification of

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 155, 156, 164, 165; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 155, 156, 164, 165

sup>
1.1 Quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram ^1.2 vertere, Maecenas, ulmisque adiungere vitis ^1.3 conveniat, quae cura boum, qui cultus habendo ^1.4 sit pecori, apibus quanta experientia parcis, ^1.5 hinc canere incipiam. Vos, o clarissima mundi ^1.6 lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annum, ^1.7 Liber et alma Ceres, vestro si munere tellus ^1.8 Chaoniam pingui glandem mutavit arista, ^1.9 poculaque inventis Acheloia miscuit uvis; ^1.10 et vos, agrestum praesentia numina, Fauni, ^1.11 ferte simul Faunique pedem Dryadesque puellae: ^1.12 Munera vestra cano. Tuque o, cui prima frementem ^1.13 fudit equum magno tellus percussa tridenti, ^1.14 Neptune; et cultor nemorum, cui pinguia Ceae ^1.15 ter centum nivei tondent dumeta iuvenci; ^1.16 ipse nemus linquens patrium saltusque Lycaei, ^1.17 Pan, ovium custos, tua si tibi Maenala curae, ^1.18 adsis, o Tegeaee, favens, oleaeque Minerva ^1.19 inventrix, uncique puer monstrator aratri, ^1.20 et teneram ab radice ferens, Silvane, cupressum, ^1.21 dique deaeque omnes, studium quibus arva tueri, ^1.22 quique novas alitis non ullo semine fruges, ^1.23 quique satis largum caelo demittitis imbrem; ^1.24 tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum ^1.25 concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, ^1.26 terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis ^1.27 auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem ^1.28 accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, ^1.29 an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae ^1.30 numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule ^1.31 teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, ^1.32 anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, ^1.33 qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis ^1.34 panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens ^1.35 Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— ^1.36 quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem ^1.37 nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, ^1.38 quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos ^1.39 nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— ^1.40 da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis ^1.41 ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis ^1.42 ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari. ^1.129 Ille malum virus serpentibus addidit atris ^1.130 praedarique lupos iussit pontumque moveri, ^1.131 mellaque decussit foliis ignemque removit ^1.132 et passim rivis currentia vina repressit, ^1.133 ut varias usus meditando extunderet artis ^1.134 paulatim et sulcis frumenti quaereret herbam. ^1.135 Ut silicis venis abstrusum excuderet ignem. ^1.136 Tunc alnos primum fluvii sensere cavatas; ^1.137 navita tum stellis numeros et nomina fecit, ^1.138 Pleiadas, Hyadas, claramque Lycaonis Arcton; ^3.68 et labor, et durae rapit inclementia mortis. ^3.478 Hic quondam morbo caeli miseranda coorta est ^4.389 et iuncto bipedum curru metitur equorum.' ' None

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1.1 What makes the cornfield smile; beneath what star ^1.2 Maecenas, it is meet to turn the sod ^1.3 Or marry elm with vine; how tend the steer; ^1.4 What pains for cattle-keeping, or what proof ^1.5 of patient trial serves for thrifty bees;— ^1.6 Such are my themes. O universal light ^1.7 Most glorious! ye that lead the gliding year ^1.8 Along the sky, Liber and Ceres mild, ^1.9 If by your bounty holpen earth once changed ^1.10 Chaonian acorn for the plump wheat-ear, ^1.11 And mingled with the grape, your new-found gift, ^1.12 The draughts of Achelous; and ye Faun ^1.13 To rustics ever kind, come foot it, Faun ^1.14 And Dryad-maids together; your gifts I sing. ^1.15 And thou, for whose delight the war-horse first' "^1.16 Sprang from earth's womb at thy great trident's stroke," ^1.17 Neptune; and haunter of the groves, for whom ^1.18 Three hundred snow-white heifers browse the brakes, ^1.19 The fertile brakes of 1.20 Thy native forest and Lycean lawns, ^1.21 Pan, shepherd-god, forsaking, as the love ^1.22 of thine own Maenalus constrains thee, hear ^1.23 And help, O lord of 1.24 Minerva, from whose hand the olive sprung; ^1.25 And boy-discoverer of the curved plough; ^1.26 And, bearing a young cypress root-uptorn, ^1.27 Silvanus, and Gods all and Goddesses, ^1.28 Who make the fields your care, both ye who nurse ^1.29 The tender unsown increase, and from heaven' "^1.30 Shed on man's sowing the riches of your rain:" '^1.31 And thou, even thou, of whom we know not yet ^1.32 What mansion of the skies shall hold thee soon,' "^1.33 Whether to watch o'er cities be thy will," '^1.34 Great Caesar, and to take the earth in charge, ^1.35 That so the mighty world may welcome thee ^1.36 Lord of her increase, master of her times,' "^1.37 Binding thy mother's myrtle round thy brow," "^1.38 Or as the boundless ocean's God thou come," '^1.39 Sole dread of seamen, till far 1.40 Before thee, and Tethys win thee to her son ^1.41 With all her waves for dower; or as a star ^1.42 Lend thy fresh beams our lagging months to cheer, ^1.129 Why tell of him, who, having launched his seed, ^1.130 Sets on for close encounter, and rakes smooth ^1.131 The dry dust hillocks, then on the tender corn ^1.132 Lets in the flood, whose waters follow fain; ^1.133 And when the parched field quivers, and all the blade ^1.134 Are dying, from the brow of its hill-bed, ^1.135 See! see! he lures the runnel; down it falls,' "^1.136 Waking hoarse murmurs o'er the polished stones," ^1.137 And with its bubblings slakes the thirsty fields? ^1.138 Or why of him, who lest the heavy ear ^3.68 And burly neck, whose hanging dewlaps reach ^3.478 Many there be who from their mothers keep ^4.389 And shut the doors, and leave him there to lie.'' None

42. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of • Vespasian, and Argonauts • Vespasian, and Augustus • Vespasian, and Julio-Claudians • Vespasian, as restitutor libertatis • Vespasian, coins with • Vespasian, deification of • Vespasian, emperor, celestial overseer in Valerius Flaccus

Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 97, 98, 112, 113; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 47, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 89, 99; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 133, 134, 135, 136; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 47, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167

43. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 53; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 210; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 162

44. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Collins (2016), The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, 242, 256; JonquiÃ¨re (2007), Prayer in Josephus Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 212

45. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Emperors, Vespasian • Vespasian • Vespasian, emperor

Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 100, 179, 192, 353; Dijkstra (2020), The Early Reception and Appropriation of the Apostle Peter (60-800 CE): The Anchors of the Fisherman, 49; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 150

46. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian • Vespasian, emperor

Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 156; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 100, 192, 353

47. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian

Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 210; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 162

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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database