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93 results for "valerius"

1. Herodotus, Histories, 138 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 277

2. Cicero, Pro Milone, 104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

3. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

4. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 196 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

5. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

25. quid ego gloriosius meis posteris potui relinquere quam hoc, senatum iudicasse, qui civis me non defendisset, eum rem publicam salvam noluisse? itaque tantum vestra auctoritas, tantum eximia consulis dignitas valuit ut dedecus et flagitium dedecus et flagitium ε e : deus flagicium PB : omnis flag. Hs se committere putaret, si qui non veniret. idemque consul, cum illa incredibilis multitudo Romam et paene Italia ipsa venisset, vos frequentissimos in Capitolium convocavit. quo tempore quantam vim naturae bonitas haberet et et G ε : ut P1 : aut P2BHb ς vera nobilitas, intellegere potuistis. nam Q. Metellus, et inimicus et frater inimici, perspecta vestra voluntate omnia privata odia deposuit: quem P. Servilius, vir cum clarissimus tum vero optimus mihique amicissimus, et auctoritatis et orationis suae divina quadam gravitate ad sui generis communisque sanguinis facta virtutesque revocavit, ut haberet in consilio et fratrem ab inferis ab inferis secl. Lamb. , socium rerum mearum, et omnis Metellos, praestantissimos civis, paene ex Acheronte excitatos, in quibus Numidicum illum Metellum Metellum auct. Manut. del. Halm honestus omnibus sed luctuosus tamen Halmio auct. Muell : honestis omnibus ne (in Bt, sane G, om. Hbks ) luctuosus tandem P rell. praeter ε e (molestus omnibus ipsi ne luctuosus quidem) , cuius quondam de patria discessus honestus omnibus, sed luctuosus tamen visus est.

6. Cicero, Philippicae, 1.13, 2.26, 2.88, 3.9, 5.9, 11.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum •valerius messalla rufus, m. •valerius messalla rufus, m., on auspices of magistrates Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 98, 142; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

1.13. Do you think, O conscript fathers, that I would have voted for the resolution which you adopted against your own wills, of mingling funeral obsequies with supplications? of introducing inexplicable impiety into the republic? of decreeing supplications in honour of a dead man? I say nothing about who the man was. Even had he been that great Lucius Brutus who himself also delivered the republic from kingly power, and who has produced posterity nearly five hundred years after himself of similar virtue, and equal to similar achievements — even then I could not have been induced to join any dead man in a religious observance paid to the immortal gods; so that a supplication should be addressed by public authority to a man who has nowhere a sepulcher at which funeral obsequies may be celebrated. I, O conscript fathers, should have delivered my opinion, which I could easily have defended against the Roman people, if any heavy misfortune had happened to the republic, such as war, or pestilence, or famine; some of which, indeed, do exist already, and I have my fears lest others are impending. But I pray that the immortal gods may pardon this act, both to the Roman people, which does not approve of it, and to this order, which voted it with great unwillingness. 2.26. Moreover, how likely it is, that among such a number of men, some obscure, some young men who had not the wit to conceal any one, my name could possibly have escaped notice? Indeed, if leaders were wanted for the purpose of delivering the country, what need was there of my instigating the Bruti, one of whom saw every day in his house the image of Lucius Brutus, and the other saw also the image of Ahala? Were these the men to seek counsel from the ancestors of others rather than from their own? and but of doors rather than at home? What? Caius Cassius, a man of that family which could not endure, I will not say the domination, but even the power of any individual, — he, I suppose, was in need of me to instigate him? a man who even without the assistance of these other most illustrious men, would have accomplished this same deed in Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Cydnus, if Caesar had brought his ships to that bank of the river which he had intended, and not to the opposite one. 2.88. With respect to all the things which Caesar was intending to do in the senate on the ides of March, I ask whether you have done any thing? I heard, indeed, that you had come down prepared, because you thought that I intended to speak about your having made a false statement respecting the auspices, though it was still necessary for us to respect them. The fortune of the Roman people saved us from that day. Did the death of Caesar also put an end to your opinion respecting the auspices? But I have come to mention that occasion which must be allowed to precede those matters which I had begun to discuss. What a flight was that of yours! What alarm was yours on that memorable day! How, from the consciousness of your wickedness, did you despair of your life! How, while flying, were you enabled secretly to get home by the kindness of those men who wished to save you, thinking you would show more sense than you do! 3.9. Those men had learned to obey kings ever since the foundation of the city, but we from the time when the kings were driven out have forgotten how to be slaves. And that Tarquinius, whom our ancestors expelled, was not either considered or called cruel or impious, but only The Proud. That vice which we have often borne in private individuals, our ancestors could not endure even in a king. Lucius Brutus could not endure a proud king. Shall Decimus Brutus submit to the kingly power of a man who is wicked and impious? What atrocity did Tarquinius ever commit equal to the innumerable acts of the sort which Antonius has done and is still doing? Again, the kings were used to consult the senate; nor, as is the ease when Antonius holds a senate, were armed barbarians ever introduced into the council of the king. The kings paid due regard to the auspices, which this man, though consul and augur, has neglected, not only by passing laws in opposition to the auspices but also by making his colleague (whom he himself had appointed irregularly, and had falsified the auspices in order to do so) join in passing them.

7. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.98, 2.5.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

2.4.98. Are you, forsooth, the only man who delights in Corinthian vases? Are you the best judge in the world of the mixture of that celebrated bronze, and of the delicate tracery of that work? Did not the great Scipio, that most learned and accomplished man, under stand it too? But do you, a man without one single virtue, without education, without natural ability, and without any information, understand them and value them? Beware lest he be seen to have surpassed you and those other men who wished to be thought so elegant, not only in temperance, but in judgment and taste; for it was because he thoroughly understood how beautiful they were, that he thought that they were made, not for the luxury of men, but for the ornamenting of temples and cities, in order that they might appear to our posterity to be holy and sacred monuments. [45]

8. Polybius, Histories, a b c d\n0 "6.56" "6.56" "6 56" (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m., ( cos . 188 bce) Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo, A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi (2022) 313

9. Cicero, In Catilinam, 4.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

10. Cicero, Letters, 9.3.3, 9.9.3, 9.15.2, 11.22.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 35, 138, 139

11. Cicero, Republic, 2.56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m., on auspices of magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 85

2.56. Tenuit igitur hoc in statu senatus rem publicam temporibus illis, ut in populo libero pauca per populum, pleraque senatus auctoritate et instituto ac more gererentur, atque uti consules potestatem haberent tempore dumtaxat annuam, genere ipso ac iure regiam. Quodque erat ad optinendam potentiam nobilium vel maximum, vehementer id retinebatur, populi comitia ne essent rata, nisi ea patrum adprobavisset auctoritas. Atque his ipsis temporibus dictator etiam est institutus decem fere annis post primos consules, T. Larcius, novumque id genus imperii visum est et proximum similitudini regiae. Sed tamen omnia summa cum auctoritate a principibus cedente populo tenebantur, magnaeque res temporibus illis a fortissimis viris summo imperio praeditis, dictatoribus atque consulibus, belli gerebantur.

2.56. Well then, at the period of which I have been speaking, the government was so administered by the senate that, though the people were free, few political acts were performed by them, practically everything being done by the authority of the senate and in accordance with its established customs, and that the consuls held a power which, though only of one year's duration, was truly regal in general character and in legal sanction. Another principle that was most important to the retention of the power by the aristocracy was also strictly maintained, namely, that no act of a popular assembly should be valid unless ratified by the Fathers. ** It was in the same period that the dictatorship was also instituted, Titus Larcius, the first dictator, being appointed about ten years after the election of the first consuls. ** This office was looked upon as embodying an entirely new sort of executive power which was very close to that of a king. Yet the whole government was kept, with the people's consent, in the strong hands of the aristocracy, and in those times mighty deeds of war were done by the brave men who held the supreme power either as dictators or as consuls.

12. Cicero, On Duties, 3.112 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m., on auspices of magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 101

3.112. L. Manlio A. f., cum dictator fuisset, M. Pomponius tr. pl. diem dixit, quod is paucos sibi dies ad dictaturam gerendam addidisset; criminabatur etiam, quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appellatus, ab hominibus relegasset et ruri habitare iussisset. Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam et cum primo luci Pomponi domum venisse dicitur. Cui cum esset nuntiatum, qui illum iratum allaturum ad se aliquid contra patrem arbitraretur, surrexit e lectulo remotisque arbitris ad se adulescentem iussit venire. At ille, ut ingressus est, confestim gladium destrinxit iuravitque se illum statim interfecturum, nisi ius iurandum sibi dedisset se patrem missum esse facturum. Iuravit hoc terrore coactus Pomponius; rem ad populum detulit, docuit, cur sibi causa desistere necesse esset, Manlium missum fecit. Tantum temporibus illis ius iurandum valebat. Atque hic T. Manlius is est, qui ad Anienem Galli, quem ab eo provocatus occiderat, torque detracto cognomen invenit, cuius tertio consulatu Latini ad Veserim fusi et fugati, magnus vir in primis et, qui perindulgens in patrem, idem acerbe severus in filium.

3.112. Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the people, brought an indictment against Lucius Manlius, Aulus's son, for having extended the term of his dictatorship a few days beyond its expiration. He further charged him with having banished his own son Titus (afterward surnamed Torquatus) from all companionship with his fellow-men, and with requiring him to live in the country. When the son, who was then a young man, heard that his father was in trouble on his account, he hastened to Rome â so the story goes â and at daybreak presented himself at the house of Pomponius. The visitor was announced to Pomponius. Inasmuch as he thought that the son in his anger meant to bring him some new evidence to use against the father, he arose from his bed, asked all who were present to leave the room, and sent word to the young man to come in. Upon entering, he at once drew a sword and swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot, if he did not swear an oath to withdraw the suit against his father. Constrained by the terror of the situation, Pomponius gave his oath. He reported the matter to the people, explaining why he was obliged to drop the prosecution, and withdrew his suit against Manlius. Such was the regard for the sanctity of an oath in those days. And that lad was the Titus Manlius who in the battle on the Anio killed the Gaul by whom he had been challenged to single combat, pulled off his torque and thus won his surname. And in his third consulship he routed the Latins and put them to flight in the battle on the Veseris. He was one of the greatest of the great, and one who, while more than generous toward his father, could yet be bitterly severe toward his son. <

13. Cicero, On Laws, 3.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m., on auspices of magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 85

3.9. This magistracy should not be determined in less than ten years -- regulating the duration by the annual law. When a considerable war is undertaken, and discord is likely to ensue among the citizens, let a single supreme magistrate be appointed, who shall unite in his own person the authority of both consuls, if the senate so decrees, for six months only. When such a magistrate has been proclaimed under favourable auspices, let him be as a prince of the people. Let him have for a colleague, a praetorial patrician, as a judge of the law. But when such dictators are created over the consuls, let not the other magistracies be suppressed or vacated.

14. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

129. verum quaeso a vobis, iudices, ut haec pauca quae restant ita audiatis ut partim me dicere pro me ipso putetis, partim pro Sex. Roscio pro Sex. edd. VR : Sex. codd. . quae enim mihi ipsi ipsi om. ω indigna et intolerabilia videntur quaeque ad omnis, nisi providemus, arbitror pertinere, ea pro me ipso ex ex Naugerius (2): et codd. animi mei sensu ac dolore pronuntio; quae ad huius vitae casum causamque vitae casum causamque vitae discrimen casumque w : vitae causamque ω : vitae causam Ruhnken : vitam causamque Richter pertinent Eberhard : pertineant (-eat σφω ) codd. pertinent et quid hic pro se dici velit et qua condicione contentus sit iam in extrema oratione nostra, iudices, audietis.

15. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

28. This state was once so firm and so vigorous that it could withstand the indifference of the senate, or even the assaults of the citizens. Now it cannot. There is no treasury. Those who have contracted for the revenues do not enjoy them; the authority of the chief men has fallen; the agreement between the different orders of the state is torn asunder; the courts of justice are destroyed; the votes are all arranged and divided so as to be under the power of a few; the courage of the virtuous citizens, formerly ready at a nod from our order, exists no longer. [61] Henceforth in vain will you look for a citizen who will expose himself to unpopularity for the welfare of his country. We can then preserve even this state of things which now exists, such as it is, by no other means than by uimity; for although we may become better off, that cannot even be hoped for as long as he is unpunished. And if we are to be worse off than we are, there is but one step slower, that of death or slavery. And the immortal gods themselves warn us against allowing ourselves to be thrust down into that abyss, since all human counsels have long since failed. And I, O conscript fathers, should not have undertaken this speech, so melancholy and so serious; not but that owing to the honours conferred on me by the Roman people, and to the numberless distinctions which you have heaped upon me, I am both bound and able to support this character and to play this part; but still, when every one else was silent, I should willingly have remained silent too. All this speech which I have made has not proceeded from my authority, but from my regard for the general religion. My words have, perhaps, been too many, but the whole sentiment has proceeded from the soothsayers. And either you ought never to have referred the prodigies which have been reported to you to them at all, or else you must be influenced by their answers. [62] But if other more ordinary and more trifling occurrences have often influenced us, shall not the express voice of the immortal gods influence every one's mind? Do not think that really possible, which you often see in plays, that some god descending from heaven can approach the assemblies of men, and abide on earth, and converse with men. Consider the description of noise which the Latins have reported. Remember that prodigy also, which has not as yet been formally reported, that at almost the same time a terrible earthquake is said to have taken place in the Picenian district, at Potentia, with many other terrible circumstances; — these things which we foresee you will fear as impending over the city. [63] In truth, this ought almost to be considered as the voice and speech of the immortal gods, when the world itself and the air and the earth tremble with a certain unusual agitation, and prophecy to us with an unprecedented and incredible sound. On this emergency we must appoint atonements and prayers as we are ordered; but it is easy to address prayers to those beings who of their own accord point out to us the path of safety. Our own internal quarrels and dissensions must be terminated by ourselves.END

16. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 7.30.1, 8.4.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 138, 142

17. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

18. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 130, 57-59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

19. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

1.4. non satis Graecorum gloriae responderunt. an censemus, cessemus KRH si Fabio, GFabio V 1 nobilissimo homini, laudi datum esset, quod pingeret, non multos etiam apud nos futuros Polyclitos et Parrhasios fuisse? honos alit artes, omnesque incenduntur acceduntur ( vel ac- cenduntur) Aug. incenduntur ex acc. H 1 ecl. 212 gloriae H ibid. cum Aug. plerisque codd. (gloriae L) Lup. ad studia gloria, iacentque ea semper, quae apud quosque improbantur. honos ... 219,2 improbantur Aug. civ. 5,13 (H ecl. 212 ) et ex eo Serv. Lupus ep. 1 summam eruditionem Graeci sitam censebant in nervorum vocumque cantibus; igitur et Epaminondas, princeps meo iudicio Graeciae, graecis X -ę pro -s V 1 aut c fidibus praeclare cecinisse dicitur, Themistoclesque aliquot ante annos annis edd. vett. cum in epulis recusaret recusasset V 2 s lyram, liram X est habitus indoctior. est... indoctior Quint. inst. 1,10,19 ergo in Graecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id omnes, nec qui nesciebat nesciebant V 1 satis excultus doctrina putabatur.

20. Lucilius Gaius, Fragments, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

21. Cicero, On Invention, 1.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

1.22. Benivolentia quattuor ex locis comparatur: ab nostra, ab adversariorum, ab iudicum persona, a causa. ab nostra, si de nostris factis et officiis sine arrogantia dicemus; si crimina inlata et aliquas minus honestas suspiciones iniectas diluemus; si, quae incommoda acci- derint aut quae instent difficultates, proferemus; si prece et obsecratione humili ac supplici utemur. ab ad- versariorum autem, si eos aut in odium aut in invidiam aut in contemptionem adducemus. in odium ducentur, si quod eorum spurce, superbe, crudeliter, malitiose factum proferetur; in invidiam, si vis eorum, potentia, divitiae, cognatio pecuniae proferentur atque eorum usus arrogans et intolerabilis, ut his rebus magis vi- deantur quam causae suae confidere; in contemp- tionem adducentur, si eorum inertia, neglegentia, igna- via, desidiosum studium et luxuriosum otium profe- retur. ab auditorum persona benivolentia captabitur, si res ab iis fortiter, sapienter, mansuete gestae profe- rentur, ut ne qua assentatio nimia significetur, si de iis quam honesta existimatio quantaque eorum iudicii et auctoritatis exspectatio sit ostendetur; ab rebus, si nostram causam laudando extollemus, adversariorum causam per contemptionem deprimemus.

1.22. Good-will is produced by dwelling on four topics:—on one derived from our own character, from that of our adversaries, from that of the judges, and from the cause itself. From our own character, if we manage so as to speak of our own actions and services without arrogance; if we refute the charges which have been brought against us, and any other suspicions in the least discreditable which it may be endeavoured to attach to us; if we dilate upon the inconveniences which have already befallen us, or the difficulties which are still impending over us; if we have recourse to prayers and to humble and suppliant entreaty. From the character of our adversaries, if we are able to bring them either into hatred, or into unpopularity, or into contempt. They will be brought into hatred, if any action of theirs can be adduced which has been lascivious, or arrogant, or cruel, or maligt. They will be made unpopular, if we can dilate upon their violent behaviour, their power, their riches, their numerous kinsmen, their wealth, and their arrogant and intolerable use of all these sources of influence; so that they may appear rather to trust to these circumstances than to the merits of their cause. They will be brought into contempt, if sloth, or negligence, or idleness, or indolent pursuits, or luxurious tranquillity can be alleged against them. Good-will will be procured, derived from the character of the hearers themselves, if exploits are mentioned which have been performed by them with bravery, or wisdom, or humanity; so that no excessive flattery shall appear to be addressed to them; and if it is plainly shown how high and honourable their reputation is, and how anxious is the expectation with which men look for their decision and authority. Or from the circumstances themselves, if we extol our own cause with praises, and disparage that of the opposite party by contemptuous allusions. But we shall make our hearers attentive, if we show that the things which we are going to say and to speak of are important, and unusual, and incredible; and that they concern either all men, or those who are our present hearers, or some illustrious men, or the immortal gods, or the general interests of the republic. And if we promise that we will in a very short time prove our own cause; and if we explain the whole of the examination into the excuses alleged, or the different examinations, if there be more than one.

22. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m., on auspices of magistrates Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 97, 98

2.26. Now consider what a power is given to the decemvirs, and how great is its extent. In the first place be gives the decemvirs the honour of a lex curiata. But this is unheard-of and absolutely without precedent, that a magistracy should be conferred by a lex curiata on a man who has not previously received it in some comitia. He orders the law to be brought in by that praetor who is appointed first praetor. But how? In order that these men may receive the decemvirate whom the people has elected. He has forgotten that none have been elected by the common people. Here is a pretty fellow to bind the whole world with laws, who does not recollect in the third clause what is set down in the second! This, too, is quite plain; both what privileges you have received from your ancestors, and what is left to you by this tribune of the people. 11. Our ancestors chose that you should give your votes twice about every magistrate. For as a centuriata lex was passed for the censors, and a curiata lex for the other patrician magistrates, by this means a decision was come to a second time about the same men, in order that the people might have an opportunity of correcting what they had done, if they repented of the honour they had conferred on any one.

23. Varro, On The Latin Language, 7.57 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

24. Horace, Letters, 2.1.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla, m. valerius Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 18, 19

25. Horace, Epodes, 5.97-5.100, 7.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 103

26. Horace, Sermones, 1.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 103

1.8. However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind; 1.8. When this man had reigned thirteen years, after him reigned another, whose name was Beon, for forty-four years; after him reigned another, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; after him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Jonias fifty years and one month;

27. Livy, History, a b c d\n0 43.4.7 43.4.7 43 4\n1 33.43.8 33.43.8 33 43\n2 4.34.5 4.34.5 4 34\n3 8.15.6 8.15.6 8 15\n4 9.26.20 9.26.20 9 26\n5 33.43.6 33.43.6 33 43\n6 33.43.5 33.43.5 33 43\n7 41.15.7 41.15.7 41 15\n8 41.15.6 41.15.6 41 15\n9 41.15.5 41.15.5 41 15\n10 41.15.4 41.15.4 41 15\n11 4.31.4 4.31.4 4 31\n12 23.22.11 23.22.11 23 22\n13 23.22.10 23.22.10 23 22\n14 7.3.9 7.3.9 7 3\n15 4.3.9 4.3.9 4 3\n16 4.2.8 4.2.8 4 2\n17 2.1.8 2.1.8 2 1\n18 2.1.7 2.1.7 2 1\n19 8.32.3 8.32.3 8 32\n20 9.38.15 9.38.15 9 38\n21 35.40.11 35.40.11 35 40\n22 35.40.10 35.40.10 35 40\n23 35.40.9 35.40.9 35 40\n24 35.40.8 35.40.8 35 40\n25 "36.1.3" "36.1.3" "36 1\n26 "35.21" "35.21" "35 21"\n27 "40.1.1" "40.1.1" "40 1\n28 "38.42.2" "38.42.2" "38 42\n29 38.35.2 38.35.2 38 35\n30 "40.44.2" "40.44.2" "40 44\n31 40.45 40.45 40 45\n32 40.46 40.46 40 46\n33 "40.45.7" "40.45.7" "40 45\n34 41.17.6 41.17.6 41 17\n35 41.17.5 41.17.5 41 17\n36 38.35.1 38.35.1 38 35\n37 "40.44.7" "40.44.7" "40 44\n38 37.47.7 37.47.7 37 47\n39 37.47.6 37.47.6 37 47 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

28. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 16.3.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

29. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.600-2.660 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

2.600. Hanc veteres Graium docti cecinere poetae 2.601. sedibus in curru biiugos agitare leones, 2.602. aeris in spatio magnam pendere docentes 2.603. tellurem neque posse in terra sistere terram. 2.604. adiunxere feras, quia quamvis effera proles 2.605. officiis debet molliri victa parentum. 2.606. muralique caput summum cinxere corona, 2.607. eximiis munita locis quia sustinet urbes. 2.608. quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras 2.609. horrifice fertur divinae matris imago. 2.610. hanc variae gentes antiquo more sacrorum 2.611. Idaeam vocitant matrem Phrygiasque catervas 2.612. dant comites, quia primum ex illis finibus edunt 2.613. per terrarum orbes fruges coepisse creari. 2.614. Gallos attribuunt, quia, numen qui violarint 2.615. Matris et ingrati genitoribus inventi sint, 2.616. significare volunt indignos esse putandos, 2.617. vivam progeniem qui in oras luminis edant. 2.618. tympana tenta tot palmis et cymbala circum 2.619. concava, raucisonoque mitur cornua cantu, 2.620. et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentis, 2.621. telaque praeportant, violenti signa furoris, 2.622. ingratos animos atque impia pectora volgi 2.623. conterrere metu quae possint numine divae. 2.624. ergo cum primum magnas invecta per urbis 2.625. munificat tacita mortalis muta salute, 2.626. aere atque argento sternunt iter omne viarum 2.627. largifica stipe ditantes ninguntque rosarum 2.628. floribus umbrantes matrem comitumque catervam. 2.629. hic armata manus, Curetas nomine Grai 2.630. quos memorant, Phrygias inter si forte catervas 2.631. ludunt in numerumque exultant sanguine laeti 2.632. terrificas capitum quatientes numine cristas, 2.633. Dictaeos referunt Curetas, qui Iovis illum 2.634. vagitum in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur, 2.635. cum pueri circum puerum pernice chorea 2.636. armat et in numerum pernice chorea 2.637. armati in numerum pulsarent aeribus aera, 2.638. ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus 2.639. aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus. 2.640. propterea magnam armati matrem comitantur, 2.641. aut quia significant divam praedicere ut armis 2.642. ac virtute velint patriam defendere terram 2.643. praesidioque parent decorique parentibus esse. 2.644. quae bene et eximie quamvis disposta ferantur, 2.645. longe sunt tamen a vera ratione repulsa. 2.646. omnis enim per se divom natura necessest 2.647. inmortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur 2.648. semota ab nostris rebus seiunctaque longe; 2.649. nam privata dolore omni, privata periclis, 2.650. ipsa suis pollens opibus, nihil indiga nostri, 2.651. nec bene promeritis capitur neque tangitur ira. 2.652. terra quidem vero caret omni tempore sensu, 2.653. et quia multarum potitur primordia rerum, 2.654. multa modis multis effert in lumina solis. 2.655. hic siquis mare Neptunum Cereremque vocare 2.656. constituet fruges et Bacchi nomine abuti 2.657. mavolt quam laticis proprium proferre vocamen, 2.658. concedamus ut hic terrarum dictitet orbem 2.659. esse deum matrem, dum vera re tamen ipse 2.660. /

2.660. So, too, the wooly flocks, and horned kine, And brood of battle-eager horses, grazing often together along one grassy plain, Under the cope of one blue sky, and slaking From out one stream of water each its thirst, All live their lives with face and form unlike, Keeping the parents' nature, parents' habits, Which, kind by kind, through ages they repeat. So great in any sort of herb thou wilt, So great again in any river of earth Are the distinct diversities of matter. Hence, further, every creature- any one From out them all- compounded is the same of bones, blood, veins, heat, moisture, flesh, and thews- All differing vastly in their forms, and built of elements dissimilar in shape. Again, all things by fire consumed ablaze, Within their frame lay up, if naught besides, At least those atoms whence derives their power To throw forth fire and send out light from under, To shoot the sparks and scatter embers wide. If, with like reasoning of mind, all else Thou traverse through, thou wilt discover thus That in their frame the seeds of many things They hide, and divers shapes of seeds contain. Further, thou markest much, to which are given Along together colour and flavour and smell, Among which, chief, are most burnt offerings. . . . . . . Thus must they be of divers shapes composed. A smell of scorching enters in our frame Where the bright colour from the dye goes not; And colour in one way, flavour in quite another Works inward to our senses- so mayst see They differ too in elemental shapes. Thus unlike forms into one mass combine, And things exist by intermixed seed. But still 'tmust not be thought that in all ways All things can be conjoined; for then wouldst view Portents begot about thee every side: Hulks of mankind half brute astarting up, At times big branches sprouting from man's trunk, Limbs of a sea-beast to a land-beast knit, And nature along the all-producing earth Feeding those dire Chimaeras breathing flame From hideous jaws- of which 'tis simple fact That none have been begot; because we see All are from fixed seed and fixed dam Engendered and so function as to keep Throughout their growth their own ancestral type. This happens surely by a fixed law: For from all food-stuff, when once eaten down, Go sundered atoms, suited to each creature, Throughout their bodies, and, conjoining there, Produce the proper motions; but we see How, contrariwise, nature upon the ground Throws off those foreign to their frame; and many With viewless bodies from their bodies fly, By blows impelled- those impotent to join To any part, or, when inside, to accord And to take on the vital motions there. But think not, haply, living forms alone Are bound by these laws: they distinguished all. . . . . . . For just as all things of creation are, In their whole nature, each to each unlike, So must their atoms be in shape unlike- Not since few only are fashioned of like form, But since they all, as general rule, are not The same as all. Nay, here in these our verses, Elements many, common to many words, Thou seest, though yet 'tis needful to confess The words and verses differ, each from each, Compounded out of different elements- Not since few only, as common letters, run Through all the words, or no two words are made, One and the other, from all like elements, But since they all, as general rule, are not The same as all. Thus, too, in other things, Whilst many germs common to many things There are, yet they, combined among themselves, Can form new wholes to others quite unlike. Thus fairly one may say that humankind, The grains, the gladsome trees, are all made up of different atoms. Further, since the seeds Are different, difference must there also be In intervening spaces, thoroughfares, Connections, weights, blows, clashings, motions, all Which not alone distinguish living forms, But sunder earth's whole ocean from the lands, And hold all heaven from the lands away.

30. Ovid, Amores, 2.6, 3.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 97

31. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.290 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla corvinus, m. valerius Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 87

1.290. rend=

1.290. 'Tis loss of time; and a true fruitful ground. 1.290. there was a white bull, glory of the herd, one small black mark set between his horns: it the sole blemish, the rest was milky-white. The heifers of Cnossos and Cydon longed to have him mount up on their backs. Pasiphae joyed in adultery with the bull: she hated the handsome heifers with jealousy. I sing what is well-known: not even Crete, the hundred-citied, can deny it, however much Cretans lie. They say that, with unpractised hands, she plucked

32. Ovid, Fasti, 2.133-2.134, 4.237, 5.277, 5.457-5.476 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. •valerius messalla niger •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 277, 291; Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 103; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 261

2.133. Romule, concedes: facit hic tua magna tuendo 2.134. moenia, tu dederas transilienda Remo. 4.237. ille etiam saxo corpus laniavit acuto, 5.277. dic, dea, respondi ludorum quae sit origo. 5.457. umbra cruenta Remi visa est assistere lecto 5.458. atque haec exiguo murmure verba loqui: 5.459. ‘en ego dimidium vestri parsque altera voti, 5.460. cernite, sim qualis, qui modo qualis eram! 5.461. qui modo, si volucres habuissem regna iubentes, 5.462. in populo potui maximus esse meo, 5.463. nunc sum elapsa rogi flammis et iis imago: 5.464. haec est ex illo forma relicta Remo! 5.465. heu ubi Mars pater est? si vos modo vera locuti, 5.466. uberaque expositis ille ferina dedit, 5.467. quem lupa servavit, manus hunc temeraria civis 5.468. perdidit, o quanto mitior illa fuit! 5.469. saeve Celer, crudelem animam per volnera reddas, 5.470. utque ego, sub terras sanguinulentus eas. 5.471. noluit hoc frater, pietas aequatis in illo est: 5.472. quod potuit, lacrimas manibus ille dedit, 5.473. hunc vos per lacrimas, per vestra alimenta rogate, 5.474. ut celebrem nostro signet honore diem.’ 5.475. mandantem amplecti cupiunt et bracchia tendunt: 5.476. lubrica prensantes effugit umbra manus,

2.133. Romulus, give way: Caesar by his care makes your wall 2.134. Mighty: you made such as Remus could leap across. 4.237. He tore at his body too with a sharp stone, 5.277. I admired her, in silence, while she spoke. But she said: 5.457. Then at twilight they returned home grieving, 5.458. And flung themselves on the hard couch, just as it lay. 5.459. The bloodstained ghost of Remus seemed to stand 5.460. By the bed, speaking these words in a faint murmur: 5.461. ‘Behold, I who was half, the other part of your care, 5.462. See what I am, and know what I was once! 5.463. If the birds had signalled the throne was mine, 5.464. I might have been highest, ruling over the people, 5.465. Now I’m an empty phantom, gliding from the fire: 5.466. That is what remains of Remus’ form! 5.467. Ah, where is Mars, my father? If you once spoke 5.468. The truth, it was he who sent us the she-wolf’s teats. 5.469. The rash hand of a citizen undid what the wolf saved. 5.470. O how gentle she was in comparison! 5.471. Savage Celer, wounded, may you yield your cruel spirit, 5.472. And bloodstained as I am, sink beneath the earth. 5.473. My brother never wished it: his love equals mine: 5.474. He offered, at my death, all he could, his tears. 5.475. Beg him by your weeping, by your nurturing, 5.476. To signal a day of celebration in my honour.’

33. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.171-15.172 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla corvinus, m. valerius Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 87

15.171. sed tamen ipsa eadem est: animam sic semper eandem 15.172. esse, sed in varias doceo migrare figuras.

15.171. was thought to have deserved death as the first 15.172. of victims, for with her long turned-up snout

34. Horace, Odes, 2.1.6-2.1.8, 4.15.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. •valerius messalla corvinus, m., augustus, support for •valerius messalla corvinus, m., patronage of poets •messalla, m. valerius Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 18, 19

35. Livy, Per., 121 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 42

36. Propertius, Elegies, 1.21, 2.1, 3.9.21-3.9.34, 3.9.46, 3.9.50 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 97, 103, 148

37. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.292-1.293 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 103

1.292. cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293. iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis

1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death,

38. Catullus, Poems, 35.14, 35.63 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

39. Strabo, Geography, 16.4.22-16.4.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla, m. valerius Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 116

16.4.22. The late expedition of the Romans against the Arabians, under the command of Aelius Gallus, has made us acquainted with many peculiarities of the country. Augustus Caesar despatched this general to explore the nature of these places and their inhabitants, as well as those of Ethiopia; for he observed that Troglodytica, which is contiguous to Egypt, bordered upon Ethiopia; and that the Arabian Gulf was extremely narrow, where it separates the Arabians from the Troglodytae. It was his intention either to conciliate or subdue the Arabians. He was also influenced by the report, which had prevailed from all time, that this people were very wealthy, and exchanged their aromatics and precious stones for silver and gold, but never expended with foreigners any part of what they received in exchange. He hoped to acquire either opulent friends, or to overcome opulent enemies. He was moreover encouraged to undertake this enterprise by the expectation of assistance from the Nabataeans, who promised to co-operate with him in everything. 16.4.23. Upon these inducements Gallus set out on the expedition. But he was deceived by Syllaeus, the [king's] minister of the Nabataeans, who had promised to be his guide on the march, and to assist him in the execution of his design. Syllaeus was however treacherous throughout; for he neither guided them by a safe course by sea along the coast, nor by a safe road for the army, as he promised, but exposed both the fleet and the army to danger, by directing them where there was no road, or the road was impracticable, where they were obliged to make long circuits, or to pass through tracts of country destitute of everything ; he led the fleet along a rocky coast without harbours, or to places abounding with rocks concealed under water, or with shallows. In places of this description particularly, the flowing and ebbing of the tide did them the most harm.The first mistake consisted in building long vessels [of war] at a time when there was no war, nor any likely to occur by sea. For the Arabians, being mostly engaged in traffic and commerce, are not a very warlike people even on land, much less so at sea. Gallus, notwithstanding, built not less than eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at Cleopatris, near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When he discovered his mistake, he constructed a hundred and thirty vessels of burden, in which he embarked with about ten thousand infantry, collected from Egypt, consisting of Romans and allies, among whom were five hundred Jews and a thousand Nabataeans, under the command of Syllaeus. After enduring great hardships and distress, he arrived on the fifteenth day at Leuce Kome, a large mart in the territory of the Nabataeans, with the loss of many of his vessels, some with all their crews, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, but by no opposition from an enemy. These misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of Syllaeus, who insisted that there was no road for an army by land to Leuce Come, to which and from which place the camel-traders travel with ease and in safety from Petra, and back to Petra, with so large a body of men and camels as to differ in no respect from an army. 16.4.24. Another cause of the failure of the expedition was the fact of king Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but placed everything in the power of Syllaeus the minister. His whole conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to destroy, in concert with the Romans, certain cities and tribes; and when the Romans should be consumed by famine, fatigue, and disease, and by all the evils which he had treacherously contrived, to declare himself master of the whole country.Gallus however arrived at Leuce Come, with the army labouring under stomacacce and scelotyrbe, diseases of the country, the former affecting the mouth, the other the legs, with a kind of paralysis, caused by the water and the plants [which the soldiers had used in their food]. He was therefore compelled to pass the summer and the winter there, for the recovery of the sick.Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence to Rhinocolura in Phoenicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the greater part is transported by the Nile to Alexandreia. It is brought down from Arabia and India to Myus Hormus, it is then conveyed on camels to Coptus of the Thebais, situated on a canal of the Nile, and to Alexandreia. Gallus, setting out again from Leuce-Come on his return with his army, and through the treachery of his guide, traversed such tracts of country, that the army was obliged to carry water with them upon camels. After a march of many days, therefore, he came to the territory of Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery of Syllaeus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country ; for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. It afforded barley, a few palm trees, and butter instead of oil.The next country to which he came belonged to Nomades, and was in great part a complete desert. It was called Ararene. The king of the country was Sabos. Gallus spent fifty days in passing through this territory, for want of roads, and came to a city of the Negrani, and to a fertile country peacefully disposed. The king had fled, and the city was taken at the first onset. After a march of six days from thence, he came to the river. Here the barbarians attacked the Romans, and lost about ten thousand men; the Romans lost only two men. For the barbarians were entirely inexperienced in war, and used their weapons unskilfully, which were bows, spears, swords, and slings; but the greater part of them wielded a double-edged axe. Immediately afterwards he took the city called Asca, which had been abandoned by the king. He thence came to a city Athrula, and took it without resistance; having placed a garrison there, and collected provisions for the march, consisting of corn and dates, he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of the Rhammanitae, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of water. He was two days' march from the aromatic region, as he was informed by his prisoners. He occupied in his marches a period of six months, in consequence of the treachery of his guides. This he discovered when he was returning; and although he was late in discovering the design against him, he had time to take another road back; for he arrived in nine days at Negrana, where the battle was fought, and thence in eleven days he came to the 'Seven Wells,' as the place is called from the fact of their existing there. Thence he marched through a desert country, and came to Chaalla a village, and then to another called Malothas, situated on a river. His road then lay through a desert country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as Egra a village. It belongs to the territory of Obodas, and is situated upon the sea. He accomplished on his return the whole distance in sixty days, in which, on his first journey, he had consumed six months. From there he conducted his army in eleven days to Myus Hormus; thence across the country to Coptus, and arrived at Alexandreia with so much of his army as could be saved. The remainder he lost, not by the enemy, but by disease, fatigue, famine, and marches through bad roads ; for seven men only perished in battle. For these reasons this expedition contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was however of some small service.Syllaeus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences, besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded.

40. Vergil, Georgics, 2.533, 3.41 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus •messalla, m. valerius Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 103; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 18, 19

2.533. hanc Remus et frater, sic fortis Etruria crevit 3.41. intactos, tua, Maecenas, haud mollia iussa.

2.533. Their stems wax lusty, and have found their strength, 3.41. Who trusts in flight and backward-volleying darts,

41. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 7.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

7.5. 1. In the other rooms, namely, those for vernal, autumnal and summer use: in atria also, and peristylia, certain kinds of pictures were used by the ancients. Painting represents subjects which exist or may exist, such as men, houses, ships, and other things, the forms and precise figures of which are transferred to their representations. Hence those of the ancients who first used polished coats of plastering, originally imitated the variety and arrangement of inlaid marbles. Afterwards the variety was extended to the cornices, and the yellow and red frames of pannels,,2. from which they proceeded to the representations of buildings, columns, and the projections of roofs. In spacious apartments, such as exedrÃ¦, on account of their extent, they decorated the wall with scenery, after the tragic, comic or satyric mode; and galleries from their extended length, they decorated with varied landscapes, the representations of particular spots. In these they also painted ports, promontories, the coasts of the sea, rivers, fountains, straits, groves, mountains, cattle, shepherds, and sometimes figures representing gods, and stories, such as the Trojan battles, or the wanderings of Ulysses over different countries, and other subjects, founded on real history.,3. But those which were used by the ancients are now tastelessly laid aside: inasmuch as monsters are painted in the present day rather than objects whose prototype are to be observed in nature. For columns reeds are substituted; for pediments the stalks, leaves, and tendrils of plants; candelabra are made to support the representations of small buildings, from whose summits many stalks appear to spring with absurd figures thereon. Not less so are those stalks with figures rising from them, some with human heads, and others with the heads of beasts;,4. because similar forms never did, do, nor can exist in nature. These new fashions have so much prevailed, that for want of competent judges, true art is little esteemed. How is it possible for a reed to support a roof, or a candelabrum to bear a house with the ornaments on its roof, or a small and pliant stalk to carry a sitting figure; or, that half figures and flowers at the same time should spring out of roots and stalks? And yet the public, so far from discouraging these falsehoods, are delighted with them, not for a moment considering whether such things could exist. Hence the minds of the multitude, misled by improper judges, do not discern that which is founded on reason and the rules of propriety. No pictures should be tolerated but those established on the basis of truth; and although admirably painted, they should be immediately discarded, if they transgress the rules of propriety and perspicuity as respects the subject.,5. At Tralles, a town of Lydia, when Apaturius of Alabanda had painted an elegant scene for the little theatre which they call á¼ÎºÎºÎ»Î·ÏÎ¹Î±ÏÏÎ®ÏÎ¹Î¿Î½, in which, instead of columns, he introduced statues and centaurs to support the epistylium, the circular end of the dome, and angles of the pediments, and ornamented the cornice with lions' heads, all which are appropriate as ornaments of the roofing and eaves of edifices; he painted above them, in the episcenium, a repetition of the domes, porticos, half pediments, and other parts of roofs and their ornaments. Upon the exhibition of this scene, which on account of its richness gave great satisfaction, every one was ready to applaud, when Licinius, the mathematician, advanced, and thus addressed them:,6. "The Alabandines are sufficiently informed in civil matters, but are without judgment on subjects of less moment; for the statues in their Gymnasium are all in the attitude of pleading causes, whilst those in the forum are holding the discus, or in the attitude of running, or playing with balls, so that the impropriety of the attitudes of the figures in such places disgraces the city. Let us therefore, be careful by our treatment of the scene of Apaturius, not to deserve the appellation of Alabandines or Abderites; for who among you would place columns or pediments on the tiles which cover the roofs of your houses? These things stand on the floors, not on the tiles. If, then, approbation is conferred on representations in painting which cannot exist in fact, we of this city shall be like those who for a similar error are accounted illiterate.",7. Apaturius dared not reply, but took down and altered the scene, so as to make it consistent with truth, and then it was approved. O that the gods would restore Licinius to life, that he might correct the folly, and fashionable inconsistency in our stucco work. It is not foreign to my purpose to show how inconsistency overcomes truth. The ancients laboured to accomplish and render pleasing by dint of art, that which in the present day is obtained by means of strong and gaudy colouring, and for the effect which was formerly obtained only by the skill of the artist, a prodigal expense is now substituted,,8. Who in former times used minium otherwise than as a medicine? In the present age, however, walls are every where covered with it To this may be added the use of chrysocolla, purple, and azure decorations, which, without the aid of real art, produce a splendid effect. These are so costly, that unless otherwise stated in agreements, they are to be, by law, charged to the account of the employer. To my utmost I have described the means for avoiding defective plastering, and as lime has previously been sufficiently treated of, it now remains to treat of marble.

42. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

43. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.1.50, 1.1.61-1.1.78, 1.3.2, 1.3.5-1.3.9, 1.3.55-1.3.56, 1.7, 2.4.47-2.4.50, 2.6.29-2.6.40 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla, m. valerius •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 97, 148; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 18, 19, 29, 30, 116

44. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.21.3, 2.21.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 142, 143

45. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla, m. valerius Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 116

13. It was the will of our ancestors that the gateway of Janus Quirinus should be shut when victories had secured peace by land and sea throughout the whole empire of the Roman people; from the foundation of the city down to my birth, tradition records that it was shut only twice, but while I was the leading citizen the senate resolved that it should be shut on three occasions.

46. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 88, 46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

46. Now, Agamemnon, you look as if you were saying, 'What is this bore chattering for?' Only because you have the gift of tongues and do not speak. You do not come off our shelf, and so you make fun of the way we poor men talk. We know you are mad with much learning. But I tell you what; can I persuade you to come down to my place some day and see my little property? We shall find something to eat, a chicken and eggs: it will be delightful, even though the weather this year has made everything grow at the wrong time: we shall find something to fill ourselves up with. My little boy is growing into a follower of yours already. He can do simple division now; if he lives, you will have a little servant at your heels. Whenever he has any spare time, he never lifts his nose from the slate. He is clever, and comes of a good stock, even though he is too fond of birds. I killed three of his goldfinches just lately, and said a weasel had eaten them. But he has found some other hobby, and has taken to painting with great pleasure. He has made a hole in his Greek now, and begins to relish Latin finely, even though his master is conceited and will not stick to one thing at a time. The boy comes asking me to give him some writing to do, though he does not want to work. I have another boy who is no scholar, but very inquiring, and can teach you more than he knows himself. So on holidays he generally comes home, and is quite pleased whatever you give him. I bought the child some books with red-letter headings in them a little time ago. I want him to have a smack of law in order to manage the property. Law has bread and butter in it. He has dipped quite deep enough into literature. If he is restless, I mean to have him learn a trade, a barber or an auctioneer, or at least a barrister, something that he can carry to the grave with him. So I drum it into him every day: Mark my words, Primigenius, whatever you learn, you learn for your own good. Look at Phileros, the barrister: if he had not worked, he would not be keeping the wolf from the door today. It is not so long since he used to carry things round on his back and sell them, and now he makes a brave show even against Norbanus. Yes, education is a treasure, and culture never dies.'"

47. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 49

48. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. •valerius messalla corvinus, m., augustus, support for •valerius messalla corvinus, m., patronage of poets Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43

61.3. Every crime was treated as capital, even the utterance of a few simple words. A poet was charged with having slandered Agamemnon in a tragedy, and a writer of history of having called Brutus and Cassius the last of the Romans. The writers were at once put to death and their works destroyed, although they had been read with approval in public some years before in the presence of Augustus himself.

49. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 15.345 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140

15.345. κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν Καίσαρι τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου τὴν ἀδικίαν. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ̔Ηρώδῃ προσένειμεν, ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ' ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν Τράχωνα γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον:

15.345. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites;

50. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.398, 7.139-7.147 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

1.398. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν πρώτην ἀκτιάδα προστίθησιν αὐτοῦ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τόν τε Τράχωνα καλούμενον καὶ τὴν προσεχῆ Βαταναίαν τε καὶ τὴν Αὐρανῖτιν χώραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε: Ζηνόδωρος ὁ τὸν Λυσανίου μεμισθωμένος οἶκον οὐ διέλειπεν ἐπαφεὶς τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ Τράχωνος λῃστὰς Δαμασκηνοῖς. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ Οὐάρρωνα τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῆς Συρίας καταφυγόντες ἐδεήθησαν δηλῶσαι τὴν συμφορὰν αὐτῶν Καίσαρι: Καῖσαρ δὲ γνοὺς ἀντεπέστελλεν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ λῃστήριον. 7.139. θαῦμα δ' ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα παρεῖχεν ἡ τῶν φερομένων πηγμάτων κατασκευή: καὶ γὰρ διὰ μέγεθος ἦν δεῖσαι τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς φορᾶς ἀπιστήσαντα, 7.141. καὶ γὰρ ὑφάσματα πολλοῖς διάχρυσα περιβέβλητο, καὶ χρυσὸς καὶ ἐλέφας οὐκ ἀποίητος πᾶσι περιεπεπήγει. 7.142. διὰ πολλῶν δὲ μιμημάτων ὁ πόλεμος ἄλλος εἰς ἄλλα μεμερισμένος ἐναργεστάτην ὄψιν αὑτοῦ παρεῖχεν: 7.143. ἦν γὰρ ὁρᾶν χώραν μὲν εὐδαίμονα δῃουμένην, ὅλας δὲ φάλαγγας κτεινομένας πολεμίων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας τοὺς δ' εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ἀγομένους, τείχη δ' ὑπερβάλλοντα μεγέθει μηχαναῖς ἐρειπόμενα καὶ φρουρίων ἁλισκομένας ὀχυρότητας καὶ πόλεων πολυανθρώπους περιβόλους κατ' ἄκρας ἐχομένους, 7.144. καὶ στρατιὰν ἔνδον τειχῶν εἰσχεομένην, καὶ πάντα φόνου πλήθοντα τόπον, καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν ἱκεσίας, πῦρ τε ἐνιέμενον ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκαφὰς οἴκων ἐπὶ τοῖς δεσπόταις, 7.145. καὶ μετὰ πολλὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ κατήφειαν ποταμοὺς ῥέοντας οὐκ ἐπὶ γῆν γεωργουμένην, οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἢ βοσκήμασιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐπιπανταχόθεν φλεγομένης: ταῦτα γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πεισομένους αὑτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ παρέδοσαν. 7.146. ἡ τέχνη δὲ καὶ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἡ μεγαλουργία τοῖς οὐκ ἰδοῦσι γινόμενα τότ' ἐδείκνυεν ὡς παροῦσι. 7.147. τέτακτο δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πηγμάτων ὁ τῆς ἁλισκομένης πόλεως στρατηγὸς ὃν τρόπον ἐλήφθη.

1.398. 4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. 7.139. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; 7.140. for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; 7.141. for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; 7.142. and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. 7.143. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, 7.144. and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: 7.145. rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships;

51. Suetonius, Nero, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

52. When a boy he took up almost all the liberal arts; but his mother turned him from philosophy, warning him that it was a drawback to one who was going to rule, while Seneca kept him from reading the early orators, to make his admiration for his teacher endure the longer. Turning therefore to poetry, he wrote verses with eagerness and without labour, and did not, as some think, publish the work of others as his own. I have had in my possession note-books and papers with some well-known verses of his, written with his own hand and in such wise that it was perfectly evident that they were not copied or taken down from dictation, but worked out exactly as one writes when thinking and creating; so many instances were there of words erased or struck through and written above the lines. He likewise had no slight interest in painting and sculpture.

52. Suetonius, Iulius, 47 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

53. Suetonius, Augustus, 26.6, 31.4, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 261; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43

31.4. He also revived some of the ancient rites which had gradually fallen into disuse, such as the augury of Safety, the office of Flamen Dialis, the ceremonies of the Lupercalia, the Secular Games, and the festival of the Compitalia. At the Lupercalia he forbade beardless youths to join in the running, and at the Secular Games he wouldn't allow young people of either sex to attend any entertainment by night except in company with some adult relative. He provided that the Lares of the Crossroads should be crowned twice a year, with spring and summer flowers.

54. Martial, Epigrams, 8.44.6-8.44.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

55. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.98.459, 1.99.461 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 143

56. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 6.8-6.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

6.8. ὕστερον δὲ πολλάκις ποιήσας φανερὸν αὑτὸν αὖθις ὑπατεῦσαι βουλόμενον καί ποτε καί παραγγείλας, ὡς ἀπέτυχε καί παρώφθη, τὸ λοιπὸν ἡσυχίαν εἶχε, τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπιμελούμενος καί τοὺς παῖδας ἀσκῶν τὴν μὲν ἐπιχώριον παιδείαν καί πάτριον ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἤσκητο, τὴν δὲ Ἑλληνικὴν φιλοτιμότερον. 6.9. οὐ γὰρ μόνον γραμματικοὶ καί σοφισταὶ καί ῥήτορες, ἀλλὰ καί πλάσται καί ζωγράφοι καί πώλων καί σκυλάκων ἐπιστάται καί διδάσκαλοι θήρας Ἕλληνες ἦσαν περὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους.

6.8. Afterwards he often made it clear that he was desirous of a second consulship, and once actually announced his candidacy, but when he was passed by and not elected, he made no further efforts to obtain the office, giving his attention to his duties as augur, and training his sons, not only in the native and ancestral discipline in which he himself had been trained, but also, and with greater ardour, in that of the Greeks. 6.9. For not only the grammarians and philosophers and rhetoricians, but also the modellers and painters, the overseers of horses and dogs, and the teachers of the art of hunting, by whom the young men were surrounded, were Greeks.

57. Martial, Epigrams, 8.44.6-8.44.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

58. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 14.2-14.6, 34.38, 35.20, 35.22, 35.77, 37.82 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84, 140

14.2. But where can we better make a beginning than with the vine? Supremacy in respect of the vine is to such a degree the special distinction of Italy that even with this one possession she can be thought to have vanquished all the good things of the world, even in the department of scents, inasmuch as when the vine is in blossom all over the country it gives a scent that surpasses any other in fragrance., Even on account of its size the vine used in early days rightly to be reckoned as belonging to the class of trees. In the city of Piombino is to be seen a statue of Jupiter made of a single vine-stalk that has resisted decay for many ages; and similarly a bowl at Marseilles; the temple of Juno at Metapontum has stood supported by pillars of vine-wood; and even at the present day we ascend to the roof of the temple of Diana at Ephesus by a staircase made from a single vine, grown it is said at Cyprus, inasmuch as vines grow to an exceptional height in that island. And no other timber lasts for longer ages., But I am inclined to believe that the things mentioned were made of the wood of the wild vine. Our own vines are kept down by yearly pruning, and all their strength is drawn out into shoots, or else thrown downward into layers, and the only benefit these supply is that of their juice, obtained by means of a variety of methods adapted to the peculiarities of the climate and the qualities of the soil. In Campania the vines espouse the poplars, and embracing their brides and climbing with wanton arms in a series of knots among their branches, rise level with their tops, soaring aloft to such a height that a hired vintager expressly stipulates in his contract for the cost of a funeral and a grave! In fact they never stop growing; and I have before now seen entire country houses and mansions encircled by the shoots and clinging tendrils of a single vine. And a thing that was considered in the first degree worthy of record also by Valerianus Cornelius is that a single vine in the colonnades of Livia at Rome protects the open walks with its shady trellises, while at the same time it produces 12 amphorae of juice yearly., Elms indeed are everywhere overtopped by vines, and there is a story that Cineas, the ambassador of King Pyrrhus, was surprised at the height to which the vines grew at Aricia and made an amusing joke about the rather rough flavour of the wine, to the effect that the parent of it thoroughly deserved being hung on such a lofty gibbet! There is an Italian tree on the other side of the Po called the rumpotinus, or by another name the opulus, the broad circular stories of which are covered by vines which spread out with their bare snaky growth to where the tree forks and then throw out their tendrils along the upraised fingers of the branches. Also vines when propped up with stakes about as tall as a man of middle height make a shaggy growth and form a whole vineyard from a cutting, by the unconscionable creeping of their rods and the rambling of their tendrils over all the empty gaps, completely filling the middle of a courtyard. So many are the different varieties that even Italy alone harbours. 35.20. Burnt ceruse (usta) was discovered by accident, when some was burnt up in jars in a fire at Piraeus. It was first employed by Nicias above mentioned. Asiatic ceruse is now thought the best; it is also called purple ceruse and it costs 6 denarii per lb. It is also made at Rome by calcining yellow ochre which is as hard as marble and quenching it with vinegar. Burnt ceruse is indispensable for representing shadows. 35.22. According to Juba sandarach or realgar and ochre are products of the island of Topazus in the Red Sea, but they are not imported from those parts to us. We have stated the method of making sandarach. An adulterated sandarach is also made from ceruse boiled in a furnace. It ought to be flame-coloured. Its price is 5 asses per lb.

59. Silius Italicus, Punica, 5.77, 10.501-10.502, 11.48-11.49, 11.65 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. Found in books: In the Image of the Ancestors: Narratives of Kinship in Flavian Epic (2008)" 159

60. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 88, 46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

61. Tacitus, Annals, 1.8, 3.18, 4.33-4.34, 6.11.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcus valerius messalla messalinus •valerius messalla corvinus, m. •valerius messalla corvinus, m., augustus, support for •valerius messalla corvinus, m., patronage of poets •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 122; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43, 48

1.8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supre- mis Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam heredes habuit. Livia in familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur; in spem secundam nepotes pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi sed iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. legata non ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadringenties tricies quinquies, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula nummum milia, urbanis quingenos, legionariis aut cohortibus civium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. tum consultatum de honoribus; ex quis qui maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali duceretur funus Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur L. Arruntius censuere. addebat Messala Valerius renovandum per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii; interrogatusque a Tiberio num se mandante eam sententiam prompsisset, sponte dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent consilio nisi suo usurum vel cum periculo offensionis: ea sola species adulandi supererat. conclamant patres corpus ad rogum umeris senatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus divi Iulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. die funeris milites velut praesidio stetere, multum inridentibus qui ipsi viderant quique a parentibus acceperant diem illum crudi adhuc servitii et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar aliis pessimum aliis pulcherrimum facinus videretur: nunc senem principem, longa potentia, provisis etiam heredum in rem publicam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius quieta foret. 1.8. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, additis Achaia ac Macedonia. id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem vitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. causae variae traduntur: alii taedio novae curae semel placita pro aeternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium iudicium; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, et rursum vitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo provectus est ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe non erat passurus. 3.18. Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe: ne nomen Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii qui bellum patriae fecisset, Iulli Antonii qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent. et M. Pisonem ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, satis firmus, ut saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Valerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Vltoris, Caecina Severus aram ultioni statuendam censuissent, prohibuit, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda. addiderat Messalinus Tiberio et Augustae et Antoniae et Agrippinae Drusoque ob vindictam Germanici gratis agendas omiseratque Claudii mentionem. et Messalinum quidem L. Asprenas senatu coram percontatus est an prudens praeterisset; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat. 4.33. Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo. 4.34. Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur.

1.8. The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles â an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius â the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted â it was the one form of flattery still left â that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man's judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:â "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial!" < 1.8. The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles â an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius â the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted â it was the one form of flattery still left â that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man's judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:â "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial!" 3.18. Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. < 3.18. Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. 4.33. For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâday, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject. < 4.33. For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâday, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject. 4.34. The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate â that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â still read â of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. < 4.34. The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate â that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â still read â of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition.

62. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.1.16, 5.11.6, 6.1.1, 6.2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corninus Found in books: Duffalo, The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate (2006) 148

5.11.6. The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 6.1.1. The next subject which I was going to discuss was the peroration which some call the completion and others the conclusion. There are two kinds of peroration, for it may deal either with facts or with the emotional aspect of the case. The repetition and grouping of the facts, which the Greeks call á¼Î½Î±ÎºÎµÏÎ±Î»Î±Î¯ÏÏÎ¹Ï and some of our own writers call the enumeration, serves both to refresh the memory of the judge and to place the whole of the case before his eyes, and, even although the facts may have made little impression on him in detail, their cumulative effect is considerable. 6.2.8. Emotions however, as we learn from ancient authorities, fall into two classes; the one is called pathos by the Greeks and is rightly and correctly expressed in Latin by adfectus (emotion): the other is called ethos, a word for which in my opinion Latin has no equivalent: it is however rendered by mores (morals) and consequently the branch of philosophy known as ethics is styled moral philosophy by us.

63. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, a b c d\n0 8.14.6 8.14.6 8 14\n1 "4.2.1" "4.2.1" "4 2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

8.14.6. Glory is also sought sometimes out of the lowest things. For what was intended by C. Fabius, that most noble statesman? When he painted the walls of the temple of Salus, which C. Junius Bubulcus had consecrated, he inscribed his name upon them. For this was the only distinction lacking in a family most famous for consulships, priesthoods, and triumphs. And though he stooped to a mercenary art, yet he would not have his labours forgotten, however humble they were. In this he followed the example of Phidias, who included his own face upon the shield of Minerva, in such manner, that if it were removed, the whole work would be quite spoiled.

64. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 37.24.1-37.24.2, 41.36.1, 42.20.4, 42.21.1, 42.55.4, 43.45.4, 44.12.1, 51.20.4, 51.20.6-51.20.8, 53.25, 53.27.3, 53.29, 53.30.1-53.30.2, 53.51.8, 54.3.8, 57.24.2-57.24.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum •messalla, m. valerius •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus •valerius messalla corvinus, m. •valerius messalla corvinus, m., augustus, support for •valerius messalla corvinus, m., patronage of poets Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 113, 142, 143; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 261; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 116

37.24.1. All of this took place in the course of time. Temporarily the Romans had a respite from war for the remainder of the year, so that they even held the soâcalled augurium salutis after a very long interval. This is a kind of augury, which is in the nature of an inquiry whether the god permits them to ask for prosperity for the people, as if it were unholy even to ask for it until permission is granted. 37.24.2. It was observed on that day of each year on which no army was going out to war, or was preparing itself against any foes, or was fighting a battle. For this reason, amid the constant perils, especially those of civil strife, it was not observed. For it was very difficult for them in any case to determine accurately upon a day free from all such disturbances, 41.36.1. While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the man who later became a member of the triumvirate, advised the people in his capacity of praetor to elect Caesar dictator, and immediately named him, contrary to ancestral custom. 41.36.1. While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the man who later became a member of the triumvirate, advised the people in his capacity of praetor to elect Caesar dictator, and immediately named him, contrary to ancestral custom. 2 The latter accepted the office as soon as he entered the city, but committed no act of terror while holding it. On the contrary, he granted a return to all the exiles except Milo, and filled the offices for the ensuing year; for up to that time they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the absentees, 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 51.20.4. Now Caesar accepted all but a few of these honours, though he expressly requested that one of them, the proposal that the whole population of the city should go out to meet him, should not be put into effect. Nevertheless, the action which pleased him more than all the decrees was the closing by the senate of the gates of Janus, implying that all their wars had entirely ceased, and the taking of the augurium salutis, which at this time fallen into disuse for the reasons I have mentioned. 51.20.6. Caesar, meanwhile, besides attending to the general business, gave permission for the dedication of sacred precincts in Ephesus and in Nicaea to Rome and to Caesar, his father, whom he named the hero Julius. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. 51.20.6. Caesar, meanwhile, besides attending to the general business, gave permission for the dedication of sacred precincts in Ephesus and in Nicaea to Rome and to Caesar, his father, whom he named the hero Julius. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. 51.20.7. He commanded that the Romans resident in these cities should pay honour to these two divinities; but he permitted the aliens, whom he styled Hellenes, to consecrate precincts to himself, the Asians to have theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedia. This practice, beginning under him, has been continued under other emperors, not only in the case of the Hellenic nations but also in that of all the others, in so far as they are subject to the Romans. 51.20.7. He commanded that the Romans resident in these cities should pay honour to these two divinities; but he permitted the aliens, whom he styled Hellenes, to consecrate precincts to himself, the Asians to have theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedia. This practice, beginning under him, has been continued under other emperors, not only in the case of the Hellenic nations but also in that of all the others, in so far as they are subject to the Romans. 8 For in the capital itself and in Italy generally no emperor, however worthy of renown he has been, has dared to do this; still, even there various divine honours are bestowed after their death upon such emperors as have ruled uprightly, and, in fact, shrines are built to them. 51.20.8. For in the capital itself and in Italy generally no emperor, however worthy of renown he has been, has dared to do this; still, even there various divine honours are bestowed after their death upon such emperors as have ruled uprightly, and, in fact, shrines are built to them. 53.25. In this same year Polemon, the king of Pontus, was enrolled among the friends and allies of the Roman people; and the privilege was granted the senators of occupying the front seats in all the theatres of his realm., Augustus was planning an expedition into Britain, since the people there would not come to terms, but he was detained by the revolt of the Salassi and by the hostility of the Cantabri and Astures. The former dwell at the foot of the Alps, as I have stated, whereas both the other tribes occupy the strongest part of the Pyrenees on the side of Spain, together with the plain which lies below., For these reasons Augustus, who was now consul for the ninth time, with Marcus Silanus as colleague, sent Terentius Varro against the Salassi. Varro invaded their country at many points at the same time, in order that they might not join forces and so be more difficult to subdue; and he conquered them very easily, inasmuch as they attacked his divisions only in small groups., After forcing them to come to terms he demanded a stated sum of money, as if he were going to impose no other punishment; then, sending soldiers everywhere ostensibly to collect the money, he arrested those who were of military age and sold them, on the understanding that none of them should be liberated within twenty years., The best of their land was given to some of the Pretorians, and later on received the city called (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Augusta Praetoria. Augustus himself waged war upon the Astures and upon the Cantabri at one and the same time. But these peoples would neither yield to him, because they were confident on account of their strongholds,, nor would they come to close quarters, owing to their inferior numbers and the circumstance that most of them were javelin-throwers, and, besides, they kept causing him a great deal of annoyance, always forestalling him by seizing the higher ground whenever a manoeuvre was attempted, and lying in ambush for him in the valleys and woods., Accordingly Augustus found himself in very great embarrassment, and having fallen ill from over-exertion and anxiety, he retired to Tarraco and there remained in poor health. Meanwhile Gaius Antistius fought against them and accomplished a good deal, not because he was a better general than Augustus,, but because the barbarians felt contempt for him and so joined battle with the Romans and were defeated. In this way he captured a few places, and afterwards Titus Carisius took Lancia, the principal fortress of the Astures, after it had been abandoned, and also won over many other places. 53.25. 1. In this same year Polemon, the king of Pontus, was enrolled among the friends and allies of the Roman people; and the privilege was granted the senators of occupying the front seats in all the theatres of his realm.,2. Augustus was planning an expedition into Britain, since the people there would not come to terms, but he was detained by the revolt of the Salassi and by the hostility of the Cantabri and Astures. The former dwell at the foot of the Alps, as I have stated, whereas both the other tribes occupy the strongest part of the Pyrenees on the side of Spain, together with the plain which lies below.,3. For these reasons Augustus, who was now consul for the ninth time, with Marcus Silanus as colleague, sent Terentius Varro against the Salassi. Varro invaded their country at many points at the same time, in order that they might not join forces and so be more difficult to subdue; and he conquered them very easily, inasmuch as they attacked his divisions only in small groups.,4. After forcing them to come to terms he demanded a stated sum of money, as if he were going to impose no other punishment; then, sending soldiers everywhere ostensibly to collect the money, he arrested those who were of military age and sold them, on the understanding that none of them should be liberated within twenty years.,5. The best of their land was given to some of the Pretorians, and later on received the city called (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Augusta Praetoria. Augustus himself waged war upon the Astures and upon the Cantabri at one and the same time. But these peoples would neither yield to him, because they were confident on account of their strongholds,,6. nor would they come to close quarters, owing to their inferior numbers and the circumstance that most of them were javelin-throwers, and, besides, they kept causing him a great deal of annoyance, always forestalling him by seizing the higher ground whenever a manoeuvre was attempted, and lying in ambush for him in the valleys and woods.,7. Accordingly Augustus found himself in very great embarrassment, and having fallen ill from over-exertion and anxiety, he retired to Tarraco and there remained in poor health. Meanwhile Gaius Antistius fought against them and accomplished a good deal, not because he was a better general than Augustus,,8. but because the barbarians felt contempt for him and so joined battle with the Romans and were defeated. In this way he captured a few places, and afterwards Titus Carisius took Lancia, the principal fortress of the Astures, after it had been abandoned, and also won over many other places. 53.27.3. Agrippa, for his part, wished to place a statue of Augustus there also and to bestow upon him the honour of having the structure named after him; but when the emperor wouldn't accept either honour, he placed in the temple itself a statue of the former Caesar and in the ante-room statues of Augustus and himself. 53.27.3. Agrippa, for his part, wished to place a statue of Augustus there also and to bestow upon him the honour of having the structure named after him; but when the emperor wouldn't accept either honour, he placed in the temple itself a statue of the former Caesar and in the ante-room statues of Augustus and himself. 4 This was done, not out of any rivalry or ambition on Agrippa's part to make himself equal to Augustus, but from his hearty loyalty to him and his constant zeal for the public good; hence Augustus, so far from censuring him for it, honoured them the more. 54.3.8. Indeed, he would have allayed all the criticism of those who were not pleased with what had been done, had he not gone further and permitted sacrifices to be both voted and offered as for a victory. < 57.24.2. Cremutius Cordus was forced to take his own life because he had come into collision with Sejanus. He was on the threshold of old age and had lived most irreproachably, so much so, in fact, that no serious charge could be brought against him, and he was therefore tried for this history 57.24.3. of the achievements of Augustus which he had written long before, and which Augustus himself had read. He was accused of having praised Cassius and Brutus, and of having assailed the people and the senate; as regarded Caesar and Augustus, while he had spoken no ill of them, he had not, on the other hand, shown any unusual respect for them. 57.24.3. of the achievements of Augustus which he had written long before, and which Augustus himself had read. He was accused of having praised Cassius and Brutus, and of having assailed the people and the senate; as regarded Caesar and Augustus, while he had spoken no ill of them, he had not, on the other hand, shown any unusual respect for them. 4 This was the complaint made against him, and this it was that caused his death as well as the burning of his writings; those found in the city at the time were destroyed by the aediles, and those elsewhere by the magistrates of each place. Later they were republished, for his daughter Marcia as well as others had hidden some copies; and they aroused much greater interest by very reason of Cordus' unhappy fate.

65. Gellius, Attic Nights, a b c d\n0 6.9.3 6.9.3 6 9\n1 13.15.4. 13.15.4. 13 15\n2 12.8.5 12.8.5 12 8\n3 12.8.6 12.8.6 12 8\n4 "13.13.4" "13.13.4" "13 13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

66. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 228l (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

67. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 7.17.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •marcus valerius messalla messalinus Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 122

68. Lucian, How To Write History, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. Found in books: Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 49

2. class is now suffering from an Abderite epidemic. They are not stage-struck, indeed; that would have been a minor infatuation — to be possessed with other people's verses, not bad ones either; no; but from the beginning of the present excitements — the barbarian war, the Armenian disaster, the succession of victories — you cannot find a man but is writing history; nay, every one you meet is a Thucydides, a Herodotus, a Xenophon. The old saying must be true, and war be the father of all things, seeing what a litter of historians it has now teemed forth at a birth. Such sights and sounds, my Philo, brought into my head that

69. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 5.7, 6.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 277, 291

70. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 140

71. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

72. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 14.8, 16.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

73. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.292 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 261

74. Victor, De Caesaribus, 14.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m’., his campaign against tarentum Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 84

75. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.26, 1.15.21, 1.16.5-1.16.6, 1.16.28-1.16.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •messalla corvinus, m. valerius •m. valerius messalla rufus Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 85; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 60

76. Zosimus, New History, 2.91.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140

77. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2 Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 138, 139

78. Varro, Cycnus, 79 Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla niger Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

80. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Catalepton., 9.13-9.20 Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla Found in books: Kyriakou Sistakou and Rengakos, Brill's Companion to Theocritus (2014) 682

81. Epigraphy, Syll. , "601" Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla, m., ( cos . 188 bce) Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo, A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi (2022) 313, 314

82. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 376.5-376.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 122

83. Anon., Panegyricus Messallae (Tib., 204-206, 208-211, 207 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 86, 87, 88

84. Arat., Avienius, 496-498 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 86

85. Epigraphy, Ig, 7.1760-7.1761, 7.1763, 7.2712.77-7.2712.78, 9.1.282 Tagged with subjects: •marcus valerius messalla messalinus Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 122

86. Rutilius Namatianus Claudius, Itinerarium, 1.268 Tagged with subjects: •messalla corvinus, m. valerius Found in books: Fielding, Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity (2017) 85

87. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3157 Tagged with subjects: •marcus valerius messalla messalinus Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 122

88. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, inscrital 13.1.58-59, inscrital 13.1.56-57 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 113

89. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.86.3, 2.91, 2.91.2 Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla corvinus, m. •valerius messalla corvinus, m., augustus, support for •valerius messalla corvinus, m., patronage of poets •valerius messalla corvinus, marcus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Scott, An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time (2023) 43

91. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1 Tagged with subjects: •valerius messalla rufus, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 142, 143

92. Anon., Fasti Privernates, b. 10-14, b. 15-16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 113

93. Varro, Eum., 132-143 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 291

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database