| 1. Hesiod, Fragments, 304 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, tiberius Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202 |
2. Herodotus, Histories, 2.45, 2.73, 8.98 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •emperors and egypt, tiberius •tiberius emperor Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 380; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 293 | 2.45. And the Greeks say many other ill-considered things, too; among them, this is a silly story which they tell about Heracles: that when he came to Egypt , the Egyptians crowned him and led him out in a procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and for a while (they say) he followed quietly, but when they started in on him at the altar, he resisted and killed them all. ,Now it seems to me that by this story the Greeks show themselves altogether ignorant of the character and customs of the Egyptians; for how should they sacrifice men when they are forbidden to sacrifice even beasts, except swine and bulls and bull-calves, if they are unblemished, and geese? ,And furthermore, as Heracles was alone, and, still, only a man, as they say, how is it natural that he should kill many myriads? In talking so much about this, may I keep the goodwill of gods and heroes! 2.73. There is another sacred bird, too, whose name is phoenix. I myself have never seen it, only pictures of it; for the bird seldom comes into Egypt : once in five hundred years, as the people of Heliopolis say. ,It is said that the phoenix comes when his father dies. If the picture truly shows his size and appearance, his plumage is partly golden and partly red. He is most like an eagle in shape and size. ,What they say this bird manages to do is incredible to me. Flying from Arabia to the temple of the sun, they say, he conveys his father encased in myrrh and buries him at the temple of the Sun. ,This is how he conveys him: he first molds an egg of myrrh as heavy as he can carry, then tries lifting it, and when he has tried it, he then hollows out the egg and puts his father into it, and plasters over with more myrrh the hollow of the egg into which he has put his father, which is the same in weight with his father lying in it, and he conveys him encased to the temple of the Sun in Egypt . This is what they say this bird does. 8.98. While Xerxes did thus, he sent a messenger to Persia with news of his present misfortune. Now there is nothing mortal that accomplishes a course more swiftly than do these messengers, by the Persians' skillful contrivance. It is said that as many days as there are in the whole journey, so many are the men and horses that stand along the road, each horse and man at the interval of a day's journey. These are stopped neither by snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness from accomplishing their appointed course with all speed. ,The first rider delivers his charge to the second, the second to the third, and thence it passes on from hand to hand, even as in the Greek torch-bearers' race in honor of Hephaestus. This riding-post is called in Persia, angareion. |
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| 3. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 393, 524-525, 531-537, 539-540, 538 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 4. Plato, Axiochus (Spuria), None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 86 |
| 5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 74 |
| 6. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 7. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, tiberius Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 102 |
| 8. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 89 |
| 9. Theophrastus, Characters, a b c d\n0 15.2] 15.2] 15 2] (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 263 |
| 10. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.79, 2.4.82, 2.5.65-2.5.66, 2.5.163 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18, 45, 49 |
| 11. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.1.14, 3.4.2, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
12. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 287 | 1.11. In those days lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, "Let us go and make a covet with the Gentiles round about us, for since we separated from them many evils have come upon us." |
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| 13. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.7, 4.5-4.6, 5.14-5.16, 6.1.1, 7.23, 7.30.1, 10.1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18, 187; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 240, 241 |
| 14. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241 |
15. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 3.52-3.54, 3.74 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 240| 3.74. Sed nimirum hoc maxume maxumum X me ss. B est exprimendum, exprimendum X ( con- fessio adversariis exprimenda est cf. Verr. 4, 112 Liv. 21, 18, 5 Lucan. 6, 599 manibus exprime verum ) experimentum ( et antea maxumum) edd. ( sed hoc uerbum Tullianum non est, illudque hanc—diuturna ratione conclusum, non ex experientia sumptum ) cum constet aegritudinem aegritudinem V -ne GKR vetustate tolli, tollit X sed ult. t eras. V hanc vim non esse in die diē V positam, sed in cogitatione diuturna. diurna X corr. B 1 s nam si et eadem res est et idem est homo, qui potest quicquam de dolore mutari, si neque de eo, propter quod dolet, quicquam est mutatum neque de eo, qui qui quod G 1 dolet? cogitatio igitur diuturna diurna X corr. B 1 s nihil esse in re mali dolori medetur, non ipsa diuturnitas. Hic mihi adferunt mediocritates. mediocritas X -tates V c Non. quae si naturales sunt, quid opus est consolatione? at hae mihi afferentur med.... 24 consolatione Non. 29, 27 natura enim ipsa terminabit modum; sin opinabiles, opinio tota tollatur. Satis dictum esse arbitror aegritudinem esse opinionem mali praesentis, satis arbitror dictum esse ... 355, 1 praesentis H in qua opinione illud insit, ut aegritudinem suscipere oporteat. | |
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| 16. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 81 |
17. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 24, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246| 14. If, then, this had been a popular sort of proceeding, if it had had the least particle of equity or justice in it, would Caius Gracchus have passed it over? Forsooth, I suppose, the death of your uncle was a greater affliction to you, than the loss of his brother was to Caius Gracchus. And the death of that uncle whom you never saw is more painful to you, than the death of that brother, with whom he lived on the terms of the most cordial affection, was to him. And you avenge the death of your uncle just as he would have wished to avenge the death of his brother, if he had been inclined to act on your principles. And that great Labienus, your illustrious uncle, whoever he was, left quite as great a regret behind him in the bosoms of the Roman people, as Tiberius Gracchus left? Was your piety greater than that of Gracchus? or your courage? or your wisdom? or your wealth? or your influence? or your eloquence? And yet all those qualities, if he had had ever so little of them, would have been thought great in him in comparison of your qualifications. | |
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18. Cicero, De Oratore, 3.214 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246| 3.214. Quid fuit in Graccho, quem tu melius, Catule, meministi, quod me puero tanto opere ferretur? "Quo me miser conferam? Quo vertam? In Capitoliumne? At fratris sanguine madet. An domum? Matremne ut miseram lamentantem videam et abiectam?" Quae sic ab illo esse acta constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent. Haec ideo dico pluribus, quod genus hoc totum oratores, qui sunt veritatis ipsius actores, reliquerunt; imitatores autem veritatis, histriones, occupaverunt. | |
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19. Cicero, On Duties, 2.60, 3.64, 3.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 45; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 104| 2.60. Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. 3.64. Sed, sive et simulatio et dissimulatio dolus malus est, perpaucae res sunt, in quibus non dolus malus iste versetur, sive vir bonus est is, qui prodest, quibus potest, nocet nemini, certe istum virum bonum non facile reperimus. Numquam igitur est utile peccare, quia semper est turpe, et, quia semper est honestum virum bonum esse, semper est utile. 3.82. Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit! | 2.60. Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey's memory I am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. 3.64. Be that as it may, if both pretence and concealment constitute "criminal fraud," there are very few transactions into which "criminal fraud" does not enter; or, if he only is a good man who helps all he can, and harms no one, it will certainly be no easy matter for us to find the good man as thus defined. To conclude, then, it is never expedient to do wrong, because wrong is always immoral; and it is always expedient to be good, because goodness is always moral. 3.82. Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâcalled expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâlaw the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâlaw himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I will reproduce as well as I can â awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e'er be right, for a throne's sake Were wrong most right:â be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. |
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20. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.61, 3.2.5, 3.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 277; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 203 | 2.61. In other cases some exceptionally potent force is itself designated by a title of convey, for example Faith and Mind; we see the shrines on the Capitol lately dedicated to them both by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, and Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You see the temple of Virtue, restored as the temple of Honour by Marcus Marcellus, but founded many years before by Quintus Maximus in the time of the Ligurian war. Again, there are the temples of Wealth, Safety, Concord, Liberty and Victory, all of which things, being so powerful as necessarily to imply divine goverce, were themselves designated as gods. In the same class the names of Desire, Pleasure and Venus Lubentina have been deified — things vicious and unnatural (although Velleius thinks otherwise), yet the urge of these vices often overpowers natural instinct. 3.28. And so I fully agreed with the part of your discourse that dealt with nature's punctual regularity, and what you termed its concordant interconnexion and correlation; but I could not accept your assertion that this could not have come about were it not held together by a single divine breath. On the contrary, the system's coherence and persistence is due to nature's forces and not to drive power; she does possess that 'concord' (the Greek term is sympatheia) of which you spoke, but the greater this is as a spontaneous growth, the less possible is it to suppose that it was created by divine reason. |
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| 21. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 180 |
22. Cicero, On Divination, 1.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 95| 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. | 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. |
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| 23. Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 650 |
| 24. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.18.44, 2.24-2.26, 2.44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106, 113; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 36 |
| 25. Cicero, Orator, 110 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158 |
| 26. Cicero, Brutus, 1.9, 4.10.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 240 |
27. Cicero, Pro Murena, 40, 39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 113| 39. et in ipsa occupatione delectationes alias multas habere possumus, ludis tamen oblectamur et ducimur, quid tu admirere admirere A y : admirare cett. de multitudine indocta? | |
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| 28. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 39 |
| 29. Cicero, In Pisonem, 51-52, 55, 61, 97, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187 |
30. Polybius, Histories, 6.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49 | 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? |
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| 31. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 135-136 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250 |
32. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 20.134-20.135, 22.149-22.150, 24.160-24.161, 26.166 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 190; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 295 | 166. The greater portion of these men ere Egyptians, wicked, worthless men, who had imprinted the venom and evil disposition of their native asps and crocodiles on their own souls, and gave a faithful representation of them there. And the leader of the whole Egyptian troops, like the coryphaeus of a chorus, was a man of the name of Helicon, an accursed and infamous slave, who had been introduced into the imperial household to its ruin; for he had acquired a slight smattering of the encyclical sciences, by imitation of and rivalry with his former master, who gave him to Tiberius Caesar. |
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33. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.67.11, 1.88.5, 20.36.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 650; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 293 | 1.67.11. Indeed, it was because of the objection to strangers on the part of the people that the impiety of Busiris became a byword among the Greeks, although this impiety was not actually such as it was described, but was made into a fictitious myth because of the exceptional disrespect of the Egyptians for ordinary customs. 1.88.5. Men also, if they were of the same colour as Typhon, were sacrificed, they say, in ancient times by the kings at the tomb of Osiris; however, only a few Egyptians are now found red in colour, and but the majority of such are non-Egyptians, and this is why the story spread among the Greeks of the slaying of foreigners by Busiris, although Busiris was not the name of the king but of the tomb of Osiris, which is called that in the language of the land. 20.36.2. Next he paved with solid stone the greater part of the Appian Way, which was named for him, from Rome to Capua, the distance being more than a thousand stades. And since he dug through elevated places and levelled with noteworthy fills the ravines and valleys, he expended the entire revenue of the state but left behind a deathless monument to himself, having been ambitious in the public interest. |
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34. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.5, 9.60.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245, 246 | 4.40.5. The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-inâlaw and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 9.60.8. At Rome his colleague, Spurius Postumius, consecrated the temple of Dius Fidius upon the Quirinal hill on the day called the nones of June. This temple had been built by Tarquinius, the last king, but had not received at his hands the dedication custom among the Romans. At this time by order of the senate the name of Postumius was inscribed on the temple. Nothing else worth relating happened during that consulship. |
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35. Ovid, Amores, 1.8.74, 1.15.5-1.15.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, tiberius •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 93; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36| 1.8.74. Et modo, quae causas praebeat, Isis erit. 1.15.5. Nec me verbosas leges ediscere nec me 1.15.6. Ingrato vocem prostituisse foro? | |
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36. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.862-15.865 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78| 15.862. cesserunt, dique Indigetes genitorque Quirine 15.863. urbis et invicti genitor Gradive Quirini, 15.864. Vestaque Caesareos inter sacrata penates, 15.865. et cum Caesarea tu, Phoebe domestice, Vesta, | |
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| 37. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 4.6, 5.25, 31.1, 32.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 179; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 182; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 39, 104 |
38. Livy, History, 1.16, 1.21.4, 1.41, 2.8.6-2.8.8, 2.27.5, 4.20.7, 4.29.7, 5.41.6, 9.29.5-9.29.7, 9.46.6-9.46.7, 10.37.15, 21.22.7, 29.19.12-29.19.13, 31.20.6, 33.27.1, 34.2-34.7, 34.4.3, 34.5.7, 34.44.5, 34.52.10, 34.54.3-34.54.8, 37.7.8-37.7.15, 38.51.13-38.51.14, 38.56, 39.6.7, 40.37.1, 42.28.10-42.28.12, 45.35.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 650; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 113; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 82; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48, 49, 187; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 39, 77, 78, 100; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 10, 179, 229, 247; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98| 45.35.3. Paulus ipso post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum, sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine. | |
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| 39. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36 |
40. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.123-2.124 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philo, on emperor tiberius •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250 | 2.123. Moreover, it is only a very short time ago that I knew a man of very high rank, one who was prefect and governor of Egypt, who, after he had taken it into his head to change our national institutions and customs, and in an extraordinary manner to abrogate that most holy law guarded by such fearful penalties, which relates to the seventh day, and was compelling us to obey him, and to do other things contrary to our established custom, thinking that that would be the beginning of our departure from the other laws, and of our violation of all our national customs, if he were once able to destroy our hereditary and customary observance of the seventh day. 2.124. And as he saw that those to whom he offered violence did not yield to his injunctions, and that the rest of our people was not disposed to submit in tranquillity, but was indigt and furious at the business, and was mourning and dispirited as if at the enslaving, and overthrow, and utter destruction of their country; he thought fit to endeavour by a speech to persuade them to transgress, saying: |
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| 41. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 8.136 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor, and signs Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 213 |
| 42. Livy, Per., 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
43. Ovid, Fasti, 1.607-1.616, 1.637-1.644, 2.609, 3.771-3.772, 4.951-4.952, 4.954, 5.492, 6.267, 6.773-6.784, 6.793-6.794 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 235; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 49; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 100; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 368| 1.607. sed tamen humanis celebrantur honoribus omnes: 1.608. hic socium summo cum Iove nomen habet, 1.609. sancta vocant augusta patres, augusta vocantur 1.610. templa sacerdotum rite dicata manu; 1.611. huius et augurium dependet origine verbi, 1.612. et quodcumque sua Iuppiter auget ope. 1.613. augeat imperium nostri ducis, augeat annos, 1.614. protegat et vestras querna corona fores, 1.615. auspicibusque deis tanti cognominis heres 1.616. omine suscipiat, quo pater, orbis onus I 15. G CAR 1.637. Candida, te niveo posuit lux proxima templo, 1.638. qua fert sublimes alta Moneta gradus: 1.639. nunc bene prospicies Latiam, Concordia, turbam, 1.640. nunc te sacratae constituere manus. 1.641. Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642. voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643. causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644. volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes. 2.609. ‘duc hanc ad manes; locus ille silentibus aptus. 3.771. restat, ut inveniam, quare toga libera detur 3.772. Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo: 4.951. Phoebus habet partem, Vestae pars altera cessit; 4.952. quod superest illis, tertius ipse tenet, 4.954. stet domus: aeternos tres habet una deos. 5.492. inter se nulla continuata die. 6.267. Vesta eadem est et terra: subest vigil ignis utrique: 6.773. quam cito venerunt Fortunae Fortis honores! 6.774. post septem luces Iunius actus erit. 6.775. ite, deam laeti Fortem celebrate, Quirites: 6.776. in Tiberis ripa munera regis habet, 6.777. pars pede, pars etiam celeri decurrite cumba, 6.778. nec pudeat potos inde redire domum, 6.779. ferte coronatae iuvenum convivia lintres, 6.780. multaque per medias vina bibantur aquas, 6.781. plebs colit hanc, quia qui posuit, de plebe fuisse 6.782. fertur et ex humili sceptra tulisse loco. 6.783. convenit et servis, serva quia Tullius ortus 6.784. constituit dubiae templa propinqua deae. 6.793. tempus idem Stator aedis habet, quam Romulus olim 6.794. ante Palatini condidit ora iugi. 29. DF | 1.607. Augustus alone has a name that ranks with great Jove. 1.608. Sacred things are called august by the senators, 1.609. And so are temples duly dedicated by priestly hands. 1.610. From the same root comes the word augury, 1.611. And Jupiter augments things by his power. 1.612. May he augment our leader’s empire and his years, 1.613. And may the oak-leaf crown protect his doors. 1.614. By the god’s auspices, may the father’s omen 1.615. Attend the heir of so great a name, when he rules the world. 1.616. When the third sun looks back on the past Ides, 1.637. Near where lofty Moneta lifts her noble stairway: 1.638. Concord, you will gaze on the Latin crowd’s prosperity, 1.639. Now sacred hands have established you. 1.640. Camillus, conqueror of the Etruscan people, 1.641. Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642. His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643. Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644. This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany 2.609. ‘Lead her to the shadows: that place is fitting for the silent. 3.771. of manhood, is given to boys on your day, Bacchus: 3.772. Whether it’s because you seem to be ever boy or youth, 4.951. For Vesta, and the third part that’s left, Caesar occupies. 4.952. Long live the laurels of the Palatine: long live that house 5.492. People say unlucky women wed in the month of May. 6.267. Vesta’s identified with Earth: in them both’s unsleeping fire: 6.773. Time slips by, and we age silently with the years, 6.774. There’s no bridle to curb the flying days. 6.775. How swiftly the festival of Fors Fortuna’s arrived! 6.776. June will be over now in seven days. 6.777. Quirites, come celebrate the goddess Fors, with joy: 6.778. She has her royal show on Tiber’s banks. 6.779. Hurry on foot, and others in swift boats: 6.780. It’s no shame to return home tipsy. 6.781. Garlanded barges, carry your bands of youths, 6.782. Let them drink deep of the wine, mid-stream. 6.783. The people worship her, because they say the founder 6.784. of her shrine was one of them, and rose from humble rank, 6.793. Next day the Lares are granted a sanctuary in the place 6.794. Where endless wreaths are twined by skilful hands. |
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44. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.2.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86| 1.2.7. narratio: Ita domi custodita est, ut rapi posset; ita cara fuit suis, ut rapta non redimeretur; ita raptae pepercere piratae, ut lenoni uenderent; sic emit leno, ut prostitueret; sic uenientes deprecata est, ut ferro opus esset. Coniectum in urnam nomen eius non exiit, sed eiectum est. tempus erat nunc sortiri: urna purgata est. Stetisti puella in lupanari: iam te ut nemo uiolauerit locus ipse uiolauit. stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti sic ornata, ut populo placere posses, ea ueste quam leno dederat; nomen tuum pependit in fronte; pretia stupri accepisti et manus quae dis datura erat sacra lenoni capturas tulit; cum deprecareris intrantis amplexus, ut alia omnia impetraris, osculo rogasti. Ancillae ex lupanaribus sacerdoti non emuntur; coram sacerdote obscenis homines abstinent. Non sine causa sacerdoti lictor apparet: occurrentem te illi meretricem summouisset. | |
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| 45. Propertius, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36 |
| 46. Nepos, Hannibal, 13.55-13.56 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 189 |
47. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.1-2.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 118| 2.1. Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis 2.2. e terra magnum alterius spectare laborem; 2.3. non quia vexari quemquamst iucunda voluptas, 2.4. sed quibus ipse malis careas quia cernere suavest. 2.5. per campos instructa tua sine parte pericli; 2.6. suave etiam belli certamina magna tueri 2.7. sed nihil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere 2.8. edita doctrina sapientum templa serena, 2.9. despicere unde queas alios passimque videre 2.10. errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae, 2.11. certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate, 2.12. noctes atque dies niti praestante labore 2.13. ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri. | |
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48. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 149, 17, 21, 23-24, 26-31, 8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250 | 8. For having received a government which was intended to last six years, for the first five years, while Tiberius Caesar was alive, he both preserved peace and also governed the country generally with such vigour and energy that he was superior to all the governors who had gone before him. |
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49. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.77-1.78 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, tiberius •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008), Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras, 183; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36| 1.77. Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae: 1.78. rend= | |
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| 50. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.1.18, 2.2.74, 2.8.1-2.8.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 103; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78 |
| 51. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 18.4-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
52. Plutarch, Cicero, 13.2-13.4, 43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 113; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187| 13.2. δεῖγμα δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς περὶ τὸν λόγον χάριτος καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θέας ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ γενόμενον. τῶν γὰρ ἱππικῶν πρότερον ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἀναμεμιγμένων τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ μετὰ τοῦ δήμου θεωμένων ὡς ἔτυχε, πρῶτος διέκρινεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ἱππέας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν Μᾶρκος Ὄθων στρατηγῶν, καὶ διένειμεν ἰδίαν ἐκείνοις θέαν, ἣν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐξαίρετον ἔχουσι. 13.3. τοῦτο πρὸς ἀτιμίας ὁ δῆμος ἔλαβε, καὶ φανέντος ἐν θεάτρῳ τοῦ Ὄθωνος ἐφυβρίζων ἐσύριττεν, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς ὑπέλαβον κρότῳ τὸν ἄνδρα λαμπρῶς, αὖθις δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἐπέτεινε τὸν συριγμόν, εἶτα ἐκεῖνοι τὸν κρότον. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο λοιδορίαις, καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἀκοσμία κατεῖχεν. 13.4. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ Κικέρων ἧκε πυθόμενος καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκκαλέσας πρὸς τὸ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς ἱερὸν ἐπετίμησε καὶ παρῄνεσεν, ἀπελθόντες αὖθις εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐκρότουν τὸν Ὄθωνα λαμπρῶς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἱππέας ἅμιλλαν ἐποιοῦντο περὶ τιμῶν καὶ δόξης τοῦ ἀνδρός. 43.4. καί τῶν πρώτων οὐ διημάρτανεν ἐλπίδων τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς καί πόθου πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύθη, καὶ σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνήλωσαν χρόνον αἱ περὶ τὰς πύλας καί τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καί φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συναγαγόντος Ἀντωνίου καί καλοῦντος αὐτόν οὐκ ἦλθεν, ἀλλὰ κατέκειτο μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ κόπου σκηπτόμενος. | 13.2. 13.3. 13.4. 43.4. |
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53. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 108| 12.5. Ποστούμιον γοῦν Ἀλβῖνον ἱστορίαν Ἑλληνιστὶ γράψαντα καὶ συγγνώμην αἰτούμενον ἐπέσκωψεν εἰπὼν, δοτέον εἶναι τὴν συγγνώμην, εἰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ψηφισαμένων ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπέμεινε τὸ ἔργον, θαυμάσαι δέ φησι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὸ τάχος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς φράσεως· ἃ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐξέφερε βραχέως, τὸν ἑρμηνέα μακρῶς καὶ διὰ πολλῶν ἀπαγγέλλειν τὸ δʼ ὅλον οἴεσθαι τὰ ῥήματα τοῖς μέν Ἕλλησιν ἀπὸ χειλέων, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ καρδίας φέρεσθαι. | 12.5. |
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| 54. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 28, 56-57, 78 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 242 |
| 55. Plutarch, Pompey, 80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
| 56. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 209 |
57. Plutarch, Sulla, 2.6, 36.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106| 36.2. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπʼ αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν διʼ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήνθει. | 36.2. |
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| 58. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 3, 17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246 |
59. Plutarch, Galba, 17.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18| 17.4. οὐδενὸς γὰρ οὕτω θεάματος ἐρασθεὶς ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ὡς τοῦ Τιγελλῖνον ἰδεῖν ἀπαγόμενον, οὐδὲ παυσάμενος ἐν πᾶσι θεάτροις καὶ σταδίοις αἰτούμενος ἐκεῖνον, ἐπεπλήχθη διαγράμματι τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Τιγελλῖνον μὲν οὐ πολὺν ἔτι βιώσεσθαι φάσκοντος χρόνον ὑπὸ φθινάδος νόσου δαπανώμενον, ἐκείνους δὲ παραιτουμένου μὴ διαγριαίνειν μηδὲ τυραννικὴν ποιεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. | 17.4. |
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60. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 293 | 380d. but if the drought still persists, they consecrate and sacrifice them, as if, forsooth, this were a means of punishing the deity, or at least a mighty rite of purification in matters of the highest importance! The fact is that in the city of Eileithiya they used to burn men alive, as Manetho has recorded; they called them Typhonians, and by means of winnowing fans they dissipated and scattered their ashes. But this was performed publicly and at a special time in the dog-days. The consecrations of the animals took place at indeterminate times with reference to the circumstances; |
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| 61. Plutarch, On Exilio, 605 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 62. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 48 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
63. New Testament, Matthew, 2.1-2.23, 22.15-22.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius (emperor), coin of Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 155, 223, 232| 2.1. Τοῦ δὲ Ἰησοῦ γεννηθέντος ἐν Βηθλεὲμ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἐν ἡμέραις Ἡρῴδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἰδοὺ μάγοι ἀπὸ ἀνατολῶν παρεγένοντο εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα λέγοντες 2.2. Ποῦ ἐστὶν ὁ τεχθεὶς βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων; εἴδομεν γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὸν ἀστέρα ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἤλθομεν προσκυνῆσαι αὐτῷ. 2.3. Ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἡρῴδης ἐταράχθη καὶ πᾶσα Ἰεροσόλυμα μετʼ αὐτοῦ, 2.4. καὶ συναγαγὼν πάντας τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ λαοῦ ἐπυνθάνετο παρʼ αὐτῶν ποῦ ὁ χριστὸς γεννᾶται. 2.5. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Ἐν Βηθλεὲμ τῆς Ἰουδαίας· οὕτως γὰρ γέγραπται διὰ τοῦ προφήτου 2.6. Καὶ σύ, Βηθλεὲμ γῆ Ἰούδα, οὐδαμῶς ἐλαχίστη εἶ ἐν τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν Ἰούδα· ἐκ σοῦ γὰρ ἐξελεύσεται ἡγούμενος, ὅστις ποιμανεῖ τὸν λαόν μου τὸν Ἰσραήλ. 2.7. Τότε Ἡρῴδης λάθρᾳ καλέσας τοὺς μάγους ἠκρίβωσεν παρʼ αὐτῶν τὸν χρόνον τοῦ φαινομένου ἀστέρος, 2.8. καὶ πέμψας αὐτοὺς εἰς Βηθλεὲμ εἶπεν Πορευθέντες ἐξετάσατε ἀκριβῶς περὶ τοῦ παιδίου· ἐπὰν δὲ εὕρητε ἀπαγγείλατέ μοι, ὅπως κἀγὼ ἐλθὼν προσκυνήσω αὐτῷ. 2.9. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπορεύθησαν, καὶ ἰδοὺ ὁ ἀστὴρ ὃν εἶδον ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ προῆγεν αὐτούς, ἕως ἐλθὼν ἐστάθη ἐπάνω οὗ ἦν τὸ παιδίον. 2.10. ἰδόντες δὲ τὸν ἀστέρα ἐχάρησαν χαρὰν μεγάλην σφόδρα. 2.11. καὶ ἐλθόντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἶδον τὸ παιδίον μετὰ Μαρίας τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ πεσόντες προσεκύνησαν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἀνοίξαντες τοὺς θησαυροὺς αὐτῶν προσήνεγκαν αὐτῷ δῶρα, χρυσὸν καὶ λίβανον καὶ σμύρναν. 2.12. καὶ χρηματισθέντες κατʼ ὄναρ μὴ ἀνακάμψαι πρὸς Ἡρῴδην διʼ ἄλλης ὁδοῦ ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν. 2.13. Ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος Κυρίου φαίνεται κατʼ ὄναρ τῷ Ἰωσὴφ λέγων Ἐγερθεὶς παράλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ φεῦγε εἰς Αἴγυπτον, καὶ ἴσθι ἐκεῖ ἕως ἂν εἴπω σοι· μέλλει γὰρ Ἡρῴδης ζητεῖν τὸ παιδίον τοῦ ἀπολέσαι αὐτό. 2.14. ὁ δὲ ἐγερθεὶς παρέλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς καὶ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἕως τῆς τελευτῆς Ἡρῴδου· 2.15. ἵνα πληρωθῇ τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ Κυρίου διὰ τοῦ προφήτου λέγοντος Ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐκάλεσα τὸν υἱόν μου . 2.16. Τότε Ἡρῴδης ἰδὼν ὅτι ἐνεπαίχθη ὑπὸ τῶν μάγων ἐθυμώθη λίαν, καὶ ἀποστείλας ἀνεῖλεν πάντας τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐν Βηθλεὲμ καὶ ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ὁρίοις αὐτῆς ἀπὸ διετοῦς καὶ κατωτέρω, κατὰ τὸν χρόνον ὃν ἠκρίβωσεν παρὰ τῶν μάγων. 2.17. Τότε ἐπληρώθη τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ Ἰερεμίου τοῦ προφήτου λέγοντος 2.18. φωνὴ ἐν Ῥαμὰ ἠκούσθη, κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὀδυρμὸς πολύς· Ῥαχὴλ κλαίουσα τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς, καὶ οὐκ ἤθελεν παρακληθῆναι ὅτι οὐκ εἰσίν. 2.19. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἡρῴδου ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος Κυρίου φαίνεται κατʼ ὄναρ τῷ Ἰωσὴφ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 2.20. λέγων Ἐγερθεὶς παράλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ πορεύου εἰς γῆν Ἰσραήλ, τεθνήκασιν γὰρ οἱ ζητοῦντες τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ παιδίου. 2.21. ὁ δὲ ἐγερθεὶς παρέλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς γῆν Ἰσραήλ. 2.22. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι Ἀρχέλαος βασιλεύει τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἀντὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἡρῴδου ἐφοβήθη ἐκεῖ ἀπελθεῖν· χρηματισθεὶς δὲ κατʼ ὄναρ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὰ μέρη τῆς Γαλιλαίας, 2.23. καὶ ἐλθὼν κατῴκησεν εἰς πόλιν λεγομένην Ναζαρέτ, ὅπως πληρωθῇ τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ τῶν προφητῶν ὅτι Ναζωραῖος κληθήσεται. 22.15. Τότε πορευθέντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον ὅπως αὐτὸν παγιδεύσωσιν ἐν λόγῳ. 22.16. καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν αὐτῷ τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτῶν μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν λέγοντας Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ἀληθείᾳ διδάσκεις, καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων· 22.17. εἰπὸν οὖν ἡμῖν τί σοι δοκεῖ· ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; 22.18. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὴν πονηρίαν αὐτῶν εἶπεν Τί με πειράζετε, ὑποκριταί; 22.19. ἐπιδείξατέ μοι τὸ νόμισμα τοῦ κήνσου. οἱ δὲ προσήνεγκαν αὐτῷ δηνάριον. 22.20. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; 22.21. λέγουσιν Καίσαρος. τότε λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἀπόδοτε οὖν τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. 22.22. καὶ ἀκούσαντες ἐθαύμασαν, καὶ ἀφέντες αὐτὸν ἀπῆλθαν. | 2.1. Now when Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea in the days of Herod the king, behold, wise men from the east came to Jerusalem, saying, 2.2. "Where is he who is born King of the Jews? For we saw his star in the east, and have come to worship him." 2.3. When Herod the king heard it, he was troubled, and all Jerusalem with him. 2.4. Gathering together all the chief priests and scribes of the people, he asked them where the Christ would be born. 2.5. They said to him, "In Bethlehem of Judea, for thus it is written through the prophet, 2.6. 'You Bethlehem, land of Judah, Are in no way least among the princes of Judah: For out of you shall come forth a governor, Who shall shepherd my people, Israel.'" 2.7. Then Herod secretly called the wise men, and learned from them exactly what time the star appeared. 2.8. He sent them to Bethlehem, and said, "Go and search diligently for the young child. When you have found him, bring me word, so that I also may come and worship him." 2.9. They, having heard the king, went their way; and behold, the star, which they saw in the east, went before them, until it came and stood over where the young child was. 2.10. When they saw the star, they rejoiced with exceedingly great joy. 2.11. They came into the house and saw the young child with Mary, his mother, and they fell down and worshiped him. Opening their treasures, they offered to him gifts: gold, frankincense, and myrrh. 2.12. Being warned in a dream that they shouldn't return to Herod, they went back to their own country another way. 2.13. Now when they had departed, behold, an angel of the Lord appeared to Joseph in a dream, saying, "Arise and take the young child and his mother, and flee into Egypt, and stay there until I tell you, for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him." 2.14. He arose and took the young child and his mother by night, and departed into Egypt, 2.15. and was there until the death of Herod; that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Lord through the prophet, saying, "Out of Egypt I called my son." 2.16. Then Herod, when he saw that he was mocked by the wise men, was exceedingly angry, and sent out, and killed all the male children who were in Bethlehem and in all the surrounding countryside, from two years old and under, according to the exact time which he had learned from the wise men. 2.17. Then that which was spoken by Jeremiah the prophet was fulfilled, saying, 2.18. "A voice was heard in Ramah, Lamentation, weeping and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children; She wouldn't be comforted, Because they are no more." 2.19. But when Herod was dead, behold, an angel of the Lord appeared in a dream to Joseph in Egypt, saying, 2.20. "Arise and take the young child and his mother, and go into the land of Israel, for those who sought the young child's life are dead." 2.21. He arose and took the young child and his mother, and came into the land of Israel. 2.22. But when he heard that Archelaus was reigning over Judea in the place of his father, Herod, he was afraid to go there. Being warned in a dream, he withdrew into the region of Galilee, 2.23. and came and lived in a city called Nazareth; that it might be fulfilled which was spoken through the prophets: "He will be called a Nazarene." 22.15. Then the Pharisees went and took counsel how they might entrap him in his talk. 22.16. They sent their disciples to him, along with the Herodians, saying, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and teach the way of God in truth, no matter who you teach, for you aren't partial to anyone. 22.17. Tell us therefore, what do you think? Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?" 22.18. But Jesus perceived their wickedness, and said, "Why do you test me, you hypocrites? 22.19. Show me the tax money."They brought to him a denarius. 22.20. He asked them, "Whose is this image and inscription?" 22.21. They said to him, "Caesar's."Then he said to them, "Give therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's." 22.22. When they heard it, they marveled, and left him, and went away. |
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| 64. Epictetus, Discourses, 4.1.79 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 86 |
65. New Testament, Mark, 4.37, 12.13-12.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 542; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 223| 4.37. καὶ γίνεται λαῖλαψ μεγάλη ἀνέμου, καὶ τὰ κύματα ἐπέβαλλεν εἰς τὸ πλοῖον, ὥστε ἤδη γεμίζεσθαι τὸ πλοῖον. 12.13. Καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν πρὸς αὐτόν τινας τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν ἵνα αὐτὸν ἀγρεύσωσιν λόγῳ. 12.14. καὶ ἐλθόντες λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις· ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; δῶμεν ἢ μὴ δῶμεν; 12.15. ὁ δὲ εἰδὼς αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί με πειράζετε; φέρετέ μοι δηνάριον ἵνα ἴδω. 12.16. οἱ δὲ ἤνεγκαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Καίσαρος. 12.17. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τὰ Καίσαρος ἀπόδοτε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. καὶ ἐξεθαύμαζον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ. | 4.37. There arose a great wind storm, and the waves beat into the boat, so much that the boat was already filled. 12.13. They sent some of the Pharisees and of the Herodians to him, that they might trap him with words. 12.14. When they had come, they asked him, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and don't defer to anyone; for you aren't partial to anyone, but truly teach the way of God. Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not? 12.15. Shall we give, or shall we not give?"But he, knowing their hypocrisy, said to them, "Why do you test me? Bring me a denarius, that I may see it." 12.16. They brought it. He said to them, "Whose is this image and inscription?"They said to him, "Caesar's." 12.17. Jesus answered them, "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."They marveled greatly at him. |
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66. New Testament, Luke, 1.5, 2.1-2.7, 8.23, 20.20-20.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor), coin of Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 542; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 155, 223, 232| 1.5. ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἡρῴδου βασιλέως τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἱερεύς τις ὀνόματι Ζαχαρίας ἐξ ἐφημερίας Ἀβιά, καὶ γυνὴ αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν θυγατέρων Ἀαρών, καὶ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῆς Ἐλεισάβετ. 2.1. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξῆλθεν δόγμα παρὰ Καίσαρος Αὐγούστου ἀπογράφεσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην· 2.2. ?̔αὕτη ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο ἡγεμονεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Κυρηνίου·̓ 2.3. καὶ ἐπορεύοντο πάντες ἀπογράφεσθαι, ἔκαστος εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν. 2.4. Ἀνέβη δὲ καὶ Ἰωσὴφ ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐκ πόλεως Ναζαρὲτ εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν εἰς πόλιν Δαυεὶδ ἥτις καλεῖται Βηθλεἐμ, διὰ τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐξ οἴκου καὶ πατριᾶς Δαυείδ, 2.5. ἀπογράψασθαι σὺν Μαριὰμ τῇ ἐμνηστευμένῃ αὐτῷ, οὔσῃ ἐνκύῳ. 2.6. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ ἐπλήσθησαν αἱ ἡμέραι τοῦ τεκεῖν αὐτήν, 2.7. καὶ ἔτεκεν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς τὸν πρωτότοκον, καὶ ἐσπαργάνωσεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνέκλινεν αὐτὸν ἐν φάτνῃ, διότι οὐκ ἦν αὐτοῖς τόπος ἐν τῷ καταλύματι. 8.23. πλεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἀφύπνωσεν. καὶ κατέβη λαῖλαψ ἀνέμου εἰς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ συνεπληροῦντο καὶ ἐκινδύνευον. 20.20. Καὶ παρατηρήσαντες ἀπέστειλαν ἐνκαθέτους ὑποκρινομένους ἑαυτοὺς δικαίους εἶναι, ἵνα ἐπιλάβωνται αὐτοῦ λόγου, ὥστε παραδοῦναι αὐτὸν τῇ ἀρχῇ καὶ τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. 20.21. καὶ ἐπηρώτησαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ὀρθῶς λέγεις καὶ διδάσκεις καὶ οὐ λαμβάνεις πρόσωπον, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις· 20.22. ἔξεστιν ἡμᾶς Καίσαρι φόρον δοῦναι ἢ οὔ; 20.23. κατανοήσας δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν πανουργίαν εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς 20.24. Δείξατέ μοι δηνάριον· τίνος ἔχει εἰκόνα καὶ ἐπιγραφήν; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Καίσαρος. 20.25. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τοίνυν ἀπόδοτε τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. 20.26. καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσαν ἐπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ ῥήματος ἐναντίον τοῦ λαοῦ, καὶ θαυμάσαντες ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποκρίσει αὐτοῦ ἐσίγησαν. | 1.5. There was in the days of Herod, the king of Judea, a certain priest named Zacharias, of the priestly division of Abijah. He had a wife of the daughters of Aaron, and her name was Elizabeth. 2.1. Now it happened in those days, that a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled. 2.2. This was the first enrollment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria. 2.3. All went to enroll themselves, everyone to his own city. 2.4. Joseph also went up from Galilee, out of the city of Nazareth, into Judea, to the city of David, which is called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and family of David; 2.5. to enroll himself with Mary, who was pledged to be married to him as wife, being great with child. 2.6. It happened, while they were there, that the day had come that she should give birth. 2.7. She brought forth her firstborn son, and she wrapped him in bands of cloth, and laid him in a feeding trough, because there was no room for them in the inn. 8.23. But as they sailed, he fell asleep. A wind storm came down on the lake, and they were taking on dangerous amounts of water. 20.20. They watched him, and sent out spies, who pretended to be righteous, that they might trap him in something he said, so as to deliver him up to the power and authority of the governor. 20.21. They asked him, "Teacher, we know that you say and teach what is right, and aren't partial to anyone, but truly teach the way of God. 20.22. Is it lawful for us to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?" 20.23. But he perceived their craftiness, and said to them, "Why do you test me? 20.24. Show me a denarius. Whose image and inscription are on it?"They answered, "Caesar's." 20.25. He said to them, "Then give to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's." 20.26. They weren't able to trap him in his words before the people. They marveled at his answer, and were silent. |
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67. New Testament, John, 1.41, 19.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 262; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 542| 1.41. εὑρίσκει οὗτος πρῶτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ἴδιον Σίμωνα καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Εὑρήκαμεν τὸν Μεσσίαν ?̔ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Χριστός̓. 19.30. ὅτε οὖν ἔλαβεν τὸ ὄξος [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τετέλεσται, καὶ κλίνας τὴν κεφαλὴν παρέδωκεν τὸ πνεῦμα. | 1.41. He first found his own brother, Simon, and said to him, "We have found the Messiah!" (which is, being interpreted, Christ). 19.30. When Jesus therefore had received the vinegar, he said, "It is finished." He bowed his head, and gave up his spirit. |
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68. New Testament, Romans, 1.1-1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 201| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ δοῦλος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, κλητὸς ἀπόστολος, ἀφωρισμένος εἰς εὐαγγέλιον θεοῦ 1.2. ὃ προεπηγγείλατο διὰ τῶν προφητῶν αὐτοῦ ἐν γραφαῖς ἁγίαις 1.3. περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, τοῦ γενομένου ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυεὶδ κατὰ σάρκα, | 1.1. Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, set apart for the gospel of God, 1.2. which he promised before through his prophets in the holy Scriptures, 1.3. concerning his Son, who was born of the seed of David according to the flesh, |
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69. New Testament, Philippians, 2.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 120| 2.11. καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσηταιὅτι ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ εἰς δόξανθεοῦπατρός. | 2.11. and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. |
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70. New Testament, Acts, 17.6-17.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 248, 249, 253, 257, 262, 263, 265| 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, | 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. |
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| 71. Martial, Epigrams, 3.95, 5.7.1-5.7.4, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 9.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •emperors and egypt, tiberius •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 116; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 72. Martial, Epigrams, 3.95, 5.7.1-5.7.4, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 9.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •emperors and egypt, tiberius •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 116; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 73. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.38-2.42, 7.778, 9.1010-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232, 244 |
| 74. Juvenal, Satires, 2.4-2.5, 4.72-4.122, 6.121-6.124, 6.534-6.541, 8.211 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 276; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 109, 158; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 283 |
| 75. Josephus Flavius, Life, 5.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 263; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 155 |
76. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.10, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 2.20-2.21, 2.70, 2.80, 2.91-2.96, 2.109, 2.112, 2.142-2.143, 2.215-2.216 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294 | 2.10. for in his third book, which relates to the affairs of Egypt, he speaks thus:—“I have heard of the ancient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Heliopolis, and that he thought himself obliged to follow the customs of his forefathers, and offered his prayers in the open air, towards the city walls; but that he reduced them all to be directed towards the sun-rising, which was agreeable to the situation of Heliopolis; 2.14. Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’s country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men’s relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was. 2.17. Molo and some others determined it as every one pleased; but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion; 2.18. for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records, 2.20. As for the number of those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the very same number with Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and ten thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for the name of Sabbath; 2.21. for he says, that “when the Jews had travelled a six days’ journey, they had buboes in their groins: and that on this account it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of buboes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians.” 2.70. These Egyptians therefore were the authors of these troubles, who not having the constancy of Macedonians, nor the prudence of Grecians, indulged all of them the evil manners of the Egyptians, and continued their ancient hatred against us; 2.80. for Apion hath the impudence to pretend, that “the Jews placed an ass’s head in their holy place;” and he affirms that this was discovered when Antiochus Epiphanes spoiled our temple, and found that ass’s head there made of gold, and worth a great deal of money. 2.91. Apion becomes other men’s prophet upon this occasion, and says, that “Antiochus found in our temple a bed and a man lying upon it, with a small table before him, full of dainties, from the [fishes of the] sea, and the fowls of the dry land; that this man was amazed at these dainties thus set before him; 2.92. that he immediately adored the king, upon his coming in, as hoping that he would afford him all possible assistance; that he fell down upon his knees, and stretched out to him his right hand, and begged to be released: and that when the king bade him sit down, and tell him who he was, and why he dwelt there, and what was the meaning of those various sorts of food that were set before him, the man made a lamentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears in his eyes, gave him this account of the distress he was in: 2.93. and said that he was a Greek, and that as he went over this province, in order to get his living, he was seized upon by foreigners, on a sudden, and brought to this temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by nobody, but was fattened by these curious provisions thus set before him: 2.94. and that truly at the first such unexpected advantages seemed to him matter of great joy; that, after a while they brought a suspicion upon him, and at length astonishment, what their meaning should be; that at last he inquired of the servants that came to him, and was by them informed that it was in order to the fulfilling a law of the Jews, which they must not tell him, that he was thus fed; and that they did the same at a set time every year: 2.95. that they used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fat him thus up every year, and then lead him to a certain wood, and kill him, and sacrifice with their accustomed solemnities, and taste of his entrails, and take an oath upon this sacrificing a Greek, that they would ever be at enmity with the Greeks; and that then they threw the remaining parts of the miserable wretch into a certain pit.” 2.96. Apion adds farther, that “the man said there were but a few days to come ere he was to be slain, and implored Antiochus that, out of the reverence he bore to the Grecian gods, he would disappoint the snares the Jews laid for his blood, and would deliver him from the miseries with which he was encompassed.” 2.109. nay, we are not allowed to offer such things at the altar, excepting what is prepared for the sacrifices. /p 9. What then can we say of Apion, but that he examined nothing that concerned these things, while still he uttered incredible words about them! But it is a great shame for a grammarian not to be able to write true history. 2.112. 10. Nay, this miracle of piety derides us farther, and adds the following pretended facts to his former fable; for he says that this man related how, “while the Jews were once in a long war with the Idumeans, there came a man out of one of the cities of the Idumeans, who there had worshipped Apollo. This man, whose name is said to have been Zabidus, came to the Jews, and promised that he would deliver Apollo, the god of Dora into their hands, and that he would come to our temple, if they would all come up with him, 2.142. Apion was therefore quite blinded in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus; 2.143. which makes me think that Apion is hereby justly punished for his casting such reproaches on the laws of his own country; for he was circumcised himself of necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy member; and when he received no benefit by such circumcision, but his member became putrid, he died in great torment. 2.215. 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216. Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. |
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77. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.50, 2.93-2.98, 2.111, 2.117, 2.175-2.177, 2.181, 2.220, 2.223, 2.293, 2.309, 2.492-2.493, 2.497, 3.307-3.315, 3.522-3.531, 5.45, 5.205, 5.510, 6.237, 6.242, 7.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, roman emperor •tiberius, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 264, 272; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 153, 154, 155, 207, 223, 242 | 2.50. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.93. 3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. 2.94. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. 2.95. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.176. Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal (to do as he had bidden them). 2.177. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace. 2.181. 6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip’s tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, 2.220. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility. 2.223. 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews’ ruin came on; 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.309. 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; 2.492. but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. 2.493. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing. 2.497. till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; 3.307. 32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; 3.308. nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. 3.309. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; 3.310. he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, 3.311. who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. 3.312. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries), 3.313. insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans, 3.314. by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; 3.315. but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time. 3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 5.45. as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his goodwill to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 5.510. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, he went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. 6.237. of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: 6.242. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. 7.218. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time. |
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78. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.302-11.347, 12.7, 12.9, 13.74-13.79, 13.254-13.258, 13.280-13.281, 15.300, 16.401, 17.317-17.321, 17.342, 17.344, 17.355, 18.1-18.2, 18.3.5, 18.26, 18.36, 18.60-18.64, 18.66-18.80, 18.82-18.84, 18.108, 18.159, 18.203, 18.237-18.238, 18.257-18.260, 19.75-19.91, 19.276-19.291, 19.357, 20.100-20.103, 20.131-20.136, 20.145, 20.147 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor •tiberius, emperor, •emperors and egypt, tiberius •philo, on emperor tiberius •tiberius emperor Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 115; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 278, 279; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 37; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 330; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 86; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 264, 267, 268, 272, 282, 283, 286, 287, 289; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 153, 154, 155, 207, 242 | 11.302. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304. 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, 11.305. and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306. 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307. for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, 11.308. although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, 11.309. the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.310. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; 11.311. and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.312. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 11.313. 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutets in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. 11.314. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. 11.315. Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. 11.316. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. 11.317. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319. and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.320. So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses. 11.321. 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323. that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325. but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329. 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.330. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king’s displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; 11.331. for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334. for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335. whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336. And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 11.340. 6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; 11.341. for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 11.342. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; 11.343. to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; 11.344. and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, “It was to the Jews,” said he, “that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.” And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; 11.345. but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 11.346. 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, 11.347. he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time. 12.7. This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt, and settled them there. 12.9. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. 13.74. 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. 13.75. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; 13.76. and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. 13.77. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. 13.78. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. 13.79. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor. 13.254. 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.255. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.256. who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 13.257. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258. and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.280. 3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. 13.281. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. 15.300. for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; 16.401. for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; 17.317. 4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. 17.318. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, 17.319. while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. 17.320. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato’s Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents. 17.321. 5. And so much came to Herod’s sons from their father’s inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Archelaus’s government. 17.342. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. 17.344. o the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.26. 1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Aus, the son of Seth, to be high priest; 18.36. 3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. 18.60. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. 18.61. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; 18.62. who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition. 18.63. 3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. 18.64. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day. 18.66. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68. and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.70. and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: 18.71. She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75. and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76. who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78. When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79. whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; 18.80. while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would. 18.82. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 18.83. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; 18.84. at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men. 18.108. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy. 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 18.203. yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. 18.237. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea. 18.238. 11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. 18.257. 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; 18.258. for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 18.260. but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius’s words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself. 19.75. that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator; 19.76. and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance. 19.77. 12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. 19.78. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: “So much time passed away without effect is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. 19.79. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come.” 19.80. Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, “O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? 19.81. for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? 19.82. Shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? 19.83. As for myself, I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?” 19.84. 13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; 19.85. for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; 19.86. and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. 19.87. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. 19.88. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that were present were astonished at it. 19.89. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. 19.90. Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. 19.91. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of the news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.279. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: 19.280. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286. 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, 19.289. but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. 19.290. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. 19.291. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.” 19.357. for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which were a great number, went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues of this king’s daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses, and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent to be related. 20.100. 2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. 20.101. Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. 20.102. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.103. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Aias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; 20.131. whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. 20.132. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. 20.133. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 20.134. 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. 20.135. But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:— 20.136. whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; 20.147. and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly. |
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| 79. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
80. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 17.6-17.7, 32.70-32.72, 66.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 250 | 17.6. We know, for instance, that inflamed parts of the body do not yield at once to the first fomentation, but that if the treatment is continued, the swelling is softened and relief is given. So in a like manner we must be well content if we are able to assuage the inflammation in the souls of the many by the unceasing use of the word of reason. So I maintain in regard to covetousness too, that all men do know it is neither expedient nor honourable, but the cause of the greatest evils; and that in spite of all this, not one man refrains from it or is willing to have equality of possessions with his neighbour. 17.7. And yet you will find that, although idleness, intemperance and, to express it in general terms, all the other vices without exception are injurious to the very men who practice them; and although those who are addicted to any of them do deservedly, in my opinion, meet with admonishment and condemnation, still you certainly will find that they are not hated or regarded as the common enemies of all mankind. But greed is not only the greatest evil to a man himself, but it injures his neighbours as well. And so no one pities, forsooth, the covetous man or cares to instruct him, but all shun him and regard him as their enemy. 32.70. As evidence I cite the most recent chapters in your history. For instance, when you were still independent, did not your king busy himself with piping and concentrate on that alone; and were you not on hostile terms with him and torn with faction among yourselves, each faction separately and independently working the ruin of the state â Simaristoi and other parties of like names â in consequence of which you forced your king to flee, and later on to obtain his return by means of war, and with the aid of Romans, too? And finally he with his piping and you with your dancing destroyed the state. 32.71. And though you now have such reasonable men as governors, you have brought them to a feeling of suspicion toward themselves, and so they have come to believe that there is need of more careful watchfulness than formerly; and this you have brought about through arrogance and not through plotting. For would you revolt from anybody? Would you wage war a single day? Is it not true that in the disturbance which took place the majority went only as far as jeering in their show of courage, while only a few, after one or two shots with anything at hand, like people drenching passers-by with slops, quickly lay down and began to sing, and some went to fetch garlands, as if on their way to a drinking party at some festival? 32.72. And surely you recall that comical incident â how the excellent Conon treated you when, advancing to the place where your forces were most concentrated and pointing out a little stretch of ground, he declared: "If I can get there myself, I am the victor, and you must depart by yourselves and leave the field; but if you," said he, "can win your way as much as four or five steps, I will take a walk myself." This he said out of a desire to spare you, laughing at you and playing with you as if you were children; since the army had halted and he would not permit a single soldier to lay hands on you, seeing, as he did, that you all were unarmed and faced with destruction. What then? Force was next employed by the headstrong and unruly spirits, who purposely aimed at a complete overthrow and utter chaos, and they did not let you go until you had had a taste of warfare, and what you formerly had dreaded had become a matter of bitter experience. 66.6. Why, because of a golden lamb it came to pass that a mighty house like that of Pelops was overturned, as we learn from the tragic poets. And not only were the children of Thyestes cut in pieces, but Pelopia's father lay with her and begot Aegistheus; and Aegistheus with Clytemnestra's aid slew Agamemnon, "the shepherd of the Achaeans"; and then Clytemnestra's son Orestes slew her, and, having done so, he straightway went mad. One should not disbelieve these things, for they have been recorded by no ordinary men â Euripides and Sophocles â and also are recited in the midst of the theatres. Furthermore, one may behold another house, more affluent than that of Pelops, which has been ruined because of a tongue, and, in sooth, another house which is now in jeopardy. |
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| 81. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 82. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.3.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246 |
| 83. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329 |
| 84. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 262; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45 |
| 85. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 21-23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 143 |
| 86. Suetonius, Domitianus, 7-8, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162 |
| 87. Suetonius, Iulius, 85, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8 |
| 88. Suetonius, Nero, 21.2, 32.3, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206 |
| 89. Suetonius, Otho, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor, signs recorded by suetonius Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162 |
| 90. Suetonius, Tiberius, 6.4, 14.2, 21.3, 21.5, 32.2, 34.2, 37.4, 44.2, 49.2, 50.3, 59.2, 68.2, 70.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97, 158; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 102; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326, 405; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 113; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 67, 68; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 78; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 189; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 43; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 284, 286; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 209 |
| 91. Suetonius, Caligula, 15.2, 16.1, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 37; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 227, 242, 244; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45 |
| 92. Suetonius, Titus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78 |
| 93. Suetonius, Vitellius, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187 |
| 94. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.3-3.1, 3.1, 29.1, 42.3, 43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 183 |
95. Tacitus, Annals, a b c d\n0 2.42 2.42 2 42\n1 2.43 2.43 2 43\n2 2.47 2.47 2 47\n3 4.13 4.13 4 13\n4 1.76 1.76 1 76\n.. ... ... .. ..\n273 1.1.2 1.1.2 1 1 \n274 1.1.3 1.1.3 1 1 \n275 1.72 1.72 1 72\n276 1.2 1.2 1 2 \n277 15.37.3 15.37.3 15 37\n\n[278 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 154, 209, 242| 2.42. Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nec id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur sed angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant. | 2.42. For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality â to say nothing of humiliation â is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. â About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. |
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| 96. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 3.3, 38.2, 39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 221; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 183 |
97. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 1.1.4, 1.2.3, 1.3, 1.4.1, 1.8.1, 1.11.2, 1.18.1-1.18.2, 1.22.1-1.22.2, 1.23.1, 1.24.1, 1.25.2, 1.47, 1.78.2, 1.84.2, 1.86, 2.9.1, 2.53.1, 2.55, 2.62.2, 2.78.2, 2.89, 2.91.2, 2.101, 3.51, 3.51.2, 3.72, 3.74.1-3.74.2, 3.84.4, 4.3, 4.7.1, 4.22.2, 4.53, 4.78.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor, and fatum •tiberius, emperor, astrologer •tiberius (roman emperor) •tiberius (roman emperor), maiestas and •tiberius, emperor •tiberius, emperor, undermines religion •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor, and informers •tiberius, emperor, and signs •tiberius, emperor, signs recorded by suetonius •tiberius emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 148, 162, 166, 175, 185, 187, 204, 209; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 50, 52, 54, 59; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48, 187; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 179, 238; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 264; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 | 1.86. Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes. 2.55. Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all. 2.89. Vitellius, mounted on a handsome horse and wearing a general's cloak and arms, had set out from the Mulvian bridge, driving the senate and people before him; but he was dissuaded by his courtiers from entering Rome as if it were a captured city, and so he changed to a senator's toga, ranged his troops in good order, and made his entry on foot. The eagles of four legions were at the head of the line, while the colours of four other legions were to be seen on either side; then came the standards of twelve troops of cavalry, and after them foot and horse; next marched thirty-four cohorts distinguished by the names of their countries or by their arms. Before the eagles marched the prefects of camp, the tribunes, and the chief centurions, dressed in white; the other centurions, with polished arms and decorations gleaming, marched each with his century. The common soldiers' medals and collars were likewise bright and shining. It was an imposing sight and an army which deserved a better emperor than Vitellius. With this array he mounted the Capitol, where he embraced his mother and bestowed on her the name of Augusta. 3.51. I have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong. 3.72. This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned. 4.3. During these same days Lucilius Bassus was sent with a force of light armed cavalry to restore order in Campania, where the people of the towns were rather at variance with one another than rebellious toward the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order, and the smaller towns escaped punishment. Capua, however, had the Third legion quartered on it for the winter, and its nobler houses were ruined; while the people of Tarracina, on the other hand, received no assistance: so much easier is it to repay injury than to reward kindness, for gratitude is regarded as a burden, revenge as gain. The Tarracines, however, found comfort in the fact that the slave of Verginius Capito, who had betrayed them, was crucified wearing the very rings that he had received from Vitellius. But at Rome the senators voted to Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually given the emperors. They were filled with joy and confident hope, for it seemed to them that civil warfare, which, breaking out in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, had moved to arms first the Germanies, then Illyricum, and which had traversed Egypt, Judea, Syria, and all provinces and armies, was now at an end, as if the expiation of the whole world had been completed: their zeal was increased by a letter from Vespasian, written as if war were still going on. That at least was the impression that it made at first; but in reality Vespasian spoke as an emperor, with humility of himself, magnificently of the state. Nor did the senate fail in homage: it elected Vespasian consul with his son Titus, and bestowed a praetorship with consular power on Domitian. 4.53. The charge of restoring the Capitol was given by Vespasian to Lucius Vestinus, a member of the equestrian order, but one whose influence and reputation put him on an equality with the nobility. The haruspices when assembled by him directed that the ruins of the old shrine should be carried away to the marshes and that a new temple should be erected on exactly the same site as the old: the gods were unwilling to have the old plan changed. On the twenty-first of June, under a cloudless sky, the area that was dedicated to the temple was surrounded with fillets and garlands; soldiers, who had auspicious names, entered the enclosure carrying boughs of good omen; then the Vestals, accompanied by boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were living, sprinkled the area with water drawn from fountains and streams. Next Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, guided by the pontifex Plautius Aelianus, purified the area with the sacrifice of the suovetaurilia, and placed the vitals of the victims on an altar of turf; and then, after he had prayed to Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and to the gods who protect the empire to prosper this undertaking and by their divine assistance to raise again their home which man's piety had begun, he touched the fillets with which the foundation stone was wound and the ropes entwined; at the same time the rest of the magistrates, the priests, senators, knights, and a great part of the people, putting forth their strength together in one enthusiastic and joyful effort, dragged the huge stone to its place. A shower of gold and silver and of virgin ores, never smelted in any furnace, but in their natural state, was thrown everywhere into the foundations: the haruspices had warned against the profanation of the work by the use of stone or gold intended for any other purpose. The temple was given greater height than the old: this was the only change that religious scruples allowed, and the only feature that was thought wanting in the magnificence of the old structure. |
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| 98. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.442 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 99. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 9.5.23, 11.8.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 650; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 223 |
| 100. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 1.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 253 |
| 101. Suetonius, Augustus, 29.4, 31.1, 31.5, 40.3-40.5, 44.1-44.5, 49.3, 68.1, 89.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97, 113; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32, 33; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 104; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 380; Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 43 |
| 102. Suetonius, Galba, 14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 109 |
| 103. Statius, Siluae, 2.1, 2.6, 3.2.101-3.2.126, 3.3, 3.4.55-3.4.56, 5.1, 5.2.29-5.2.30, 5.3, 5.3.119-5.3.120, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •emperors and egypt, tiberius •emperors, tiberius Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 44; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 235, 236 |
| 104. Silius Italicus, Punica, 10.332, 10.349-10.350 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187 |
| 105. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 176-394, 396-403, 395 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 221 |
106. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 64.9-64.10, 71.12, 108.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 239, 240, 241, 253, 254| 99. hoc hoc ministro noster utatur dolor. | |
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| 107. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 3.11.5, 3.20.4, 6.7.1-6.7.2, 6.14.3, 6.15.3, 11.4.1-11.4.3, 11.8.5-11.8.6, 11.15.5, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 221; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232, 234, 235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 245, 254 |
| 108. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 1386-1387, 1389, 1388 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18 |
| 109. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 110 |
| 110. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 1.1, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 45 |
| 111. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 15.4, 20.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 45 |
| 112. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.12.4, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206 |
| 113. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 15.3, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18, 45 |
| 114. Lucian, How To Write History, 13, 2, 38, 7, 9, 61 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 26 |
115. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 242 | 57.17.8. For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others â so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all â and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts. |
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116. Tertullian, Apology, 15.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 283| 15.1. Hercules famelicos inrisos. Sed et histrionum litterae omnem foeditatem eorum desigt. Luget Sol filium de caelo iactatum Iactantibus vobis, et Cybele pastorum suspirat fastidiosum non erubescentibus vobis, et sustinetis Iovis elogia cantari, et Iunonem, Venerem, Minervam a pastore iudicari. | |
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| 117. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 3.47.9, 3.54.2, 3.55.6, 3.61.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107 |
| 118. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.9, 4.6.3, 4.14.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus, nephew of the emperor tiberius •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244, 245 |
| 119. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 118 |
| 120. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 46.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 107 |
121. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.7, 4.28, 8.6.14, 10.100 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor •tiberius emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314 | 3.7. To Caninius Rufus. News has just come that Silius Italicus * has starved himself to death at his villa near Neapolis. Ill-health was the cause assigned. He had an incurable tumour, which made him weary of life and resolved him to face death with a determination that nothing could shake, yet to his last day he was prosperous and happy, save that he lost the younger of his two children. The elder and the better of the two still survives him in prosperous circumstances and of consular rank. During Nero's reign Silius had injured his reputation, for it was thought that he voluntarily informed against people, but he had conducted himself with prudence and courtesy as one of the friends of Vitellius; he had returned from his governorship of Asia covered with glory, and he had succeeded in obliterating the stains on his character, caused by his activity in his young days, by the admirable use he made of his retirement. He ranked among the leading men of the State, though he held no official position and excited no man's envy. People paid their respects to him and courted his society, and, though he spent much of his time on his couch, his room was always full of company who were no mere chance callers, and he passed his days in learned and scholarly conversation, when he was not busy composing. He wrote verses which show abundant pains rather than genius, and sometimes he submitted them to general criticism by having them read in public. At last he retired from the city, prompted thereto by his great age, and settled in Campania, nor did he stir from the spot, even at the accession of the new Emperor. A Caesar deserves great credit for allowing a subject such liberty, and Italicus deserves the same for venturing to avail himself of it. ** He was such a keen virtuoso † that he got the reputation of always itching to buy new things. He owned a number of villas in the same neighbourhood, and used to neglect his old ones through his passion for his recent purchases. In each he had any quantity of books, statues and busts, which he not only kept by him but even treated with a sort of veneration, especially the busts of Virgil, whose birthday he kept up far more scrupulously than he did his own, principally at Naples, where he used to approach the poet's monument as though it were a temple. In these peaceful surroundings he completed his seventy-fifth year, his health being delicate rather than weak, and just as he was the last consul appointed by Nero, so too in him died the sole survivor of all the consuls appointed by that Emperor. It is also a curious fact that, besides his being the last of Nero's consuls, it was in his term of office that Nero perished. When I think of this, I feel a sort of compassion for the frailty of humanity. For what is so circumscribed and so short as even the longest human life? Does it not seem to you as if Nero were alive only the other day? Yet of all those who held the consulship during his reign not one survives at the present moment. But, after all, what is there remarkable in that? Not so long ago Lucius Piso, the father of the Piso who was most shamefully put to death in Africa by Valerius Festus, used to say that he did not see a single soul in the senate of all those whom he had called upon to speak during his consulship. Within such narrow limits are the powers of living of even the mightiest throng confined †† that it seems to me the royal tears are not only excusable but even praiseworthy. For the story goes that when Xerxes cast his eyes over his enormous host, he wept to think of the fate that in such brief space would lay so many thousands low. But that is all the more reason why we should apply all the fleeting, rushing moments at our disposal, if not to great achievements - for these may be destined for other hands than ours - at least to study, and why, as long life is denied us, we should leave behind us some memorial that we have lived. I know that you need no spurring on, yet the affection I have for you prompts me even to spur a willing horse, just as you do with me. Well, it is a noble contention when friends exhort one another to work and sharpen one another's desires to win an immortal name. Farewell. 4.28. To Vibius Severus. Herennius Severus, a man of great learning, is anxious to place in his library portraits of your fellow-townsmen, Cornelius Nepos and Titus Catius, and he asks me to get them copied and painted if there are any such portraits in their native place, as there probably are. I am laying this commission upon you rather than on any one else, first, because you are always kind enough to grant any favour I ask; secondly, because I know your reverence for literary studies and your love of literary men; and, lastly, because you love and reverence your native place, and entertain the same feelings for those who have helped to make its name famous. So I beg you to find as careful a painter as you can, for while it is hard to paint a portrait from an original, it is far more difficult to make a good imitation of an imitation. Moreover, please do not let the painter you choose make any variations from his copy, even though they are for the better. Farewell. |
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122. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 7.17.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 122| 7.17.1. ἐς ἅπαν δὲ ἀσθενείας τότε μάλιστα κατῆλθεν ἡ Ἑλλάς, λυμανθεῖσα κατὰ μέρη καὶ διαπορθηθεῖσα ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ δαίμονος. Ἄργος μέν, ἐς πλεῖστον ἀφικομένην δυνάμεως πόλιν ἐπὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἡρώων, ὁμοῦ τῇ μεταβολῇ τῇ ἐς Δωριέας ἐπέλιπε τὸ ἐκ τῆς τύχης εὐμενές· | 7.17.1. It was at this time that Greece was struck with universal and utter prostration, although parts of it from the beginning had suffered ruin and devastation at the hand of heaven. Argos , a city that reached the zenith of its power in the days of the heroes, as they are called, was deserted by its good fortune at the Dorian revolution. |
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| 123. Anon., Marytrdom of Polycarp, 18.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 542 |
124. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 3.57 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 86 | 3.57. Now, says Thrasylus, the genuine dialogues are fifty-six in all, if the Republic be divided into ten and the Laws into twelve. Favorinus, however, in the second book of his Miscellaneous History declares that nearly the whole of the Republic is to be found in a work of Protagoras entitled Controversies. This gives nine tetralogies, if the Republic takes the place of one single work and the Laws of another. His first tetralogy has a common plan underlying it, for he wishes to describe what the life of the philosopher will be. To each of the works Thrasylus affixes a double title, the one taken from the name of the interlocutor, the other from the subject. |
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| 125. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 2.16.16-2.16.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 31, 32 |
| 126. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 2.63, 4.918, 4.1035-4.1036, 4.1436, 4.1480, 4.2096, 4.2574-4.2577, 4.2684, 4.2896, 4.2915, 4.3310, 5.435, 12.114, 13.36, 13.55, 13.382, 13.426, 13.752, 52.28, 52.32 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 262 |
| 127. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Homilies, 4.6, 4.13, 5.2-5.19, 5.29 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 292, 295 |
| 128. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 2, 16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 249 |
| 129. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.36-1.12.37, 2.7.18-2.7.19, 3.10-3.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106, 113; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 216; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
130. Augustine, The City of God, 5.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 262 | 5.7. Now, will any one bring forward this, that in choosing certain particular days for particular actions, men bring about certain new destinies for their actions? That man, for instance, according to this doctrine, was not born to have an illustrious son, but rather a contemptible one, and therefore, being a man of learning, he choose an hour in which to lie with his wife. He made, therefore, a destiny which he did not have before, and from that destiny of his own making something began to be fatal which was not contained in the destiny of his natal hour. Oh, singular stupidity! A day is chosen on which to marry; and for this reason, I believe, that unless a day be chosen, the marriage may fall on an unlucky day, and turn out an unhappy one. What then becomes of what the stars have already decreed at the hour of birth? Can a man be said to change by an act of choice that which has already been determined for him, while that which he himself has determined in the choosing of a day cannot be changed by another power? Thus, if men alone, and not all things under heaven, are subject to the influence of the stars, why do they choose some days as suitable for planting vines or trees, or for sowing grain, other days as suitable for taming beasts on, or for putting the males to the females, that the cows and mares may be impregnated, and for such-like things? If it be said that certain chosen days have an influence on these things, because the constellations rule over all terrestrial bodies, animate and iimate, according to differences in moments of time, let it be considered what innumerable multitudes of beings are born or arise, or take their origin at the very same instant of time, which come to ends so different, that they may persuade any little boy that these observations about days are ridiculous. For who is so mad as to dare affirm that all trees, all herbs, all beasts, serpents, birds, fishes, worms, have each separately their own moments of birth or commencement? Nevertheless, men are wont, in order to try the skill of the mathematicians, to bring before them the constellations of dumb animals, the constellations of whose birth they diligently observe at home with a view to this discovery; and they prefer those mathematicians to all others, who say from the inspection of the constellations that they indicate the birth of a beast and not of a man. They also dare tell what kind of beast it is, whether it is a wool-bearing beast, or a beast suited for carrying burthens, or one fit for the plough, or for watching a house; for the astrologers are also tried with respect to the fates of dogs, and their answers concerning these are followed by shouts of admiration on the part of those who consult them. They so deceive men as to make them think that during the birth of a man the births of all other beings are suspended, so that not even a fly comes to life at the same time that he is being born, under the same region of the heavens. And if this be admitted with respect to the fly, the reasoning cannot stop there, but must ascend from flies till it lead them up to camels and elephants. Nor are they willing to attend to this, that when a day has been chosen whereon to sow a field, so many grains fall into the ground simultaneously, germinate simultaneously, spring up, come to perfection, and ripen simultaneously; and yet, of all the ears which are coeval, and, so to speak, congerminal, some are destroyed by mildew, some are devoured by the birds, and some are pulled by men. How can they say that all these had their different constellations, which they see coming to so different ends? Will they confess that it is folly to choose days for such things, and to affirm that they do not come within the sphere of the celestial decree, while they subject men alone to the stars, on whom alone in the world God has bestowed free wills? All these things being considered, we have good reason to believe that, when the astrologers give very many wonderful answers, it is to be attributed to the occult inspiration of spirits not of the best kind, whose care it is to insinuate into the minds of men, and to confirm in them, those false and noxious opinions concerning the fatal influence of the stars, and not to their marking and inspecting of horoscopes, according to some kind of art which in reality has no existence. |
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| 131. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus, nephew of the emperor tiberius Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353 |
| 132. Augustine, Contra Academicos, 1.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 262 |
| 133. Symmachus, Relationes, 1.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 |
| 134. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 4.10.1, 4.16.5, 5.19.7, 5.19.12-5.19.13, 6.1.3, 6.20.4, 6.20.9, 7.7.11, 7.8.2, 7.9.7, 7.10.4, 7.11.1, 7.12.3, 7.13.2, 7.14.2, 7.15.5, 7.17.5, 7.19.2, 7.19.4, 7.20.2, 7.21.5, 7.22.2-7.22.3, 7.27.1, 7.34.5, 7.35.2, 7.35.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95, 189 |
| 135. Ambrose, Jacob And The Happy Life, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 25 |
| 136. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 7.1-7.2, 9.3, 19.6, 22.2, 26.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 110; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 81 |
| 137. Justinian, Digest, 27.1.6.14 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417 |
| 138. Stobaeus, Anthology, 4.34.72 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 86 |
| 139. Cassiodorus, Variarum Libri Xii, 1.27, 10.26 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius constantine, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 105, 115; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 249 |
| 140. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, 1.20 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tiberius ii, emperor Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 141. Epigraphy, Igls, 4.1346 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 235 |
| 142. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 3.11 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 |
| 143. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.13.91 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 45 |
| 144. Papyri, P.Oxy., 79.5202, 1380.85 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 289; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 542 |
| 145. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 286 |
| 146. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366 |
| 148. Arch., Att., 2.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187 |
| 149. Pseudo-Tibullus, Carmina Tibulliana [Sp.], 1.3.23-1.3.24 Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, tiberius Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36 |
| 151. Suetonius Paulinus, Commentarii, 5 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor, signs recorded by suetonius Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 162 |
| 156. Sulpicius Victor, Institutiones Oratoriae, 315.8 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 91 |
| 157. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 63 |
| 159. Plin., Ep., 4.2, 4.7 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 236, 237 |
| 160. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107 |
| 162. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Copa, 16 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 18 |
| 163. Philo Maior, Fragments, 104, 191 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 190 |
| 164. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 9.248 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106 |
| 165. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 230 |
| 166. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 2.5.1, 2.12, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 3.2, 4.20.1, 4.21.1, 4.25, 4.26.1, 4.32, 5.44.2, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37 |
| 167. Epigraphy, I.Corinth, 8.1.14, 8.1.19 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 121 |
| 168. Cedrenus, Synopsis Historion, 1999.1742, 2000.1195 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 230, 235 |
| 169. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, 145-146, 62-63 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 127 |
| 170. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 28, 37, 39 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353 |
| 171. Various, Anthologia Latina, 7.465, 9.730 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 483 |
| 172. Papyri, Cpj, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 264, 267, 274, 286 |
| 173. Epigraphy, Ae, 1972.174 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 82 |
| 174. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8 |
| 175. Epigraphy, Didyma, 163, 233 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 221 |
| 176. Sha, Geta, 7 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244, 245 |
| 177. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 4101 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 352 |
| 178. Epigraphy, I.Napoli, 56, 60, 57 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 121 |
| 179. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3157 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 122 |
180. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.1, 2.3.5, 2.5.11-2.5.12, 3.3.8, 4.6.9, 4.192, 5.4.7, 6.4.1-6.4.2, 7.1.5, 11.2.19, 11.9.3, 11.14.9, 12.1.4, 12.3.19, 12.3.30, 12.3.37, 12.3.39-12.3.40, 12.5.4, 12.6.3, 12.8.18, 13.2.3, 13.4.8, 14.5.6, 15.1.4, 16.2.24, 17.1.53-17.1.54, 17.3.24-17.3.25 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius emperor •tiberius, roman emperor •philo, on emperor tiberius Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 179; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320, 405; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 7, 109, 250; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 168, 207 | 1.1.1. IF the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper avocation of the philosopher, Geography, the science of which we propose to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place; and this is evident from many considerations. They who first ventured to handle the matter were distinguished men. Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecataeus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these Erastosthenes, Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers. Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things, and these attainments constitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast importance in regard to social life, and the art of government, Geography unfolds to us the celestial phenomena, acquaints us with the occupants of the land and ocean, and the vegetation, fruits, and peculiarities of the various quarters of the earth, a knowledge of which marks him who cultivates it as a man earnest in the great problem of life and happiness. 2.3.5. Thus far, says Posidonius, I have followed the history of Eudoxus. What happened afterwards is probably known to the people of Gades and Iberia; but, says he, all these things only demonstrate more clearly the fact, that the inhabited earth is entirely surrounded by the ocean. By no continent fettered in, But boundless in its flow, and free from soil. Posidonius is certainly a most strange writer; he considers that the voyage of the Magus, related by Heraclides, wants sufficient evidence, and also the account given by Herodotus of those sent out [to explore] by Darius. But this Bergaean nonsense, either the coinage of his own brain, or of some other story-teller, in whom he trusts, he pretends to be worthy of our belief. But in the first place, what is there credible in this tale of the Indian missing his way? The Arabian Gulf, which resembles a river, is narrow, and in length is from 5000 to 10,000 stadia up to its mouth, where it is narrowest of all. It is not likely that the Indians in their voyage out would have entered this Gulf by mistake. The extreme narrowness of the mouth must have warned them of their error. And if they entered it voluntarily, then there was no excuse for introducing the pretext of mistake and uncertain winds. And how did they suffer all of themselves but one to perish through hunger? And how was it that this surviver was able to manage the ship, which could not have been a small one either, fitted as it was for traversing such vast seas? What must have been his aptitude in learning the language of the country, and thus being able to persuade the king of his competence, as leader of the expedition? And how came it that Euergetes was in want of such guides, so many being already acquainted with this sea? How was it that he who was sent by the inhabitants of Cyzicus to carry libations and sacrifices, should forsake his city and sail for India? How was it that so great an affair was intrusted to him? And how came it that on his return, after being deprived of every thing contrary to expectation, and disgraced, a yet larger cargo of goods was intrusted to him? And when he had again returned into Ethiopia, what cause induced him to write down the words, or to inquire whence came the portion of the prow of the boat? For to learn that it was a ship of some sailing from the west, would have been no information to him, as he himself would have to sail from the west on his voyage back. When, on his return to Alexandria, he was detected in having appropriated to himself much of the merchandise, how came it that he was not punished, but allowed to go about interrogating the pilots, and exhibiting his bit of prow? And that one of these fellows actually recognised the relic, is it not delicious! Eudoxus too believed it, this is still richer; and inspired by the hope, hastens home, and then starts on a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules! But he could never have left Alexandria without a passport, still less after having stolen the royal property. To set sail on the sly was impossible, as the port and every other exit was kept by a numerous guard, which still exists, as we very well know who have lived in Alexandria for a long time, although it is not so strict since the Romans have had possession, but under the kings the guards were infinitely more alert. But allowing that he reached Gades, that he there constructed ships, and sailed thence with quite a royal fleet, when his vessel was shattered, by what means was he able to construct a third boat in a desert land? And when, being again on his voyage, he found that the Ethiopians of the West spoke the same language as those of the East, how came it that he, so proud of his travelling propensities, forgot the completion of his voyage, when he must have had so good an expectation that there was but little now left unexplored, but relinquishing these prospects, set his mind on the expedition being undertaken by Bogus? How did he become acquainted with the snare spread for him by that king? And what advantage would have accrued to Bogus by making away with the man, rather than by dismissing him? When Eudoxus learned the plot against himself, what means had he to escape to safer quarters? It is true that not one of these situations was actually impossible, but still they were difficult circumstances, such as one rarely escapes from by any prosperous fortune. However, he always came off with good luck, notwithstanding he was never out of danger. Besides this, how did it happen, that having escaped from Bogus, he was not afraid to sail round Africa a second time, with all the requisites for taking up his abode on the island? All this too closely resembles the falsehoods of Pytheas, Euhemerus, and Antiphanes. They however may be pardoned; for their only aim was that of the juggler. But who can forgive a demonstrator and philosopher, and one too striving to be at the head of their order? it is really too bad! 2.5.11. In what follows we shall suppose the chart drawn on a plane-surface; and our descriptions shall consist of what we ourselves have observed in our travels by land and sea, and of what we conceive to be credible in the statements and writings of others. For ourselves, in a westerly direction we have travelled from Armenia to that part of Tyrrhenia which is over against Sardinia; and southward, from the Euxine to the frontiers of Ethiopia. of all the writers on Geography, not one can be mentioned who has travelled over a wider extent of the countries described than we have. Some may have gone farther to the west, but then they have never been so far east as we have; again, others may have been farther east, but not so far west; and the same with respect to north and south. However, in the main, both we and they have availed ourselves of the reports of others, from which to describe the form, the size, and the other peculiarities of the country, what they are and how many, in the same way that the mind forms its conceptions from the information of the senses. The figure, colour, and size of an apple, its scent, feel to the touch, and its flavour, are particulars communicated by the senses, from which the mind forms its conception of an apple. So in large figures, the senses observe the various parts, while the mind combines into one conception what is thus seen. And in like manner, men eager after knowledge, trusting to those who have been to various places, and to [the descriptions of] travellers in this or that country, gather into one sketch a view of the whole habitable earth. In the same way, the generals perform every thing, nevertheless, they are not present every where, but most of their success depends on others, since they are obliged to trust to messengers, and issue their commands in accordance with the reports of others. To pretend that those only can know who have themselves seen, is to deprive hearing of all confidence, which, after all, is a better servant of knowledge than sight itself. 2.5.12. Writers of the present day can describe with more certainty [than formerly] the Britons, the Germans, and the dwellers on either side of the Danube, the Getae, the Tyrigetae, the Bastarnae, the tribes dwelling by the Caucasus, such as the Albanians and Iberians. We are besides possessed of a description of Hyrcania and Bactriana in the Histories of Parthia written by such men as Apollodorus of Artemita, who leave detailed the boundaries [of those countries] with greater accuracy than other geographers. The entrance of a Roman army into Arabia Felix under the command of my friend and companion Aelius Gallus, and the traffic of the Alexandrian merchants whose vessels pass up the Nile and Arabian Gulf to India, have rendered us much better acquainted with these countries than our predecessors were. I was with Gallus at the time he was prefect of Egypt, and accompanied him as far as Syene and the frontiers of Ethiopia, and I found that about one hundred and twenty ships sail from Myos-hormos to India, although, in the time of the Ptolemies, scarcely any one would venture on this voyage and the commerce with the Indies. 3.3.8. The rough and savage manners of these people is not alone owing to their wars, but likewise to their isolated position, it being a long distance to reach them, whether by sea or land. Thus the difficulty of communication has deprived them both of generosity of manners and of courtesy. At the present time, however, they suffer less from this both on account of their being at peace and the intermixture of Romans. Wherever these [influences] are not so much experienced people are harsher and more savage. It is probable that this ruggedness of character is increased by the barrenness of the mountains and some of the places which they inhabit. At the present day, as I have remarked, all warfare is put an end to, Augustus Caesar having subdued the Cantabrians and the neighbouring nations, amongst whom the system of pillage was mainly carried on in our day. So that at the present time, instead of plundering the allies of the Romans, the Coniaci and those who dwell by the sources of the Ebro, with the exception of the Tuisi, bear arms for the Romans. Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus Caesar, carried out his intention of placing a military force of three legions in these parts, by which means he has not only preserved peace, but introduced amongst some of them a civil polity. 4.6.9. After these come certain of the Norici, and the Carni, who inhabit the country about the Adriatic Gulf and Aquileia. The Taurisci belong to the Norici. Tiberius and his brother Drusus in one summer put a stop to their lawless incursions, so that now for three and thirty years they have lived quietly and paid their tribute regularly. Throughout the whole region of the Alps there are hilly districts capable of excellent cultivation, and well situated valleys; but the greater part, especially the summits of the mountains inhabited by the robbers, are barren and unfruitful, both on account of the frost and the ruggedness of the land. On account of the want of food and other necessaries the mountaineers have sometimes been obliged to spare the inhabitants of the plains, that they might have some people to supply them; for these they have given them in exchange, resin, pitch, torches, wax, cheese, and honey, of which they have plenty. In the Mount Apennine which lies above the Carni there is a lake which runs out into the Isar, which river, after receiving another river, the Aude, discharges itself into the Adriatic. From this lake there is also another river, the Atesinus, which flows into the Danube. The Danube itself rises in the mountains which are split into many branches and numerous summits. For from Liguria to here the summits of the Alps stretch along continuously, presenting the appearance of one mountain; but after this they rise and fall in turns, forming numerous ridges and peaks. The first of these is beyond the Rhine and the lake inclining towards the east, its ridge moderately elevated; here are the sources of the Danube near to the Suevi and the forest of Hercynia. The other branches extend towards Illyria and the Adriatic, such are the Mount Apennine, already mentioned, Tullum and Phligadia, the mountains lying above the Vindelici from whence proceed the Duras, the Clanis, and many other rivers which discharge themselves like torrents into the current of the Danube. 5.4.7. After Dicaearchia is Neapolis, a city of the Cumaeans. At a later time it was re-colonised by Chalcidians, and also by some Pithecussaeans and Athenians, and hence, for this reason, was called Neapolis. A monument of Parthenope, one of the Sirens, is pointed out in Neapolis, and in accordance with an oracle a gymnastic contest is celebrated there. But at a still later time, as the result of a dissension, they admitted some of the Campani as fellow-inhabitants, and thus they were forced to treat their worst enemies as their best friends, now that they had alienated their proper friends. This is disclosed by the names of their demarchs, for the earliest names are Greek only, whereas the later are Greek mixed with Campanian. And very many traces of Greek culture are preserved there — gymnasia, ephebeia, phratriae, and Greek names of things, although the people are Romans. And at the present time a sacred contest is celebrated among them every four years, in music as well as gymnastics; it lasts for several days, and vies with the pmost famous of those celebrated in Greece. Here, too, there is a tunnel — the mountain between Dicaearchia and Neapolis having been tunneled like the one leading to Cumae, and a road having been opened up for a distance of many stadia that is wide enough to allow teams going in opposite directions to pass each other. And windows have been cut out at many places, and thus the light of day is brought down from the surface of the mountain along shafts that are of considerable depth. Furthermore, Neapolis has springs of hot water and bathing-establishments that are not inferior to those at Baiae, although it is far short of Baiae in the number of people, for at Baiae, where palace on palace has been built, one after another, a new city has arisen, not inferior to Dicaearchia. And greater vogue is given to the Greek mode of life at Neapolis by the people who withdraw thither from Rome for the sake of rest — I mean the class who have made their livelihood by training the young, or still others who, because of old age or infirmity, long to live in relaxation; and some of the Romans, too, taking delight in this way of living and observing the great number of men of the same culture as themselves sojourning there, gladly fall in love with the place and make it their permanent abode. 6.4.1. Such, indeed, is the size and such the character of Italy. And while I have already mentioned many things which have caused the Romans at the present time to be exalted to so great a height, I shall now indicate the most important things. One is, that, like an island, Italy is securely guarded by the seas on all sides, except in a few regions, and even these are fortified by mountains that are hardly passable. A second is that along most of its coast it is harborless and that the harbors it does have are large and admirable. The former is useful in meeting attacks from the outside, while the latter is helpful in making counter-attacks and in promoting an abundant commerce. A third is that it is characterized by many differences of air and temperature, on which depend the greater variation, whether for better or for worse, in animals, plants, and, in short, everything that is useful for the support of life. Its length extends from north to south, generally speaking, and Sicily counts as an addition to its length, already so great. Now mild temperature and harsh temperature of the air are judged by heat, cold, and their intermediates; and so from this it necessarily follows that what is now Italy, situated as it is between the two extremes and extending to such a length, shares very largely in the temperate zone and in a very large number of ways. And the following is still another advantage which has fallen to the lot of Italy; since the Apennine Mountains extend through the whole of its length and leave on both sides plains and hills which bear fine fruits, there is no part of it which does not enjoy the blessings of both mountain and plain. And add also to this the size and number of its rivers and its lakes, and, besides these, the fountains of water, both hot and cold, which in many places nature has provided as an aid to health, and then again its good supply of mines of all sorts. Neither can one worthily describe Italy's abundant supply of fuel, and of food both for men and beast, and the excellence of its fruits. Further, since it lies intermediate between the largest races on the one hand, and Greece and the best parts of Libya on the other, it not only is naturally well-suited to hegemony, because it surpasses the countries that surround it both in the valor of its people and in size, but also can easily avail itself of their services, because it is close to them. 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.1.5. The Hercynian Forest is not only rather dense, but also has large trees, and comprises a large circuit within regions that are fortified by nature; in the center of it, however, lies a country (of which I have already spoken) that is capable of affording an excellent livelihood. And near it are the sources of both the Ister and the Rhenus, as also the lake between the two sources, and the marshes into which the Rhenus spreads. The perimeter of the lake is more than three hundred stadia, while the passage across it is nearly two hundred. There is also an island in it which Tiberius used as a base of operations in his naval battle with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Ister, as is also the Hercynian Forest, so that necessarily, in going from Celtica to the Hercynian Forest, one first crosses the lake and then the Ister, and from there on advances through more passable regions — plateaus — to the forest. Tiberius had proceeded only a day's journey from the lake when he saw the sources of the Ister. The country of the Rhaeti adjoins the lake for only a short distance, whereas that of the Helvetii and the Vindelici, and also the desert of the Boii, adjoin the greater part of it. All the peoples as far as the Pannonii, but more especially the Helvetii and the Vindelici, inhabit plateaus. But the countries of the Rhaeti and the Norici extend as far as the passes over the Alps and verge toward Italy, a part thereof bordering on the country of the Insubri and a part on that of the Carni and the legions about Aquileia. And there is also another large forest, Gabreta; it is on this side of the territory of the Suevi, whereas the Hercynian Forest, which is also held by them, is on the far side. 11.2.19. Among the tribes which come together at Dioscurias are the Phtheirophagi, who have received their name from their squalor and their filthiness. Near them are the Soanes, who are no less filthy, but superior to them in power, — indeed, one might almost say that they are foremost in courage and power. At any rate, they are masters of the peoples around them, and hold possession of the heights of the Caucasus above Dioscurias. They have a king and a council of three hundred men; and they assemble, according to report, an army of two hundred thousand; for the whole of the people are a fighting force, though unorganized. It is said that in their country gold is carried down by the mountain torrents, and that the barbarians obtain it by means of perforated troughs and fleecy skins, and that this is the origin of the myth of the golden fleece — unless they call them Iberians, by the same name as the western Iberians, from the gold mines in both countries. The Soanes use remarkable poisons for the points of their missiles; and even people who are not wounded by the poisoned missiles suffer from their odor. Now in general the tribes in the neighborhood of the Caucasus occupy barren and cramped territories, but the tribes of the Albanians and the Iberians, which occupy nearly all the isthmus above-mentioned, might also be called Caucasian tribes; and they possess territory that is fertile and capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood. 11.9.3. They say that the Aparnian Daae were emigrants from the Daae above Lake Maeotis, who are called Xandii or Parii. But the view is not altogether accepted that the Daae are a part of the Scythians who live about Maeotis. At any rate, some say that Arsaces derives his origin from the Scythians, whereas others say that he was a Bactrian, and that when in flight from the enlarged power of Diodotus and his followers he caused Parthia to revolt. But since I have said much about the Parthian usages in the sixth book of my Historical Sketches and in the second book of my History of events after Polybius, I shall omit discussion of that subject here, lest I may seem to be repeating what I have already said, though I shall mention this alone, that the Council of the Parthians, according to Poseidonius, consists of two groups, one that of kinsmen, and the other that of wise men and Magi, from both of which groups the kings were appointed. 11.14.9. There are gold mines in Syspiritis near Caballa, to which Menon was sent by Alexander with soldiers, and he was led up to them by the natives. There are also other mines, in particular those of sandyx, as it is called, which is also called Armenian color, like chalce The country is so very good for horse-pasturing, not even inferior to Media, that the Nesaean horses, which were used by the Persian kings, are also bred there. The satrap of Armenia used to send to the Persian king twenty thousand foals every year at the time of the Mithracina. Artavasdes, at the time when he invaded Media with Antony, showed him, apart from the rest of the cavalry, six thousand horses drawn up in battle array in full armour. Not only the Medes and the Armenians pride themselves upon this kind of cavalry, but also the Albanians, for they too use horses in full armour. 12.1.4. Cappadocia was divided into two satrapies by the Persians at the time when it was taken over by the Macedonians; the Macedonians willingly allowed one part of the country, but unwillingly the other, to change to kingdoms instead of satrapies; and one of these kingdoms they named Cappadocia Proper and Cappadocia near Taurus, and even Greater Cappadocia, and the other they named Pontus, though others named it Cappadocia Pontica. As for Greater Cappadocia, we at present do not yet know its administrative divisions, for after the death of king Archelaus, Caesar and the senate decreed that it was a Roman province. But when, in the reign of Archelaus and of the kings who preceded him, the country was divided into ten prefectures, those near the Taurus were reckoned as five in number, I mean Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsauritis; and Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, and Morimene as the remaining five. The Romans later assigned to the predecessors of Archelaus an eleventh prefecture, taken from Cilicia, I mean the country round Castabala and Cybistra, extending to Derbe, which last had belonged to Antipater the pirate; and to Archelaus they further assigned the part of Cilicia Tracheia round Elaeussa, and also all the country that had organized the business of piracy. 12.3.19. The Chaldaei of today were in ancient times named Chalybes; and it is just opposite their territory that Pharnacia is situated, which, on the sea, has the natural advantages of pelamydes-fishing (for it is here that this fish is first caught) and, on the land, has the mines, only iron-mines at the present time, though in earlier times it also had silver-mines. Upon the whole, the seaboard in this region is extremely narrow, for the mountains, full of mines and forests, are situated directly above it, and not much of it is tilled. But there remains for the miners their livelihood from the mines, and for those who busy themselves on the sea their livelihood from their fishing, and especially from their catches of pelamydes and dolphins; for the dolphins pursue the schools of fish — the cordyle and the tunny-fish and the pelamydes themselves; and they not only grow fat on them, but also become easy to catch because they are rather eager to approach the land. These are the only people who cut up the dolphins, which are caught with bait, and use their abundance of fat for all purposes. 12.3.30. Sidene and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. And above these lies Phanaroea, which has the best portion of Pontus, for it is planted with olive trees, abounds in wine, and has all the other goodly attributes a country can have. On its eastern side it is protected by the Paryadres Mountain, in its length lying parallel to that mountain; and on its western side by the Lithrus and Ophlimus Mountains. It forms a valley of considerable breadth as well as length; and it is traversed by the Lycus River, which flows from Armenia, and by the Iris, which flows from the narrow passes near Amaseia. The two rivers meet at about the middle of the valley; and at their junction is situated a city which the first man who subjugated it called Eupatoria after his own name, but Pompey found it only half-finished and added to it territory and settlers, and called it Magnopolis. Now this city is situated in the middle of the plain, but Cabeira is situated close to the very foothills of the Paryadres Mountains about one hundred and fifty stadia farther south than Magnopolis, the same distance that Amaseia is farther west than Magnopolis. It was at Cabeira that the palace of Mithridates was built, and also the water-mill; and here were the zoological gardens, and, near by, the hunting grounds, and the mines. 12.3.37. The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the sanctuary of Anaitis, who is also revered by the Armenians. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the sanctuary. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains — I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus. 12.3.39. My city is situated in a large deep valley, through which flows the Iris River. Both by human foresight and by nature it is an admirably devised city, since it can at the same time afford the advantage of both a city and a fortress; for it is a high and precipitous rock, which descends abruptly to the river, and has on one side the wall on the edge of the river where the city is settled and on the other the wall that runs up on either side to the peaks. These peaks are two in number, are united with one another by nature, and are magnificently towered. Within this circuit are both the palaces and monuments of the kings. The peaks are connected by a neck which is altogether narrow, and is five or six stadia in height on either side as one goes up from the riverbanks and the suburbs; and from the neck to the peaks there remains another ascent of one stadium, which is sharp and superior to any kind of force. The rock also has reservoirs of water inside it, A water-supply of which the city cannot be deprived, since two tube-like channels have been hewn out, one towards the river and the other towards the neck. And two bridges have been built over the river, one from the city to the suburbs and the other from the suburbs to the outside territory; for it is at this bridge that the mountain which lies above the rock terminates. And there is a valley extending from the river which at first is not altogether wide, but it later widens out and forms the plain called Chiliocomum; and then comes the Diacopene and Pimolisene country, all of which is fertile, extending to the Halys River. These are the northern parts of the country of the Amaseians, and are about five hundred stadia in length. Then in order comes the remainder of their country, which is much longer than this, extending to Babanomus and Ximene, which latter itself extends as far as the Halys River. This, then, is the length of their country, whereas the breadth from the north to the south extends, not only to Zelitis, but also to Greater Cappadocia, as far as the Trocmi. In Ximene there are halae of rock-salt, after which the river is supposed to have been called Halys. There are several demolished strongholds in my country, and also much deserted land, because of the Mithridatic War. However, it is all well supplied with trees; a part of it affords pasturage for horses and is adapted to the raising of the other animals; and the whole of it is beautifully adapted to habitation. Amaseia was also given to kings, though it is now a province. 12.3.40. There remains that part of the Pontic province which lies outside the Halys River, I mean the country round Mt. Olgassys, contiguous to Sinopis. Mt. Olgassys is extremely high and hard to travel. And sanctuaries that have been established everywhere on this mountain are held by the Paphlagonians. And round it lies fairly good territory, both Blaene and Domanitis, through which latter flows the Amnias River. Here Mithridates Eupator utterly wiped out the forces of Nicomedes the Bithynian — not in person, however, since it happened that he was not even present, but through his generals. And while Nicomedes, fleeing with a few others, safely escaped to his home-land and from there sailed to Italy, Mithridates followed him and not only took Bithynia at the first assault but also took possession of Asia as far as Caria and Lycia. And here, too, a place was proclaimed a city, I mean Pompeiupolis and in this city is Mt. Sandaracurgium, not far away from Pimolisa, a royal fortress now in ruins, after which the country on either side of the river is called Pimolisene. Mt. Sandaracurgium is hollowed out in consequence of the mining done there, since the workmen have excavated great cavities beneath it. The mine used to be worked by publicans, who used as miners the slaves sold in the market because of their crimes; for, in addition to the painfulness of the work, they say that the air in the mines is both deadly and hard to endure on account of the grievous odor of the ore, so that the workmen are doomed to a quick death. What is more, the mine is often left idle because of the unprofitableness of it, since the workmen are not only more than two hundred in number, but are continually spent by disease and death. So much be said concerning Pontus. 12.5.4. After Galatia towards the south are situated Lake Tatta, which lies alongside Greater Cappadocia near Morimene but is a part of Greater Phrygia, and the country continuous with this lake and extending as far as the Taurus, most of which was held by Amyntas. Now lake Tatta is a natural salt-pan; and the water so easily congeals round everything that is immersed in it, that when people let down into it rings made of rope they draw up wreaths of salt, and that, on account of the congealing of the salt, the birds which touch the water with their wings fall on the spot and are thus caught. 12.6.3. On the side of Isaurice lies Derbe, which lies closer to Cappadocia than to any other country and was the royal seat of the tyrant Antipater Derbetes. He also possessed Laranda. But in my time Derbe and also the two Isauras have been held by Amyntas, who attacked and killed Derbetes, although he received Isaura from the Romans. And, indeed, after destroying the Old Isaura, he built for himself a royal residence there. And though he was building a new wall in the same place, he did not live to complete it, but was killed by the Cilicians, when he was invading the country of the Homonadeis and was captured by ambuscade. 12.8.18. Phrygia Catacecaumene, which is occupied by Lydians and Mysians, received its appellation for some such reason as follows: In Philadelphia, the city near it, not even the walls are safe, but in a sense are shaken and caused to crack every day. And the inhabitants are continually attentive to the disturbances in the earth and plan all structures with a view to their occurrence. And, among the other cities, Apameia was often shaken by earthquakes before the expedition of King Mithridates, who, when he went over to that country and saw that the city was in ruins, gave a hundred talents for its restoration; and it is said that the same thing took place in the time of Alexander. And this, in all probability, is why Poseidon is worshipped in their country, even though it is in the interior, and why the city was called Celaenae, that is, after Celaenus, the son of Poseidon by Celaeno, one of the daughters of Danaus, or else because of the blackness of the stone, which resulted from the burn-outs. And the story of Mt. Sipylus and its ruin should not be put down as mythical, for in our own times Magnesia, which lies at the foot of it, was laid low by earthquakes, at the time when not only Sardeis, but also the most famous of the other cities, were in many places seriously damaged. But the emperor restored them by contributing money; just as his father in earlier times, when the inhabitants of Tralleis suffered their misfortune (when the gymnasium and other parts of the city collapsed), restored their city, as he also restored the city of the Laodiceians. 13.2.3. Mitylene has produced famous men: in early times, Pittacus, one of the Seven Wise Men; and the poet Alcaeus, and his brother Antimenidas, who, according to Alcaeus, won a great struggle when fighting on the side of the Babylonians, and rescued them from their toils by killing a warrior, the royal wrestler (as he says), who was but one short of five cubits in height. And along with these flourished also Sappho, a marvellous woman; for in all the time of which we have record I do not know of the appearance of any woman who could rival Sappho, even in a slight degree, in the matter of poetry. The city was in those times ruled over by several tyrants because of the dissensions among the inhabitants; and these dissensions are the subject of the Stasiotic poems, as they are called, of Alcaeus. And also Pittacus was one of the tyrants. Now Alcaeus would rail alike at both Pittacus and the rest, Myrsilus and Melanchrus and the Cleanactidae and certain others, though even he himself was not innocent of revolutionary attempts; but even Pittacus himself used monarchy for the overthrow of the oligarchs, and then, after overthrowing them, restored to the city its independence. Diophanes the rhetorician was born much later; but Potamon, Lesbocles, Crinagoras, and Theophanes the historian in my time. Theophanes was also a statesman; and he became a friend to Pompey the Great, mostly through his very ability, and helped him to succeed in all his achievements; whence he not only adorned his native land, partly through Pompey and partly through himself, but also rendered himself the most illustrious of all the Greeks. He left a son, Marcus Pompey, whom Augustus Caesar once set up as Procurator of Asia, and who is now counted among the first of the friends of Tiberius. The Athenians were in danger of suffering an irreparable disgrace when they voted that all Mitylenaeans from youth upwards should be slain, but they changed their minds and their counter-decree reached the generals only one day before the order was to be executed. 13.4.8. Callisthenes says that Sardeis was captured first by the Cimmerians, and then by the Treres and the Lycians, as is set forth by Callinus the elegiac poet, and lastly in the time of Cyrus and Croesus. But when Callinus says that the incursion of the Cimmerians was against the Esioneis, at the time of which Sardeis was captured, the Scepsian and his followers surmise that the Asioneis were by Callinus called the Esioneis, in the Ionic dialect; for perhaps Meionia, he says, was called Asia, and accordingly Homer likewise says,on the Asian mead about the streams of the Cayster. The city was later restored in a notable way because of the fertility of its territory, and was inferior to none of its neighbors, though recently it has lost many of its buildings through earthquakes. However, the forethought of Tiberius, our present ruler, has, by his beneficence, restored not only this city but many others — I mean all the cities that shared in the same misfortune at about the same time. 14.5.6. Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaus settled, making it a royal residence, after he had received the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia — the same way in which it was obtained formerly by Amyntas and still earlier by Cleopatra; for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea — by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses — with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaus received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundary of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa. 15.1.4. Very few of the merchants who now sail from Egypt by the Nile and the Arabian Gulf to India have proceeded as far as the Ganges; and, being ignorant persons, were not qualified to give an account of places they have visited. From one place in India, and from one king, namely, Pandion, or, according to others, Porus, presents and embassies were sent to Augustus Caesar. With the ambassadors came the Indian Gymnosophist, who committed himself to the flames at Athens, like Calanus, who exhibited the same spectacle in the presence of Alexander. 16.2.24. The Sidonians are said by historians to excel in various kinds of art, as the words of Homer also imply. Besides, they cultivate science and study astronomy and arithmetic, to which they were led by the application of numbers (in accounts) and night sailing, each of which (branches of knowledge) concerns the merchant and seaman; in the same manner the Egyptians were led to the invention of geometry by the mensuration of ground, which was required in consequence of the Nile confounding, by its overflow, the respective boundaries of the country. It is thought that geometry was introduced into Greece from Egypt, and astronomy and arithmetic from Phoenicia. At present the best opportunities are afforded in these cities of acquiring a knowledge of these, and of all other branches of philosophy.If we are to believe Poseidonius, the ancient opinion about atoms originated with Mochus, a native of Sidon, who lived before the Trojan times. Let us, however, dismiss subjects relating to antiquity. In my time there were distinguished philosophers, natives of Sidon, as Boethus, with whom I studied the philosophy of Aristotle, and Diodotus his brother. Antipater was of Tyre, and a little before my time Apollonius, who published a table of the philosophers of the school of Zeno, and of their writings.Tyre is distant from Sidon not more than 200 stadia. Between the two is situated a small town, called Ornithopolis, (the city of birds); next a river which empties itself near Tyre into the sea. Next after Tyre is Palae-tyrus (ancient Tyre), at the distance of 30 stadia. 17.1.53. Egypt was from the first disposed to peace, from having resources within itself, and because it was difficult of access to strangers. It was also protected on the north by a harbourless coast and the Egyptian Sea; on the east and west by the desert mountains of Libya and Arabia, as I have said before. The remaining parts towards the south are occupied by Troglodytae, Blemmyes, Nubae, and Megabari, Ethiopians above Syene. These are nomads, and not numerous nor warlike, but accounted so by the ancients, because frequently, like robbers, they attacked defenceless persons. Neither are the Ethiopians, who extend towards the south and Meroe, numerous nor collected in a body; for they inhabit a long, narrow, and winding tract of land on the riverside, such as we have before described; nor are they well prepared either for war or the pursuit of any other mode of life.At present the whole country is in the same pacific state, a proof of which is, that the upper country is sufficiently guarded by three cohorts, and these not complete. Whenever the Ethiopians have ventured to attack them, it has been at the risk of danger to their own country. The rest of the forces in Egypt are neither very numerous, nor did the Romans ever once employ them collected into one army. For neither are the Egyptians themselves of a warlike disposition, nor the surrounding nations, although their numbers are very large.Cornelius Gallus, the first governor of the country appointed by (Augustus) Caesar, attacked the city Heroopolis, which had revolted, and took it with a small body of men. He suppressed also in a short time an insurrection in the Thebais, which originated as to the payment of tribute. At a later period Petronius resisted, with the soldiers about his person, a mob of myriads of Alexandrines, who attacked him by throwing stones. He killed some, and compelled the rest to desist.We have before related how Aelius Gallus, when he invaded Arabia with a part of the army stationed in Egypt, exhibited a proof of the unwarlike disposition of the people; and if Syllaeus had not betrayed him, he would have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix. 17.1.54. The Ethiopians, emboldened in consequence of a part of the forces in Egypt being drawn off by Aelius Gallus, who was engaged in war with the Arabs, invaded the Thebais, and attacked the garrison, consisting of three cohorts, near Syene; surprised and took Syene, Elephantine, and Philae, by a sudden inroad; enslaved the inhabitants, and threw down the statues of Caesar. But Petronius, marching with less than 10,000 infantry and 800 horse against an army of 30,000 men, first compelled them to retreat to Pselchis, an Ethiopian city. He then sent deputies to demand restitution of what they had taken, and the reasons which had induced them to begin the war. On their alleging that they had been ill treated by the nomarchs, he answered, that these were not the sovereigns of the country, but Caesar. When they desired three days for consideration, and did nothing which they were bound to do, Petronius attacked and compelled them to fight. They soon fled, being badly commanded, and badly armed; for they carried large shields made of raw hides, and hatchets for offensive weapons; some, however, had pikes, and others swords. Part of the insurgents were driven into the city, others fled into the uninhabited country; and such as ventured upon the passage of the river escaped to a neighbouring island, where there were not many crocodiles on account of the current. Among the fugitives, were the generals of Candace, queen of the Ethiopians in our time, a masculine woman, and who had lost an eye. Petronius, pursuing them in rafts and ships, took them all and despatched them immediately to Alexandreia. He then attacked Pselchis and took it. If we add the number of those who fell in battle to the number of prisoners, few only could have escaped.From Pselchis Petronius went to Premnis, a strong city, travelling over the hills of sand, beneath which the army of Cambyses was overwhelmed by the setting in of a whirlwind. He took the fortress at the first onset, and afterwards advanced to Napata. This was the royal seat of Candace ; and her son was there, but she herself was in a neighbouring stronghold. When she sent ambassadors to treat of peace, and to offer the restitution of the prisoners brought from Syene, and the statues, Petronius attacked and took Napata, from which her son had fled, and then razed it. He made prisoners of the inhabitants, and returned back again with the booty, as he judged any farther advance into the country impracticable on account of the roads. He strengthened, however, the fortifications of Premnis, and having placed a garrison there, with two years' provisions for four hundred men, returned to Alexandreia. Some of the prisoners were publicly sold as booty, and a thousand were sent to Caesar, who had lately returned from the Cantabrians, others died of various diseases.In the mean time Candace attacked the garrison with an army of many thousand men. Petronius came to its assistance, and entering the fortress before the approach of the enemy, secured the place by many expedients. The enemy sent ambassadors, but he ordered them to repair to Caesar: on their replying, that they did not know who Caesar was, nor where they were to find him, Petronius appointed persons to conduct them to his presence. They arrived at Samos, where Caesar was at that time, and from whence he was on the point of proceeding into Syria, having already despatched Tiberius into Armenia. The ambassadors obtained all that they desired, and Caesar even remitted the tribute which he had imposed. 17.3.24. Such, then, is the disposition of the parts of the world which we inhabit. But since the Romans have surpassed (in power) all former rulers of whom we have any record, and possess the choicest and best known parts of it, it will be suitable to our subject briefly to refer to their Empire.It has been already stated how this people, beginning from the single city of Rome, obtained possession of the whole of Italy, by warfare and prudent administration; and how, afterwards, following the same wise course, they added the countries all around it to their dominion.of the three continents, they possess nearly the whole of Europe, with the exception only of the parts beyond the Danube, (to the north,) and the tracts on the verge of the ocean, comprehended between the Rhine and the Tanais.of Africa, the whole sea-coast on the Mediterranean is in their power; the rest of that country is uninhabited, or the inhabitants only lead a miserable and nomad life.of Asia likewise, the whole sea-coast in our direction (on the west) is subject to them, unless indeed any account is to be taken of the Achei, Zygi, and Heniochi, who are robbers and nomads, living in confined and wretched districts. of the interior, and of the parts far inland, the Romans possess one portion, and the Parthians, or the barbarians beyond them, the other; on the east and north are Indians, Bactrians, and Scythians; then (on the south) Arabians and Ethiopians; but territory is continually being abstracted from these people by the Romans.of all these countries some are governed by (native) kings, but the rest are under the immediate authority of Rome, under the title of provinces, to which are sent governors and collectors of tribute; there are also some free cities, which from the first sought the friendship of Rome, or obtained their freedom as a mark of honour. Subject to her also are some princes, chiefs of tribes, and priests, who (are permitted) to live in conformity with their national laws. 17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates. |
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| 181. Epigraphy, Ils, 112, 241, 244, 2478, 280, 425, 5193, 5755, 5963, 8600, 573 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 257 |
| 182. Epigraphy, Ivo, 56 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 97 |
| 183. Epigraphy, Ivperge, 294, 321 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417 |
| 184. Epigraphy, Magnesia, 192 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 110 |
| 185. Epigraphy, Mama Vi, 66 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 61 |
| 186. Schol. Ad Soph. Oc., 1.389 693 N. 11,710 N. 96, 70, 69 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 117 |
| 187. Epigraphy, Ogis, 532, 586, 663 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 272 |
| 188. Epigraphy, I.Lipara, 1.190 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 257 |
| 189. Sha, M. Ant., 3 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244, 245 |
| 190. Ps.-Dionysius The Areopagite, Ep., 8 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius constantine, emperor Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 250 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Scpiso, 132-148, 159-165, 30-31, 33-37, 45-49, 32 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353 |
| 192. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 209-210, 442, 466, 63-72, 86-90 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234, 235 |
| 193. Arch., Cat., 1.33 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 47, 239 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98 |
| 195. [Aristotle], Physiognomica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 102 |
| 196. Vegetius Renatus, De Re Militari, 3.6 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 235 |
| 197. Caesar, Bc, 2.9.4 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107 |
| 198. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.40.2, 2.113.2, 2.122.1, 2.126, 2.126.2-2.126.3, 2.130.1, 2.131.1 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) •tiberius (emperor) •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 34; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49, 93, 118, 187; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 77, 88; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 189 |
| 199. Sophocles, Triptolemos, Trgf 4,, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 368 |
| 200. Istros, Fgrh 368, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 368 |
201. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.264, 7.81-7.95, 7.137, 9.77-9.122 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 216; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 100 | 6.264. The lightly-feeding doves flit on and on, 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.137. of one great tree made resting-place, and set 9.77. tands howling at the postern all night long; 9.78. beneath the ewes their bleating lambs lie safe; 9.79. but he, with undesisting fury, more 9.80. rages from far, made frantic for his prey 9.81. by hunger of long hours, his foaming jaws 9.82. athirst for blood: not less the envy burned 9.83. of the Rutulian, as he scanned in vain 9.84. the stronghold of his foe. Indigt scorn 9.85. thrilled all his iron frame. But how contrive 9.86. to storm the fortress or by force expel 9.87. the Trojans from the rampart, and disperse 9.88. along the plain? Straightway he spied the ships, 9.89. in hiding near the camp, defended well 9.90. by mounded river-bank and fleeting wave. 9.91. On these he fell; while his exultant crew 9.92. brought firebrands, and he with heart aflame 9.93. grasped with a vengeful hand the blazing pine. 9.94. To the wild work his followers sped; for who 9.95. could prove him craven under Turnus' eye? 9.96. The whole troop for the weapon of their rage 9.97. eized smoking coals, of many a hearth the spoil; 9.98. red glare of fuming torches burned abroad, 9.100. What god, O Muses, saved the Trojans then 9.101. from wrathful flame? Who shielded then the fleet, 9.102. I pray you tell, from bursting storm of fire? 9.103. From hoary eld the tale, but its renown 9.104. ings on forever. When Aeneas first 9.105. on Phrygian Ida hewed the sacred wood 9.106. for rib and spar, and soon would put to sea, 9.107. that mighty mother of the gods, they say, 9.108. the Berecynthian goddess, thus to Jove 9.109. addressed her plea: “Grant, O my son, a boon, 9.110. which thy dear mother asks, who aided thee 9.111. to quell Olympian war. A grove I have 9.112. of sacred pine, long-loved from year to year. 9.113. On lofty hill it grew, and thither came 9.114. my worshippers with gifts, in secret gloom 9.115. of pine-trees dark and shadowing maple-boughs.; 9.116. these on the Dardan warrior at his need 9.117. I, not unwilling, for his fleet bestowed. 9.118. But I have fears. O, Iet a parent's prayer 9.119. in this prevail, and bid my care begone! 9.120. Let not rude voyages nor the shock of storm 9.121. my ships subdue, but let their sacred birth 9.122. on my charmed hills their strength and safety be!” |
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| 202. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 20.14 Tagged with subjects: •germanicus, nephew of the emperor tiberius Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353 |
| 203. Demetrius, De Viris Illustribus Urbis Romae, 76.4 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 |
| 204. Paulinus of Nola, Periochae, 77.6 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 |
205. Vergil, Georgics, 1.498-1.499, 2.73-2.82 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78, 216| 1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 2.73. Nec modus inserere atque oculos inponere simplex. 2.74. Nam qua se medio trudunt de cortice gemmae 2.75. et tenuis rumpunt tunicas, angustus in ipso 2.76. fit nodo sinus: huc aliena ex arbore germen 2.77. includunt udoque docent inolescere libro. 2.78. Aut rursum enodes trunci resecantur et alte 2.79. finditur in solidum cuneis via, deinde feraces 2.80. plantae inmittuntur: nec longum tempus, et ingens 2.81. exsilit ad caelum ramis felicibus arbos 2.82. miraturque novas frondes et non sua poma. | |
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| 206. John Malalas, History, 11.26 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius ii, emperor Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 207. Teles, Fr., 50 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 86 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Ic, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 230 |
| 209. John of Nicou, Pg, 81.27 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius ii, emperor Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 210. Anon., Alex. Sev., 45.2 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 235 |
| 211. Epigraphy, Ig, 3.132, 3.883, 3.912, 4.292-4.293, 7.1760-7.1761, 7.1763, 7.2712, 7.2712.77-7.2712.78, 9.1.282 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 121, 122; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314, 417 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Illrp, 5795 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 267 |
| 214. Thucydides, Valerius Maximus, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 95 |
| 215. Epigraphy, Ilalg, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, roman emperor Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 235 |
| 216. Augustus, Syll.3, 798 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329, 330 |
| 217. Augustus, Tam, 5.3.1421 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 420 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Cfa, 40 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 353 |
| 219. Epigraphy, Gliankara, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 182 |
| 220. Epigraphy, Pompei, 1-5, 7-9, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 12 |
| 221. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 353 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 12, 197, 353 |
| 223. Patria Constantinopoleos, Patria Constantinopoleos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 267 |
| 224. Nicephorus Gregoras, History, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius ii, emperor Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 263 |
| 225. Anna Comnena, Alexiad, 11.2 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius ii, emperor Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 263 |
| 226. Theophanes, Chronicle, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 227. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 376.5-376.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 122, 142, 158, 171, 172, 221 |
| 228. Epigraphy, Head, Hn2, 733 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417 |
| 229. Plutarch, Cato Major, 18 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32 |
| 230. Various, Anth. Plan., 16.290 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 106 |
| 231. Caesar, Bg, 6.23.1-6.23.3, 7.8.4 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107, 178 |
| 232. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234 |
| 233. Plin., Pan., 11.1, 48.5, 57.4, 58.3, 66.2-66.4 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 178, 183, 241 |
| 234. Epigraphy, Ritti 1983, 2-3, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 61 |
| 235. Epigraphy, Ritti 2006, 11, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 62 |
| 236. Epigraphy, Ritti / Baysal / Miranda / Guizzi 2008, 29, 51-52 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 61 |
| 237. Epigraphy, Inschriften Von Laodicea, 62, 53 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 61 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Iag, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417 |
| 239. Epigraphy, Moretti, Iag, None Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417 |
| 240. Gellius Aulus, N.A., 6.12, 13.22.1 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33, 36 |
| 241. Augustus, Seg, 26.1392 Tagged with subjects: •tiberius emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 380 |
