1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 9.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 31, 118, 132, 142, 172, 174, 181, 183, 247; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 94
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9.20 And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard.'' None |
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2. Herodotus, Histories, 3.80-3.82, 4.33, 4.39-4.41, 4.64-4.65, 7.143.1, 8.36-8.37, 8.39, 9.122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios, historian, view of Alexandria • Polybius • Polybius v–vi, • Polybius, Histories • Polybius, and contingency • Polybius, government, analysis of • Polybius, on Megale Hellas
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 303; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 168; Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 191; Gera (2014), Judith, 397; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 360, 365; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 75, 265; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 308; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 75, 265; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 116, 269; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 352
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3.80 ἐπείτε δὲ κατέστη ὁ θόρυβος καὶ ἐκτὸς πέντε ἡμερέων ἐγένετο, ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ ἐπαναστάντες τοῖσι Μάγοισι περὶ τῶν πάντων πρηγμάτων καὶ ἐλέχθησαν λόγοι ἄπιστοι μὲν ἐνίοισι Ἑλλήνων, ἐλέχθησαν δʼ ὦν. Ὀτάνης μὲν ἐκέλευε ἐς μέσον Πέρσῃσι καταθεῖναι τὰ πρήγματα, λέγων τάδε. “ἐμοὶ δοκέει ἕνα μὲν ἡμέων μούναρχον μηκέτι γενέσθαι. οὔτε γὰρ ἡδὺ οὔτε ἀγαθόν. εἴδετε μὲν γὰρ τὴν Καμβύσεω ὕβριν ἐπʼ ὅσον ἐπεξῆλθε, μετεσχήκατε δὲ καὶ τῆς τοῦ Μάγου ὕβριος. κῶς δʼ ἂν εἴη χρῆμα κατηρτημένον μουναρχίη, τῇ ἔξεστι ἀνευθύνῳ ποιέειν τὰ βούλεται; καὶ γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἄριστον ἀνδρῶν πάντων στάντα ἐς ταύτην ἐκτὸς τῶν ἐωθότων νοημάτων στήσειε. ἐγγίνεται μὲν γάρ οἱ ὕβρις ὑπὸ τῶν παρεόντων ἀγαθῶν, φθόνος δὲ ἀρχῆθεν ἐμφύεται ἀνθρώπῳ. δύο δʼ ἔχων ταῦτα ἔχει πᾶσαν κακότητα· τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὕβρι κεκορημένος ἔρδει πολλὰ καὶ ἀτάσθαλα, τὰ δὲ φθόνῳ. καίτοι ἄνδρα γε τύραννον ἄφθονον ἔδει εἶναι, ἔχοντά γε πάντα τὰ ἀγαθά. τὸ δὲ ὑπεναντίον τούτου ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας πέφυκε· φθονέει γὰρ τοῖσι ἀρίστοισι περιεοῦσί τε καὶ ζώουσι, χαίρει δὲ τοῖσι κακίστοισι τῶν ἀστῶν, διαβολὰς δὲ ἄριστος ἐνδέκεσθαι. ἀναρμοστότατον δὲ πάντων· ἤν τε γὰρ αὐτὸν μετρίως θωμάζῃς, ἄχθεται ὅτι οὐ κάρτα θεραπεύεται, ἤν τε θεραπεύῃ τις κάρτα, ἄχθεται ἅτε θωπί. τὰ δὲ δὴ μέγιστα ἔρχομαι ἐρέων· νόμαιά τε κινέει πάτρια καὶ βιᾶται γυναῖκας κτείνει τε ἀκρίτους. πλῆθος δὲ ἄρχον πρῶτα μὲν οὔνομα πάντων κάλλιστον ἔχει, ἰσονομίην, δεύτερα δὲ τούτων τῶν ὁ μούναρχος ποιέει οὐδέν· πάλῳ μὲν ἀρχὰς ἄρχει, ὑπεύθυνον δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχει, βουλεύματα δὲ πάντα ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἀναφέρει. τίθεμαι ὦν γνώμην μετέντας ἡμέας μουναρχίην τὸ πλῆθος ἀέξειν· ἐν γὰρ τῷ πολλῷ ἔνι τὰ πάντα.” 3.81 Ὀτάνης μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε· Μεγάβυζος δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ ἐκέλευε ἐπιτρέπειν, λέγων τάδε. “τὰ μὲν Ὀτάνης εἶπε τυραννίδα παύων, λελέχθω κἀμοὶ ταῦτα, τὰ δʼ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἄνωγε φέρειν τὸ κράτος, γνώμης τῆς ἀρίστης ἡμάρτηκε· ὁμίλου γὰρ ἀχρηίου οὐδέν ἐστι ἀξυνετώτερον οὐδὲ ὑβριστότερον. καίτοι τυράννου ὕβριν φεύγοντας ἄνδρας ἐς δήμου ἀκολάστου ὕβριν πεσεῖν ἐστὶ οὐδαμῶς ἀνασχετόν. ὃ μὲν γὰρ εἴ τι ποιέει, γινώσκων ποιέει, τῷ δὲ οὐδὲ γινώσκειν ἔνι· κῶς γὰρ ἂν γινώσκοι ὃς οὔτʼ ἐδιδάχθη οὔτε εἶδε καλὸν οὐδὲν οἰκήιον, 1 ὠθέει τε ἐμπεσὼν τὰ πρήγματα ἄνευ νόου, χειμάρρῳ ποταμῷ εἴκελος; δήμῳ μέν νυν, οἳ Πέρσῃσι κακὸν νοέουσι, οὗτοι χράσθων, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἀρίστων ἐπιλέξαντες ὁμιλίην τούτοισι περιθέωμεν τὸ κράτος· ἐν γὰρ δὴ τούτοισι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐνεσόμεθα· ἀρίστων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἰκὸς ἄριστα βουλεύματα γίνεσθαι.” 3.82 Μεγάβυζος μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε· τρίτος δὲ Δαρεῖος ἀπεδείκνυτο γνώμην, λέγων “ἐμοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν εἶπε Μεγάβυζος ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἔχοντα δοκέει ὀρθῶς λέξαι, τὰ δὲ ἐς ὀλιγαρχίην οὐκ ὀρθῶς. τριῶν γὰρ προκειμένων καὶ πάντων τῷ λόγῳ ἀρίστων ἐόντων, δήμου τε ἀρίστου καὶ ὀλιγαρχίης καὶ μουνάρχου, πολλῷ τοῦτο προέχειν λέγω. ἀνδρὸς γὰρ ἑνὸς τοῦ ἀρίστου οὐδὲν ἄμεινον ἂν φανείη· γνώμῃ γὰρ τοιαύτῃ χρεώμενος ἐπιτροπεύοι ἂν ἀμωμήτως τοῦ πλήθεος, σιγῷτό τε ἂν βουλεύματα ἐπὶ δυσμενέας ἄνδρας οὕτω μάλιστα. ἐν δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ πολλοῖσι ἀρετὴν ἐπασκέουσι ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἔχθεα ἴδια ἰσχυρὰ φιλέει ἐγγίνεσθαι· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕκαστος βουλόμενος κορυφαῖος εἶναι γνώμῃσί τε νικᾶν ἐς ἔχθεα μεγάλα ἀλλήλοισι ἀπικνέονται, ἐξ ὧν στάσιες ἐγγίνονται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν στασίων φόνος· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φόνου ἀπέβη ἐς μουναρχίην, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ διέδεξε ὅσῳ ἐστὶ τοῦτο ἄριστον. δήμου τε αὖ ἄρχοντος ἀδύνατα μὴ οὐ κακότητα ἐγγίνεσθαι· κακότητος τοίνυν ἐγγινομένης ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἔχθεα μὲν οὐκ ἐγγίνεται τοῖσι κακοῖσι, φιλίαι δὲ ἰσχυραί· οἱ γὰρ κακοῦντες τὰ κοινὰ συγκύψαντες ποιεῦσι. τοῦτο δὲ τοιοῦτο γίνεται ἐς ὃ ἂν προστάς τις τοῦ δήμου τοὺς τοιούτους παύσῃ. ἐκ δὲ αὐτῶν θωμάζεται οὗτος δὴ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, θωμαζόμενος δὲ ἀνʼ ὦν ἐφάνη μούναρχος ἐών, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ δηλοῖ καὶ οὗτος ὡς ἡ μουναρχίη κράτιστον. ἑνὶ δὲ ἔπεϊ πάντα συλλαβόντα εἰπεῖν, κόθεν ἡμῖν ἡ ἐλευθερίη ἐγένετο καὶ τεῦ δόντος; κότερα παρὰ τοῦ δήμου ἢ ὀλιγαρχίης ἢ μουνάρχου; ἔχω τοίνυν γνώμην ἡμέας ἐλευθερωθέντας διὰ ἕνα ἄνδρα τὸ τοιοῦτο περιστέλλειν, χωρίς τε τούτου πατρίους νόμους μὴ λύειν ἔχοντας εὖ· οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον.”
4.33 πολλῷ δέ τι πλεῖστα περὶ αὐτῶν Δήλιοι λέγουσι, φάμενοι ἱρὰ ἐνδεδεμένα ἐν καλάμῃ πυρῶν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων φερόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι ἐς Σκύθας, ἀπὸ δὲ Σκυθέων ἤδη δεκομένους αἰεὶ τοὺς πλησιοχώρους ἑκάστους κομίζειν αὐτὰ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἑκαστάτω ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀδρίην, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην προπεμπόμενα πρώτους Δωδωναίους Ἑλλήνων δέκεσθαι, ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων καταβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον καὶ διαπορεύεσθαι ἐς Εὔβοιαν, πόλιν τε ἐς πόλιν πέμπειν μέχρι Καρύστου, τὸ δʼ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐκλιπεῖν Ἄνδρον· Καρυστίους γὰρ εἶναι τοὺς κομίζοντας ἐς Τῆνον, Τηνίους δὲ ἐς Δῆλον. ἀπικνέεσθαι μέν νυν οὕτω ταῦτα τὰ ἱρὰ λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον· πρῶτον δὲ τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους πέμψαι φερούσας τὰ ἱρὰ δὺο κόρας, τὰς ὀνομάζουσι Δήλιοι εἶναι Ὑπερόχην τε καὶ Λαοδίκην· ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀσφαλείης εἵνεκεν πέμψαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρας πέντε πομπούς, τούτους οἳ νῦν Περφερέες καλέονται τιμὰς μεγάλας ἐν Δήλῳ ἔχοντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖσι Ὑπερβορέοισι τοὺς ἀποπεμφθέντας ὀπίσω οὐκ ἀπονοστέειν, δεινὰ ποιευμένους εἰ σφέας αἰεὶ καταλάμψεται ἀποστέλλοντας μὴ ἀποδέκεσθαι, οὕτω δὴ φέροντας ἐς τοὺς οὔρους τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνδεδεμένα ἐν πυρῶν καλάμῃ τοὺς πλησιοχώρους ἐπισκήπτειν κελεύοντας προπέμπειν σφέα ἀπὸ ἑωυτῶν ἐς ἄλλο ἔθνος. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω προπεμπόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον. οἶδα δὲ αὐτὸς τούτοισι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι τόδε ποιεύμενον προσφερές, τὰς Θρηικίας καὶ τὰς Παιονίδας γυναῖκας, ἐπεὰν θύωσι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι τῇ βασιλείῃ, οὐκ ἄνευ πυρῶν καλάμης ἐχούσας τὰ ἱρά.
4.39 αὕτη μέν νυν ἡ ἑτέρη τῶν ἀκτέων, ἡ δὲ δὴ ἑτέρη ἀπὸ Περσέων ἀρξαμένη παρατέταται ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν, ἥ τε Περσικὴ καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐκδεκομένη ἡ Ἀσσυρίη καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀσσυρίης ἡ Ἀραβίη· λήγει δὲ αὕτη, οὐ λήγουσα εἰ μὴ νόμῳ, ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν Ἀράβιον, ἐς τὸν Δαρεῖος ἐκ τοῦ Νείλου διώρυχα ἐσήγαγε. μέχρι μέν νυν Φοινίκης ἀπὸ Περσέων χῶρος πλατὺς καὶ πολλός ἐστι· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ Φοινίκης παρήκει διὰ τῆσδε τῆς θαλάσσης ἡ ἀκτὴ αὕτη παρά τε Συρίην τὴν Παλαιστίνην καὶ Αἴγυπτον, ἐς τὴν τελευτᾷ· ἐν τῇ ἔθνεα ἐστὶ τρία μοῦνα. 4.40 ταῦτα μὲν ἀπὸ Περσέων τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τῆς Ἀσίης ἔχοντα ἐστί· τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε Περσέων καὶ Μήδων καὶ Σασπείρων καὶ Κόλχων, τὰ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα, ἔνθεν μὲν ἡ Ἐρυθρὴ παρήκει θάλασσα, πρὸς βορέω δὲ ἡ Κασπίη τε θάλασσα καὶ ὁ Ἀράξης ποταμός, ῥέων πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα. μέχρι δὲ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς οἰκέεται Ἀσίη· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἔρημος ἤδη τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, οὐδὲ ἔχει οὐδεὶς φράσαι οἷον δή τι ἐστί. 4.41 τοιαύτη μὲν καὶ τοσαύτη ἡ Ἀσίη ἐστί, ἡ δὲ Λιβύη ἐν τῇ ἀκτῇ τῇ ἑτέρῃ ἐστί· ἀπὸ γὰρ Αἰγύπτου Λιβύη ἤδη ἐκδέκεται. κατὰ μέν νυν Αἴγυπτον ἡ ἀκτὴ αὕτη στεινή ἐστι· ἀπὸ γὰρ τῆσδε τῆς θαλάσσης ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν δέκα μυριάδες εἰσὶ ὀργυιέων, αὗται δʼ ἂν εἶεν χίλιοι στάδιοι· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ στεινοῦ τούτου κάρτα πλατέα τυγχάνει ἐοῦσα ἡ ἀκτὴ ἥτις Λιβύη κέκληται.
4.64 τὰ δʼ ἐς πόλεμον ἔχοντα ὧδέ σφι διακέαται· ἐπεὰν τὸν πρῶτον ἄνδρα καταβάλῃ ἀνὴρ Σκύθης, τοῦ αἵματος ἐμπίνει, ὅσους δʼ ἂν φονεύσῃ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, τούτων τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποφέρει τῷ βασιλέι. ἀπενείκας μὲν γὰρ κεφαλὴν τῆς ληίης μεταλαμβάνει τὴν ἂν λάβωσι, μὴ ἐνείκας δὲ οὔ. ἀποδείρει δὲ αὐτὴν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε· περιταμὼν κύκλῳ περὶ τὰ ὦτα καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς κεφαλῆς ἐκσείει, μετὰ δὲ σαρκίσας βοὸς πλευρῇ δέψει τῇσι χερσί, ὀργάσας δὲ αὐτὸ ἅτε χειρόμακτρον ἔκτηται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν χαλινῶν τοῦ ἵππου τὸν αὐτὸς ἐλαύνει, ἐκ τούτου ἐξάπτει καὶ ἀγάλλεται· ὃς γὰρ ἂν πλεῖστα δέρματα χειρόμακτρα ἔχῃ, ἀνὴρ ἄριστος οὗτος κέκριται. πολλοὶ δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκ τῶν ἀποδερμάτων καὶ χλαίνας ἐπείνυσθαι ποιεῦσι, συρράπτοντες κατά περ βαίτας. πολλοὶ δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐχθρῶν τὰς δεξιὰς χεῖρας νεκρῶν ἐόντων ἀποδείραντες αὐτοῖσι ὄνυξι καλύπτρας τῶν φαρετρέων ποιεῦνται. δέρμα δὲ ἀνθρώπου καὶ παχὺ καὶ λαμπρὸν ἦν ἄρα, σχεδὸν δερμάτων πάντων λαμπρότατον λευκότητι. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ὅλους ἄνδρας ἐκδείραντες καὶ διατείναντες ἐπὶ ξύλων ἐπʼ ἵππων περιφέρουσι. 4.65 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω σφι νενόμισται, αὐτὰς δὲ τὰς κεφαλάς, οὔτι πάντων ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐχθίστων, ποιεῦσι τάδε· ἀποπρίσας ἕκαστος πᾶν τὸ ἔνερθε τῶν ὀφρύων ἐκκαθαίρει· καὶ ἢν μὲν ᾖ πένης, ὁ δὲ ἔξωθεν ὠμοβοέην μούνην περιτείνας οὕτω χρᾶται, ἢν δὲ ᾖ πλούσιος, τὴν μὲν ὠμοβοέην περιτείνει, ἔσωθεν δὲ καταχρυσώσας οὕτω χρᾶται ποτηρίῳ. ποιεῦσι δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ τῶν οἰκηίων ἤν σφι διάφοροι γένωνται καὶ ἢν ἐπικρατήσῃ αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῷ βασιλέι, ξείνων δέ οἱ ἐλθόντων τῶν ἂν λόγον ποιέηται, τὰς κεφαλὰς ταύτας παραφέρει καὶ ἐπιλέγει ὡς οἱ ἐόντες οἰκήιοι πόλεμον προσεθήκαντο καί σφεων αὐτὸς ἐπεκράτησε, ταύτην ἀνδραγαθίην λέγοντες.' 8.36 οἱ Δελφοὶ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκατο, ἐν δείματι δὲ μεγάλῳ κατεστεῶτες ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων, εἴτε σφέα κατὰ γῆς κατορύξωσι εἴτε ἐκκομίσωσι ἐς ἄλλην χώρην. ὁ δὲ θεός σφεας οὐκ ἔα κινέειν, φὰς αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι τῶν ἑωυτοῦ προκατῆσθαι. Δελφοὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες σφέων αὐτῶν πέρι ἐφρόντιζον. τέκνα μέν νυν καὶ γυναῖκας πέρην ἐς τὴν Ἀχαιίην διέπεμψαν, αὐτῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἀνέβησαν ἐς τοῦ Παρνησοῦ τὰς κορυφὰς καὶ ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον ἀνηνείκαντο, οἳ δὲ ἐς Ἄμφισσαν τὴν Λοκρίδα ὑπεξῆλθον. πάντες δὲ ὦν οἱ Δελφοὶ ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, πλὴν ἑξήκοντα ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ προφήτεω. 8.37 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιόντες καὶ ἀπώρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ προφήτης, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀκήρατος, ὁρᾷ πρὸ τοῦ νηοῦ ὅπλα προκείμενα ἔσωθεν ἐκ τοῦ μεγάρου ἐξενηνειγμένα ἱρά, τῶν οὐκ ὅσιον ἦν ἅπτεσθαι ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί. ὃ μὲν δὴ ἤιε Δελφῶν τοῖσι παρεοῦσι σημανέων τὸ τέρας· οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο ἐπειγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐπιγίνεταί σφι τέρεα ἔτι μέζονα τοῦ πρὶν γενομένου τέρεος. θῶμα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο κάρτα ἐστί, ὅπλα ἀρήια αὐτόματα φανῆναι ἔξω προκείμενα τοῦ νηοῦ· τὰ δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ δεύτερα ἐπιγενόμενα καὶ διὰ πάντων φασμάτων ἄξια θωμάσαι μάλιστα. ἐπεὶ γὰρ δὴ ἦσαν ἐπιόντες οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐν τούτῳ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κεραυνοὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐνέπιπτον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Παρνησοῦ ἀπορραγεῖσαι δύο κορυφαὶ ἐφέροντο πολλῷ πατάγῳ ἐς αὐτοὺς καὶ κατέβαλον συχνούς σφεων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης βοή τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐγίνετο.
8.39 τούτους δὲ τοὺς δύο Δελφοὶ λέγουσι εἶναι ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας, Φύλακόν τε καὶ Αὐτόνοον, τῶν τὰ τεμένεα ἐστὶ περὶ τὸ ἱρόν, Φυλάκου μὲν παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν ὁδὸν κατύπερθε τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης, Αὐτονόου δὲ πέλας τῆς Κασταλίης ὑπὸ τῇ Ὑαμπείῃ κορυφῇ. οἱ δὲ πεσόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Παρνησοῦ λίθοι ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἡμέας ἦσαν σόοι, ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης κείμενοι, ἐς τὸ ἐνέσκηψαν διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων φερόμενοι. τούτων μέν νυν τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὕτη ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἀπαλλαγὴ γίνεται.
9.122 τούτου δὲ Ἀρταΰκτεω τοῦ ἀνακρεμασθέντος προπάτωρ Ἀρτεμβάρης ἐστὶ ὁ Πέρσῃσι ἐξηγησάμενος λόγον τὸν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπολαβόντες Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν λέγοντα τάδε. “ἐπεὶ Ζεὺς Πέρσῃσι ἡγεμονίην διδοῖ, ἀνδρῶν δὲ σοὶ Κῦρε, κατελὼν Ἀστυάγην, φέρε, γῆν γὰρ ἐκτήμεθα ὀλίγην καὶ ταύτην τρηχέαν, μεταναστάντες ἐκ ταύτης ἄλλην σχῶμεν ἀμείνω. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλαὶ μὲν ἀστυγείτονες πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ἑκαστέρω, τῶν μίαν σχόντες πλέοσι ἐσόμεθα θωμαστότεροι. οἰκὸς δὲ ἄνδρας ἄρχοντας τοιαῦτα ποιέειν· κότε γὰρ δὴ καὶ παρέξει κάλλιον ἢ ὅτε γε ἀνθρώπων τε πολλῶν ἄρχομεν πάσης τε τῆς Ἀσίης; ” Κῦρος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ οὐ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον ἐκέλευε ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῖσι παραίνεε κελεύων παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς οὐκέτι ἄρξοντας ἀλλʼ ἀρξομένους· φιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὺς γίνεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ τι τῆς αὐτῆς γῆς εἶναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν φύειν καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. ὥστε συγγνόντες Πέρσαι οἴχοντο ἀποστάντες, ἑσσωθέντες τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς Κύρου, ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο λυπρὴν οἰκέοντες μᾶλλον ἢ πεδιάδα σπείροντες ἄλλοισι δουλεύειν.'' None | sup>
3.80 After the tumult quieted down, and five days passed, the rebels against the Magi held a council on the whole state of affairs, at which sentiments were uttered which to some Greeks seem incredible, but there is no doubt that they were spoken. ,Otanes was for turning the government over to the Persian people: “It seems to me,” he said, “that there can no longer be a single sovereign over us, for that is not pleasant or good. You saw the insolence of Cambyses, how far it went, and you had your share of the insolence of the Magus. ,How can monarchy be a fit thing, when the ruler can do what he wants with impunity? Give this power to the best man on earth, and it would stir him to unaccustomed thoughts. Insolence is created in him by the good things to hand, while from birth envy is rooted in man. ,Acquiring the two he possesses complete evil; for being satiated he does many reckless things, some from insolence, some from envy. And yet an absolute ruler ought to be free of envy, having all good things; but he becomes the opposite of this towards his citizens; he envies the best who thrive and live, and is pleased by the worst of his fellows; and he is the best confidant of slander. ,of all men he is the most inconsistent; for if you admire him modestly he is angry that you do not give him excessive attention, but if one gives him excessive attention he is angry because one is a flatter. But I have yet worse to say of him than that; he upsets the ancestral ways and rapes women and kills indiscriminately. ,But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 3.81 Such was the judgment of Otanes: but Megabyzus urged that they resort to an oligarchy. “I agree,” said he, “with all that Otanes says against the rule of one; but when he tells you to give the power to the multitude, his judgment strays from the best. Nothing is more foolish and violent than a useless mob; ,for men fleeing the insolence of a tyrant to fall victim to the insolence of the unguided populace is by no means to be tolerated. Whatever the one does, he does with knowledge, but for the other knowledge is impossible; how can they have knowledge who have not learned or seen for themselves what is best, but always rush headlong and drive blindly onward, like a river in flood? ,Let those like democracy who wish ill to Persia ; but let us choose a group of the best men and invest these with the power. For we ourselves shall be among them, and among the best men it is likely that there will be the best counsels.” ' "3.82 Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. Darius was the third to express his opinion. “It seems to me,” he said, “that Megabyzus speaks well concerning democracy but not concerning oligarchy. For if the three are proposed and all are at their best for the sake of argument, the best democracy and oligarchy and monarchy, I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. ,One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. ,But in an oligarchy, the desire of many to do the state good service often produces bitter hate among them; for because each one wishes to be first and to make his opinions prevail, violent hate is the outcome, from which comes faction and from faction killing, and from killing it reverts to monarchy, and by this is shown how much better monarchy is. ,Then again, when the people rule it is impossible that wickedness will not occur; and when wickedness towards the state occurs, hatred does not result among the wicked, but strong alliances; for those that want to do the state harm conspire to do it together. This goes on until one of the people rises to stop such men. He therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their idol is made their monarch; and thus he also proves that monarchy is best. ,But (to conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, where did freedom come from for us and who gave it, from the people or an oligarchy or a single ruler? I believe, therefore, that we who were liberated through one man should maintain such a government, and, besides this, that we should not alter our ancestral ways that are good; that would not be better.” " 4.33 But the Delians say much more about them than any others do. They say that offerings wrapped in straw are brought from the Hyperboreans to Scythia; when these have passed Scythia, each nation in turn receives them from its neighbors until they are carried to the Adriatic sea, which is the most westerly limit of their journey; ,from there, they are brought on to the south, the people of Dodona being the first Greeks to receive them. From Dodona they come down to the Melian gulf, and are carried across to Euboea, and one city sends them on to another until they come to Carystus; after this, Andros is left out of their journey, for Carystians carry them to Tenos, and Tenians to Delos. ,Thus (they say) these offerings come to Delos. But on the first journey, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the offerings, to whom the Delians give the names Hyperoche and Laodice, and five men of their people with them as escort for safe conduct, those who are now called Perpherees and greatly honored at Delos. ,But when those whom they sent never returned, they took it amiss that they should be condemned always to be sending people and not getting them back, and so they carry the offerings, wrapped in straw, to their borders, and tell their neighbors to send them on from their own country to the next; ,and the offerings, it is said, come by this conveyance to Delos. I can say of my own knowledge that there is a custom like these offerings; namely, that when the Thracian and Paeonian women sacrifice to the Royal Artemis, they have straw with them while they sacrifice.
4.39 This is the first peninsula. But the second, beginning with Persia, stretches to the Red Sea, and is Persian land; and next, the neighboring land of Assyria; and after Assyria, Arabia; this peninsula ends (not truly but only by common consent) at the Arabian Gulf, to which Darius brought a canal from the Nile. ,Now from the Persian country to Phoenicia there is a wide and vast tract of land; and from Phoenicia this peninsula runs beside our sea by way of the Syrian Palestine and Egypt, which is at the end of it; in this peninsula there are just three nations. ' "4.40 So much for the parts of Asia west of the Persians. But what is beyond the Persians, and Medes, and Saspires, and Colchians, east and toward the rising sun, this is bounded on the one hand by the Red Sea, and to the north by the Caspian Sea and the Araxes river, which flows toward the sun's rising. ,As far as India, Asia is an inhabited land; but thereafter, all to the east is desolation, nor can anyone say what kind of land is there. " '4.41 Such is Asia, and such its extent. But Libya is on this second peninsula; for Libya comes next after Egypt. The Egyptian part of this peninsula is narrow; for from our sea to the Red Sea it is a distance of a hundred and twenty-five miles; that is, a thousand stades; but after this narrow part, the peninsula which is called Libya is very broad.' "
4.64 As to war, these are their customs. A Scythian drinks the blood of the first man whom he has taken down. He carries the heads of all whom he has slain in the battle to his king; for if he brings a head, he receives a share of the booty taken, but not otherwise. ,He scalps the head by making a cut around it by the ears, then grasping the scalp and shaking the head off. Then he scrapes out the flesh with the rib of a steer, and kneads the skin with his hands, and having made it supple he keeps it for a hand towel, fastening it to the bridle of the horse which he himself rides, and taking pride in it; for he who has most scalps for hand towels is judged the best man. ,Many Scythians even make garments to wear out of these scalps, sewing them together like coats of skin. Many too take off the skin, nails and all, from their dead enemies' right hands, and make coverings for their quivers;the human skin was, as it turned out, thick and shining, the brightest and whitest skin of all, one might say. ,Many flay the skin from the whole body, too, and carry it about on horseback stretched on a wooden frame. " '4.65 The heads themselves, not all of them but those of their bitterest enemies, they treat this way. Each saws off all the part beneath the eyebrows, and cleans the rest. If he is a poor man, then he covers the outside with a piece of raw hide, and so makes use of it; but if he is rich, he covers the head with the raw hide, and gilds the inside of it and uses it for a drinking-cup. ,Such a cup a man also makes out of the head of his own kinsman with whom he has been feuding, and whom he has defeated in single combat before the king; and if guests whom he honors visit him he will serve them with these heads, and show how the dead were his kinsfolk who fought him and were beaten by him; this they call manly valor.
7.143.1 Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish.
8.36 When the Delphians learned all this, they were very much afraid, and in their great fear they inquired of the oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing, saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. ,Upon hearing that, the Delphians took thought for themselves. They sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods into the Corycian cave, but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short, all the Delphians left the town save sixty men and the prophet. 8.37 Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple, the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, which no man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. ,So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle, but when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine, but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. ,When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky, and two peaks broken off from Parnassus came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph were heard from the temple of Athena. ' "
8.39 These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus' by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous' near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. ,The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. " 9.122 This Artayctes who was crucified was the grandson of that Artembares who instructed the Persians in a design which they took from him and laid before Cyrus; this was its purport: ,“Seeing that Zeus grants lordship to the Persian people, and to you, Cyrus, among them, let us, after reducing Astyages, depart from the little and rugged land which we possess and occupy one that is better. There are many such lands on our borders, and many further distant. If we take one of these, we will all have more reasons for renown. It is only reasonable that a ruling people should act in this way, for when will we have a better opportunity than now, when we are lords of so many men and of all Asia?” ,Cyrus heard them, and found nothing to marvel at in their design; “Go ahead and do this,” he said; “but if you do so, be prepared no longer to be rulers but rather subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not from the same soil.” ,The Persians now realized that Cyrus reasoned better than they, and they departed, choosing rather to be rulers on a barren mountain side than dwelling in tilled valleys to be slaves to others.'' None |
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3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22, 1.22.4, 3.82.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • Polybius,
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 315; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 197; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 278, 320, 321
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1.22.4 καὶ ἐς μὲν ἀκρόασιν ἴσως τὸ μὴ μυθῶδες αὐτῶν ἀτερπέστερον φανεῖται: ὅσοι δὲ βουλήσονται τῶν τε γενομένων τὸ σαφὲς σκοπεῖν καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ποτὲ αὖθις κατὰ τὸ ἀνθρώπινον τοιούτων καὶ παραπλησίων ἔσεσθαι, ὠφέλιμα κρίνειν αὐτὰ ἀρκούντως ἕξει. κτῆμά τε ἐς αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγώνισμα ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν ξύγκειται.
3.82.4 καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. τόλμα μὲν γὰρ ἀλόγιστος ἀνδρεία φιλέταιρος ἐνομίσθη, μέλλησις δὲ προμηθὴς δειλία εὐπρεπής, τὸ δὲ σῶφρον τοῦ ἀνάνδρου πρόσχημα, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαν ξυνετὸν ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀργόν: τὸ δ’ ἐμπλήκτως ὀξὺ ἀνδρὸς μοίρᾳ προσετέθη, ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος.' ' None | sup>
1.22.4 The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.
3.82.4 Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. ' ' None |
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4. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 3.1.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius, and contingency
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265
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3.1.4 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ Ξενοφῶν Ἀθηναῖος, ὃς οὔτε στρατηγὸς οὔτε λοχαγὸς οὔτε στρατιώτης ὢν συνηκολούθει, ἀλλὰ Πρόξενος αὐτὸν μετεπέμψατο οἴκοθεν ξένος ὢν ἀρχαῖος· ὑπισχνεῖτο δὲ αὐτῷ, εἰ ἔλθοι, φίλον αὐτὸν Κύρῳ ποιήσειν, ὃν αὐτὸς ἔφη κρείττω ἑαυτῷ νομίζειν τῆς πατρίδος.'' None | sup>
3.1.4 There was a man in the army named Xenophon, an Athenian, who was neither general nor captain nor private, but had accompanied the expedition because Proxenus, an old friend of his, had sent him at his home an invitation to go with him; Proxenus had also promised him that, if he would go, he would make him a friend of Cyrus, whom he himself regarded, so he said, as worth more to him than was his native state. '' None |
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5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios, historian, view of Alexandria • Polybius • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, rarely suggested by Polybius
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 63; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 352
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7. Polybius, Histories, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantinian epitomes, of Polybius, • Polybios • Polybios of Megalopolis • Polybios of Megalopolis, and Gauls’ sack of Rome • Polybios of Megalopolis, on Flaminius’ movements in • Polybios of Megalopolis, on dictator’s term of office • Polybios, historian, view of Alexander • Polybios, historian, view of Alexandria • Polybios, historian, view of Bactria • Polybios, historian, view of the world • Polybius • Polybius (historian) • Polybius v–vi, • Polybius, • Polybius, Histories • Polybius, History • Polybius, and contingency • Polybius, as historical theorist • Polybius, geographical ‘digression’ • Polybius, historiographical neologisms • Polybius, on Carthaginians • Polybius, on Celts • Polybius, on Gauls • Polybius, on Marcellus’ plundering of Sicily • Polybius, on Megale Hellas • Polybius, on Mummius’ sack of Corinth • Polybius, on Regulus • Polybius, on Roman funerals • Polybius, on Roman religiosity and reliability • Polybius, on Scipio • Polybius, on environmental determinism • Polybius, on mousike • Polybius, on music customs • Polybius, on singing • Polybius, on the decline of the Roman Empire • Polybius, on the spoils of Syracuse • Polybius, showing enemies of Rome as deserving to lose • Polybius’ lack of interest in, • alien/foreigner, in Polybius • barbarians/barbarity, Polybius on • disparagement, of Gauls by Polybius • disparagement, of Phoenicians by Polybius • ethnos/ethne, in Polybius • genos/gene/gens/genus, in Polybius • identity as hybrid and malleable, Polybius on • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, rarely suggested by Polybius • lineage and genealogy as identity marker, rare in Polybius • medicine and medical discourse, Polybius on • mockery/irony/parody, by Polybius • tuche, in Polybius
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 52, 55, 345, 351; Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 64; Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 27; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 16, 65, 68, 69, 71, 74; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 252, 280, 281, 282, 284; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 218; Chaniotis (2021), Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, 172, 173, 174, 175, 252, 260, 261, 269, 270, 273, 276; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34, 165; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 26, 314; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 106, 118; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 5, 113; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 37, 38; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 181; Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 73, 74; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 266; Gera (2014), Judith, 119, 244, 397; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 138, 139, 210; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 345, 346, 347, 350; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 107, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 131, 142, 143; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 18, 19, 20, 21, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 69, 70, 97; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 29, 69, 70, 71, 85, 93, 137, 154, 260; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 82, 309, 321, 388, 411, 412; Jonquière (2007), Prayer in Josephus Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 211; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 120, 121; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 332, 333, 359, 367, 382, 383; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 41, 78, 79, 91, 92; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 214, 216; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 5, 41, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 75, 238, 265, 267, 269, 270, 271; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 110, 228, 230; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 4, 5, 290, 326; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 5, 41, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 75, 238, 265, 267, 269, 270, 271; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 268, 282; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 94; Liddel (2020), Decrees of Fourth-Century Athens (403/2-322/1 BC): Volume 2, Political and Cultural Perspectives, 197; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 128; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 143; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 107, 108; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23, 49; Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 56, 374; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37, 103, 106; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127, 211; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 179; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 71; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 342, 343, 344, 346, 350, 351, 352, 353, 372; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 138; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 215; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 68, 69; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 22, 63, 64
| 2.4.3 τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συμβαινόντων ἐνδεικνυμένης τὴν αὑτῆς δύναμιν. 2.7.5 πρῶτον γὰρ τίς οὐκ ἂν τὴν κοινὴν περὶ Γαλατῶν φήμην ὑπιδόμενος εὐλαβηθείη τούτοις ἐγχειρίσαι πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχουσαν εἰς παρασπόνδησιν; 2.7.6 δεύτερον τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐφυλάξατο τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ συστήματος ἐκείνου προαίρεσιν; οἵ γε τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας, συνδραμόντων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν διὰ τὸ παρασπονδῆσαι τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκείους καὶ συγγενεῖς· 2.15.7 τό γε μὴν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τῶν σωμάτων, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις τόλμαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων σαφῶς ἔσται καταμαθεῖν. τῶν δʼ Ἄλπεων ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς, 2.16.14 καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ταύτῃ προσεοικυῖαν ὕλην ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ παρόντος ὑπερθησόμεθα διὰ τὸ μὴ λίαν καθήκειν τῷ τῆς προκατασκευῆς γένει τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀκριβολογίαν. 2.17.9 ᾤκουν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, τῆς λοιπῆς κατασκευῆς ἄμοιροι καθεστῶτες. 2.17.10 διὰ γὰρ τὸ στιβαδοκοιτεῖν καὶ κρεαφαγεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μηδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωργίαν· ἀσκεῖν ἁπλοῦς εἶχον τοὺς βίους, οὔτʼ ἐπιστήμης ἄλλης οὔτε τέχνης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸ παράπαν γινωσκομένης. 2.17.11 ὕπαρξίς γε μὴν ἑκάστοις ἦν θρέμματα καὶ χρυσὸς διὰ τὸ μόνα ταῦτα κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις ῥᾳδίως δύνασθαι πανταχῇ περιαγαγεῖν καὶ μεθιστάναι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις. 2.17.12 περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑταιρείας μεγίστην σπουδὴν ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ καὶ φοβερώτατον καὶ δυνατώτατον εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ὃς ἂν πλείστους ἔχειν δοκῇ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας καὶ συμπεριφερομένους αὐτῷ. 2.18.2 μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον μάχῃ νικήσαντες Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων παραταξαμένους, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τρισὶ τῆς μάχης ἡμέραις ὕστερον κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην πλὴν τοῦ Καπετωλίου. 2.19.3 εἰς δὲ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ στασιάσαντες περὶ τὴν τῶν εἰλημμένων πλεονεξίαν τῆς τε λείας καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν δυνάμεως τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος διέφθειραν. 2.19.4 τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθές ἐστι Γαλάταις πράττειν, ἐπειδὰν σφετερίσωνταί τι τῶν πέλας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς ἀλόγους οἰνοφλυγίας καὶ πλησμονάς. 2.21.9 πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Γαλατῶν ὑπεδύοντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μάλιστα δʼ οἱ Βοῖοι διὰ τὸ συντερμονεῖν τῇ τῶν Ῥωμαίων χώρᾳ, νομίσαντες οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας ἔτι καὶ δυναστείας Ῥωμαίους τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ποιήσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ ὁλοσχεροῦς ἐξαναστάσεως καὶ καταφθορᾶς. 2.29.5 τούς γε μὴν Ῥωμαίους τὰ μὲν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίει τὸ μέσους καὶ πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τοὺς πολεμίους, τὰ δὲ πάλιν ὁ κόσμος αὐτοὺς καὶ θόρυβος ἐξέπληττε τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως. 2.31.7 ἡ μὲν οὖν βαρυτάτη τῶν Κελτῶν ἔφοδος οὕτω καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεφθάρη, πᾶσι μὲν Ἰταλιώταις, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν ἐπικρεμάσασα κίνδυνον. 2.32.7 οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ὁρῶντες σφᾶς ἐλάττους ὄντας παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐβούλοντο συγχρῆσθαι ταῖς τῶν συμμαχούντων αὐτοῖς Κελτῶν δυνάμεσι· 2.32.8 τὰ δὲ συλλογισάμενοι τήν τε Γαλατικὴν ἀθεσίαν καὶ διότι πρὸς ὁμοφύλους τῶν προσλαμβανομένων μέλλουσι ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐλαβοῦντο τοιούτοις ἀνδράσιν τοιούτου καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος κοινωνεῖν. 2.33.2 συνεωρακότες γὰρ ἐκ τῶν προγεγονότων κινδύνων ὅτι τοῖς τε θυμοῖς κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον, ἕως ἂν ἀκέραιον ᾖ, φοβερώτατόν ἐστι πᾶν τὸ Γαλατικὸν φῦλον, 2.33.3 αἵ τε μάχαιραι ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, μίαν ἔχουσι τὴν πρώτην καταφορὰν καιρίαν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης εὐθέως ἀποξυστροῦνται, καμπτόμεναι κατὰ μῆκος καὶ κατὰ πλάτος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστʼ ἐὰν μὴ δῷ τις ἀναστροφὴν τοῖς χρωμένοις ἐρείσαντας πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀπευθῦναι τῷ ποδί, τελέως ἄπρακτον εἶναι τὴν δευτέραν πληγὴν αὐτῶν· 2.35.2 ὁ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Κελτοὺς πόλεμος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τόλμαν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἀνδρῶν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὰς μάχας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἀπολλυμένων καὶ παραταττομένων οὐδενὸς καταδεέστερος τῶν ἱστορημένων, 2.35.6 ἵνα μὴ τελέως οἱ μεθʼ ἡμᾶς ἀνεννόητοι τούτων ὑπάρχοντες ἐκπλήττωνται τὰς αἰφνιδίους καὶ παραλόγους τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδους, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντες ὡς ὀλιγοχρόνιόν ἐστι καὶ λίαν εὔφθαρτον τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων πλῆθος τοῖς σὺν νῷ κινδυνεύουσι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ὑπομένωσι καὶ πάσας ἐξελέγχωσι τὰς σφετέρας ἐλπίδας πρότερον ἢ παραχωρῆσαί τινος τῶν ἀναγκαίων. 2.56.7 σπουδάζων δʼ εἰς ἔλεον ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ συμπαθεῖς ποιεῖν τοῖς λεγομένοις, εἰσάγει περιπλοκὰς γυναικῶν καὶ κόμας διερριμμένας καὶ μαστῶν ἐκβολάς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις δάκρυα καὶ θρήνους ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ἀναμὶξ τέκνοις καὶ γονεῦσι γηραιοῖς ἀπαγομένων. ποιεῖ δὲ τοῦτο παρʼ ὅλην τὴν ἱστορίαν, 2.56.8 πειρώμενος ἐν ἑκάστοις ἀεὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τιθέναι τὰ δεινά. 2.56.10 δεῖ τοιγαροῦν οὐκ ἐπιπλήττειν τὸν συγγραφέα τερατευόμενον διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐνδεχομένους λόγους ζητεῖν καὶ τὰ παρεπόμενα τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι, καθάπερ οἱ τραγῳδιογράφοι, τῶν δὲ πραχθέντων καὶ ῥηθέντων κατʼ ἀλήθειαν αὐτῶν μνημονεύειν πάμπαν, κἂν πάνυ μέτρια τυγχάνωσιν ὄντα. 2.56.11 τὸ γὰρ τέλος ἱστορίας καὶ τραγῳδίας οὐ ταὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον. ἐκεῖ μὲν γὰρ δεῖ διὰ τῶν πιθανωτάτων λόγων ἐκπλῆξαι καὶ ψυχαγωγῆσαι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν τοὺς ἀκούοντας, ἐνθάδε δὲ διὰ τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἔργων καὶ λόγων εἰς τὸν πάντα χρόνον διδάξαι καὶ πεῖσαι τοὺς φιλομαθοῦντας, 2.56.12 ἐπειδήπερ ἐν ἐκείνοις μὲν ἡγεῖται τὸ πιθανόν, κἂν ᾖ ψεῦδος, διὰ τὴν ἀπάτην τῶν θεωμένων, ἐν δὲ τούτοις τἀληθὲς διὰ τὴν ὠφέλειαν τῶν φιλομαθούντων. 2.56.13 χωρίς τε τούτων τὰς πλείστας ἡμῖν ἐξηγεῖται τῶν περιπετειῶν, οὐχ ὑποτιθεὶς αἰτίαν καὶ τρόπον τοῖς γινομένοις, ὧν χωρὶς οὔτʼ ἐλεεῖν εὐλόγως οὔτʼ ὀργίζεσθαι καθηκόντως δυνατὸν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ τῶν συμβαινόντων. 3.4.1 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἢ καὶ τῶν ἐλαττωμάτων ἱκανὴν ἐνεδέχετο ποιήσασθαι τὴν διάληψιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ψεκτῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον ἐπαινετῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ πολιτευμάτων, ἐνθάδε που λήγειν ἂν ἡμᾶς ἔδει καὶ καταστρέφειν ἅμα τὴν διήγησιν καὶ τὴν πραγματείαν ἐπὶ τὰς τελευταίας ῥηθείσας πράξεις κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν. 3.4.2 ὅ τε γὰρ χρόνος ὁ πεντηκοντακαιτριετὴς εἰς ταῦτʼ ἔληγεν, ἥ τʼ αὔξησις καὶ προκοπὴ τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυναστείας ἐτετελείωτο· 3.4.3 πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁμολογούμενον ἐδόκει τοῦτʼ εἶναι καὶ κατηναγκασμένον ἅπασιν ὅτι λοιπόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίων ἀκούειν καὶ τούτοις πειθαρχεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν παραγγελλομένων. 3.4.4 ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐκ αὐτοτελεῖς εἰσιν οὔτε περὶ τῶν κρατησάντων οὔτε περὶ τῶν ἐλαττωθέντων αἱ ψιλῶς ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων διαλήψεις, 3.4.5 διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς μὲν τὰ μέγιστα δοκοῦντʼ εἶναι τῶν κατορθωμάτων, ὅταν μὴ δεόντως αὐτοῖς χρήσωνται, τὰς μεγίστας ἐπενηνοχέναι συμφοράς, οὐκ ὀλίγοις δὲ τὰς ἐκπληκτικωτάτας περιπετείας, ὅταν εὐγενῶς αὐτὰς ἀναδέξωνται, πολλάκις εἰς τὴν τοῦ συμφέροντος περιπεπτωκέναι μερίδα, 3.4.6 προσθετέον ἂν εἴη ταῖς προειρημέναις πράξεσι τήν τε τῶν κρατούντων αἵρεσιν, ποία τις ἦν μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ πῶς προεστάτει τῶν ὅλων, τάς τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδοχὰς καὶ διαλήψεις, πόσαι καὶ τίνες ὑπῆρχον περὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ τοὺς ζήλους ἐξηγητέον, τίνες παρʼ ἑκάστοις ἐπεκράτουν καὶ κατίσχυον περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰς κοινὰς πολιτείας. 3.4.7 δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἐκ τούτων φανερὸν ἔσται τοῖς μὲν νῦν οὖσιν πότερα φευκτὴν ἢ τοὐναντίον αἱρετὴν εἶναι συμβαίνει τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν, τοῖς δʼ ἐπιγενομένοις πότερον ἐπαινετὴν καὶ ζηλωτὴν ἢ ψεκτὴν γεγονέναι νομιστέον τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν. 3.4.8 τὸ γὰρ ὠφέλιμον τῆς ἡμετέρας ἱστορίας πρός τε τὸ παρὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐν τούτῳ πλεῖστον κείσεται τῷ μέρει. 3.6.4 εἰ μὴ καὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου διάβασιν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν αἰτίαν εἶναί τις φήσει τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας πολέμου καὶ τὸν Ἀντιόχου κατάπλουν εἰς Δημητριάδα τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους· ὧν οὔτʼ εἰκὸς οὔτʼ ἀληθές ἐστιν οὐδέτερον. 3.9.8 εἰ μὲν οὖν μὴ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ξένους ἐγένετο κίνημα τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, εὐθέως ἂν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ παρασκευὴν πραγμάτων, ὅσον ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ. 3.10.3 πλὴν οὐκ ἐντρεπομένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων, εἴξαντες τῇ περιστάσει καὶ βαρυνόμενοι μέν, οὐκ ἔχοντες δὲ ποιεῖν οὐδὲν ἐξεχώρησαν Σαρδόνος, συνεχώρησαν δʼ εἰσοίσειν ἄλλα χίλια καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκείνοις ἀναδέξασθαι τοῖς καιροῖς. 3.10.4 διὸ καὶ δευτέραν, μεγίστην δὲ ταύτην θετέον αἰτίαν τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα συστάντος πολέμου. 3.10.5 Ἀμίλκας γὰρ προσλαβὼν τοῖς ἰδίοις θυμοῖς τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργὴν τῶν πολιτῶν, ὡς θᾶττον τοὺς ἀποστάντας τῶν μισθοφόρων καταπολεμήσας ἐβεβαίωσε τῇ πατρίδι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εὐθέως ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν πράγματα, σπουδάζων ταύτῃ χρήσασθαι παρασκευῇ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον. ἣν δὴ καὶ τρίτην αἰτίαν νομιστέον, 3.15.5 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν διεμαρτύροντο Ζακανθαίων ἀπέχεσθαι — κεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ σφετέρᾳ πίστει — καὶ τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν μὴ διαβαίνειν κατὰ τὰς ἐπʼ Ἀσδρούβου γενομένας ὁμολογίας. 3.15.7 πρὸς μὲν ἐκείνους, ὡς κηδόμενος Ζακανθαίων, ἐνεκάλει Ῥωμαίοις διότι μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις, στασιαζόντων αὐτῶν, λαβόντες τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν εἰς τὸ διαλῦσαι ἀδίκως ἐπανέλοιντό τινας τῶν προεστώτων· οὓς οὐ περιόψεσθαι παρεσπονδημένους· πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι Καρχηδονίοις τὸ μηδένα τῶν ἀδικουμένων περιορᾶν· 3.15.10 πόσῳ γὰρ ἦν ἄμεινον οἴεσθαι δεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἀποδοῦναι σφίσι Σαρδόνα καὶ τοὺς ἐπιταχθέντας ἅμα ταύτῃ φόρους, οὓς τοῖς καιροῖς συνεπιθέμενοι πρότερον ἀδίκως παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔλαβον· εἰ δὲ μή, φάναι πολεμήσειν; 3.21.1 δικαιολογεῖσθαι. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν ὁμολογίας παρεσιώπων, ὡς οὔτε γεγενημένας, εἴ τε γεγόνασιν, οὐδὲν οὔσας πρὸς αὑτοὺς διὰ τὸ χωρὶς τῆς σφετέρας πεπρᾶχθαι γνώμης. 3.21.3 ἐπίεζον δὲ καὶ προσαπηρείδοντο παρʼ ὅλην τὴν δικαιολογίαν ἐπὶ τὰς τελευταίας συνθήκας τὰς γενομένας ἐν τῷ περὶ Σικελίας πολέμῳ. 3.21.6 Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τοῦ μὲν δικαιολογεῖσθαι καθάπαξ ἀπεγίνωσκον, φάσκοντες ἀκεραίου μὲν ἔτι διαμενούσης τῆς τῶν Ζακανθαίων πόλεως ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὰ πράγματα δικαιολογίαν καὶ δυνατὸν εἶναι λόγῳ περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων διεξάγειν· 3.30.4 εἰ δὲ τὴν Σαρδόνος ἀφαίρεσιν καὶ τὰ σὺν ταύτῃ χρήματα, πάντως ὁμολογητέον εὐλόγως πεπολεμηκέναι τὸν κατʼ Ἀννίβαν πόλεμον τοὺς Καρχηδονίους· καιρῷ γὰρ πεισθέντες ἠμύνοντο σὺν καιρῷ τοὺς βλάψαντας. 3.35.7 τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν στρατιὰν ἀναλαβὼν εὔζωνον πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισμυρίους ἱππεῖς δὲ πρὸς ἐννακισχιλίους ἦγεν διὰ τῶν Πυρηναίων λεγομένων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ καλουμένου ποταμοῦ διάβασιν, 3.35.8 ἔχων οὐχ οὕτως πολλὴν δύναμιν ὡς χρησίμην καὶ γεγυμνασμένην διαφερόντως ἐκ τῆς συνεχείας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀγώνων. 3.36.1 ἵνα δὲ μὴ τῶν τόπων ἀγνοουμένων παντάπασιν ἀσαφῆ γίνεσθαι συμβαίνῃ τὴν διήγησιν, ῥητέον ἂν εἴη πόθεν ὁρμήσας Ἀννίβας καὶ τίνας καὶ πόσους διελθὼν τόπους εἰς ποῖα μέρη κατῆρε τῆς Ἰταλίας. 3.36.2 ῥητέον δʼ οὐκ αὐτὰς τὰς ὀνομασίας τῶν τόπων καὶ ποταμῶν καὶ πόλεων, ὅπερ ἔνιοι ποιοῦσι τῶν συγγραφέων, ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐν παντὶ πρὸς γνῶσιν καὶ σαφήνειαν αὐτοτελὲς εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ μέρος. 3.36.3 οἶμαι δʼ, ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν γνωριζομένων τόπων οὐ μικρὰ μεγάλα δὲ συμβάλλεσθαι πεποίηκε πρὸς ἀνάμνησιν ἡ τῶν ὀνομάτων παράθεσις· ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων εἰς τέλος ὁμοίαν ἔχει τὴν δύναμιν ἡ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐξήγησις ταῖς ἀδιανοήτοις καὶ κρουσματικαῖς λέξεσι. 3.36.4 τῆς γὰρ διανοίας ἐπʼ οὐδὲν ἀπερειδομένης οὐδὲ δυναμένης ἐφαρμόττειν τὸ λεγόμενον ἐπʼ οὐδὲν γνώριμον, ἀνυπότακτος καὶ κωφὴ γίνεθʼ ἡ διήγησις. 3.36.5 διόπερ ὑποδεικτέος ἂν εἴη τρόπος, διʼ οὗ δυνατὸν ἔσται περὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων λέγοντας κατὰ ποσὸν εἰς ἀληθινὰς καὶ γνωρίμους ἐννοίας ἄγειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας. πρώτη μὲν οὖν καὶ μεγίστη γνῶσις, 3.37.6 αὗται μὲν οὖν αἱ χῶραι καθολικώτερον θεωρούμεναι τὸν πρὸς τὴν μεσημβρίαν τόπον ἐπέχουσι τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνατολῶν ὡς πρὸς τὰς δύσεις. 3.37.7 ἡ δʼ Εὐρώπη ταύταις ἀμφοτέραις ὡς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους ἀντιπαράκειται, κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνατολῶν παρήκουσα μὲν ἄχρι πρὸς τὰς δύσεις, 3.37.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Νάρβωνος καὶ τὰ περὶ τοῦτον Κελτοὶ νέμονται μέχρι τῶν προσαγορευομένων Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἃ διατείνει κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἀπὸ τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττης ἕως εἰς τὴν ἐκτός. 3.37.10 τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀπὸ τῶν προειρημένων ὀρῶν τὸ συνάπτον πρός τε τὰς δύσεις καὶ πρὸς Ἡρακλείους στήλας περιέχεται μὲν ὑπό τε τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καὶ τῆς ἔξω θαλάττης, καλεῖται δὲ τὸ μὲν παρὰ τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς παρῆκον ἕως Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν Ἰβηρία, 3.37.11 τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξω καὶ μεγάλην προσαγορευομένην κοινὴν μὲν ὀνομασίαν οὐκ ἔχει διὰ τὸ προσφάτως κατωπτεῦσθαι, κατοικεῖται δὲ πᾶν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρώπων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν 3.38.2 τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τὸ μεταξὺ Τανάιδος καὶ Νάρβωνος εἰς τὰς ἄρκτους ἀνῆκον ἄγνωστον ἡμῖν ἕως τοῦ νῦν ἐστιν, ἐὰν μή τι μετὰ ταῦτα πολυπραγμονοῦντες ἱστορήσωμεν. 3.39.2 Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς τῆς μὲν Λιβύης ἐκυρίευον πάντων τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔσω θάλατταν νευόντων μερῶν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλαίνου βωμῶν, οἳ κεῖνται κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην Σύρτιν, ἕως ἐφʼ Ἡρακλέους στήλας. 3.39.3 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ μῆκός ἐστι τῆς παραλίας ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους σταδίους. 3.39.4 διαβάντες δὲ τὸν καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας πόρον ὁμοίως ἐκεκρατήκεισαν καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἁπάσης ἕως τῆς ῥαχίας, ὃ πέρας ἐστὶ πρὸς τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττῃ τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἃ διορίζει τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτούς. 3.39.5 ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦ καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας στόματος οὗτος ὁ τόπος περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους σταδίους. 3.39.8 καὶ μὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ διάβασιν περὶ χιλίους ἑξακοσίους· ταῦτα γὰρ νῦν βεβημάτισται καὶ σεσημείωται κατὰ σταδίους ὀκτὼ διὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐπιμελῶς· 3.39.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς διαβάσεως τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ πορευομένοις παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς πηγὰς ἕως πρὸς τὴν ἀναβολὴν τῶν Ἄλπεων τὴν εἰς Ἰταλίαν χίλιοι τετρακόσιοι. 3.39.10 λοιπαὶ δʼ αἱ τῶν Ἄλπεων ὑπερβολαί, περὶ χιλίους διακοσίους· ἃς ὑπερβαλὼν ἔμελλεν ἥξειν εἰς τὰ περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδία τῆς Ἰταλίας. 3.39.11 ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας ἐκ Καινῆς πόλεως σταδίους περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, οὓς ἔδει διελθεῖν αὐτόν. 3.39.12 τούτων δὴ τῶν τόπων κατὰ μὲν τὸ μῆκος ἤδη σχεδὸν τοὺς ἡμίσεις διεληλύθει, κατὰ δὲ τὴν δυσχέρειαν τὸ πλέον αὐτῷ μέρος ἀπελείπετο τῆς πορείας. 3.40.1 Ἀννίβας μὲν οὖν ἐνεχείρει ταῖς διεκβολαῖς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, κατάφοβος ὢν τοὺς Κελτοὺς διὰ τὰς ὀχυρότητας τῶν τόπων. 3.42.1 Ἀννίβας δὲ προσμίξας τοῖς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τόποις εὐθέως ἐνεχείρει ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάβασιν κατὰ τὴν ἁπλῆν ῥύσιν, σχεδὸν ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ὁδὸν ἀπέχων στρατοπέδῳ τῆς θαλάττης. 3.47.6 ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν γεγραφότων περὶ τῆς ὑπερβολῆς ταύτης, βουλόμενοι τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ἐκπλήττειν τῇ περὶ τῶν προειρημένων τόπων παραδοξολογίᾳ, λανθάνουσιν ἐμπίπτοντες εἰς δύο τὰ πάσης ἱστορίας ἀλλοτριώτατα· καὶ γὰρ ψευδολογεῖν καὶ μαχόμενα γράφειν αὑτοῖς ἀναγκάζονται. 3.47.7 ἅμα μὲν γὰρ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀμίμητόν τινα παρεισάγοντες στρατηγὸν καὶ τόλμῃ καὶ προνοίᾳ τοῦτον ὁμολογουμένως ἀποδεικνύουσιν ἡμῖν ἀλογιστότατον, 3.47.8 ἅμα δὲ καταστροφὴν οὐ δυνάμενοι λαμβάνειν οὐδʼ ἔξοδον τοῦ ψεύδους θεοὺς καὶ θεῶν παῖδας εἰς πραγματικὴν ἱστορίαν παρεισάγουσιν. 3.47.9 ὑποθέμενοι γὰρ τὰς ἐρυμνότητας καὶ τραχύτητας τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν ὀρῶν τοιαύτας ὥστε μὴ οἷον ἵππους καὶ στρατόπεδα, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ἐλέφαντας, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ πεζοὺς εὐζώνους εὐχερῶς ἂν διελθεῖν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν ἔρημον τοιαύτην τινὰ περὶ τοὺς τόπους ὑπογράψαντες ἡμῖν ὥστʼ, εἰ μὴ θεὸς ἤ τις ἥρως ἀπαντήσας τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ὑπέδειξε τὰς ὁδούς, ἐξαπορήσαντας ἂν καταφθαρῆναι πάντας, ὁμολογουμένως ἐκ τούτων εἰς ἑκάτερον τῶν προειρημένων 3.48.8 ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως ἐμπίπτουσιν εἰς τὸ παραπλήσιον τοῖς τραγῳδιογράφοις. καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνοις πᾶσιν αἱ καταστροφαὶ τῶν δραμάτων προσδέονται θεοῦ καὶ μηχανῆς διὰ τὸ τὰς πρώτας ὑποθέσεις ψευδεῖς καὶ παραλόγους λαμβάνειν, 3.54.2 ἐπειρᾶτο συναθροίσας παρακαλεῖν, μίαν ἔχων ἀφορμὴν εἰς τοῦτο τὴν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐνάργειαν· οὕτως γὰρ ὑποπεπτώκει τοῖς προειρημένοις ὄρεσιν ὥστε συνθεωρουμένων ἀμφοῖν ἀκροπόλεως φαίνεσθαι διάθεσιν ἔχειν τὰς Ἄλπεις τῆς ὅλης Ἰταλίας. 3.54.3 διόπερ ἐνδεικνύμενος αὐτοῖς τὰ περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδία καὶ καθόλου τῆς εὐνοίας ὑπομιμνήσκων τῆς τῶν κατοικούντων αὐτὰ Γαλατῶν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν τῆς Ῥώμης αὐτῆς τόπον ὑποδεικνύων ἐπὶ ποσὸν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίησε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. 3.58.2 σχεδὸν γὰρ πάντων, εἰ δὲ μή γε, τῶν πλείστων συγγραφέων πεπειραμένων μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰς ἰδιότητας καὶ θέσεις τῶν περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τόπων τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης, ἐν πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν πλείστων διημαρτηκότων, 3.59.3 ἐν δὲ τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς τῶν μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν διὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου δυναστείαν τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τόπων διὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὑπεροχὴν σχεδὸν ἁπάντων πλωτῶν καὶ πορευτῶν γεγονότων, 3.59.4 ἀπολελυμένων δὲ καὶ τῶν πρακτικῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς περὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς καὶ πολιτικὰς πράξεις φιλοτιμίας, ἐκ δὲ τούτων πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἀφορμὰς εἰληφότων εἰς τὸ πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ φιλομαθεῖν περὶ τῶν προειρημένων, 3.70.4 τὰ γὰρ στρατόπεδα χειμασκήσαντα βελτίω τὰ παρʼ αὑτῶν ὑπελάμβανε γενήσεσθαι, τήν τε τῶν Κελτῶν ἀθεσίαν οὐκ ἐμμενεῖν ἐν τῇ πίστει, τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἀπραγούντων καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀναγκαζομένων ἄγειν, ἀλλὰ καινοτομήσειν τι πάλιν κατʼ ἐκείνων. 3.78.1 ἐχρήσατο δέ τινι καὶ Φοινικικῷ στρατηγήματι τοιούτῳ κατὰ τὴν παραχειμασίαν. 3.78.2 ἀγωνιῶν γὰρ τὴν ἀθεσίαν τῶν Κελτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τὰς περὶ τὸ σῶμα διὰ τὸ πρόσφατον τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς συστάσεως κατεσκευάσατο περιθετὰς τρίχας, ἁρμοζούσας ταῖς κατὰ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς τῶν ἡλικιῶν ἐπιπρεπείαις, 3.78.5 θεωρῶν δὲ τοὺς Κελτοὺς δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐν τῇ παρʼ αὑτῶν χώρᾳ λαμβάνειν τὴν τριβήν, σπεύδοντας δὲ καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν, προφάσει μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ὀργήν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον διὰ τὰς ὠφελείας, ἔκρινε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ συνεκπληροῦν τὰς τῶν δυνάμεων ὁρμάς. 3.79.4 ἐπιμελητὴν δὲ τῆς οὐραγίας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀπέλιπε Μάγωνα τῶν τε λοιπῶν χάριν καὶ μάλιστα τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν μαλακίας καὶ φυγοπονίας, ἵνʼ ἐὰν κακοπαθοῦντες τρέπωνται πάλιν εἰς τοὐπίσω, κωλύῃ διὰ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ προσφέρῃ τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς. 4.20.8 ταῦτα γὰρ πᾶσίν ἐστι γνώριμα καὶ συνήθη, διότι σχεδὸν παρὰ μόνοις Ἀρκάσι πρῶτον μὲν οἱ παῖδες ἐκ νηπίων ᾄδειν ἐθίζονται κατὰ νόμους τοὺς ὕμνους καὶ παιᾶνας, οἷς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας καὶ θεοὺς ὑμνοῦσι· 4.21.3 βουλόμενοι δὲ μαλάττειν καὶ κιρνᾶν τὸ τῆς φύσεως αὔθαδες καὶ σκληρόν, τά τε προειρημένα πάντα παρεισήγαγον, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ κατείθισαν, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων, 4.40.2 τοῦτο γὰρ ἴδιόν ἐστι τῶν νῦν καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πάντων πλωτῶν καὶ πορευτῶν γεγονότων οὐκ ἂν ἔτι πρέπον εἴη ποιηταῖς καὶ μυθογράφοις χρῆσθαι μάρτυσι περὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων, 5.33.2 περὶ ὧν ἐγώ, παραιτησάμενος Ἔφορον τὸν πρῶτον καὶ μόνον ἐπιβεβλημένον τὰ καθόλου γράφειν, τὸ μὲν πλείω λέγειν ἢ μνημονεύειν τινὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐπʼ ὀνόματος παρήσω, 5.101.10 τὴν δʼ Ἰταλίαν ἔφη καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖ διάβασιν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιβολῆς, ἣν οὐδενὶ καθήκειν μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ τὸν 5.106.8 καὶ πᾶν γένος ὑπέμενον ψηφισμάτων καὶ κηρυγμάτων, βραχύν τινα λόγον ποιούμενοι τοῦ καθήκοντος διὰ τὴν τῶν προ 5.107.1 εστώτων ἀκρισίαν. Πτολεμαίῳ γε μὴν εὐθέως ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους πόλεμον. 5.107.2 ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς καθοπλίσας τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἐνδεχομένως ἐβουλεύσατο, τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος ἠστόχησε· 5.107.3 φρονηματισθέντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Ῥαφίαν προτερήματος, οὐκέτι τὸ προσταττόμενον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὑπομένειν, ἀλλʼ ἐζήτουν ἡγεμόνα καὶ πρόσωπον, ὡς ἱκανοὶ βοηθεῖν ὄντες αὑτοῖς. ὃ καὶ τέλος ἐποίησαν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον. 6.4.5 τι ποτʼ ἂν αὐτὸ βουληθῇ καὶ πρόθηται παρὰ δʼ ᾧ πάτριόν ἐστι καὶ σύνηθες θεοὺς σέβεσθαι, γονεῖς θεραπεύειν, πρεσβυτέρους αἰδεῖσθαι, νόμοις πείθεσθαι, παρὰ τοῖς τοιούτοις συστήμασιν ὅταν τὸ τοῖς πλείοσι δόξαν νικᾷ, τοῦτο καλεῖν δεῖ δημοκρατίαν. διὸ καὶ γένη μὲν ἓξ εἶναι ῥητέον πολιτειῶν, 6.4.6 τρία μὲν ἃ πάντες θρυλοῦσι καὶ νῦν προείρηται, τρία δὲ τὰ τούτοις συμφυῆ, λέγω δὲ μοναρχίαν, ὀλιγαρχίαν, ὀχλοκρατίαν. 6.4.7 πρώτη μὲν οὖν ἀκατασκεύως καὶ φυσικῶς συνίσταται μοναρχία, ταύτῃ δʼ ἕπεται καὶ ἐκ ταύτης γεννᾶται μετὰ κατασκευῆς καὶ διορθώσεως βασιλεία. 6.4.8 μεταβαλλούσης δὲ ταύτης εἰς τὰ συμφυῆ κακά, λέγω δʼ εἰς τυραννίδʼ, αὖθις ἐκ τῆς τούτων καταλύσεως ἀριστοκρατία φύεται. 6.4.9 καὶ μὴν ταύτης εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν ἐκτραπείσης κατὰ φύσιν, τοῦ δὲ πλήθους ὀργῇ μετελθόντος τὰς τῶν προεστώτων ἀδικίας, γεννᾶται δῆμος. 6.7.6 ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ κατὰ γένος τὰς ἀρχὰς παραλαμβάνοντες ἕτοιμα μὲν εἶχον ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἕτοιμα δὲ καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν τὰ πρὸς τὴν τροφήν, 6.43.1 σχεδὸν δὴ πάντες οἱ συγγραφεῖς περὶ τούτων ἡμῖν τῶν πολιτευμάτων παραδεδώκασι τὴν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμην, περί τε τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Κρητῶν καὶ Μαντινέων, ἔτι δὲ Καρχηδονίων· ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς Ἀθηναίων καὶ Θηβαίων πολιτείας πεποίηνται μνήμην. 6.47.9 μέχρι δὲ τοῦ νῦν παραπλήσιος ἂν ὁ περὶ αὐτῆς φανείη λόγος, ἀγομένης εἰς σύγκρισιν πρὸς τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων πολιτείαν, ὡς ἂν εἰ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τις ἓν προθέμενος τοῦτο συγκρίνοι τοῖς ζῶσι καὶ πεπνυμένοις ἀνδράσι. 6.51.1 τὸ δὲ Καρχηδονίων πολίτευμα τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθέν μοι δοκεῖ καλῶς κατά γε τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς συνεστάσθαι. 6.51.2 καὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖς ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ γερόντιον εἶχε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν κύριον τῶν καθηκόντων αὐτῷ· καθόλου δὲ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἁρμογὴν εἶχε παραπλησίαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων. 6.56.1 καὶ μὴν τὰ περὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα βελτίω παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶν ἢ παρὰ Καρ 6.56.2 χηδονίοις παρʼ οἷς μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδος, παρʼ οἷς δʼ οὐδὲν αἴσχιον τοῦ δωροδοκεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ 6.56.3 καθηκόντων καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐν καλῷ τίθενται τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου χρηματισμόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτο πάλιν ἐν ὀνείδει ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἀπειρημένων πλεονεξίαν. 6.56.4 σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο· παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δῶρα φανερῶς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τοῦτο πρόστιμον. 6.56.5 ὅθεν τῶν ἄθλων τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐναντίων τιθεμένων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν, εἰκὸς ἀνόμοιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἑκατέρων πρὸς ταῦτα. 6.56.6 μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. 6.56.7 καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 6.56.8 ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 6.56.9 ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 6.56.10 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· 6.56.11 ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. 6.56.12 διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά. 6.56.14 παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις κατά τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ πρεσβείας πολύ τι πλῆθος χρημάτων χειρίζοντες διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον πίστεως τηροῦσι τὸ καθῆκον. 6.56.15 καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις σπάνιόν ἐστιν εὑρεῖν ἀπεχόμενον ἄνδρα τῶν δημοσίων καὶ καθαρεύοντα περὶ ταῦτα· παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις σπάνιόν ἐστι τὸ λαβεῖν τινα πεφωραμένον ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ πράξει. ξοδ. υρβ. ηαβετ ηαεξ ϝ. π. 264, 17. 293, 5 ξυμ αντεξεδεντιβυς αρξτε ξοηαερεντια εχξ. αντ. π. 188. 6.57.2 δυεῖν δὲ τρόπων ὄντων, καθʼ οὓς φθείρεσθαι πέφυκε πᾶν γένος πολιτείας, τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν, τοῦ δʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς φυομένου, τὸν μὲν ἐκτὸς ἄστατον ἔχειν συμβαίνει τὴν θεωρίαν, τὸν δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν τεταγμένην. 6.57.3 τί μὲν δὴ πρῶτον φύεται γένος πολιτείας καὶ τί δεύτερον, καὶ πῶς εἰς ἄλληλα μεταπίπτουσιν, εἴρηται πρόσθεν ἡμῖν, 6.57.5 ὅταν γὰρ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους κινδύνους διωσαμένη πολιτεία μετὰ ταῦτα εἰς ὑπεροχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν ἀδήριτον ἀφίκηται, φανερὸν ὡς εἰσοικιζομένης εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας συμβαίνει τοὺς μὲν βίους γίνεσθαι πολυτελεστέρους, τοὺς δʼ ἄνδρας φιλονεικοτέρους τοῦ δέοντος περί τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπιβολάς. 6.57.6 ὧν προβαινόντων ἐπὶ πλέον ἄρξει μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολῆς ἡ φιλαρχία καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀδοξίας ὄνειδος, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἡ περὶ τοὺς βίους ἀλαζονεία καὶ πολυτέλεια, 6.57.7 λήψεται δὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς μεταβολῆς ὁ δῆμος, ὅταν ὑφʼ ὧν μὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι δόξῃ διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν, ὑφʼ ὧν δὲ χαυνωθῇ κολακευόμενος διὰ τὴν φιλαρχίαν. 6.57.8 τότε γὰρ ἐξοργισθεὶς καὶ θυμῷ πάντα βουλευόμενος οὐκέτι θελήσει πειθαρχεῖν οὐδʼ ἴσον ἔχειν τοῖς προεστῶσιν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτός. 6.57.9 οὗ γενομένου τῶν μὲν ὀνομάτων τὸ κάλλιστον ἡ πολιτεία μεταλήψεται, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δημοκρατίαν, τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων τὸ χείριστον, τὴν ὀχλοκρατίαν. 8.9.6 εἰ γάρ τις ἦν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἢ τοῖς βαρβάροισ" φησί "λάσταυρος ἢ θρασὺς τὸν τρόπον, οὗτοι πάντες εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἁθροιζόμενοι πρὸς Φίλιππον ἑταῖροι τοῦ βασιλέως προσηγορεύοντο. 8.11.3 καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ περὶ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαλήψεις οὐδεὶς ἂν εὐδοκήσειε τῷ προειρημένῳ συγγραφεῖ· ὅς γʼ ἐπιβαλόμενος γράφειν τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις ἀφʼ ὧν Θουκυδίδης ἀπέλιπε, καὶ συνεγγίσας τοῖς Λευκτρικοῖς καιροῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἔργων, τὴν μὲν Ἑλλάδα μεταξὺ καὶ τὰς ταύτης ἐπιβολὰς ἀπέρριψε, μεταλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὰς Φιλίππου πράξεις προύθετο γράφειν. 8.11.4 καίτοι γε πολλῷ σεμνότερον ἦν καὶ δικαιότερον ἐν τῇ περὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὑποθέσει τὰ πεπραγμένα Φιλίππῳ συμπεριλαβεῖν ἤπερ ἐν τῇ Φιλίππου τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. οὐδὲ γὰρ προκαταληφθεὶς ὑπὸ βασιλικῆς δυναστείας, 8.11.5 καὶ τυχὼν ἐξουσίας, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἐπέσχε σὺν καιρῷ ποιήσασθαι μετάβασιν ἐπὶ τὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὄνομα καὶ πρόσωπον· ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης ἀρξάμενος καὶ προβὰς ἐπὶ ποσὸν οὐδʼ ὅλως οὐδεὶς ἂν ἠλλάξατο μονάρχου πρόσχημα καὶ βίον, ἀκεραίῳ χρώμενος γνώμῃ. 8.11.6 καὶ τί δήποτʼ ἦν τὸ τὰς τηλικαύτας ἐναντιώσεις βιασάμενον παριδεῖν Θεόπομπον; εἰ μὴ νὴ Δίʼ ὅτι ἐκείνης μὲν τῆς ὑποθέσεως τέλος ἦν τὸ καλόν, τῆς δὲ κατὰ Φίλιππον τὸ συμφέρον. 8.19.9 συντάξας ἑνὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν αἰὲν ἀποκρίνασθαι πρὸς τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀριανὸν καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι παρʼ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ τὸ κατεπεῖγον, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων φάναι βαρβάρους αὐτοὺς ὑπάρχειν. 9.1.2 οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δὲ διότι συμβαίνει τὴν πραγματείαν ἡμῶν ἔχειν αὐστηρόν τι καὶ πρὸς ἓν γένος ἀκροατῶν οἰκειοῦσθαι καὶ κρίνεσθαι διὰ τὸ μονοειδὲς τῆς συντάξεως. 9.1.4 τὸν μὲν γὰρ φιλήκοον ὁ γενεαλογικὸς τρόπος ἐπισπᾶται, τὸν δὲ πολυπράγμονα καὶ περιττὸν ὁ περὶ τὰς ἀποικίας καὶ κτίσεις καὶ συγγενείας, καθά που καὶ παρʼ Ἐφόρῳ λέγεται, τὸν δὲ πολιτικὸν ὁ περὶ τὰς πράξεις τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δυναστῶν. 9.1.5 ἐφʼ ὃν ἡμεῖς ψιλῶς κατηντηκότες καὶ περὶ τοῦτον πεποιημένοι τὴν ὅλην τάξιν, πρὸς ἓν μέν τι γένος, ὡς προεῖπον, οἰκείως ἡρμόσμεθα, τῷ δὲ πλείονι μέρει τῶν ἀκροατῶν ἀψυχαγώγητον παρεσκευάκαμεν τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν. 9.9.9 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐχ οὕτως τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἢ Καρχηδονίων ἐγκωμίου χάριν εἴρηταί μοι — τούτους μὲν γὰρ ἤδη πολλάκις ἐπεσημηνάμην — τὸ δὲ πλεῖον τῶν ἡγουμένων παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα μελλόντων χειρίζειν παρʼ ἑκάστοις τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις,'9.9.10 ἵνα τῶν μὲν ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν λαμβάνοντες ζηλωταὶ γίνωνται παράβολον ἔχειν τι καὶ κινδυνῶδες, τοὐναντίον ἀσφαλῆ μὲν τὴν τόλμαν, θαυμασίαν δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, ἀείμνηστον δὲ καὶ καλὴν ἔχει τὴν προαίρεσιν καὶ κατορθωθέντα καὶ διαψευσθέντα παραπλησίως, ἐὰν μόνον σὺν νῷ γένηται τὰ πραττόμενα. Ἄτελλα, 9.10.7 οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ὁ θεώμενος οὐδέποτε μακαρίζει τοὺς τἀλλότρια κεκτημένους, ὡς ἐν τῷ φθονεῖν ἅμα καί τις ἔλεος αὐτὸν ὑποτρέχει τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀποβαλόντων. 9.10.8 ἐπὰν δὲ καὶ προβαίνῃ τὰ τῆς εὐκαιρίας καὶ πάντα συνάγῃ πρὸς αὑτὸν τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ ταῦτα συγκαλῇ τρόπον τινὰ τοὺς ἐστερημένους ἐπὶ θέαν, διπλάσιον γίνεται τὸ κακόν. 9.10.9 οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοὺς πέλας ἐλεεῖν συμβαίνει τοὺς θεωμένους, ἀλλὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ἀναμιμνησκομένους τῶν οἰκείων συμπτωμάτων. 9.10.10 ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον φθόνος, ἀλλʼ οἷον ὀργή τις ἐκκαίεται πρὸς τοὺς εὐτυχοῦντας· ἡ γὰρ τῶν ἰδίων περιπετειῶν ἀνάμνησις ὡς ἂν εἰ προτροπή τις ἐστι πρὸς τὸ κατὰ τῶν πραξάντων μῖσος. 9.12.1 πολλὴν μὲν ἐπισκέψεως χρείαν ἔχει τὰ συμβαίνοντα περὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς ἐπιβολάς· ἔστι δὲ δυνατὸν ἐν ἑκάστοις αὐτῶν εὐστοχεῖν, ἐὰν σὺν νῷ τις πράττῃ τὸ προτεθέν. 10.2.9 οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν· 10.2.10 ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος,' '10.2.12 Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.21.3 καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον τὰς μὲν τῶν πόλεων κτίσεις τοὺς συγγραφέας, καὶ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διὰ τίνων ἐκτίσθησαν, ἔτι δὲ τὰς διαθέσεις καὶ περιστάσεις μετʼ ἀποδείξεως ἐξαγγέλλειν, τὰς δὲ τῶν τὰ ὅλα χειρισάντων ἀνδρῶν ἀγωγὰς καὶ ζήλους παρασιωπᾶν, καὶ ταῦτα τῆς χρείας μεγάλην ἐχούσης τὴν διαφοράν· 10.27.7 ὑπὸ δὲ ταύτην ἐστὶ βασίλεια, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ λέγειν κατὰ μέρος καὶ τὸ παρασιωπᾶν ἔχει τινʼ ἀπορίαν· 11.34.5 πλήθη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγα παρεῖναι τῶν Νομάδων, διʼ ὧν κινδυνεύειν μὲν ἀμφοτέρους, ἐκβαρβαρωθήσεσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν ὁμολογουμένως, ἐὰν ἐκείνους προσδέχωνται. 11.34.6 ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Τηλέαν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. 12.3.4 διὰ τὸ πολλὰ τῶν κατὰ Λιβύην ἐθνῶν τοῖς μὲν ἡμέροις μὴ χρῆσθαι καρποῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν θρεμμάτων καὶ σὺν τοῖς θρέμμασιν ἔχειν τὸν βίον. 12.27.1 δυεῖν γὰρ ὄντων κατὰ φύσιν ὡς ἂν εἴ τινων ὀργάνων ἡμῖν, οἷς πάντα πυνθανόμεθα καὶ πολυπραγμονοῦμεν ἀκοῆς καὶ ὁράσεως, ἀληθινωτέρας δʼ οὔσης οὐ μικρῷ τῆς ὁράσεως κατὰ τὸν Ἡράκλειτον — ὀφθαλμοὶ γὰρ τῶν ὤτων ἀκριβέστεροι μάρτυρες — τούτων Τίμαιος τὴν ἡδίω μέν, 12.27.1 λοιπὸν δὲ τὸ πραγματικὸν αὐτῷ μέρος τῆς ἱστορίας ἐκ πάντων σύγκειται τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, ὧν τὰ πλεῖστα διεληλύθαμεν· 12.27.2 ἥττω δὲ τῶν ὁδῶν ὥρμησε πρὸς τὸ πολυπραγμονεῖν. 12.27.2 τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν τῆς ἁμαρτίας νῦν ἐροῦμεν, ἥτις οὐκ ἔνδοξος μὲν φανεῖται τοῖς πλείστοις, ἀληθινωτάτη δʼ εὑρεθήσεται τῶν Τιμαίου κατηγορημάτων. 12.27.3 δοκεῖ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τὴν ἐμπειρικὴν περὶ ἕκαστα δύναμιν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς πολυπραγμοσύνης ἕξιν παρεσκευάσθαι καὶ συλλήβδην φιλοπόνως προσεληλυθέναι πρὸς τὸ γράφειν τὴν ἱστορίαν, 12.27.3 τῶν μὲν γὰρ διὰ τῆς ὁράσεως εἰς τέλος ἀπέστη, τῶν δὲ διὰ τῆς ἀκοῆς ἀντεποιήσατο. καὶ ταύτης διμεροῦς οὔσης τινός, τοῦ μὲν διὰ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων τὸ δὲ περὶ τὰς ἀνακρίσεις ῥᾳθύμως ἀνεστράφη, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς ἀνώτερον ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. 12.27.4 ἐν ἐνίοις δʼ οὐδεὶς οὔτʼ ἀπειρότερος οὔτʼ ἀφιλοπονώτερος φαίνεται γεγονέναι τῶν ἐπʼ ὀνόματος συγγραφέων. δῆλον δʼ ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων. 12.27.4 διʼ ἣν δʼ αἰτίαν ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν αἵρεσιν εὐχερὲς καταμαθεῖν· ὅτι τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν βυβλίων δύναται πολυπραγμονεῖσθαι χωρὶς κινδύνου καὶ κακοπαθείας, ἐάν τις αὐτὸ τοῦτο προνοηθῇ μόνον ὥστε λαβεῖν ἢ πόλιν ἔχουσαν ὑπομνημάτων πλῆθος ἢ βυβλιοθήκην που γειτνιῶσαν. 12.27.5 λοιπὸν κατακείμενον ἐρευνᾶν δεῖ τὸ ζητούμενον καὶ συγκρίνειν τὰς τῶν προγεγονότων συγγραφέων ἀγνοίας ἄνευ πάσης κακοπαθείας. 12.27.6 ἡ δὲ πολυπραγμοσύνη πολλῆς μὲν προσδεῖται ταλαιπωρίας καὶ δαπάνης, μέγα δέ τι συμβάλλεται καὶ μέγιστόν ἐστι μέρος τῆς ἱστορίας. 12.28.6 ἀλλὰ καταβιώσας ἐν ἑνὶ τόπῳ ξενιτεύων, καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰ κατὰ πρόθεσιν ἀπειπάμενος καὶ τὴν ἐνεργητικὴν τὴν περὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς καὶ πολιτικὰς πράξεις καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς πλάνης καὶ θέας αὐτοπάθειαν, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως ἐκφέρεται δόξαν ὡς ἕλκων τὴν τοῦ συγγραφέως προστασίαν. 12.28.6 ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ οἴομαι τηλικαύτην διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὰ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν οἰκοδομήματα τῶν ἐν ταῖς σκηνογραφίαις τόπων, οὐδὲ τὴν ἱστορίαν τῶν ἐπιδεικτικῶν λόγων, ἡλίκην ἐπὶ πασῶν τῶν συντάξεων τὴν ἐξ αὐτουργίας καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοπαθείας ἀπόφασιν τῶν ἐξ ἀκοῆς καὶ διηγήματος γραφομένων· 15.26.1 ὅτι Δείνωνα τὸν Δείνωνος ἐπανείλετο Ἀγαθοκλῆς, καὶ τοῦτο ἔπραξε τῶν ἀδίκων ἔργων, ὡς ἡ παροιμία φησί, δικαιότατον· καθʼ ὃν μὲν γὰρ καιρόν, τῶν γραμμάτων αὐτῷ προσπεσόντων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως τῆς Ἀρσινόης, ἐξουσίαν ἔσχε μηνῦσαι τὴν πρᾶξιν καὶ σῶσαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν, τότε δὴ συνεργήσας τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φιλάμμωνα, πάντων ἐγένετο τῶν ἐπιγενομένων κακῶν αἴτιος, 15.26.1 πρώτους δὲ συναθροίσας τοὺς Μακεδόνας, εἰς τούτους εἰσῆλθε μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς Ἀγαθοκλείας. 15.26.2 καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ὑπεκρίνετο τὸν οὐ δυνάμενον εἰπεῖν ἃ βούλεται διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπιφερομένων δακρύων· 15.26.2 μετὰ δὲ τὸ συντελεσθῆναι τὸν φόνον ἀνανεούμενος καὶ πρὸς πολλοὺς οἰκτιζόμενος καὶ μεταμελόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ τοιοῦτον καιρὸν παραλιπεῖν δῆλος ἐγένετο τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα· διὸ καὶ παραυτίκα τυχὼν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τιμωρίας μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. — 15.26.4 ἡ μὲν οὖν καὶ ταύτης εὔνοια βραχεῖάν τινα ῥοπὴν ἔχει πρὸς τὴν τούτου σωτηρίαν, ἐν ὑμῖν δὲ κεῖται καὶ ταῖς ὑμετέραις χερσὶ τὰ τούτου νυνὶ πράγματα. 15.26.5 Τληπόλεμος γὰρ πάλαι μὲν ἦν δῆλος τοῖς ὀρθῶς σκοπουμένοις μειζόνων ἐφιέμενος ἢ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, νῦν δὲ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὸν καιρὸν ὥρικεν, ἐν ᾗ μέλλει τὸ διάδημʼ ἀναλαμβάνειν. 15.26.6 "3 καὶ περὶ τούτων οὐχ αὑτῷ πιστεύειν ἐκέλευεν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς εἰδόσι τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ παροῦσι νῦν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων. 15.26.7 καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰπὼν εἰσῆγε τὸν Κριτόλαον, ὃς ἔφη καὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτὸς ἑωρακέναι κατασκευαζομένους καὶ τὰ θύματα παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἑτοιμαζόμενα πρὸς τὴν τοῦ διαδήματος ἀνάδειξιν. 15.26.8 ὧν οἱ Μακεδόνες ἀκούοντες οὐχ οἷον ἠλέουν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἁπλῶς οὐδὲν προσεῖχον τῶν λεγομένων, μυχθίζοντες δὲ καὶ διαψιθυρίζοντες ἐξελήρησαν οὕτως ὥστε μηδʼ αὐτὸν εἰδέναι μήτε πῶς τὸ παράπαν ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπελύθη. 15.30.4 ἤδη δὲ τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν εὐρυχωριῶν καὶ τοῦ σταδίου καὶ τῆς πλατείας πλήρους ὑπαρχούσης ὄχλου παντοδαποῦ καὶ τῆς περὶ τὸ Διονυσιακὸν θέατρον προστασίας, 15.30.9 κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἡθροισμένου τοῦ πλήθους ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς πόλεως, ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐπιπέδους τόπους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ βάθρα καὶ τὰ τέγη καταγέμειν ἀνθρώπων, ἐγίνετο βοὴ καὶ κραυγὴ σύμμικτος, ὡς ἂν γυναικῶν ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων ἀνδράσιν ἀναμεμιγμένων· 15.32.4 περὶ δὲ τοὺς ὄχλους ἐγένετό τις ἅμα χαρὰ καὶ λύπη· τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἦσαν περιχαρεῖς ἐπὶ τῷ κεκομίσθαι τὸν παῖδα, τὰ δὲ πάλιν δυσηρέστουν τῷ μὴ συνειλῆφθαι τοὺς αἰτίους μηδὲ τυγχάνειν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τιμωρίας. 15.33.10 δεινὴ γάρ τις ἡ περὶ τοὺς θυμοὺς ὠμότης γίνεται τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀνθρώπων. 16.18.2 ἐξηγούμενος γὰρ ὁ προειρημένος συγγραφεὺς τήν τε Γάζης πολιορκίαν καὶ τὴν γενομένην παράταξιν Ἀντιόχου πρὸς Σκόπαν ἐν Κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ περὶ τὸ Πάνιον, περὶ μὲν τὴν τῆς λέξεως κατασκευὴν δῆλός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐσπουδακὼς ὡς ὑπερβολὴν τερατείας μὴ καταλιπεῖν τοῖς τὰς ἐπιδεικτικὰς καὶ πρὸς ἔκπληξιν τῶν πολλῶν συντάξεις ποιουμένοις, 16.28.2 τὸ δʼ ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὸ προτεθὲν καί που καὶ τῆς τύχης ἀντιπιπτούσης συνεκπληρῶσαι τῷ λογισμῷ τὸ τῆς προθυμίας ἐλλιπὲς ἐπʼ ὀλίγων γίνεσθαι. 18.15.13 τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον οὐδὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐῶσα λήθην αὐτοὺς ἔχειν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, ἀλλʼ ὀνειρώττειν ἀναγκάζουσα πᾶν γένος ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ περιπετείας, ἅτε συνειδότας ἑαυτοῖς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἐκ πάντων ἀλλοτριότητα πρὸς σφᾶς καὶ τὸ κοινὸν μῖσος. 20.9.8 ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἐπιτεμὼν αὐτῶν τὴν ὁρμὴν οὐκ ἔφη τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς ἁρμόζειν τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς δικαιολογίας· λελυμένων γὰρ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς φιλανθρώπων διʼ ἐκείνους, καὶ τῆς ἐνεστώσης ἔχθρας διʼ Αἰτωλοὺς γεγενημένης, οὐδὲν ἔτι συμβάλλεσθαι τὰ τότε φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τοὺς νῦν καιρούς. 23.10.5 πληρῶσαι δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ βαρβάρων τὰς πόλεις, ὡς βεβαιοτέρας αὐτῷ τῆς ἐκ τούτων πίστεως ὑπαρξούσης κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις. οὗ συντελουμένου, 27.13.1 ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος ὁ στρατηγὸς ὁ κατὰ Κύπρον οὐδαμῶς Αἰγυπτιακὸς γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ νουνεχὴς καὶ πρακτικός. 30.7.7 τοιγαροῦν εἰκότως οὗτοι καὶ δικαιολογίαν καὶ κρίσιν ὑπέμενον καὶ πάσας ἐξήλεγχον τὰς ἐλπίδας· 34.1.3 Πολύβιος φήσας περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καλῶς μὲν Εὔδοξον, κάλλιστα δʼ Ἔφορον ἐξηγεῖσθαι περὶ κτίσεων, 34.9.13 Πολύβιος δὲ τὰ τῶν Οὐακκαίων καὶ τῶν Κελτιβήρων ἔθνη καὶ χωρία διεξιὼν συλλέγει ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι καὶ Σεγεσάμαν καὶ Ἰντερκατίαν. — 34.14.1 ὁ γοῦν Πολύβιος γεγονὼς ἐν τῇ πόλει βδελύττεται 34.14.2 τὴν τότε κατάστασιν καί φησι τρία γένη τὴν πόλιν οἰκεῖν, τό τε Αἰγύπτιον καὶ ἐπιχώριον φῦλον, ὀξὺ καὶ πολιτικόν, 34.14.3 καὶ τὸ μισθοφορικόν, βαρὺ καὶ πολὺ καὶ ἀνάγωγον· ἐξ ἔθους γὰρ παλαιοῦ ξένους ἔτρεφον τοὺς τὰ ὅπλα ἔχοντας, ἄρχειν μᾶλλον ἢ ἄρχεσθαι δεδιδαγμένους διὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων οὐδένειαν. 34.14.4 τρίτον δʼ ἦν γένος τὸ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων, οὐδʼ αὐτὸ εὐκρινῶς πολιτικὸν διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς αἰτίας, κρεῖττον δʼ ἐκείνων ὅμως· 34.14.5 καὶ γὰρ εἰ μιγάδες, Ἕλληνες ὅμως ἀνέκαθεν ἦσαν καὶ ἐμέμνηντο τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔθους. ἠφανισμένου δὲ καὶ τούτου τοῦ πλήθους, 38.10.8 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δίαιον καὶ Κριτόλαον καὶ πάντες οἱ μετέχοντες αὐτοῖς τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως κατʼ ἐκλογὴν οἱ χείριστοι καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐχθροὶ καὶ λυμαινόμενοι τὸ ἔθνος· ' None | 4.21 1. \xa0Now all these practices I\xa0believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hardship of the men's lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts â\x80\x94 conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves;,2. \xa0there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits.,3. \xa0The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I\xa0mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I\xa0may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald,,9. \xa0but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.,10. \xa0I\xa0have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans themselves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time.,12. \xa0Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I\xa0return to the point whence I\xa0digressed. "2.4.3 \xa0It seemed as if what had befallen this people was designed by Fortune to display her might to men in general. <' "2.7.5 \xa0To begin with would not anyone who is aware of the general reputation of the Gauls, think twice before entrusting to them a wealthy city, the betrayal of which was easy and profitable? < 2.7.6 \xa0In the second place who would not have been cautious in the case of a company with such a bad name? First of all they had been expelled from their own country by a general movement of their fellow-countrymen owing to their having betrayed their own friends and kinsmen. < 2.15.7 \xa0As for the numbers of the inhabitants, their stature and beauty and their courage in war, the facts of their history will speak. < 2.16.14 \xa0and all matter for tragedy and the like, may be left aside for the present, detailed treatment of such things not suiting very well the plan of this work. < 2.17.9 \xa0They lived in unwalled villages, without any superfluous furniture; < 2.17.10 \xa0for as they slept on beds of leaves and fed on meat and were exclusively occupied with war and agriculture, their lives were very simple, and they had no knowledge whatever of any art or science. < 2.17.11 \xa0Their possessions consisted of cattle and gold, because these were the only things they could carry about with them everywhere according to circumstances and shift where they chose. < 2.17.12 \xa0They treated comradeship as of the greatest importance, those among them being the most feared and most powerful who were thought to have the largest number of attendants and associates. < 2.18.2 \xa0Not long afterwards they defeated the Romans and their allies in a pitched battle, and pursuing the fugitives, occupied, three days after the battle, the whole of Rome with the exception of the Capitol, < 2.19.3 \xa0but, on reaching home, fell out with each other about division of the spoil and succeeded in destroying the greater part of their own forces and of the booty itself. <' "2.19.4 \xa0This is quite a common event among the Gauls, when they have appropriated their neighbour's property, chiefly owing to their inordinate drinking and surfeiting. <" '2.21.9 \xa0For what prompted many of the Gauls and especially the Boii, whose territory bordered on that of Rome, to take action was the conviction that now the Romans no longer made war on them for the sake of supremacy and sovereignty, but with a view to their total expulsion and extermination. < 2.29.5 \xa0The Romans, however, were on the one hand encouraged by having caught the enemy between their two armies, but on the other they were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host < 2.31.7 \xa0Thus were destroyed these Celts during whose invasion, the most serious that had ever occurred, all the Italians and especially the Romans had been exposed to great and terrible peril. < 2.32.7 \xa0The Romans, on the one hand, as they saw that the enemy were much more numerous than themselves, were desirous of employing also the forces of their Celtic allies, < 2.32.8 \xa0but on the other hand, taking into consideration Gaulish fickleness and the fact that they were going to fight against those of the same nation as these allies, they were wary of asking such men to participate in an action of such vital importance. < 2.33.2 \xa0For they had observed from former battles that Gauls in general are most formidable and spirited in their first onslaught, < 2.33.3 \xa0while still fresh, and that, from the way their swords are made, as has been already explained, only the first cut takes effect; after this they at once assume the shape of a strigil, being so much bent both length-wise and side-wise that unless the men are given leisure to rest them on the ground and set them straight with the foot, the second blow is quite ineffectual. < 2.35.2 \xa0Such was the end of the war against the Celts, a war which, if we look to the desperation and daring of the combatants and the numbers who took part and perished in the battles, is second to no war in history, < 2.35.6 \xa0but that, having a fair comprehension of how short-lived and perishable is the might of such peoples, they may confront the invaders and put every hope of safety to the test, before yielding a jot of anything they value. < 2.39 1. \xa0When, in the district of Italy, then known as Greater Hellas, the club-houses of the Pythagoreans were burnt down,,2. \xa0there ensued, as was natural, a general revolutionary movement, the leading citizens of each city having then unexpectedly perished, and in all the Greek towns of the district murder, sedition, and every kind of disturbance were rife.,3. \xa0Embassies arrived from most parts of Greece offering their services as peacemakers,,4. \xa0but it was the Achaeans on whom these cities placed most reliance and to whom they committed the task of putting an end to their present troubles.,5. \xa0And it was not only at this period that they showed their approval of Achaean political principles; but a short time afterwards, they resolved to model their own constitution exactly on that of the League.,6. \xa0The Crotonians, Sybarites and Caulonians, having called a conference and formed a\xa0league, first of all established a common temple and holy place of Zeus Amarius in which to hold their meetings and debates, and next, adopting the customs and laws of the Achaeans, decided to conduct their government according to them.,7. \xa0It was only indeed the tyranny of Dionysius of Syracuse and their subjection to the barbarian tribes around them which defeated this purpose and forced them to abandon these institutions, much against their will.,8. \xa0Again, subsequently, when the Lacedaemonians were unexpectedly defeated at Leuctra, and the Thebans, as unexpectedly, claimed the hegemony of Greece, great uncertainty prevailed in the whole country and especially among these two peoples, the Lacedaemonians not acknowledging their defeat, and the Thebans not wholly believing in their victory.,9. \xa0They, however, referred the points in dispute to the Achaeans alone among all the Greeks,,10. \xa0not taking their power into consideration, for they were then almost the weakest state in Greece, but in view of their trustworthiness and high character in every respect. For indeed this opinion of them was at that time, as is generally acknowledged, held by all.,11. \xa0Up to now, these principles of government had merely existed amongst them, but had resulted in no practical steps worthy of mention for the increase of the Achaean power,,12. \xa0since the country seemed unable to produce a statesman worthy of those principles, anyone who showed a tendency to act so being thrown into the dark and hampered either by the Lacedaemonian power or still more by that of Macedon. 2.56.7 \xa0In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery. < 2.56.8 \xa0This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes. < 2.56.10 \xa0A\xa0historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace. <' "2.56.11 \xa0For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates, <" '2.56.12 \xa0since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners. < 2.56.13 \xa0Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger. < 2.56 1. \xa0Since, among those authors who were contemporaries of Aratus, Phylarchus, who on many points is at variance and in contradiction with him, is by some received as trustworthy,,2. \xa0it will be useful or rather necessary for me, as I\xa0have chosen to rely on Aratus' narrative for the history of the Cleomenic war, not to leave the question of their relative credibility undiscussed, so that truth and falsehood in their writings may no longer be of equal authority.,3. \xa0In general Phylarchus through his whole work makes many random and careless statements;,4. \xa0but while perhaps it is not necessary for me at present to criticize in detail the rest of these, I\xa0must minutely examine such as relate to events occurring in the period with which I\xa0am now dealing, that of the Cleomenic war.,5. \xa0This partial examination will however be quite sufficient to convey an idea of the general purpose and character of his work.,6. \xa0Wishing, for instance, to insist on the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians and also on that of Aratus and the Achaeans, he tells us that the Mantineans, when they surrendered, were exposed to terrible sufferings and that such were the misfortunes that overtook this, the most ancient and greatest city in Arcadia, as to impress deeply and move to tears all the Greeks.,7. \xa0In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery.,8. \xa0This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes.,9. \xa0Leaving aside the ignoble and womanish character of such a treatment of his subject, let us consider how far it is proper or serviceable to history.,10. \xa0A\xa0historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace.,11. \xa0For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates,,12. \xa0since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners.,13. \xa0Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger.,14. \xa0Who, for instance, does not think it an outrage for a free man to be beaten? but if this happen to one who was the first to resort to violence, we consider that he got only his desert, while where it is done for the purpose of correction or discipline, those who strike free men are not only excused but deemed worthy of thanks and praise.,15. \xa0Again, to kill a citizen is considered the greatest of crimes and that deserving the highest penalty, but obviously he who kills a thief or adulterer is left untouched, and the slayer of a traitor or tyrant everywhere meets with honour and distinction.,16. \xa0So in every such case the final criterion of good and evil lies not in what is done, but in the different reasons and different purposes of the doer. " '2.57 1. \xa0Now the Mantineans had, in the first instance, deserted the Achaean League, and of their own free will put themselves and their city into the hands first of the Aetolians and then of Cleomenes.,2. \xa0They had deliberately ranged themselves on his side and been admitted to Spartan citizenship, when, four years before the invasion of Antigonus, their city was betrayed to Aratus and forcibly occupied by the Achaeans.,3. \xa0On this occasion, so far from their being cruelly treated owing to their recent delinquency, the circumstances became celebrated because of the sudden revulsion of sentiments on both sides.,4. \xa0For immediately Aratus had the city in his hands, he at once issued orders to his troops to keep their hands off the property of others,,5. \xa0and next, calling an assembly of the Mantineans, bade them be of good courage and retain possession of all they had; for if they joined the Achaean League he would assure their perfect security.,6. \xa0The prospect of safety thus suddenly revealed to them took the Mantineans completely by surprise, and there was an instantaneous and universal reversal of feeling.,7. \xa0The very men at whose hands they had seen, in the fight that had just closed, many of their kinsmen slain and many grievously wounded, were now taken into their houses, and received into their families with whom they lived on the kindest possible terms.,8. \xa0This was quite natural, for I\xa0never heard of any men meeting with kinder enemies or being less injured by what is considered the greatest of calamities than the Mantineans, all owing to their humane treatment by Aratus and the Achaeans. 2.58 1. \xa0Subsequently, as they foresaw discord among themselves and plots by the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians, they sent an embassy to the Achaeans asking for a garrison.,2. \xa0The Achaeans consented and chose by lot three hundred of their own citizens, who set forth, abandoning their own houses and possessions, and remained in Mantinea to watch over the liberty and safety of its townsmen.,3. \xa0At the same time they sent two hundred hired soldiers, who aided this Achaean force in safeguarding the established government.,4. \xa0Very soon however the Mantineans fell out with the Achaeans, and, inviting the Lacedaemonians, put the city into their hands and massacred the garrison the Achaeans had sent them. It is not easy to name any greater or more atrocious act of treachery than this.,5. \xa0For in resolving to foreswear their friendship and gratitude, they should at least have spared the lives of these men and allowed them all to depart under terms.,6. \xa0Such treatment is, by the common law of nations, accorded even to enemies;,7. \xa0but the Mantineans, simply in order to give Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians a satisfactory guarantee of their good faith in this undertaking violated the law recognized by all mankind and deliberately committed the most heinous of crimes.,8. \xa0Vengeful murderers of the very men who previously on capturing their city had left them unharmed, and who now were guarding their liberties and lives â\x80\x94 against such men, one asks oneself, can any indignation be too strong?,9. \xa0What should we consider to be an adequate punishment for them? Someone might perhaps say that now when they were crushed by armed force they should have been sold into slavery with their wives and children.,10. \xa0But to this fate the usage of war exposes those who have been guilty of no such impious crime.,11. \xa0These men therefore were worthy of some far heavier and more extreme penalty; so that had they suffered what Phylarchus alleges, it was not to be expected that they should have met with pity from the Greeks, but rather that approval and assent should have been accorded to those who executed judgement on them for their wickedness.,12. \xa0Yet, while nothing more serious befel the Mantineans, in this their hour of calamity, than the pillage of their property and the enslavement of the male citizens, Phylarchus, all for the sake of making his narrative sensational, composed a tissue not only of falsehoods, but of improbable falsehoods,,13. \xa0and, owing to his gross ignorance, was not even able to compare an analogous case and explain how the same people at the same time, on taking Tegea by force, did not commit any such excesses.,14. \xa0For if the cause lay in the barbarity of the perpetrators, the Tegeans should have met with the same treatment as those who were conquered at the same time.,15. \xa0If only the Mantineans were thus exceptionally treated, we must evidently infer that there was some exceptional cause for anger against them. 2.59 1. \xa0Again he tells us that Aristomachus of Argos, a man of most noble birth, having himself been tyrant of Argos and being descended from tyrants, was led away captive to Cenchreae and there racked to death, no man deserving less such a terrible fate.,2. \xa0Exercising in this case too his peculiar talent, the author gives us a made-up story of his cries when on the rack having reached the ears of the neighbours, some of whom, horrified at the crime, others scarcely crediting their senses and others in hot indignation ran to the house.,3. \xa0About Phylarchus\' vice of sensationalism I\xa0need say no more, for I\xa0have given sufficient evidence of it;,4. \xa0but as for Aristomachus, even if he had been guilty of no other offence to the Achaeans, I\xa0consider that the general tenor of his life and his treason to his own country rendered him worthy of the most severe punishment.,5. \xa0Our author, it is true, with the view of magnifying his importance and moving his readers to share his own indignation at his fate, tells us that he "not only had been a tyrant himself but was descended from tyrants.",6. \xa0It would be difficult for anyone to bring a graver or more bitter accusation against a man. Why! the very word "tyrant" alone conveys to us the height of impiety and comprises in itself the sum of all human defiance of law and justice.,7. \xa0Aristomachus, if it is true that he was subjected to the most terrible punishment, as Phylarchus tells us, did not get his full deserts for the doings on one day;,8. \xa0I\xa0mean the day on which when Aratus with the Achaeans had gained entrance to the town and fought hard to free the Argives at great risk, but was finally driven out, because none of those inside the city who had agreed to join him ventured to stir,9. \xa0owing to their fear of the tyrant, Aristomachus, availing himself of the pretext that certain persons were cognisant of the entrance of the Achaeans, put to death eighty of the leading citizens who were quite innocent, after torturing them before the eyes of their relatives.,10. \xa0I\xa0say nothing of the crimes that he and his ancestors were guilty of all through their lives: it would be too long a story. 2.60 1. \xa0We must not therefore think it shocking if he met with treatment similar to what he had inflicted: it would have been much more so had he died in peace, without experiencing any such.,2. \xa0Nor should we charge Antigonus and Aratus with criminal conduct, if having captured him in war they had tortured and put to death a tyrant, any man who killed and punished whom even in the time of peace would have been applauded and honoured by all right-thinking people.,3. \xa0When I\xa0add that in addition to all his other offences he broke his faith with the Achaeans, what fate shall we say was too bad for him?,4. \xa0Not many years previously he had laid down his tyranny, finding himself in an embarrassed position owing to the death of Demetrius, and quite contrary to his expectation suffered no harm, being protected by the Achaeans,,5. \xa0who showed themselves most lenient and generous; for not only did they inflict no punishment on him for the crimes he had committed during his tyranny, but receiving him with the highest dignity, making him their Strategus and Commander-inâ\x80\x91chief.,6. \xa0But instantly dismissing from his mind all these benefits, the moment it seemed to him that his prospects would be somewhat more brilliant if he sided with Cleomenes, he broke away from the Achaeans, transferring from them to the enemy at a most critical time his personal support and that of his country.,7. \xa0Surely when they got him into their hands, he should not have been racked to death at night in Cenchreae, as Phylarchus says, but should have been led round the whole Peloponnesus and tortured as a spectacle for the public until dead.,8. \xa0Yet notwithstanding his abominable character, all the harm he suffered was to be drowned in the sea by the officers in command at Cenchreae. ' "2.61 1. \xa0To take another instance, Phylarchus, while narrating with exaggeration and elaboration the calamities of the Mantineans, evidently deeming it a historian's duty to lay stress on criminal acts,,2. \xa0does not even make mention of the noble conduct of the Megalopolitans at nearly the same date, as if it were rather the proper function of history to chronicle the commission of sins than to call attention to right and honourable actions,,3. \xa0or as if readers of his memoirs would be improved less by account of good conduct which we should emulate than by criminal conduct which we should shun.,4. \xa0He tells us how Cleomenes took the city, and before doing any damage to it, sent at once a post to the Megalopolitans at Messene offering to hand back their own native country to them uninjured on condition of their throwing in their lot with him. So much he lets us know, wishing to show the magimity of Cleomenes and his moderation to his enemies,,5. \xa0and he goes on to tell how when the letter was being read out they would not allow the reader to continue until the end, and how they came very near stoning the letter-bearers.,6. \xa0So far he makes everything quite clear to us, but he deprives us of what should follow and what is the special virtue of history, I\xa0mean praise and honourable mention of conduct noteworthy for its excellence.,7. \xa0And yet he had an opportunity ready to his hand here. For if we consider those men to be good who by speeches and resolutions only expose themselves to war for the sake of their friends and allies, and if we bestow not only praise but lavish thanks and gifts on those who have suffered their country to be laid waste and their city besieged,,8. \xa0what should we feel for the Megalopolitans? Surely the deepest reverence and the highest regard.,9. \xa0In the first place they left their lands at the mercy of Cleomenes, next they utterly lost their city owing to their support of the Achaeans,,10. \xa0and finally, when quite unexpectedly it was put in their power to get it back undamaged, they preferred to lose their land, their tombs, their temples, their homes, and their possessions, all in fact that is dearest to men, rather than break faith with their allies.,11. \xa0What more noble conduct has there ever been or could there be? To what could an author with more advantage call the attention of his readers, and how could he better stimulate them to loyalty to their engagements and to true and faithful comradeship?,12. \xa0But Phylarchus, blind, as it seems to me, to the most noble actions and those most worthy of an author's attention, has not said a single word on the subject. " '2.62 1. \xa0Further he tells us that from the booty of Megalopolis six thousand talents fell to the Lacedaemonians, of which two thousand were given to Cleomenes according to usage.,2. \xa0Now in this statement one marvels first at his lack of practical experience and of that general notion of the wealth and power of Greece so essential to a historian.,3. \xa0For, not speaking of those times, when the Peloponnese had been utterly ruined by the Macedonian kings and still more by continued intestinal wars,,4. \xa0but in our own times, when all are in complete unison and enjoy, it is thought, very great prosperity, I\xa0assert that a sale of all the goods and chattels, apart from slaves, in the whole Peloponnese would not bring in such a sum.,5. \xa0That I\xa0do not make this assertion lightly but after due estimate will be evident from the following consideration.,6. \xa0Who has not read that when the Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, entered on the war against the Lacedaemonians, sending out a force of ten thousand men and manning a\xa0hundred triremes,,7. \xa0they decided to meet the war expenses by a property-tax and made a valuation for this purpose of the whole of Attica including the houses and other property.,8. \xa0This estimate, however, fell short of 6000\xa0talents by\xa0250, from which it would seem that my assertion about the Peloponnese at the present day is not far wide of the mark.,9. \xa0But as regards the times of which we are dealing, no one, even if he were exaggerating, would venture to say that more than three hundred talents could be got out of Megalopolis,,10. \xa0since it is an acknowledged fact that most of the free population and the slaves had escaped to Messene. But the best proof of what I\xa0have to say is the following:,11. \xa0Mantinea, both in wealth and power, was second to no city in Arcadia, as Phylarchus himself says, and it surrendered after a siege, so that it was not easy for anyone to escape or for anything to be stolen,,12. \xa0but yet the value of the whole booty together with slaves amounted at this very period to but three hundred talents. 2.63 1. \xa0What he tells us next is still more astounding; after this assertion about the booty, he states that just ten days before the battle an envoy from Ptolemy reached Cleomenes informing him that that king withdrew his subvention and requested him to come to terms with Antigonus.,2. \xa0He says that Cleomenes on hearing this resolved to stake his all on a battle before it reached the ears of his troops, as he had no hope of being able to meet their pay from his own resources.,3. \xa0But if at this very time he had six thousand talents at his command, he could have been more generous than Ptolemy himself in the matter of subventions;,4. \xa0and if he could only dispose of three hundred talents it was enough to enable him to continue the war against Antigonus with absolute ficial security.,5. \xa0But to state in one breath that Cleomenes depended entirely on Ptolemy for money and that at the very same time he was in possession of such a large sum, is a sign of the greatest levity and want of reflection.,6. \xa0Phylarchus has made many similar statements not only about this period but all through his work. I\xa0think, however, that what I\xa0have said at such length as the plan of this history allows should suffice. 3.4.1 \xa0Now if from their success or failure alone we could form an adequate judgement of how far states and individuals are worthy of praise or blame, I\xa0could here lay down my pen, bringing my narrative and this whole work to a close with the last-mentioned events, as was my original intention. < 3.4.2 \xa0For the period of fifty-three years finished here, and the growth and advance of Roman power was now complete. < 3.4.3 \xa0Besides which it was now universally accepted as a necessary fact that henceforth all must submit to the Romans and obey their orders. < 3.4.4 \xa0But since judgements regarding either the conquerors or the conquered based purely on performance are by no means final â\x80\x94 < 3.4.5 \xa0what is thought to be the greatest success having brought the greatest calamities on many, if they do not make proper use of it, and the most dreadful catastrophes often turning out to the advantage of those who support them bravely â\x80\x94 < 3.4.6 \xa0I\xa0must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I\xa0must describe what were the prevailing and domit tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life. < 3.4.7 \xa0For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of blame. < 3.4.8 \xa0And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and the future will lie. < 3.6.4 \xa0unless we call Alexander's crossing to Asia the cause of his war against Persia and Antiochus' landing at Demetrias the cause of his war against Rome, neither of which assertions is either reasonable or true. <" "3.9.8 \xa0Had not the mutinous outbreak among the mercenaries occurred, he would very soon, as far as it lay in his power, have created some other means and other resources for resuming the contest, < 3.10.3 \xa0but as the Romans refused to negotiate, the Carthaginians had to yield to circumstances, and though deeply aggrieved they were powerless, and evacuated Sardinia, agreeing also to pay twelve hundred talents in addition to the sum previously exacted, in order not to be forced to accept war at that time. < 3.10.4 \xa0This, then, we must take to be the second and principal cause of the subsequent war; < 3.10.5 \xa0for Hamilcar, with the anger felt by all his compatriots at this last outrage added to his old indignation, as soon as he had finally crushed the mutiny of the mercenaries and secured the safety of his country, at once threw all his efforts into the conquest of Spain, with the object of using the resources thus obtained for the war against Rome. < 3.15.5 \xa0The Romans protested against his attacking Saguntum, which they said was under their protection, or crossing the Ebro, contrary to the treaty engagements entered into in Hasdrubal's time. <" '3.15.7 \xa0in his answer to the legates affected to be guarding the interests of the Saguntines and accused the Romans of having a short time previously, when there was a party quarrel at Saguntum and they were called in to arbitrate, unjustly put to death some of the leading men. The Carthaginians, he said, would not overlook this violation of good faith for it was from of old the principle of Carthage never to neglect the cause of the victims of injustice. < 3.15.10 \xa0How much better would it have been for him to demand from the Romans the restitution of Sardinia, and at the same time of the tribute which they had so unjustly exacted, availing themselves of the misfortunes of Carthage, and to threaten war in the event of refusal! <' "3.21.1 \xa0They said not a word of the treaty with Hasdrubal, considering it as not existent, or if existent, as not concerning them, since it was made without their approval. < 3.21.3 \xa0In all their plea of justification they founded and insisted on the treaty at the end of the war for Sicily, < 3.21.6 \xa0The Romans refused definitely to discuss the matter of justification, saying that while Saguntum still stood unharmed matters admitted of a plea of justification and it was possible to reach a decision on the disputed points by argument, < 3.30.4 \xa0If, however, we take the cause of the war to have been the robbery of Sardinia and the tribute then exacted, we must certainly confess that they had good reason for entering on the Hannibalic war, since having yielded only to circumstances, they now availed themselves of circumstances to be avenged on those who had injured them. < 3.35.7 \xa0With the rest of his force, thus lightened of its impedimenta and consisting now of fifty thousand foot and about nine thousand horse, he advanced throughout the Pyrenees towards the crossing of the Rhone, < 3.35.8 \xa0having now an army not so strong in number as serviceable and highly trained owing to the unbroken series of wars in Spain. <' "3.36.1 \xa0That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I\xa0must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended. < 3.36.2 \xa0Nor must I\xa0simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge. < 3.36.3 \xa0I\xa0am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds. <' "3.36.4 \xa0For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers' mind, and therefore meaningless to him. <" '3.36.5 \xa0We must therefore make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them. < 3.36 1. \xa0That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I\xa0must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended.,2. \xa0Nor must I\xa0simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge.,3. \xa0I\xa0am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds.,4. \xa0For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers' mind, and therefore meaningless to him.,5. \xa0We must therefore make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them.,6. \xa0Now the primary and most general conception and one common to all mankind is the division and ordering of the heavens by which all of us, even those of the meanest capacity, distinguish East, West, South, and North.,7. \xa0The next step in knowledge is to classify the parts of the earth under each of these divisions, ever mentally referring each statement to one of them until we arrived at a familiar conception of unknown and unseen regions." '3.37.6 \xa0These two divisions of the earth, then, regarded from a general point of view, occupy the part of it which lies to the south of the Mediterranean, reaching from east to west. < 3.37.7 \xa0Europe lies opposite to them on the north shore of this sea, extending continuously from east to west, < 3.37.9 \xa0The Celts inhabit the country near the Narbo and beyond it as far as the chain of the Pyrenees which stretches in an unbroken line from the Mediterranean to the Outer Sea. < 3.37.10 \xa0The remaining part of Europe beyond the Pyrenees reaching to its western end and to the Pillars of Hercules is bounded on the one side by the Mediterranean and on the other by the Outer Sea, that portion of which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules being called Iberia, < 3.37.11 \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. < 3.37 1. \xa0This once established as regards the whole earth, it remains for me to lay before my readers the division on the same principle of that portion of the world known to us.,2. \xa0This is divided into three parts, each with its name, the one part being called Asia, the second Africa, and the third Europe.,3. \xa0Their respective boundaries are the river Don, the Nile, and the straits at the Pillars of Hercules.,4. \xa0Asia lies between the Nile and Don and falls under that portion of the heaven lying between the north-east and the south.,5. \xa0Africa lies between the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, and it falls under the south to the south-west and west, as far as the point of the equinoctial sunset, in which latter quarter are the Pillars of Hercules.,6. \xa0These two divisions of the earth, then, regarded from a general point of view, occupy the part of it which lies to the south of the Mediterranean, reaching from east to west.,7. \xa0Europe lies opposite to them on the north shore of this sea, extending continuously from east to west,,8. \xa0its most compact and deepest portion lying due north between the Don and the Narbo, the latter river being not far to the west of Marseilles and of the mouths by which the Rhone discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea.,9. \xa0The Celts inhabit the country near the Narbo and beyond it as far as the chain of the Pyrenees which stretches in an unbroken line from the Mediterranean to the Outer Sea.,10. \xa0The remaining part of Europe beyond the Pyrenees reaching to its western end and to the Pillars of Hercules is bounded on the one side by the Mediterranean and on the other by the Outer Sea, that portion of which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules being called Iberia,,11. \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. 3.38.2 \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future. < 3.38 1. \xa0Just as with regard to Asia and Africa where they meet in Aethiopia no one up to the present has been able to say with certainty whether the southern extension of them is continuous land or is bounded by a sea,,2. \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future.,3. \xa0We must pronounce that those who either by word of mouth or in writing make rash statements about these regions have no knowledge of them, and invent mere fables.,4. \xa0I\xa0have said so much in order that my narrative should not be without something to range itself under in the minds of those who are ignorant of the localities, but that they should have some notion at least of the main geographical distinctions, with which they can connect in thought and to which they can refer my statements, calculating the position of places from the quarter of the heaven under which they lie.,5. \xa0For as in the case of physical sight we are in the habit of turning our faces in the direction of any object pointed out to us, so should we mentally ever turn and shift our glance to each place to which the story calls our attention. 3.39.2 \xa0At the time of which we are speaking the Carthaginians were masters of all that part of Africa which looks towards the Mediterranean from the Altars of Philaenus on the Greater Syrtis as far as the Pillars of Hercules. < 3.39.3 \xa0The length of this coast-line is more than sixteen thousand stades. < 3.39.4 \xa0Crossing the straits at the Pillars of Hercules they had similarly subdued all Iberia as far as the point on the coast of the Mediterranean where the Pyrenees, which separate the Celts from the Iberians, end. < 3.39.5 \xa0This spot is about eight thousand stades distant from the mouth of this sea at the Pillars of Hercules, < 3.39.8 \xa0From Emporium to Narbo it is about six hundred stades, and from Narbo to the passage of the Rhone about sixteen hundred, this part of the road having now been carefully measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every eighth stade. < 3.39.9 \xa0From the passage of the Rhone, following the bank of the river in the direction of its source as far as the foot of the pass across the Alps to Italy, the distance is fourteen hundred stades, < 3.39.10 \xa0and the length of the actual pass which would bring Hannibal down into the plain of the\xa0Po, about twelve hundred. < 3.39.11 \xa0So that to arrive there he had, starting from New\xa0Carthage, to march about nine thousand stades. < 3.39.12 \xa0of this, as far as distance goes, he had nearly traversed the half, but if we look to difficulty far the largest part lay before him. < 3.40.1 \xa0While Hannibal was thus attempting to cross the Pyrenees, in great fear of the Celts owing to the natural strength of the passes, <' "3.42.1 \xa0Hannibal, on reaching the neighbourhood of the river, at once set about attempting to cross it where the stream is single at a distance of about four days' march from the sea. <" '3.47.6 \xa0Some of the writers who have described this passage of the Alps, from the wish to impress their readers by the marvels they recount of these mountains, are betrayed into two vices ever most alien to true history; for they are compelled to make both false statements and statements which contradict each other. < 3.47.7 \xa0While on the one hand introducing Hannibal as a commander of unequalled courage and foresight, they incontestably represent him to us as entirely wanting in prudence, < 3.47.8 \xa0and again, being unable to bring their series of falsehoods to any close or issue they introduce gods and the sons of gods into the sober history of the facts. < 3.47.9 \xa0By representing the Alps as being so steep and rugged that not only horses and troops accompanied by elephants, but even active men on foot would have difficult in passing, and at the same time picturing to us the desolation of the country as being such, that unless some god or hero had met Hannibal and showed him the way, his whole army would have gone astray and perished utterly, they unquestionably fall into both the above vices. < 3.48.8 \xa0The natural consequence is that they get into the same difficulties as tragic dramatists all of whom, to bring their dramas to a close, require a deus ex machina, as the data they choose on which to found their plots are false and contrary to reasonable probability. < 3.54.2 \xa0he summoned them to a meeting and attempted to cheer them up, relying chiefly for this purpose on the actual view of Italy, which lies so close under these mountains, that when both are viewed together the Alps stand to the whole of Italy in the relation of a citadel to a city. < 3.54.3 \xa0Showing them, therefore, the plain of the\xa0Po, and reminding them of the friendly feelings of the Gauls inhabiting it, while at the same time pointing out the situation of Rome itself, he to some extent restored their spirits. <' "3.58.2 \xa0While nearly all authors or at least the greater number have attempted to describe the peculiarities and the situation of the countries at the extremities of the known world, <' "3.58 1. \xa0That no part of history requires more circumspection and more correction by the light of truth than this is evident from many considerations and chiefly from the following.,2. \xa0While nearly all authors or at least the greater number have attempted to describe the peculiarities and the situation of the countries at the extremities of the known world,,3. \xa0most of them are mistaken on many points. We must therefore by no means pass over the subject, but we must say a word to them,,4. \xa0and that not casually and by scattered allusions, but giving due attention to it, and in what we say we must not find fault with or rebuke them, but rather be grateful to them and correct them when wrong, knowing as we do that they too, had they the privilege of living at the present day, would correct and modify many of their own statements.,5. \xa0In old times, indeed, we find very few Greeks who attempted to inquire into the outlying parts of the world, owing to the practical impossibility of doing so;,6. \xa0for the sea had so many perils that it is difficult to enumerate them, and the land ever so many more.,7. \xa0Again, even if anyone by his own choice or by the force of circumstances reached the extremity of the world, that did not mean that he was able to accomplish his purpose.,8. \xa0For it was a difficult matter to see many things at all closely with one's own eyes, owing to some of the countries being utterly barbarous and others quite desolate, and it was still more difficult to get information about the things one did see, owing to the difference of the language.,9. \xa0Then, even if anyone did see for himself and observe the facts, it was even still more difficult for him to be moderate in his statements, to scorn all talk of marvels and, preferring truth for its own sake, to tell us nothing beyond it." '3.59.3 \xa0But in our own times since, owing to Alexander's empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land, <" '3.59.4 \xa0since our men of action in Greece are relieved from the ambitions of a military or political career and have therefore ample means for inquiry and study, <' "3.59 1. \xa0As, therefore, it was almost impossible in old times to give a true account of the regions I\xa0speak of, we should not find fault with the writers for their omissions or mistakes,,2. \xa0but should praise and admire them, considering the times they lived in, for having ascertained something on the subject and advanced our knowledge.,3. \xa0But in our own times since, owing to Alexander's empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land,,4. \xa0since our men of action in Greece are relieved from the ambitions of a military or political career and have therefore ample means for inquiry and study,,5. \xa0we ought to be able to arrive at a better knowledge and something more like the truth about lands which were formerly little known.,6. \xa0This is what I\xa0myself will attempt to do when I\xa0find a suitable place in this work for introducing the subject, and I\xa0shall then ask those who are curious about such things to give their undivided attention to me,,7. \xa0in view of the fact that I\xa0underwent the perils of journeys through Africa, Spain, and Gaul, and of voyages on the seas that lie on the farther side of these countries,,8. \xa0mostly for this very purpose of correcting the errors of former writers and making those parts of the world also known to the Greeks.,9. \xa0But now returning to the point at which I\xa0digressed from my narrative I\xa0shall attempt to describe the battles between the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy. " "3.70.4 \xa0He considered that their legions would be all the better for a winter's drilling, and that the notoriously fickle Celts would not remain loyal to the Carthaginians if the latter were kept in forced inaction, but would throw them over in their turn. <" '3.78.1 \xa0During this winter he also adopted a truly Punic artifice. < 3.78.2 \xa0Fearing the fickleness of the Celts and possible attempts on his life, owing to his establishment of the friendly relations with them being so very recent, he had a\xa0number of wigs made, dyed to suit the appearance of persons differing widely in age, < 3.78.5 \xa0Observing that the Celts were dissatisfied at the prosecution of the war in their own territory, but were eagerly looking forward to an invasion of that of the enemy, professedly owing to their hatred of the Romans, but as a fact chiefly in hope of booty, he decided to be on the move as soon as possible and satisfy the desire of his troops. < 3.79.4 \xa0leaving his brother Mago in charge of the rear-guard. This course he took for various reasons, but chiefly owing to the softness and aversion to labour of the Celts, so that if, owing to the hardships they suffered, they tried to turn back Mago could prevent them by falling on them with his cavalry. < 4.20.8 \xa0For it is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrated the heroes and gods of each particular place: later they learn the measures of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and every year in the theatre they compete keenly in choral singing to the accompaniment of professional flute-players, the boys in the contest proper to them and the young men in what is called the men's contest. <" "4.21.3 \xa0The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I\xa0mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I\xa0may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald, <' "4.21 1. \xa0Now all these practices I\xa0believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hardship of the men's lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts â\x80\x94 conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves;,2. \xa0there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits.,3. \xa0The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I\xa0mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I\xa0may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald,,9. \xa0but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.,10. \xa0I\xa0have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans themselves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time.,12. \xa0Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I\xa0return to the point whence I\xa0digressed. " '4.40.2 \xa0For this is the characteristic of the present age, in which, all parts of the world being accessible by land or sea, it is no longer proper to cite the testimony of poets and mythographers regarding matters of which we are ignorant, "offering," as Heraclitus says, "untrustworthy sureties for disputed facts," but we should aim at laying before our readers a narrative resting on its own credit. < 5.33.2 \xa0Now, while paying all due deference to Ephorus, the first and only writer who really undertook a general history, I\xa0will avoid criticizing at length or mentioning by name any of the others, and will simply say this much, that certain writers of history in my own times after giving an account of the war between Rome and Carthage in three or four pages, maintain that they write universal history. < 5.35 1. \xa0Cleomenes, during the lifetime of Ptolemy Euergetes, to whom he had linked his fortunes and pledged his word, had kept quiet, in the constant belief that he would receive sufficient assistance from him to recover the throne of his ancestors.,2. \xa0But after the death of this king, as time went on, and circumstances in Greece almost called aloud for Cleomenes, Antigonus being dead, the Achaeans being engaged in war, and the Spartans now, as Cleomenes had from the first planned and purposed, sharing the hatred of the Aetolians for the Achaeans and Macedonians,,3. \xa0he was positively compelled to bestir himself and do his best to get away from Alexandria.,4. \xa0Consequently, he at first approached Ptolemy more than once with the request that he would furnish him with adequate supplies and troops for an expedition;,5. \xa0but as the king would not listen to this, he earnestly besought him to allow him to leave with his own household, for the state of affairs, he said, held out a sufficiently fair prospect of his recovering his ancestral throne.,6. \xa0The king, however, who for the reasons I\xa0stated above neither concerned himself at all with such questions, nor took any thought for the future, continued in his thoughtlessness and folly to turn a deaf ear to Cleomenes.,7. \xa0Meanwhile Sosibius, who, if anyone, was now at the head of affairs, took counsel with his friends and came to the following decision with regard to him.,8. \xa0On the one hand they judged it inadvisable to send him off on an armed expedition, as owing to the death of Antigonus they regarded foreign affairs as of no importance and thought that money they expended on them would be thrown away.,9. \xa0Besides which, now that Antigonus was no more and there was no general left who was a match for Cleomenes, they were afraid that he would have little trouble in making himself the master of Greece and thus become a serious and formidable rival to themselves, especially as he had seen behind the scenes in Egypt and had formed a poor opinion of the king, and as he was aware that many parts of the kingdom were loosely attached or dissevered by distance, thus offering plenty of opportunity for intrigue â\x80\x94,11. \xa0for they had a good many ships at Samos and a considerable military force at Ephesus.,12. \xa0These, then, were the reasons which made them dismiss the project of sending Cleomenes off with supplies for an expedition; but at the same time they thought it would by no means serve their interests to send away such an eminent man after inflicting a slight upon him, as this was sure to make him their enemy and antagonist.,13. \xa0The only course left then was to keep him back against his will, and this they all indeed rejected at once and without discussion, thinking it by no means safe for a lion to lie in the same fold as the sheep, but it was especially Sosibius who was apprehensive of the effects of such a measure for the following reason. 5.36 1. \xa0At the time when they were plotting the murder of Magas and Berenice, being in great fear of their project failing chiefly owing to the high courage of Berenice, they were compelled to conciliate the whole court, holding out hopes of favour to everyone if things fell out as they wished.,2. \xa0Sosibius on this occasion observing that Cleomenes was in need of assistance from the king, and that he was a man of judgement with a real grasp of the facts, confided the whole plot to him, picturing the high favours he might expect.,3. \xa0Cleomenes, seeing that he was in state of great alarm and in fear chiefly of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries, bade him be of good heart, promising him that the mercenaries would do him no harm, but would rather be helpful to him.,4. \xa0When Sosibius showed considerable surprise at this promise, "Don\'t you see," he said, "that nearly three thousand of them are from the Peloponnese and about a\xa0thousand are Cretans, and I\xa0need but make a sign to these men and they will all put themselves joyfully at your service.,5. \xa0Once they are united whom have you to fear? The soldiers from Syria and Caria I\xa0suppose!",6. \xa0At the time Sosibius was delighted to hear this and pursued the plot against Berenice with doubled confidence, but afterwards, when he witnessed the king\'s slackness, the words were always coming back to his mind, and the thought of Cleomenes\' daring and popularity with the mercenaries kept on haunting him.,8. \xa0It was he therefore who on this occasion was foremost in instigating the king and his friends to take Cleomenes into custody before it was too late.,9. \xa0To reinforce this advice he availed himself of the following circumstance. 5.37 1. \xa0There was a certain Messenian called Nicagoras who had been a family friend of Archidamus the king of Sparta.,2. \xa0In former times their intercourse had been of the slightest, but when Archidamus took flight from Sparta for fear of Cleomenes, and came to Messenia, Nicagoras not only gladly received him in his house and provided for his wants but ever afterwards they stood on terms of the closest intimacy and affection.,3. \xa0When therefore Cleomenes held out hopes to Archidamus of return and reconciliation, Nicagoras devoted himself to negotiating and concluding the treaty.,4. \xa0When this had been ratified, Archidamus was on his way home to Sparta, relying on the terms of the agreement brought about by Nicagoras,,5. \xa0but Cleomenes coming to meet them put Archidamus to death, sparing Nicagoras and the rest of his companions.,6. \xa0To the outside world, Nicagoras pretended to be grateful to Cleomenes for having spared his life, but in his heart he bitterly resented what had occurred, for it looked as if had been the cause of the king\'s death.,7. \xa0This Nicagoras had arrived not long ago at Alexandria with a cargo of horses and on disembarking he found Cleomenes, with Panteus and Hippitas, walking on the quay.,9. \xa0When Cleomenes saw him he came up to him and greeted him affectionately and asked him on what business he had come.,10. \xa0When he told him he had brought horses to sell, Cleomenes said, "I\xa0very much wish you had brought catamites and sackbut girls instead of the horses, for those are the wares this king is after.",11. \xa0Nicagoras at the time smiled and held his tongue, but a\xa0few days afterwards, when he had become quite familiar with Sosibius owing to the business of the horses, he told against Cleomenes the story of what he had recently said,,12. \xa0and noticing that Sosibius listened to him with pleasure, he gave him a full account of his old grievance against that prince.' "5.101.10 \xa0An expedition, however, to Italy was the first step towards the conquest of the world, an enterprise which belonged to none more properly than to himself. And now was the time, after this disaster to the Roman arms. < 5.104 1. \xa0"It would be best of all if the Greeks never made war on each other, but regarded it as the highest favour in the gift of the gods could they speak ever with one heart and voice, and marching arm in arm like men fording a river, repel barbarian invaders and unite in preserving themselves and their cities.,2. \xa0And if such a union is indeed unattainable as a whole, I\xa0would counsel you at the present moment at least to agree together and to take due precautions for your safety, in view of the vast armaments now in the field and the greatness of this war in the west.,3. \xa0For it is evident even to those of us who give but scanty attention to affairs of state, that whether the Carthaginians beat the Romans or the Romans the Carthaginians in this war, it is not in the least likely that the victors will be content with the sovereignty of Italy and Sicily, but they are sure to come here and extend their ambitions beyond the bounds of justice.,4. \xa0Therefore I\xa0implore you all to secure yourselves against this danger, and I\xa0address myself especially to King Philip.,5. \xa0For you, Sire, the best security is, instead of exhausting the Greeks and making them an easy prey to the invader, on the contrary to take thought for them as for your own body, and to attend to the safety of every province of Greece as if it were part and parcel of your own dominions.,6. \xa0For if such be your policy the Greeks will bear you affection and render sure help to you in case of attack, while foreigners will be less disposed to plot against your throne, impressed as they will be by the loyalty of the Greeks to you.,7. \xa0If you desire a field of action, turn to the west and keep your eyes on the war in Italy, so that, wisely biding your time, you may some day at the proper moment compete for the sovereignty of the world.,8. \xa0And the present times are by no means such as to exclude any hope of the kind.,9. \xa0But defer your differences with the Greeks and your wars here until you have repose enough for such matters, and give your whole attention now to the more urgent question, so that the power may still be yours of making war or peace with them at your pleasure.,10. \xa0For if once you wait for these clouds that loom in the west to settle on Greece, I\xa0very much fear lest we may all of us find these truces and wars and games at which we now play, so rudely interrupted,11. \xa0that we shall be fain to pray to the gods to give us still the power of fighting in general with each other and making peace when we will, the power, in a word, of deciding our differences for ourselves." 5.106.8 \xa0consenting to every variety of decree and proclamation however humiliating, and paid little heed to decency in this respect owing to the lack of judgement of their leaders. < 5.107.1 \xa0As for Ptolemy, his war against the Egyptians followed immediately on these events. < 5.107.2 \xa0This king, by arming the Egyptians for his war against Antiochus, took a step which was of great service for the time, but which was a mistake as regards the future. < 5.107.3 \xa0The soldiers, highly proud of their victory at Raphia, were no longer disposed to obey orders, but were on the look out for a leader and figure-head, thinking themselves well able to maintain themselves as an independent power, an attempt in which they finally succeeded not long afterwards. Antiochus, after making preparations on a large scale during the winter, crossed the Taurus at the beginning of summer and, coming to an understanding with King Attalus, arranged for a joint campaign against Achaeus. < 6.4.5 \xa0but when, in a community where it is traditional and customary to reverence the gods, to honour our parents, to respect our elders, and to obey the laws, the will of the greater number prevails, this is to be called a democracy. <' "6.4.6 \xa0We should therefore assert that there are six kinds of governments, the three above mentioned which are in everyone's mouth and the three which are naturally allied to them, I\xa0mean monarchy, oligarchy, and mob-rule. <" '6.4.7 \xa0Now the first of these to come into being is monarchy, its growth being natural and unaided; and next arises kingship derived from monarchy by the aid of art and by the correction of defects. < 6.4.8 \xa0Monarchy first changes into its vicious allied form, tyranny; and next, the abolishment of both gives birth to aristocracy. < 6.4.9 \xa0Aristocracy by its very nature degenerates into oligarchy; and when the commons inflamed by anger take vengeance on this government for its unjust rule, democracy comes into being; and in due course the licence and lawlessness of this form of government produces mob-rule to complete the series. < 6.4.10 1. \xa0The truth of what I\xa0say is evident from the following considerations.,2. \xa0It is by no means every monarchy which we can call straight off a kingship, but only that which is voluntarily accepted by the subjects and where they are governed rather by an appeal to their reason than by fear and force.,3. \xa0Nor again can we style every oligarchy an aristocracy, but only that where the government is in the hands of a selected body of the justest and wisest men.,4. \xa0Similarly that is no true democracy in which the whole crowd of citizens is free to do whatever they wish or purpose,,5. \xa0but when, in a community where it is traditional and customary to reverence the gods, to honour our parents, to respect our elders, and to obey the laws, the will of the greater number prevails, this is to be called a democracy.,6. \xa0We should therefore assert that there are six kinds of governments, the three above mentioned which are in everyone's mouth and the three which are naturally allied to them, I\xa0mean monarchy, oligarchy, and mob-rule.,7. \xa0Now the first of these to come into being is monarchy, its growth being natural and unaided; and next arises kingship derived from monarchy by the aid of art and by the correction of defects.,8. \xa0Monarchy first changes into its vicious allied form, tyranny; and next, the abolishment of both gives birth to aristocracy.,9. \xa0Aristocracy by its very nature degenerates into oligarchy; and when the commons inflamed by anger take vengeance on this government for its unjust rule, democracy comes into being; and in due course the licence and lawlessness of this form of government produces mob-rule to complete the series.,11. \xa0The truth of what I\xa0have just said will be quite clear to anyone who pays due attention to such beginnings, origins, and changes as are in each case natural.,12. \xa0For he alone who has seen how each form naturally arises and develops, will be able to see when, how, and where the growth, perfection, change, and end of each are likely to occur again.,13. \xa0And it is to the Roman constitution above all that this method, I\xa0think, may be successfully applied, since from the outset its formation and growth have been due to natural causes. " '6.7.6 \xa0But when they received the office by hereditary succession and found their safety now provided for, and more than sufficient provision of food, < 6.43.1 \xa0One may say that nearly all authors have handed down to us the reputation for excellence enjoyed by the constitutions of Sparta, Crete, Mantinea, and Carthage. Some make mention also of those of Athens and Thebes. < 6.47.9 \xa0Up to the present it would be just the same thing to discuss it with a view to comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage, as to take some statue and compare it with living and breathing men. < 6.51.1 \xa0The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points. < 6.51.2 \xa0For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta. < 6.51 1. \xa0The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points.,2. \xa0For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta.,3. \xa0But at the time when they entered on the Hannibalic War, the Carthaginian constitution had degenerated, and that of Rome was better.,4. \xa0For as every body or state or action has its natural periods first of growth, then of prime, and finally of decay, and as everything in them is at its best when they are in their prime, it was for this reason that the difference between the two states manifested itself at this time.,5. \xa0For by as much as the power and prosperity of Carthage had been earlier than that of Rome, by so much had Carthage already begun to decline; while Rome was exactly at her prime, as far as at least as her system of government was concerned.,6. \xa0Consequently the multitude at Carthage had already acquired the chief voice in deliberations; while at Rome the senate still retained this;,7. \xa0and hence, as in one case the masses deliberated and in the other the most eminent men, the Roman decisions on public affairs were superior,,8. \xa0so that although they met with complete disaster, they were finally by the wisdom of their counsels victorious over the Carthaginians in the war. 6.52 1. \xa0But to pass to differences of detail, such as, to begin with, the conduct of war, the Carthaginians naturally are superior at sea both in efficiency and equipment, because seamanship has long been their national craft, and they busy themselves with the sea more than any other people;,2. \xa0but as regards military service on land the Romans are much more efficient.,3. \xa0They indeed devote their whole energies to this matter, whereas the Carthaginians entirely neglect their infantry, though they do pay some slight attention to their cavalry.,4. \xa0The reason of this is that the troops they employ are foreign and mercenary, whereas those of the Romans are natives of the soil and citizens.,5. \xa0So that in this respect also we must pronounce the political system of Rome to be superior to that of Carthage, the Carthaginians continuing to depend for the maintece of their freedom on the courage of a mercenary force but the Romans on their own valour and on the aid of their allies.,6. \xa0Consequently even if they happen to be worsted at the outset, the Romans redeem defeat by final success, while it is the contrary with the Carthaginians.,7. \xa0For the Romans, fighting as they are for their country and their children, never can abate their fury but continue to throw their whole hearts into the struggle until they get the better of their enemies.,8. \xa0It follows that though the Romans are, as I\xa0said, much less skilled in naval matters, they are on the whole successful at sea owing to the gallantry of their men;,9. \xa0for although skill in seamanship is of no small importance in naval battles, it is chiefly the courage of the marines that turns the scale in favour of victory.,10. \xa0Now not only do Italians in general naturally excel Phoenicians and Africans in bodily strength and personal courage, but by their institutions also they do much to foster a spirit of bravery in the young men.,11. \xa0A\xa0single instance will suffice to indicate the pains taken by the state to turn out men who will be ready to endure everything in order to gain a reputation in their country for valour. 6.53 1. \xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. \xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. \xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. \xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. \xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. \xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. \xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. \xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. \xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. \xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.54 1. \xa0Besides, he who makes the oration over the man about to be buried, when he has finished speaking of him recounts the successes and exploits of the rest whose images are present, beginning with the most ancient.,2. \xa0By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations.,3. \xa0But the most important result is that young men are thus inspired to endure every suffering for public welfare in the hope of winning the glory that attends on brave men.,4. \xa0What I\xa0say is confirmed by the facts. For many Romans have voluntarily engaged in single combat in order to decide a battle, not a\xa0few have faced certain death, some in war to save the lives of the rest, and others in peace to save the republic.,5. \xa0Some even when in office have put their own sons to death contrary to every law or custom, setting a higher value on the interest of their country than on the ties of nature that bound them to their nearest and dearest.,6. \xa0Many such stories about many men are related in Roman history, but one told of a certain person will suffice for the present as an example and as a confirmation of what I\xa0say. 6.56.1 \xa0Again, the laws and customs relating to the acquisition of wealth are better in Rome than at Carthage. < 6.56.2 \xa0At Carthage nothing which results in profit is regarded as disgraceful; at Rome nothing is considered more so than to accept bribes and seek gain from improper channels. < 6.56.3 \xa0For no less strong than their approval of money-making is their condemnation of unscrupulous gain from forbidden sources. < 6.56.4 \xa0A\xa0proof of this is that at Carthage candidates for office practise open bribery, whereas at Rome death is the penalty for it. < 6.56.5 \xa0Therefore as the rewards offered to merit are the opposite in the two cases, it is natural that the steps taken to gain them should also be dissimilar. < 6.56.6 \xa0But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. < 6.56.7 \xa0I\xa0believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I\xa0mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. < 6.56.8 \xa0These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many. < 6.56.9 \xa0My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. < 6.56.10 \xa0It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men, < 6.56.11 \xa0but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. < 6.56.12 \xa0For this reason I\xa0think, not that the ancients acted rashly and at haphazard in introducing among the people notions concerning the gods and beliefs in the terrors of hell, but that the moderns are most rash and foolish in banishing such beliefs. < 6.56.14 \xa0whereas among the Romans those who as magistrates and legates are dealing with large sums of money maintain correct conduct just because they have pledged their faith by oath. < 6.56.15 \xa0Whereas elsewhere it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands off public money, and whose record is clean in this respect, among the Romans one rarely comes across a man who has been detected in such conduct.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. VIII.\xa0Conclusion of the Treatise on the Roman Republic < 6.57.2 \xa0There being two agencies by which every kind of state is liable to decay, the one external and the other a growth of the state itself, we can lay down no fixed rule about the former, but the latter is a regular process. < 6.57.3 \xa0I\xa0have already stated what kind of state is the first to come into being, and what the next, and how the one is transformed into the other; so that those who are capable of connecting the opening propositions of this inquiry with its conclusion will now be able to foretell the future unaided. And what will happen is, I\xa0think, evident. < 6.57.5 \xa0When a state has weathered many great perils and subsequently attains to supremacy and uncontested sovereignty, it is evident that under the influence of long established prosperity, life will become more extravagant and the citizens more fierce in their rivalry regarding office and other objects than they ought to be. < 6.57.6 \xa0As these defects go on increasing, the beginning of the change for the worse will be due to love of office and the disgrace entailed by obscurity, as well as to extravagance and purse-proud display; < 6.57.7 \xa0and for this change the populace will be responsible when on the one hand they think they have a grievance against certain people who have shown themselves grasping, and when, on the other hand, they are puffed up by the flattery of others who aspire to office. <' "6.57.8 \xa0For now, stirred to fury and swayed by passion in all their counsels, they will no longer consent to obey or even to be the equals of the ruling caste, but will demand the lion's share for themselves. <" '6.57.9 \xa0When this happens, the state will change its name to the finest sounding of all, freedom and democracy, but will change its nature to the worst thing of all, mob-rule. < 8.9.6 \xa0"Philip\'s court in Macedonia was the gathering-place of all the most debauched and brazen-faced characters in Greece or abroad, who were there styled the king\'s companions. < 8.11.3 \xa0Again, no one could approve of the general scheme of this writer. Having set himself the task of writing the history of Greece from the point at which Thucydides leaves off, just when he was approaching the battle of Leuctra and the most brilliant period of Greek history, he abandoned Greece and her efforts, and changing his plan decided to write the history of Philip. <' "8.11.4 \xa0Surely it would have been much more dignified and fairer to include Philip's achievements in the history of Greece than to include the history of Greece in that of Philip. <" '8.11.5 \xa0For not even a man preoccupied by his devotion to royalty would, if he had the power and had found a suitable occasion, have hesitated to transfer the leading part and title of his work to Greece; and no one in his sound senses who had begun to write the history of Greece and had made some progress in it would have exchanged this for the more pompous biography of a king. < 8.11.6 \xa0What can it have been which forced Theopompus to overlook such flagrant inconsistencies, if it were not that in writing the one history his motive was to do good, in writing that of Philip to further his own interests? <' "8.19.9 \xa0After that, taking four companions with him, whom he dressed in fairly good clothes while he himself wore a plain and ordinary dress and made himself appear to be of mean condition, he set forth, ordering one of his friends to answer all Arianus' questions and to address any necessary inquiries to him stating that the others did not know Greek. <" '9.1.2 \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that my work owing to the uniformity of its composition has a certain severity, and will suit the taste and gain the approval of only one class of reader. < 9.1.4 \xa0The genealogical side appeals to those who are fond of a story, and the account of colonies, the foundation of cities, and their ties of kindred, such as we find, for instance, in Ephorus, attracts the curious and lovers of recondite longer, < 9.1.5 \xa0while the student of politics is interested in the doings of nations, cities, and monarchs. As I\xa0have confined my attention strictly to these last matters and as my whole work treats of nothing else, it is, as I\xa0say, adapted only to one sort of reader, and its perusal will have no attractions for the larger number. < 9.1 1. \xa0These are the principal events included in the above-mentioned Olympiad, that is in the space of four years which we term an Olympiad, and I\xa0shall attempt to narrate them in two Books.,2. \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that my work owing to the uniformity of its composition has a certain severity, and will suit the taste and gain the approval of only one class of reader.,3. \xa0For nearly all other writers, or at least most of them, by dealing with every branch of history, attract many kinds of people to the perusal of their works.,4. \xa0The genealogical side appeals to those who are fond of a story, and the account of colonies, the foundation of cities, and their ties of kindred, such as we find, for instance, in Ephorus, attracts the curious and lovers of recondite longer,,5. \xa0while the student of politics is interested in the doings of nations, cities, and monarchs. As I\xa0have confined my attention strictly to these last matters and as my whole work treats of nothing else, it is, as I\xa0say, adapted only to one sort of reader, and its perusal will have no attractions for the larger number.,6. \xa0I\xa0have stated elsewhere at some length my reason for choosing to exclude other branches of history and chronicle actions alone, but there is no harm in briefly reminding my readers of it here in order to impress it on them. 9.2 1. \xa0Since genealogies, myths, the planting of colonies, the foundations of cities and their ties of kinship have been recounted by many writers and in many different styles,,2. \xa0an author who undertakes at the present day to deal with these matters must either represent the work of others as being his own, a most disgraceful proceeding, or if he refuses to do this, must manifestly toil to no purpose, being constrained to avow that the matters on which he writes and to which he devotes his attention have been adequately narrated and handed down to posterity by previous authors. So omitting these things for the above and various other reasons, I\xa0decided on writing a history of actual events; firstly, because there is always some novelty to them which demands novel treatment â\x80\x94 since it was not in the power of the ancients to narrate events subsequent to their own time â\x80\x94 and secondly, owing to the great practical utility of such a history, both formerly and especially at the present day, when the progress of the arts and sciences has been so rapid, that those who study history are, we may almost say, provided with a method for dealing with any contingency that may arise.,6. \xa0My aim, therefore, being not so much to entertain readers as to benefit those who pay careful attention, I\xa0disregarded other matters and was led to write this kind of history.,7. \xa0The best testimony to the truth of what I\xa0say will be that of those who study this work with due application. II.\xa0Affairs of Italy Siege of Capua 9.9.9 \xa0It is not for the purpose of extolling the Romans or the Carthaginians that I\xa0have offered these remarks â\x80\x94 I\xa0have often had occasion to bestow praise on both peoples â\x80\x94 but rather for the sake of the leaders of both these states, and of all, no matter where, who shall be charged with the conduct of public affairs, <' "9.9.10 \xa0so that by memory or actual sight of such actions as these, they be moved to emulation, and not shrink from undertaking designs, which may seem indeed to be fraught with risk and peril, but on the contrary are courageous without being hazardous, are admirable in their conception, and their excellence, whether the result be success or failure alike, will deserve to live in men's memories for ever, always provided that all that is done is the result of sound reasoning.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. Tarentum <" '9.10.7 \xa0For in no case is one who contemplates such works of art moved so much by admiration of the good fortune of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others, as by pity as well as envy for the original owners. < 9.10.8 \xa0And when opportunities become ever more frequent, and the victor collects around him all the treasures of other peoples, and these treasures may be almost said to invite those who were robbed of them to come and inspect them, things are twice as bad. < 9.10.9 \xa0For now spectators no longer pity their neighbours, but themselves, as they recall to mind their own calamities. < 9.10.10 \xa0And hence not only envy, but a sort of passionate hatred for the favourites of fortune flares up, for the memories awakened of their own disaster move them to abhor the authors of it. < 9.12.1 \xa0The accidents attendant on military projects require much circumspection, but success is in every case possible if the steps we take to carry out our plan are soundly reasoned out. < 9.37 1. \xa0"Let what I\xa0have said on this head suffice, and let those who are disposed to be cautious pronounce my words to have no bearing on the present situation.,2. \xa0I\xa0will now revert to what my adversaries themselves speak of as the main question. And this is that if matters are now in the same state as when you made an alliance with them, you should decide to maintain your original attitude, for that is a matter of principle, but if the situation has radically changed, you are justified now in discussing the requests made to you afresh.,4. \xa0I\xa0ask you, therefore, Cleonicus and Chlaeneas, what allies had you when you first invited the Spartans to act with you? Had you not the whole of Greece?,5. \xa0But who make common cause with you at present or what kind of alliance do you invite them to enter?,6. \xa0Is it not an alliance with barbarians? Far from being similar, the circumstances are now the reverse of what they formerly were.,7. \xa0Then your rivals in the struggle for supremacy and renown were the Achaeans and Macedonians, peoples of your own race, and Philip was their commander. But now Greece is threatened with a war against men of a foreign race who intend to enslave her,,8. \xa0men whom you fancy you are calling in against Philip, but are calling in really against yourselves and the whole of Greece.,9. \xa0For just as those who when imperilled by war introduce into their cities garrisons stronger than their own forces for the sake of safety, repel indeed all danger from the enemy but at the same time subject themselves to the authority of their friends, so do the Aetolians contemplate doing.,10. \xa0For in their anxiety to get the better of Philip and humiliate the Macedonians, they have without knowing it invoked such a cloud from the west as may, perhaps, at first only cast its shadow on Macedonia, but in time will be the cause of great evil to all Greece. 9.38 1. \xa0"All Greeks, therefore, should foresee the approaching storm and especially the Lacedaemonians.,2. \xa0For why do you think it was, men of Sparta, that your ancestors, at the time when Xerxes sent you an envoy demanding water and earth, thrust the stranger into the well and heaped earth upon him, and bade him to announce to Xerxes that he had received what was demanded, water and earth?,3. \xa0Or why did Leonidas and his men march forth of their own will to meet certain death?,4. \xa0Surely it was to show that they were risking their lives not for their own freedom alone, but for that of the other Greeks.,5. \xa0It very well becomes you, the descendants of such men, to make an alliance now with barbarians, to take the field with them and make war on the Epirots, Achaeans, Acarians, Boeotians, and Thessalians, in fact with almost all the Greeks except the Aetolians!,6. \xa0They indeed are accustomed to act so and to think nothing disgraceful if only something is to be gained by it, but it is not so with you.,7. \xa0And what feats do you expect they will accomplish when they have gained the alliance of Rome,,8. \xa0the people who, when you were reinforced by the help of the Illyrians, attempted by sea to surprise and treacherously take Pylus and on land laid siege to Cleitor and sold the citizens of Cynaetha into slavery?,9. \xa0Formerly, as I\xa0already said, they made a treaty with Antigonus for the destruction of the Achaean and Acarian Leagues, and now they have made one with the Romans against the whole of Greece. ' "10.2.9 \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. < 10.2.10 \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, < 10.2.11 1. \xa0Now that I\xa0am about to recount Scipio\'s exploits in Spain, and in short everything that he achieved in his life, I\xa0think it necessary to convey to my readers, in the first place, a notion of his character and natural parts.,2. \xa0For the fact that he was almost the most famous man of all time makes everyone desirous to know what sort of man he was, and what were the natural gifts and the training which enabled him to accomplish so many great actions.,3. \xa0But none can help falling into error and acquiring a mistaken impression of him, as the estimate of those who have given us their views about him is very wide of the truth.,4. \xa0That what I\xa0myself state here is sound will be evident to all who by means of my narrative are able to appreciate the most glorious and hazardous of his exploits.,5. \xa0As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance,,6. \xa0such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men,,7. \xa0whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods.,8. \xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator.,9. \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens.,10. \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself,,12. \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired.,13. \xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. 10.2.12 \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. < 10.21.3 \xa0It is indeed a strange thing that authors should narrate circumstantially the foundations of cities, telling us when, how, and by whom they were founded, and detailing the precise conditions and difficulties of the undertaking, while they pass over in silence the previous training and the objects of the men who directed the whole matter, though such information is more profitable. < 10.27.7 \xa0Beneath this stands the palace, regarding which I\xa0am in doubt whether I\xa0should go into details or keep silence. < 11.34.5 \xa0for considerable hordes of Nomads were approaching, and this was not only a grave danger to both of them, but if they consented to admit them, the country would certainly relapse into barbarism. < 11.34.6 \xa0After speaking thus he dispatched Teleas to Antiochus. < 12.3.4 \xa0because many of the African tribes make no use of cereals but live on the flesh of their cattle and among their cattle. < 12.25b.4 \xa0But a writer who passes over in silence the speeches made and the causes of events and in their place introduces false rhetorical exercises and discursive speeches, destroys the peculiar virtue of history. And of this Timaeus especially is guilty, and we all know that his work is full of blemishes of the kind. Perhaps, therefore, some might wonder how, being such as I\xa0have proved him to be, he meets with such acceptance and credit from certain people. < 12.25i.7 2. \xa0I\xa0suppose everyone would now agree that industry in the study of documents is only a\xa0third part of history and only stands in the third place.,3. \xa0How true what I\xa0have just said is will be most clear from the speeches, political, exhortatory, and ambassadorial, introduced by Timaeus.,4. \xa0There are few occasions which admit of setting forth all possible arguments, most admitting only of those few brief arguments which occur to one, and even of these there are certain which are appropriate to contemporaries, others to men of former times, others again to Aetolians, others to Peloponnesians and others to Athenians. But, without point or occasion,,5. \xa0to recite all possible arguments for everything, as Timaeus, with his talent for invention, does on every subject, is perfectly untrue to facts, and a mere childish sport â\x80\x94 to do it has even in many cases been the cause of actual failure and exposed many to contempt â\x80\x94 the necessary thing being to choose on every occasion suitable and opportune arguments. But since the needs of the case vary, we have need of special practice and principle in judging how many and which of the possible arguments we should employ, that is to say if we mean to do good rather than harm to our readers. Now it is difficult to convey by precept what is opportune or not in all instances, but it is not impossible to be led to a notion of it by reasoning from our personal experience in the past. For the present the best way of conveying my meaning is as follows. If writers, after indicating to us the situation and the motives and inclinations of the people who are discussing it report in the next place what was actually said and then make clear to us the reasons why the speakers either succeeded or failed, we shall arrive at some true notion of the actual facts, and we shall be able, both by distinguishing which was successful from which was not and by transferring our impression to similar circumstances, to treat any situation that faces us with hope of success.,9. \xa0But, I\xa0fear, it is difficult to assign causes, and very easy to invent phrases by the aid of books, and while it is given only to a\xa0few to say a\xa0few words at the right time it is a common accomplishment and open to anyone to compose long speeches to no purpose. In confirmation of my charge against Timaeus on this count also, besides that of his mistakes and his deliberate falsification of the truth, I\xa0shall give some short extracts from speeches acknowledged to be his, giving names and dates. 12.27.1 \xa0Nature has given us two instruments, as it were, by the aid of which we inform ourselves and inquire about everything. These are hearing and sight, and of the two sight is much more veracious according to Heracleitus. "The eyes are more accurate witnesses than that ears," he says. < 12.27.2 \xa0Now, Timaeus enters on his inquiries by the pleasanter of the two roads, but the inferior one. < 12.27.3 \xa0For he entirely avoids employing his eyes and prefers to employ his ears. Now the knowledge derived from hearing being of two sorts, Timaeus diligently pursued the one, the reading of books, as I\xa0have above pointed out, but was very remiss in his use of the other, the interrogation of living witnesses. < 12.27.4 \xa0It is easy enough to perceive what caused him to make this choice. Inquiries from books may be made without any danger or hardship, provided only that one takes care to have access to a town rich in documents or to have a library near at hand. <' "12.27.5 \xa0After that one has only to pursue one's researches in perfect repose and compare the accounts of different writers without exposing oneself to any hardship. <" '12.27.6 \xa0Personal inquiry, on the contrary, requires severe labour and great expense, but is exceedingly valuable and is the most important part of history. <' "12.28.6 \xa0Timaeus never gave a moment's thought to this, but though he spent all his life in exile in one single place, though he almost seems to have deliberately denied himself any active part in war or politics or any personal experience gained by travel and observation, yet, for some unknown reason, he has acquired the reputation of being a leading author. <" '15.25 1. \xa0Sosibius, the pretended guardian of Ptolemy, appears to have been a dexterous instrument of evil who remained long in power and did much mischief in the kingdom.,2. \xa0He first of all compassed the death of Lysimachus, who was Ptolemy\'s son by Arsinoë the daughter of Lysimachus, next that of Magas, son of Ptolemy and Berenice, daughter of Magas, thirdly that of Berenice, mother of Ptolemy Philopator, fourthly that of Cleomenes of Sparta, and fifthly that of Arsinoë, the daughter of Berenice. Ambition and Fate of Agathocles,3. \xa0After four or five days, erecting a tribune in the largest colonnade of the palace, they summoned a meeting of the bodyguard and household troops as well as of the officers of the infantry and cavalry.,4. \xa0When all these had collected, Agathocles and Sosibius mounted the tribune, and in the first place acknowledged the death of the king and queen and enjoined the populace to go into mourning as was their usual practice.,5. \xa0After this they crowned the boy and proclaimed him king, and then read a forged will, in which it was written that the king appointed Agathocles and Sosibius guardians of his son.,6. \xa0They begged the officers to remain well disposed and maintain the boy on his throne; and afterwards brought in two silver urns, the one said to contain the bones of the king and the other those of Arsinoë.,7. \xa0As a fact, the one did contain the king\'s bones, but the other was full of spices. Hereupon they at once celebrated the funeral, and now the real circumstances of Arsinoë\'s fate became manifest to all.,8. \xa0For on her death being made known, everyone began to inquire how she had perished. As there was no other cause assigned when the true report began to reach people\'s ears, though doubt still subsisted, the truth was impressed on the minds of all, and the people were much stirred in consequence.,9. \xa0As for the king, no one cared, but concerning Arsinoë, when some recalled her orphanhood and others the insults and outrages inflicted on her during her whole life, and finally her unhappy death, the people fell into such a state of distraction and affliction that the town was full of groans, tears, and ceaseless lamentation,,10. \xa0a testimony, in the opinion of those who judged correctly, not so much of affection for Arsinoë as of hatred of Agathocles.,11. \xa0The latter, after depositing the urns in the royal vaults, ordered the public mourning to cease, and as a first step granted two months\' pay to the troops, feeling sure of taking the edge off their hatred by appealing to the soldiers\' spirit of avarice, and in the next place imposed on them the oath they were accustomed to take on the proclamation of a new king.,12. \xa0He also sent away Philammon who had carried out the murder of Arsinoë, making him libyarch in the Cyrenaica, and he placed the child in the care of Oethe and Agathoclea.,13. \xa0After this he dispatched Pelops, son of Pelops, to Asia, to King Antiochus to beg him to remain on friendly terms and not to transgress his treaty with the young king\'s father, and sent Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, to Philip to arrange for the proposed match and to beg for his help if Antiochus attempted any serious violation of his obligations.,14. \xa0He also appointed Ptolemy, the son of Agesarchus, ambassador to Rome, with the idea not of his hurrying to his post, but of his remaining in Greece when he reached that country and met his friends and relatives there,,15. \xa0the object of Agathocles being to remove all men of distinction from Egypt.,16. \xa0He also sent Scopas, the Aetolian, to Greece to hire mercenaries, providing him with a large sum of money to advance to them.,17. \xa0Two reasons underlay this plan; for in the first place, he wished to use the troops he hired for the war against Antiochus, and next to send away the existing force of mercenaries to the country forts in Egypt and to the foreign settlements, and then with these new arrivals to fill up and remodel the household troops and the guards of the court, and of the rest of the city, thinking that the men he himself had enlisted and whom he paid, as they had no political sympathies regarding past events of which they were ignorant, as they reposed their hopes of preservation and advancement on himself, would readily support him and join heartily in executing all his behests.,19. \xa0All this happened before the negotiations with Philip, as I\xa0have stated, but as the negotiations fell to be dealt with first owing to the order of my narrative, it was necessary for me to manage matters so as to give an account of the interviews and speeches of the ambassadors before mentioning their appointment and dispatch.,20. \xa0Agathocles, as soon as he had removed all the most notable men and checked to a great extent by the advance of pay the disaffection among the troops, turned to his old courses.,21. \xa0He filled up the vacant places of the royal "friends" by appointing from the body servants and other attendants those most remarkable for their effrontery and recklessness.,22. \xa0He himself spent the greater part of the day and night in drinking and the debauchery which commonly accompanies it, sparing neither women in the flower of their age nor brides nor virgins, and all this he did with the most odious ostentation.,23. \xa0So that as strong dislike against him was aroused on all sides, as no attempt was made to conciliate or help those aggrieved, but on the contrary there was a constant repetition of outrage, arrogance, and neglect,,24. \xa0the former hatred of the populace for him began to fume again, and all recalled the calamities that these men had brought on the kingdom.,25. \xa0But since they had no leader of any weight, through whom to vent their anger on Agathocles and Agathoclea, they kept quiet, their only remaining hope, to which they eagerly clung, being in Tlepolemus.,26. \xa0While the king lived, Tlepolemus attended to his own affairs, but on the death of Ptolemy, after quieting the populace, he became again military governor of the district round Pelusium;,27. \xa0and at first he consulted the king\'s interest in all he did, believing that there would be some council charged with the guardianship of the child and the general control of affairs.,28. \xa0But when he saw that all the men worthy of this office had been got rid of, and that Agathocles ventured to assume the reins of government, he very soon changed his attitude, as he was conscious of the danger that menaced him owing to their long-standing enmity, and collecting his forces around him took measures for providing himself with money in order that he might not fall an easy prey to any of his foes.,29. \xa0At the same time he did not despair of himself obtaining the guardianship of the child and the direction of affairs, thinking that he was, if his own judgement did not deceive him, more capable because he heard that both the troops under his own command and those in Alexandria placed in him their hopes of overthrowing the insolent domination of Agathocles.,30. \xa0Such being his opinion of himself, the difference between them became speedily more acute, since both of them contributed to this end.,31. \xa0For Tlepolemus, as he was desirous of attaching to himself the commanders, taxiarchs, and inferior officers, entertained them sedulously at banquets; and on those occasions, either flattered by those who wished to make themselves agreeable to him or on his own impulse, since he was young and they were talking over their wine, he would make remarks about the family of Agathocles, at first enigmatical, then of doubtful import, but finally quite outspoken and conveying the most venomous insults.,32. \xa0For he used to toast the wall-dauber and the sackbut-girl and the lady-barber, and the young boy who was so complaisant at the drinking-bouts when he was cupbearer to the king in his childhood\'s days.,33. \xa0As his guests always laughed with him and contributed something of their own to his jests, the matter soon reached the ears of Agathocles.,34. \xa0Their enmity was now avowed, and Agathocles lost no time in bringing an accusation against Tlepolemus, charging him with disaffection to the king and stating that he was inviting Antiochus to assume the government.,35. \xa0He was in no lack of specious grounds for this accusation, some resting on reports of actual facts which he distorted and some being pure inventions of his own.,36. \xa0All this he did with the object of working up the populace against Tlepolemus, but it had the contrary result. For as they had for long rested their hopes on Tlepolemus, they were exceedingly glad to see the quarrel becoming more inflamed.,37. \xa0The popular movement originated in the following manner. Nicon, who was a relative of Agathocles, had been appointed director of naval affairs during the lifetime of Ptolemy, and he now.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. Agathocles also killed Deinon, son of Deinon, and this was, as the saying is, "the justest of his many iniquities." For at the time when dispatches reached Deinon proposing the murder of Arsinoë, it was perfectly in his power to report the criminal project and save the kingdom, but he chose to take the part of Philammon and became thus the cause of all the evils which followed. 15.26.1 \xa0Agathocles in the first place summoned a meeting of the Macedonians and appeared together with Agathoclea and the young king. < 15.26.2 \xa0At first he pretended that he could not say what he wished owing to the abundance of the tears that choked him, but after wiping his eyes many times with his chlamys and subduing the outburst, he took the child in his arms and exclaimed, "Take the child whom his father on his death-bed placed in the arms of this woman," pointing to his sister, "and confided to your faith, you soldiers of Macedon. < 15.26.4 \xa0Her affection indeed is of but little moment to ensure his safety, but his fate depends on you and your valour. < 15.26.5 \xa0For it has long been evident to those who judge correctly that Tlepolemus aspires to a position higher than it behoves him to covet, and now he has actually fixed the day and the hour at which he will assume the diadem." < 15.26.6 \xa0And as to this he told them not to rely on his own word but on that of those who knew the truth and had just come from the very scene of action. < 15.26.7 \xa0After speaking thus he brought forward Critolaus, who told them that he had himself seen the altars being erected and the victims being prepared in presence of the populace for the ceremony of proclaiming the coronation. < 15.26.8 \xa0When the Macedonians heard this, not only did they feel no pity for Agathocles but paid absolutely no attention to his words, and showed such levity by hooting and murmuring to each other that he did not know himself how he got away from the meeting. <' "15.26 1. \xa0Agathocles in the first place summoned a meeting of the Macedonians and appeared together with Agathoclea and the young king.,2. \xa0At first he pretended that he could not say what he wished owing to the abundance of the tears that choked him, but after wiping his eyes many times with his chlamys and subduing the outburst, he took the child in his arms and exclaimed, "Take the child whom his father on his death-bed placed in the arms of this woman," pointing to his sister, "and confided to your faith, you soldiers of Macedon.,4. \xa0Her affection indeed is of but little moment to ensure his safety, but his fate depends on you and your valour.,5. \xa0For it has long been evident to those who judge correctly that Tlepolemus aspires to a position higher than it behoves him to covet, and now he has actually fixed the day and the hour at which he will assume the diadem.",6. \xa0And as to this he told them not to rely on his own word but on that of those who knew the truth and had just come from the very scene of action.,7. \xa0After speaking thus he brought forward Critolaus, who told them that he had himself seen the altars being erected and the victims being prepared in presence of the populace for the ceremony of proclaiming the coronation.,8. \xa0When the Macedonians heard this, not only did they feel no pity for Agathocles but paid absolutely no attention to his words, and showed such levity by hooting and murmuring to each other that he did not know himself how he got away from the meeting.,9. \xa0The same kind of thing took place at the meetings of the other regiments.,10. \xa0Meanwhile numbers of men kept on arriving by boat from the garrisons in upper Egypt, and all begged their relatives or friends to help them at the present crisis and not allow them to be thus outrageously tyrannized over by such unworthy persons.,11. \xa0The chief incentive to the soldiery to wreak their vengeance on those in power was their knowledge that any delay was prejudicial to themselves, as Tlepolemus controlled the entire supply of provisions reaching Alexandria. 15.27 1. \xa0There was also one thing done by Agathocles and his party which contributed to exasperate the populace and Tlepolemus.,2. \xa0For they took Danaë, who was the latter's mother-inâ\x80\x91law, from the temple of Demeter, and dragged her unveiled through the middle of the town and committed her to prison, with the express object of exhibiting their hostility to him.,3. \xa0This so irritated the people that they no longer spoke of the matter in private and secretly, but while some expressed their detestation of those in power by scribbling it all over the town at night, others even began to meet openly in groups in the day-time for this purpose.,4. \xa0Agathocles, seeing what was happening and entertaining poor hopes of his own security, began to contemplate flight; but as owing to his own imprudence he had made no preparations for this purpose he desisted from the project,,5. \xa0and his next step was to enrol conspirators ready to join in the venture, with a view to putting to death some of his enemies at once and arresting others, after which he could possess himself of tyrannical power.,6. \xa0While he was engaged in this project an accusation was brought against a certain Moeragenes, one of the bodyguards, to the effect that he informed Tlepolemus of everything and worked for his cause owing to his relationship with Adaeus, then governor of Bubastus.,7. \xa0Agathocles at once gave orders to Nicostratus, his secretary of state, to arrest Moeragenes and examine him diligently, menacing him with every kind of torture.,8. \xa0Moeragenes was instantly arrested and conducted to a remote part of the palace, where he was at first questioned directly concerning these rumours,,9. \xa0and on his denying every one of the charges was stripped. Some began to get the instruments of torture ready and others with the scourges in their hands were taking off their cloaks,,10. \xa0when one of the servants ran up to Nicostratus and after whispering something into his ear made off in haste.,11. \xa0Nicostratus immediately followed him without saying a word, but striking his thigh with his hand repeatedly." '15.28 1. \xa0It is difficult to describe the strange situation in which Moeragenes found himself.,2. \xa0For some of the executioners stood there with the scourges almost raised to strike him and others were getting the instruments of torture ready before his eyes;,3. \xa0but when Nicostratus departed all remained in mute astonishment, looking at each other, and each moment expecting Nicostratus to return;,4. \xa0but after a little time had elapsed they gradually dispersed, and Moeragenes was left by himself. After that he was able, much to his surprise, to traverse the palace, and naked as he was rushed into a tent belonging to the Macedonian troops not far from the palace.,5. \xa0Finding them by chance assembled there at breakfast he told his story and the extraordinary manner in which he had been delivered.,6. \xa0They were disposed to discredit it, but afterwards seeing him naked they were compelled to believe him.,7. \xa0Availing himself of this complete change of circumstances, Moeragenes begged the Macedonians with tears not only to help him to save himself, but to save the king also and chiefly themselves.,8. \xa0He urged upon them that their destruction was inevitable if they did not avail themselves of the present opportunity, when the hatred of the populace was at its height and everyone was ready to take vengeance on Agathocles.,9. \xa0This was just the time, he said, when the feeling was most thoroughly aroused and it only wanted someone to begin. 15.29 1. \xa0The Macedonians on hearing this were stimulated to action and finally took the advice of Moeragenes, first without delay visiting the Macedonian tents and then those of the other soldiers,,2. \xa0which are all close together, and turned towards a single part of the city.,3. \xa0As the people had long been disposed to revolt and required only some man of courage to appeal to them, once the movement began it spread like wildfire.,4. \xa0Four hours had scarcely elapsed when men of all nationalities, both soldiers and civilians, had agreed to attack the government.,5. \xa0Chance too co-operated much at this time to the accomplishment of their aim.,6. \xa0For Agathocles, when a letter reached his hands, and some spies were brought before him, and when the letter proved to be the one addressed by Tlepolemus to the troops announcing that he was on the point of coming, and the spies reported that he had actually arrived,,7. \xa0so entirely lost his head that, neglecting to take any action or to consider the news he had received, he went to carouse at his usual hour and conducted himself at the banquet in his usual manner.,8. \xa0Oethe, who was in great distress, betook herself to the Thesmophoreum, that temple being open for an annual sacrifice.,9. \xa0She first of all fell on her knees and with many gestures prayed fervently to the goddesses, and afterwards seated herself by the altar and held her peace.,10. \xa0Most of the women, pleased to see her so dejected and distressed, remained silent, but the relatives of Polycrates and some other noble ladies, who were not yet aware of the danger, came up to her to console her.,11. \xa0"Come not near me, you beasts," she cried aloud to them,"I\xa0know well that you bear us ill-will and that you pray to the goddesses that the worst may befall us,,12. \xa0but yet I\xa0trust that, if it be the will of heaven, I\xa0shall yet make you taste the flesh of your own children.",13. \xa0After saying this she bade her lictors drive them away from her and strike those who refused to leave.,14. \xa0Availing themselves of this pretext all the ladies withdrew, holding up their hands to the goddesses and praying that she might be cursed with the fate that she threatened to bring on others. 15.30.4 \xa0The open spaces round the palace, the stadium, and the great square were now filled with a mixed multitude, including all the crowd of supernumerary performers in the theatre of Dionysus, < 15.30.9 \xa0Meanwhile the populace were assembling from every part of the city, so that not only level spaces but the roofs and steps were full of people, and there was a confused hubbub and clamour, women and children being mixed with the men. < 15.30 1. \xa0The men had already decided on a revolution, but now that in each house the rage of the women was added to their own, the hatred of the usurper blazed up twice as violent.,2. \xa0When day again gave place to night, the whole town was full of disturbance and torches and movement.,3. \xa0For some collected in the stadium shouting, some were encouraging each other, others running in different directions took refuge in houses and places not likely to be suspected.,4. \xa0The open spaces round the palace, the stadium, and the great square were now filled with a mixed multitude, including all the crowd of supernumerary performers in the theatre of Dionysus,,5. \xa0and Agathocles, when he heard what was occurring, aroused himself from his drunken slumber, having broken up the banquet a short time previously, and taking all his relatives except Philo went to the king.,6. \xa0After lamenting his ill-fortune to the boy in a\xa0few words he took him by the hand and went up to the gallery between the Maeander and the palaestra leading to the entrance to the theatre.,7. \xa0After this, having made fast the first two doors, he retired to the third with a\xa0few of the bodyguard, the king, and his own relatives.,8. \xa0The doors were of pen lattice-work and one could see through them, and they were each secured by two bolts.,9. \xa0Meanwhile the populace were assembling from every part of the city, so that not only level spaces but the roofs and steps were full of people, and there was a confused hubbub and clamour, women and children being mixed with the men.,10. \xa0For in Carthage and also in Alexandria the children play no less a part in such tumults than the men. 15.31 1. \xa0When the day began to break it was difficult to distinguish the various cries, but that of "Bring the king" predominated.,2. \xa0At first the Macedonians got up and seized the gate of audience of the palace,,3. \xa0but shortly after, when they discovered in what part of the building the king was, they went round and after taking the first door of the gallery off its hinges approached the second and clamoured loudly for the king.,4. \xa0Agathocles was looking now to his own safety and begged the bodyguards to convey a message on his behalf to the Macedonians, stating that he abandoned the office of regent and all his powers and dignities as well as all his revenue,,5. \xa0and begged simply for his poor life and a sufficient supply of food, so that retiring into his original obscurity he could not in future, even if he wished it, hurt anyone.,6. \xa0None of the other bodyguards consented, but Aristomenes alone, who afterwards became minister, undertook this service.,7. \xa0He was by birth an Acarian, and the adulation he had paid to Agathocles in the season of his prosperity was no less conspicuous than his admirable and scrupulous fidelity to the interests of the king and his kingdom when in later life he was at the head of affairs.,8. \xa0For he was the first who having invited Agathocles to dinner presented to him alone among the guests a crown of gold, an honour which is customarily paid only to the king,,9. \xa0and he was the first who ventured to wear a ring with Agathocles\' portrait engraved on it, and when a daughter was born to him he actually called her Agathoclea.,10. \xa0Perhaps regarding his character I\xa0have said enough; but now when he had received Agathocles\' commission he went out by a wicket-gate to the Macedonians.,11. \xa0After he had said a\xa0few words to them and explained the proposal, the Macedonians at once attempted to run him through, but when some few persons held their hands over him and begged them to spare him, he went back with orders either to return to them bringing the king or not to come out at all.,12. \xa0Aristomenes, then, was sent back by the Macedonians with this message, and they themselves came up to the second door and broke it in also.,13. \xa0Agathocles and his people, seeing the violence of the Macedonians both by their actions and their determined demand, at first attempted to entreat the soldiers, leaving no word unspoken that might move them to spare their lives at least, Agathocles putting out his hands through the door and Agathoclea her breasts with which she said she had suckled the king.' "15.32.4 \xa0The joy of the crowd was mingled with regret, for on the one hand they were delighted at having the boy in their hands, but on the other they were displeased that the guilty persons had not been arrested and punished as they deserved. <' "15.32 1. \xa0When bitterly bewailing their evil fate they found all was useless, they sent out the boy with the bodyguard.,2. \xa0The Macedonians then took the king and at once setting him on a horse conducted him to the stadium.,3. \xa0His appearance was greeted with loud cheers and clapping of hands, and they now stopped the horse, took him off, and leading him forward placed him in the royal seat.,4. \xa0The joy of the crowd was mingled with regret, for on the one hand they were delighted at having the boy in their hands, but on the other they were displeased that the guilty persons had not been arrested and punished as they deserved.,5. \xa0So that they continued to shout, demanding that those who had caused all the evil should be taken into custody and made an example.,6. \xa0The day had now advanced, and as the people after all could find no one on whom to vent their resentment, Sosibius, who was the son of Sosibius and at the present time, being a member of the bodyguard, particularly devoted his attention to the king and to affairs of state,,7. \xa0seeing that there was no hope of appeasing the fury of the populace and that the boy was ill at ease, finding himself among strangers and amidst all the commotion of the mob, asked the king if he would give up to the people those who were in any way guilty of offences to himself or his mother.,8. \xa0When the boy nodded his head in assent Sosibius bade some of the bodyguard communicate the royal decision, and making the boy get up led him away to join his household at his own house which was quite near.,19. \xa0When the king's consent was announced, there was a deafening outburst of cheering and applause all through the stadium.,10. \xa0Meanwhile Agathocles and Agathoclea had separated and each retired to their own residence, and very soon a certain number of soldiers, some on their own initiative and others forced to go by the crowd, set off in search of both. " '15.33.10 \xa0For terrible is the cruelty of the Egyptians when their anger is aroused. <' "15.33 1. \xa0The bloodshed and murders which followed were due to the following incident.,2. \xa0Philo, one of Agathocles' attendants and parasites, came out into the stadium suffering from the effects of drink.,3. \xa0When he observed the popular excitement, he said to those next him, that if Agathocles came out they would have cause to repent again as they had done some days before.,4. \xa0Upon hearing this they began some of them to revile and others to hustle him, and when he attempted to defend himself some very soon tore off his cloak and others levelling their spears at him transpierced him.,5. \xa0Then as soon as he was ignominiously dragged still breathing into the middle of the stadium and the people had tasted blood, they all eagerly waited the arrival of the others.,6. \xa0It was not long before Agathocles was led in in fetters, and as soon as he entered some people ran up and at once stabbed him, an act of benevolence rather than enmity, for they thus saved him from suffering the fate he deserved.,7. \xa0Next Nicon was brought there and after him Agathoclea stripped naked with her sisters and then all her relatives.,8. \xa0Last of all they dragged Oethe from the Thesmophorium and led her to the stadium naked on horseback.,9. \xa0All of them were delivered into the hands of the mob, and now some began to bite them with their teeth, some to stab them and others to dig out their eyes. Whenever one of them fell they tore the body from limb to limb until they had thus mutilated them all.,10. \xa0For terrible is the cruelty of the Egyptians when their anger is aroused.,11. \xa0At the same time some young girls who had been Arsinoë's close companions, hearing that Philammon, who had directed the queen's murder, had arrived from Cyrene three days before, rushed to his house and forcing an entrance killed Philammon with clubs and stones;,12. \xa0strangled his son who was no longer a child, and dragging out his wife naked into the square slew her.,13. \xa0Such was the end of Agathocles, Agathoclea, and their kindred." '15.34 1. \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that some authors in describing these events have introduced the sensational element and worked up their material with the object of making the whole more striking to their readers, largely transgressing the bounds of what is essential to give coherence to their narrative.,2. \xa0Some of them attribute all to Fortune, and lay stress on her instability and on men's incapacity of evading her, while others take count of the strangeness of all that happened, attempting to assign reasons or probable causes to everything.,3. \xa0It was, however, not my own object to treat these matters in that manner, inasmuch as Agathocles displayed neither courage in war nor conspicuous ability,,4. \xa0nor was he fortunate and exemplary in his management of affairs, nor, finally, had he that acuteness and mischievous address which serve a courtier's ends and which made Sosibius and several others so successful until the end of their lives in their management of king after king. On the contrary it was quite different with Agathocles.,5. \xa0Owing to Philopator's incapacity as a ruler he attained an exceptionally high position;,6. \xa0and in this position finding himself after that king's death most favourably circumstanced to maintain his power, he lost both his control and his life through his own cowardice and indolence, becoming an object of universal reprobation in quite a short time. " '16.18.2 \xa0The above-mentioned author in narrating the siege of Gaza and the engagement between Antiochus and Scopas at the Panium in Coele-Syria has evidently taken so much pains about his style that the extravagance of his language is not excelled by any of those declamatory works written to produce a sensation among the vulgar. < 16.28.2 \xa0those who have succeeded in bringing their designs to a conclusion, and even when fortune has been adverse to them, have compensated for deficiency in ardour by the exercise of reason, are few. <' "18.15.13 \xa0and finally not allowing them even in sleep to forget their offence, but compelling them to dream of every kind of plot and peril, conscious as they are of the estrangement of everybody and of men's universal hatred of them. <" '20.9.8 \xa0but Flaccus cut the flood of their eloquence short by saying that this sort of pleading did not suit present circumstances. For as it was they who had broken off their originally kind relations, and as their present enmity was entirely their own fault, former deeds of kindness no longer counted as an asset. < 21.38 1. \xa0Chiomara, the wife of Ortiagon, was captured with the other women when the Asiatic Gauls were defeated by the Romans under Manlius.,2. \xa0The centurion into whose hands she fell took advantage of his capture with a soldier\'s brutality and did violence to her.,3. \xa0The man was indeed an ill-bred lout, the slave both of gain and of lust, but his love of gain prevailed; and as a considerable sum had been promised him for the woman\'s ransom, he brought her to a certain place to deliver her up, a river running between him and the messengers.,4. \xa0When the Gauls crossed and after handing him the money were taking possession of Chiomara, she signed to one of them to strike the man as he was taking an affectionate leave of her.,5. \xa0The man obeyed and cut off his head, which she took up and wrapped in the folds of her dress, and then drove off.,6. \xa0When she came into the presence of her husband and threw the head at his feet, he was astonished and said, "Ah! my wife, it is good to keep faith." "Yes," she replied, "but it is better still that only one man who has lain with me should remain alive.",7. \xa0Polybius tells us that he met and conversed with the lady at Sardis and admired her high spirit and intelligence. (Cp.\xa0Livy XXXVIII.25) 23.10.5 \xa0whose fidelity to him would be surer in the season of danger. While this project was being executed, < 27.13.1 \xa0Ptolemy, the Egyptian commander in Cyprus, was not at all like an Egyptian, but gifted with good sense and capacity. < 30.7.7 \xa0They were therefore justified in standing on their defence in submitting to trial, and employing every means to save themselves; < 34.1.3 \xa0Polybius says that in regard to Greece Eudoxus has given a good and Ephorus a very good account of the foundation of cities, genealogies, migrations, < 34.9.13 \xa0Polybius in enumerating the tribes and cities of the Paccaei and Celtiberians counts among the other cities Segesama and Intercatia. Thayer's Note: The following fragment was overlooked by the Loeb editor: (Strabo, III.4.13, C\xa062) <" '34.14.1 \xa0Polybius at least, who visited the city, was disgusted with its condition at the time. < 34.14.2 \xa0He says it is inhabited by three classes of people, first the native Egyptians, an acute and civilized race; < 34.14.3 \xa0secondly by the mercenaries, a numerous, rough, and uncultivated set, it being an ancient practice there to maintain a foreign armed force which owing to the weakness of the kings had learnt rather to rule than to obey; < 34.14.4 \xa0thirdly there were the Alexandrians themselves, a people not genuinely civilized for the same reason, but still superior to the mercenaries, < 34.14.5 \xa0for though they are mongrels they came from a Greek stock and had not forgotten Greek customs. <' "36.9 1. \xa0Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2. \xa0As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3. \xa0There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4. \xa0For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5. \xa0Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6. \xa0For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7. \xa0But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8. \xa0For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9. \xa0Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10. \xa0But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11. \xa0This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12. \xa0And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13. \xa0But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14. \xa0For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15. \xa0For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16. \xa0of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17. \xa0Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. " '36.12 1. \xa0It should cause no surprise if at times I\xa0use my proper name in speaking of myself, and elsewhere use general expressions such as "after I\xa0had said this" or again, "and when I\xa0agreed to this.",2. \xa0For as I\xa0was personally much involved in the events I\xa0am now about to chronicle, I\xa0am compelled to change the phrases when alluding to myself, so that I\xa0may neither offend by the frequent repetition of my name, nor again by constantly saying "when I" or "for me" fall unintentionally into an ill-mannered habit of speech.,3. \xa0What I\xa0wish is by using these modes of expression alternately and in their proper place to avoid as far as possible the offence that lies in speaking constantly about oneself, as such personal references are naturally unwelcome, but are often necessary when the matter cannot be stated clearly without them.,5. \xa0Luckily I\xa0have been assisted in this matter by the fortuitous fact that no one as far as I\xa0know, up to the time in which I\xa0live at least, has received from his parents the same proper name as my own. ' "38.10.8 \xa0And Diaeus and Critolaus and all who shared their views â\x80\x94 and these were, so to speak, a deliberate selection from each city of the worst men, the most god-forsaken and the greatest corruptors of the nation â\x80\x94 not only as the proverb has it, took with the left hand what the Romans gave with the right, but were under an entire and absolute misconception. < 38.21 1. \xa0Turning round to me at once and grasping my hand Scipio said, "A\xa0glorious moment, Polybius; but I\xa0have a dread foreboding that some day the same doom will be pronounced on my own country." It would be difficult to mention an utterance more statesmanlike and more profound.,2. \xa0For at the moment of our greatest triumph and of disaster to our enemies to reflect on our own situation and on the possible reversal of circumstances, and generally to bear in mind at the season of success the mutability of Fortune, is like a great and perfect man, a man in short worthy to be remembered. (From Appian, Punica, 132) 38.22 1. \xa0Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. \xa0After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A\xa0day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. \xa0And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.' "39.3 1. \xa0Owing to the long-standing affection of the people for Philopoemen, the statues of him which existed in some towns were left standing. So it seems to me that all that is done in a spirit of truth creates in those who benefit by it an undying affection.,2. \xa0Therefore we may justly cite the current saying that he had been foiled not at the door but in the street. (From Plutarch, Philopoemen 21),3. \xa0There were many statues and many decrees in his honour in the different cities, and a certain Roman at the time so disastrous to Greece, when Corinth was destroyed, attempted to destroy them all, and, as it were, to expel him from the country, accusing him as if he were still alive of being hostile and ill-disposed to the Romans. But on the matter being discussed and on Polybius refuting the false accusation, neither Mummius nor the legates would suffer the honours of the celebrated man to be destroyed.,4. \xa0Polybius set himself to give full information to the legates about Philopoemen, corresponding to what I\xa0originally stated about this statesman.,5. \xa0And that was, that he often was opposed to the orders of the Romans, but that his opposition was confined to giving information and advice about disputed points, and this always with due consideration.,6. \xa0A\xa0real proof of his attitude, he said, was that in the wars with Antiochus and Philip he did, as the saying is, save them from the fire.,7. \xa0For then, being the most influential man in Greece owing to his personal power and that of the Achaean League, he in the truest sense maintained his friendship for Rome, helping to carry the decree of the league, in which four months before the Romans crossed to Greece the Achaeans decided to make war from Achaea on Antiochus and the Aetolians, nearly all the other Greeks being at the time ill-disposed to Rome.,9. \xa0The ten legates therefore, giving ear to this and approving the attitude of the speaker, permitted the tokens of honour Philopoemen had received in all the towns to remain undisturbed.,10. \xa0Polybius, availing himself of this concession, begged the general to return the portraits, although they had been already carried away from the Peloponnesus to Acaria â\x80\x94 I\xa0refer to the portraits of Achaeus, of Aratus, and of Philopoemen.,11. \xa0The people so much admired Polybius's conduct in the matter that they erected a marble statue of him. " '39.4 1. \xa0After the appointment of the ten commissioners which took place in Achaea, these commissioners ordered the quaestor who was about to sell the property of Diaeus to set aside and present to Polybius whatever objects he chose to select for himself and then sell the rest to bidders.,2. \xa0Polybius was so far from accepting any gift of the kind that he even begged his friends not to desire to acquire any of the things sold by the quaestor, who was now visiting the cities, and selling the property of all who had sided with Diaeus and had been condemned, except those who had children or parents.,4. \xa0Some of his friends did not pay attention to his advice, but those who followed it earned the high approval of their fellow-citizens. ' "' None |
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8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios of Megalopolis, archaeologia • Polybios of Megalopolis, on suspension of magistrates under dictator • Polybius • Polybius, Greek historian
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 278; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 41; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 79, 84
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9. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.1.1 ... Diodorus Siculus@Historical Library (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • Polybius, • disparagement, of Phoenicians by Polybius • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, rarely suggested by Polybius
Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 424; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 121; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 61; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 102, 116; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 111, 238; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 111, 238; Liddel (2020), Decrees of Fourth-Century Athens (403/2-322/1 BC): Volume 2, Political and Cultural Perspectives, 197
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1.4.4 \xa0For since the city of our origin was Agyrium in Sicily, and by reason of our contact with the Romans in that island we had gained a wide acquaintance with their language, we have acquired an accurate knowledge of all the events connected with this empire from the records which have been carefully preserved among them over a long period of time.
5.35.4 \xa0Now the natives were ignorant of the use of the silver, and the Phoenicians, as they pursued their commercial enterprises and learned of what had taken place, purchased the silver in exchange for other wares of little if any worth. And this was the reason why the Phoenicians, as they transported this silver to Greece and Asia and to all other peoples, acquired great wealth. So far indeed did the merchants go in their greed that, in case their boats were fully laden and there still remained a great amount of silver, they would hammer the lead off the anchors and have the silver perform the service of the lead. And the result was that the Phoenicians, as in the course of many years they prospered greatly, thanks to commerce of this kind, sent forth many colonies, some to Sicily and its neighbouring islands, and others to Libya, Sardinia, and Iberia.'
18.10.4 \xa0When this decree had been ratified more promptly than was wise, those of the Greeks who were superior in understanding said that the Athenian people had counselled well for glory but had missed what was expedient; for they had left the mark before the proper time and, with no necessity compelling them, were venturing to meet forces that were great and undefeated, and moreover, although they enjoyed a reputation for excelling in judgement, they had learned nothing even from the well-known misfortunes to Thebans.
18.10.5 \xa0Nevertheless, as the ambassadors made the circuit of the cities and roused them for war with their accustomed eloquence, most of the Greeks joined the alliance, some by national groups and some by cities. ' None |
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10. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.1.1, 1.2.1, 1.3.3, 1.5.1, 1.8.2, 1.8.4, 2.3.5, 2.18.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 224; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 369; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 195, 205; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 78, 79, 80, 91, 92; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 238; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 238
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1.1.1 \xa0Although it is much against my will to indulge in the explanatory statements usually given in the prefaces to histories, yet I\xa0am obliged to prefix to this work some remarks concerning myself. In doing this it is neither my intention to dwell too long on my own praise, which I\xa0know would be distasteful to the reader, nor have\xa0I the purpose of censuring other historians, as Anaximenes and Theopompus did in the prefaces to their histories, but I\xa0shall only show the reasons that induced me to undertake this work and give an accounting of the sources from which I\xa0gained the knowledge of the things that I\xa0am going to relate. <
1.2.1 \xa0That I\xa0have indeed made choice of a subject noble, lofty and useful to many will not, I\xa0think, require any lengthy argument, at least for those who are not utterly unacquainted with universal history. For if anyone turns his attention to the successive supremacies both of cities and of nations, as accounts of them have been handed down from times past, and then, surveying them severally and comparing them together, wishes to determine which of them obtained the widest dominion and both in peace and war performed the most brilliant achievements, he will find that the supremacy of the Romans has far surpassed all those that are recorded from earlier times, not only in the extent of its dominion and in the splendor of its achievements â\x80\x94 which no account has as yet worthily celebrated â\x80\x94 but also in the length of time during which it has endured down to our day. <
1.3.3 \xa0But Rome rules every country that is not inaccessible or uninhabited, and she is mistress of every sea, not only of that which lies inside the Pillars of Hercules but also of the Ocean, except that part of it which is not navigable; she is the first and the only State recorded in all time that ever made the risings and the settings of the sun the boundaries of her dominion. Nor has her supremacy been of short duration, but more lasting than that of any other commonwealth or kingdom. <
1.5.1 \xa0In order, therefore, to remove these erroneous impressions, as I\xa0have called them, from the minds of many and to substitute true ones in their room, I\xa0shall in this Book show who the founders of the city were, at what periods the various groups came together and through what turns of fortune they left their native countries. <
1.8.2 \xa0and I\xa0bring the narrative down to the beginning of the First Punic War, which fell in the third year of the one\xa0hundred and twenty-eighth Olympiad. I\xa0relate all the foreign wars that the city waged during that period and all the internal seditions with which she was agitated, showing from what causes they sprang and by what methods and by what arguments they were brought to an end. I\xa0give an account also of all the forms of government Rome used, both during the monarchy and after its overthrow, and show what was the character of each. I\xa0describe the best customs and the most remarkable laws; and, in short, I\xa0show the whole life of the ancient Romans. <
1.8.4 \xa0Such things, therefore, will be the subjects of my history and such will be its form. I,\xa0the author, am dionysius of halycarnassus, the son of Alexander. And at this point I\xa0begin.' ' None |
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11. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.184 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 132; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 278
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2.184 for he who seeks to avoid labour is also avoiding good. And he, again, who encounters what is disagreeable to be borne with fortitude and manly perseverance, is taking the best road to happiness; for it is not the nature of virtue to abide with those who are given up to delicacy and luxury, and who have become effeminate in their souls, and whose bodies are enervated by the incessant luxury which they practise every day; but it is subdued by such conduct, and determined to change its abode, having first of all arranged its departure so as to depart to, and abide with, the ruler of right reason. '' None |
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12. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 28; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279
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13. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius, • Polybius, on Horatius Cocles
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 129; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 94
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14. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 314; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 188
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15. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 314; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 91
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16. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358
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17. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios, historian, view of Alexandria • Polybius • Polybius (historian) • Polybius, • Polybius, on Marcellus’ plundering of Sicily • Polybius, on the spoils of Syracuse
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 69; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 118, 119; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 129; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 78; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 266; Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 56; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 213; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 353; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 65
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18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.11-12.29, 12.31-12.39, 12.41-12.49, 12.51-12.59, 12.61-12.69, 12.71-12.79, 12.81-12.89, 12.91-12.99, 12.101-12.109, 12.111-12.118 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius, as starting point
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 363; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 363
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12.11 ̓Εχάρη μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν εἴς τι χρήσιμον ὁρῶν τετελειωμένην, μάλιστα ὡς δὲ τῶν νόμων ἀναγνωσθέντων αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ τὴν σοφίαν ἐξεπλάγη τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον ἤρξατο ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, πῶς οὕτως θαυμαστῆς οὔσης τῆς νομοθεσίας οὐδεὶς οὔτε τῶν ἱστορικῶν αὐτῆς οὔτε τῶν ποιητῶν ἐπεμνήσθη.
12.11 Βασιλεύσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἔτη δώδεκα καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Σωτῆρος τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν, ἔπειτα τὴν βασιλείαν τῆς Αἰγύπτου παραλαβὼν ὁ Φιλάδελφος καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐπ' ἔτη ἑνὸς δέοντα τεσσαράκοντα τόν τε νόμον ἡρμήνευσε καὶ τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν ἀπέλυσε τῆς δουλείας ὄντας περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδας ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης:" '12.12 Δημήτριος ὁ Φαληρεύς, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, σπουδάζων εἰ δυνατὸν εἴη πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην συναγαγεῖν βιβλία καὶ συνωνούμενος, εἴ τι που μόνον ἀκούσειε σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὄν, τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως προαιρέσει, μάλιστα γὰρ τὰ περὶ τὴν συλλογὴν τῶν βιβλίων εἶχεν φιλοκάλως, συνηγωνίζετο. 12.12 τεκμήριον δὲ τοῦτο: τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους μὴ βουλομένους ἀλλοφύλῳ ἐλαίῳ χρῆσθαι λαμβάνειν ὡρισμένον τι παρὰ τῶν γυμνασιάρχων εἰς ἐλαίου τιμὴν ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσεν. ὃ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ἐν τῷ νῦν πολέμῳ λῦσαι προαιρουμένου Μουκιανὸς ἡγεμὼν ὢν τότε τῆς Συρίας ἐτήρησεν,' "12.13 ἐρομένου δ' αὐτόν ποτε τοῦ Πτολεμαίου, πόσας ἤδη μυριάδας ἔχοι συνειλεγμένας βιβλίων, τῶν μὲν ὑπαρχόντων εἶπεν εἶναι περὶ εἴκοσι, ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου εἰς πεντήκοντα συναθροίσειν." "12.13 πολεμοῦντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν Φιλοπάτορα Πτολεμαῖον καὶ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαῖον ἐπικληθέντα δὲ ̓Επιφανῆ, κακοπαθεῖν συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς καὶ νικῶντος καὶ πταίοντος ταὐτὰ πάσχειν, ὥστ' οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον χειμαζομένης νεὼς καὶ πονουμένης ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἑκατέρωθεν μεταξὺ τῆς εὐπραγίας τῆς ̓Αντιόχου καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θάτερον αὐτοῦ τροπῆς τῶν πραγμάτων κείμενοι." "12.14 μεμηνῦσθαι δ' ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ πολλὰ εἶναι καὶ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς νομίμων συγγράμματα σπουδῆς ἄξια καὶ τῆς βασιλέως βιβλιοθήκης, ἃ τοῖς ἐκείνων χαρακτῆρσιν καὶ τῇ διαλέκτῳ γεγραμμένα πόνον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον παρέξειν εἰς τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν μεταβαλλόμενα γλῶτταν." "12.14 πρῶτον δ' αὐτοῖς ἐκρίναμεν διὰ τὴν εὐσέβειαν παρασχεῖν εἰς τὰς θυσίας σύνταξιν κτηνῶν τε θυσίμων καὶ οἴνου καὶ ἐλαίου καὶ λιβάνου ἀργυρίου μυριάδας δύο καὶ σεμιδάλεως ἀρτάβας ἱερᾶς κατὰ τὸν ἐπιχώριον νόμον πυρῶν μεδίμνους χιλίους τετρακοσίους ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἁλῶν μεδίμνους τριακοσίους ἑβδομηκονταπέντε." "12.15 δοκεῖ μὲν γὰρ εἶναι τῇ ἰδιότητι τῶν Συρίων γραμμάτων ἐμφερὴς ὁ χαρακτὴρ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτοῖς ἀπηχεῖν, ἰδιότροπον δὲ αὐτὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἔλεγεν κωλύειν καὶ ταῦτα μεταβαλόντα, δύνασθαι γὰρ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸ χορηγίας εὐποροῦντα, ἔχειν ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ καὶ τὰ παρ' ἐκείνοις." "12.15 πέπεισμαι γὰρ εὔνους αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἡμετέρων φύλακας διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ μαρτυρουμένους δ' αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων εἰς πίστιν οἶδα καὶ προθυμίαν εἰς ἃ παρακαλοῦνται: βούλομαι τοίνυν καίπερ ἐργώδους ὄντος τοῦ μεταγαγεῖν ὑποσχομένους νόμοις αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις." '12.16 ̓Ιώσηπος δέ τις, νέος μὲν ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐπὶ σεμνότητι δὲ καὶ προνοίᾳ δικαιοσύνης δόξαν ἔχων παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις, Τωβίου μὲν πατρός, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφῆς γεγονώς, δηλωσάσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς τὴν τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ παρουσίαν, ἔτυχεν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀποδημῶν εἰς Φικόλαν κώμην ἐξ ἧς ὑπῆρχεν,' "12.16 δόξας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄριστα τὸν Δημήτριον φιλοτιμουμένῳ περὶ πλῆθος αὐτῷ βιβλίων ὑποτίθεσθαι γράφει τῷ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερεῖ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι. 12.17 ̓Αρισταῖος δέ τις φίλος ὢν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ διὰ μετριότητα, πολλάκις μὲν καὶ πρότερον ἔγνω παρακαλέσαι τὸν βασιλέα, ὅπως ἀπολύσῃ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ̓Ιουδαίους ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἦσαν αὐτοῦ," "12.17 ὁρῶντες οὖν οὗτοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ἐχλεύαζον ἐπὶ πενίᾳ καὶ λιτότητι. ὡς δ' εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀφικόμενος ἐν Μέμφει τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἤκουσεν ὄντα, ὑπαντησάμενος συνέβαλεν αὐτῷ." "12.18 ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ιώσηπος λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πεζῶν μὲν στρατιώτας δισχιλίους, ἠξίωσε γὰρ βοήθειάν τινα λαβεῖν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καταφρονοῦντας ἔχῃ βιάζεσθαι, καὶ δανεισάμενος ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ παρὰ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων τάλαντα πεντακόσια εἰς Συρίαν ἐξώρμησεν. 12.18 καιρὸν δ' ἐπιτήδειον τοῦτον εἶναι δοκιμάσας τῆς δεήσεως πρώτοις περὶ τούτου διαλέγεται τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν σωματοφυλάκων Σωσιβίῳ τῷ Ταραντίνῳ καὶ ̓Ανδρέᾳ, συναγωνίσασθαι περὶ ὧν ἐντυγχάνειν μέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ παρακαλῶν αὐτούς." '12.19 ἔτι δὲ ὢν τρισκαίδεκα ἐτῶν οὗτος ὁ παῖς νεώτερος ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν φυσικὴν ἀνδρείαν καὶ σύνεσιν, ὡς ζηλοτυπηθῆναι δεινῶς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὄντα πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ φθονηθῆναι δυνάμενον. 12.19 προσλαβὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν προειρημένων γνώμην ὁ ̓Αρισταῖος, προσελθὼν τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγους πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιούτους ἐποιήσατο: 12.21 κληθεὶς δ' ἐφ' ἑστίασιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ τῶν πρώτων τῆς χώρας ὑποκατακλίνεται πάντων, καταφρονηθεὶς ὡς παῖς ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν ὑπὸ τῶν τοὺς τόπους κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν διανεμόντων." '12.21 οὓς τῇ σαυτοῦ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ καὶ χρηστότητι ποιῶν ἀκολούθως ἀπόλυσον τῆς ταλαιπωρίας, τὴν βασιλείαν σου διέποντος τοῦ θεμένου τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς θεοῦ, καθὼς ἐμοὶ πολυπραγμονήσαντι μαθεῖν ὑπῆρξεν.' "12.22 τιμήσας οὖν αὐτὸν φιλοτιμότατα καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς λαμπρὰς καὶ τῷ τε πατρὶ γράψας καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπιτρόποις ἐξέπεμψεν. 12.22 τὸν γὰρ ἅπαντα συστησάμενον θεὸν καὶ οὗτοι καὶ ἡμεῖς σεβόμεθα Ζῆνα καλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐτύμως ἀπὸ τοῦ πᾶσιν ἐμφύειν τὸ ζῆν τὴν ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ θέντες. ὅθεν εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς ἐξαίρετον τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείαν πεποιημένους ἀπόδος τοῖς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ βίον ἀπολελοιπόσιν. 12.23 ἴσθι μέντοι γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὡς οὔτε γένει προσήκων αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὁμόφυλος ὢν ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν ἀξιῶ, πάντων δὲ ἀνθρώπων δημιούργημα ὄντων τοῦ θεοῦ: καὶ δὴ γιγνώσκων αὐτὸν ἡδόμενον τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῦτο καὶ σὲ παρακαλῶ.”' "12.23 ᾠκοδόμησεν δὲ βᾶριν ἰσχυρὰν ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ κατασκευάσας πᾶσαν μέχρι καὶ τῆς στέγης ἐγγλύψας ζῷα παμμεγεθέστατα, περιήγαγεν δ' αὐτῇ εὔριπον μέγαν καὶ βαθύν." "12.24 Ταῦτ' εἰπόντος τοῦ ̓Αρισταίου ἀναβλέψας εἰς αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἱλαρῷ καὶ γεγηθότι τῷ προσώπῳ “πόσας, εἶπεν, ὑπολαμβάνεις τῶν ἀπολυθησομένων ἔσεσθαι μυριάδας;” ὑποτυχόντος δὲ ̓Ανδρέου, παρειστήκει γάρ, καὶ φήσαντος ὀλίγῳ πλείονας ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἕνδεκα μυριάδων “ἦ μικρὰν ἄρα εἶπεν, ἡμᾶς, ̓Αρισταῖε, δωρεὰν αἰτεῖς.” Σωσιβίου δὲ καὶ τῶν παρόντων φησάντων," "12.24 τὸ δὲ πλέον τοῦ λαοῦ τῷ ̓Ιάσονι συνελάμβανεν, ὑφ' οὗ καὶ πονούμενοι ὅ τε Μενέλαος καὶ οἱ παῖδες οἱ τοῦ Τωβίου πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον ἀνεχώρησαν δηλοῦντες αὐτῷ, ὅτι βούλονται τοὺς πατρίους νόμους καταλιπόντες καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτοὺς πολιτείαν ἕπεσθαι τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν πολιτείαν ἔχειν." "12.25 περιδύσας οὖν τὸν ναόν, ὡς καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ βαστάσαι λυχνίας χρυσᾶς καὶ βωμὸν χρύσεον καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ τὰ θυσιαστήρια, καὶ μηδὲ τῶν καταπετασμάτων ἀποσχόμενος, ἅπερ ἦν ἐκ βύσσου καὶ κόκκου πεποιημένα, κενώσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς τοὺς ἀποκρύφους καὶ μηδὲν ὅλως ὑπολιπών, εἰς μέγα τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἐπὶ τούτοις πένθος ἐνέβαλεν.' "12.25 ὡς ἄξιον αὐτὸν δέοι τῆς αὐτοῦ μεγαλοψυχίας τῷ παρεσχηκότι τὴν βασιλείαν θεῷ ποιήσασθαι χαριστήριον, διαχυθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν, ὅταν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ μισθοφορικόν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς αἰχμαλώτων καταβαλεῖν δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι." '12.26 καὶ περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν προθεῖναι γράμματα ὑπέσχετο μεγαλοπρεπῶς τε ἔχοντα καὶ τὴν ̓Αρισταίου προαίρεσιν βεβαιοῦντα καὶ πρὸ ταύτης τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν, καθ' ἣν οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀχθέντας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου στρατιᾶς ἀπολύσειν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς προϋπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες αὖθις ἐπεισήχθησαν." '12.26 σοῦ δὲ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τῆς πονηρίας αὐτῶν ἀξίως χρησαμένου, οἱ τὰ βασιλικὰ διοικοῦντες οἰόμενοι κατὰ συγγένειαν ἡμᾶς ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν ἐκείνοις ταῖς ὁμοίαις αἰτίαις περιάπτουσιν, ὄντων ἡμῶν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν Σιδωνίων, καὶ τοῦτο φανερόν ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀναγραφῶν.' "12.27 πλειόνων δ' ἢ τετρακοσίων ταλάντων τῆς ἀπολυτρώσεως γενήσεσθαι φαμένων ταῦτά τε συνεχώρει καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ προστάγματος εἰς δήλωσιν τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μεγαλοφροσύνης ἔγνωσαν διαφυλάξαι." "12.27 ὡς δὲ σιωπήσαντος αὐτοῦ προσελθών τις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθυσεν εἰς μέσον καθ' ἃ προσέταξεν ̓Αντίοχος, θυμωθεὶς ὁ Ματταθίας ὥρμησεν ἐπ' αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν παίδων ἐχόντων κοπίδας καὶ αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον διέφθειρεν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Απελλῆν, ὃς ἐπηνάγκαζεν, διεχρήσατο μετ' ὀλίγων στρατιωτῶν," "12.28 ἀλλὰ μεμνημένους τῆς τοῦ φύσαντος ὑμᾶς καὶ θρεψαμένου προαιρέσεως ἔθη τε σώζειν τὰ πάτρια καὶ κινδυνεύουσαν οἴχεσθαι τὴν ἀρχαίαν πολιτείαν ἀνακτᾶσθαι μὴ συμφερομένους τοῖς ἢ διὰ βούλησιν ἢ δι' ἀνάγκην προδιδοῦσιν αὐτήν," '12.28 ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον: “ὅσοι τῶν συστρατευσαμένων ἡμῶν τῷ πατρὶ τήν τε Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην ἐπέδραμον καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καταστρεψάμενοι σώματα λαβόντες αἰχμάλωτα διεκόμισαν εἴς τε τὰς πόλεις ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ ταῦτα ἀπημπόλησαν, τούς τε πρὸ αὐτῶν ὄντας ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες νῦν εἰσήχθησαν, τούτους ἀπολυέτωσαν οἱ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνοντες δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται μετὰ καὶ τῶν ὀψωνίων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς τραπέζης κομιζόμενοι τὰ λύτρα." "12.29 νομίζω γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ παρὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς προαίρεσιν καὶ παρὰ τὸ δέον ᾐχμαλωτίσθαι, τήν τε χώραν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν στρατιωτικὴν αὐθάδειαν κεκακῶσθαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν εἰς Αἴγυπτον αὐτῶν μεταγωγὴν πολλὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐκ τούτου τοῖς στρατιώταις γεγονέναι.' "12.29 ὁ δὲ ̓Ιούδας ἀπαντήσας αὐτῷ καὶ συμβαλεῖν προαιρούμενος, ἐπεὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἑώρα πρὸς τὴν μάχην διά τε τὴν ὀλιγότητα καὶ δι' ἀσιτίαν, νενηστεύκεσαν γάρ, ὀκνοῦντας, παρεθάρσυνεν λέγων οὐκ ἐν τῷ πλήθει τὸ νικᾶν εἶναι καὶ κρατεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλ' ἐν τῷ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖν." "
12.31 βούλομαι δὲ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς ἀφ' ἧς ἐξεπέμφθησαν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπ' αὐτῶν ὑπάρχοντας, παραδεικνύντας εὐθὺς καὶ τὰ σώματα: τοῦτο γὰρ τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ πράγμασιν ἡγοῦμαι συμφέρειν. προσαγγελλέτω δὲ τοὺς ἀπειθήσαντας ὁ βουλόμενος, ὧν τὰς οὐσίας εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν κτῆσιν ἀνενεχθῆναι βούλομαι.”" 12.31 ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ διαλεγομένου ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπερκύψαντες οἱ τοῦ Γοργίου τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν ἣν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ κατέλιπον ὁρῶσιν τετραμμένην, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ἐμπεπρησμένον: ὁ γὰρ καπνὸς αὐτοῖς πόρρωθεν οὖσιν τοῦ συμβεβηκότος δήλωσιν ἔφερεν. 12.32 ἔτυχεν δὲ ταῦτα κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμέραν γίνεσθαι, καθ' ἣν καὶ μετέπεσεν αὐτῶν ἡ ἅγιος θρησκεία εἰς βέβηλον καὶ κοινὴν συνήθειαν μετὰ ἔτη τρία: τὸν γὰρ ναὸν ἐρημωθέντα ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου διαμεῖναι τοιοῦτον ἔτεσι συνέβη τρισίν:" "12.32 τούτου δὲ τοῦ προστάγματος ἀναγνωσθέντος τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἔχοντος, μόνου δὲ λείποντος τοῦ περὶ τῶν πρότερον καὶ τῶν αὖθις εἰσηγμένων ̓Ιουδαίων μὴ διεστάλθαι, προσέθηκεν αὐτὸς μεγαλοφρόνως καὶ τὸ περὶ τούτων φιλάνθρωπον, καὶ τὴν τῶν διαφόρων δόσιν οὖσαν ἀθρόαν ἐκέλευσεν τοῖς ὑπηρέταις τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπομερίσαι καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς τραπεζίταις.' "12.33 γενομένου δὲ τούτου ταχέως ἐν ἑπτὰ ταῖς πάσαις ἡμέραις τέλος εἰλήφει τὰ δοχθέντα τῷ βασιλεῖ, τάλαντα δ' ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα καὶ τετρακόσια τῶν λύτρων ἐγένετο: καὶ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν νηπίων εἰσέπραττον οἱ δεσπόται τὰς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν δραχμάς, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων διδόναι κελεύσαντος ἐν τῷ προγράψαι ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνειν τὸ προειρημένον." "12.33 μαθόντα δ' αὐτὸν τὰ γειτονεύοντα τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀνεστροφότα συναθροίζεται εἰς τὴν Γαλαδηνὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίους. οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες εἰς Διάθημα τὸ φρούριον πέμψαντες πρὸς ̓Ιούδαν ἐδήλουν αὐτῷ, ὅτι λαβεῖν ἐσπούδακεν Τιμόθεος τὸ χωρίον, εἰς ὃ συνεπεφεύγεσαν." "12.34 ̓Επειδὴ δὲ ταῦτ' ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βούλησιν μεγαλοπρεπῶς, ἐκέλευσε τὸν Δημήτριον εἰσδοῦναι καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν βιβλίων ἀναγραφῆς δόγμα: οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰκῆ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ᾠκονομεῖτο, πάντα δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ἐπράττετο." "12.34 ἀπονεύσας δ' εἰς Μελλὰ πόλιν οὕτως λεγομένην τῶν ἀλλοφύλων λαμβάνει καὶ ταύτην καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄρρενας ἅπαντας ἀποκτείνει, τὴν δὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἐμπίπρησιν. ἄρας δ' ἐκεῖθεν τήν τε Χασφομάκη καὶ Βοσὸρ καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας πόλεις τῆς Γαλάτιδος καταστρέφεται." "12.35 ̓Ιώσηπος δὲ ὁ Ζαχαρίου καὶ ̓Αζαρίας, οὓς κατέλιπεν στρατηγοὺς ὁ ̓Ιούδας καθ' ὃν καιρὸν Σίμων μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ πολεμῶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ Πτολεμαί̈δι, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ ̓Ιούδας καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Ιωνάθης ἐν τῇ Γαλάτιδι, βουληθέντες καὶ αὐτοὶ δόξαν περιποιήσασθαι στρατηγῶν τὰ πολεμικὰ γενναίων τὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῖς δύναμιν ἀναλαβόντες ἦλθον εἰς ̓Ιάμνειαν." '12.35 διὸ καὶ τὸ τῆς εἰσδόσεως ἀντίγραφον καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν κατατέτακται καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων ἀναθημάτων καὶ τὸ ἐφ' ἑκάστου κατασκευασθέν, ὡς ἀκριβεστάτην εἶναι τὴν τοῦ τεχνίτου τοῖς ὁρῶσι μεγαλουργίαν, καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἐξοχὴν τὸν ἑκάστου δημιουργὸν εὐθέως ποιήσειν γνώριμον. τῆς μέντοι γε εἰσδόσεως τὸ ἀντίγραφον ὑπῆρχε τοιοῦτον:" "12.36 ̔Ο δ' ̓Αντίοχος πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν καλέσας Φίλιππον ἕνα τῶν ἑταίρων τῆς βασιλείας αὐτὸν ἐπίτροπον καθίστησιν, καὶ δοὺς αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὴν στολὴν καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον ̓Αντιόχῳ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα ἐκέλευσε κομίσαντα δοῦναι, δεηθεὶς προνοῆσαι τῆς ἀνατροφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ τηρῆσαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκείνῳ." "12.36 “βασιλεῖ μεγάλῳ παρὰ Δημητρίου. προστάξαντός σου, ὦ βασιλεῦ, περί τε τῶν ἔτι λειπόντων εἰς ἀναπλήρωσιν τῆς βιβλιοθήκης συγγραμμάτων, ὅπως συναχθῇ, καὶ περὶ τῶν διαπεπτωκότων, ὅπως τῆς δεούσης ἐπιμελείας τύχῃ, πάσῃ κεχρημένος περὶ ταῦτα σπουδῇ δηλῶ σοι τὰ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων νομοθεσίας βιβλία λείπειν ἡμῖν σὺν ἑτέροις: χαρακτῆρσιν γὰρ ̔Εβραϊκοῖς γεγραμμένα καὶ φωνῇ τῇ ἐθνικῇ ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἀσαφῆ.' "12.37 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς Βεθσούρας ἤγαγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὰ στενὰ καὶ τὸ τοῦ ̓Ιούδα στρατόπεδον, ἅμ' ἡμέρᾳ δὲ πρὸς μάχην διέτασσε τὴν στρατιάν." "12.37 συμβέβηκε δ' αὐτὰ καὶ ἀμελέστερον ἢ ἔδει σεσημάνθαι διὰ τὸ βασιλικῆς οὐ τετυχηκέναι προνοίας. ἔστι δ' ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι καὶ ταῦτα παρὰ σοὶ διηκριβωμένα: φιλοσοφωτέραν γὰρ καὶ ἀκέραιον τὴν νομοθεσίαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ὡς ἂν οὖσαν θεοῦ." "12.38 ἀλλ' ἐκέλευσεν τὸν Λυσίαν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐν κοινῷ διαλεχθῆναι μηδὲν μὲν τῶν περὶ Φίλιππον ἐμφανίζοντα, τὴν δὲ πολιορκίαν ὅτι χρονιωτάτη γένοιτ' ἂν δηλοῦντα, καὶ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τοῦ χωρίου, καὶ ὅτι τὰ τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῖς ἤδη ἐπιλείποι, καὶ ὡς πολλὰ δεῖ καταστῆσαι τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων," "12.38 διὸ καὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς αὐτῆς καὶ τοὺς συγγραφεῖς τῶν ἱστοριῶν οὐκ ἐπιμνησθῆναί φησιν ̔Εκαταῖος ὁ ̓Αβδηρίτης οὐδὲ τῶν κατ' αὐτὴν πολιτευσαμένων ἀνδρῶν, ὡς ἁγνῆς οὔσης καὶ μὴ δέον αὐτὴν βεβήλοις στόμασιν διασαφεῖσθαι." "12.39 ἐὰν οὖν σοι δοκῇ, βασιλεῦ, γράψεις τῷ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερεῖ, ὅπως ἀποστείλῃ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἓξ ἀφ' ἑκάστης φυλῆς τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους τῶν νόμων, παρ' ὧν τὸ τῶν βιβλίων σαφὲς καὶ σύμφωνον ἐκμαθόντες καὶ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ἀκριβὲς λαβόντες τῶν πραγμάτων ἀξίως ταῦτα τῆς σῆς προαιρέσεως συναγάγωμεν.”" '12.39 συλλαβόντες δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίοχον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ Λυσίαν ζῶντας ἀνάγουσιν αὐτῷ. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν κελεύσαντος Δημητρίου παραχρῆμα διεφθάρησαν βασιλεύσαντος ̓Αντιόχου ἔτη δύο, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ ἐν ἄλλῳ δεδήλωται.
12.41 οὗ πεσόντος οὐδὲ τὸ στράτευμα ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπολέσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν ῥίψαντες τὰς πανοπλίας. ἐπιδιώκων δὲ ὁ ̓Ιούδας ἐφόνευσεν καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι ταῖς πέριξ κώμαις ἐσήμαινεν, ὅτι νικῴη τοὺς πολεμίους.
12.41 προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοὺς φύλακας τῶν κιβωτῶν, ἐν αἷς ἐτύγχανον οἱ λίθοι, τὴν ἐκλογὴν τοῖς τεχνίταις αὐτοῖς οὗπερ ἂν θελήσωσιν εἴδους ἐπιτρέπειν. διετάξατο δὲ καὶ νομίσματος εἰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς χρείας πρὸς ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τῷ ἱερεῖ δοθῆναι. 12.42 Δημήτριος δ' ἀπαγγελθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς Νικάνορος τελευτῆς καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ. στρατεύματος πάλιν τὸν Βακχίδην μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐξέπεμψεν." '12.42 διηγήσομαι δὲ τὰ κατασκευάσματα καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς δημιουργίας αὐτῶν μετὰ τὸ προεκθέσθαι τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς γραφείσης ̓Ελεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ταύτην λαβόντι τὴν τιμὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης:' "12.43 ὁ δὲ φυγεῖν οὐ δυνάμενος, ἀλλὰ περιεσχημένος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, στὰς ἐμάχετο μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ. πολλοὺς δὲ κτείνας τῶν ἀντιπάλων καὶ κατάκοπος γενόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπεσεν, ἐπὶ καλοῖς μὲν πρότερον γεγενημένοις, ἐφ' ὁμοίοις δὲ ὅτε ἀπέθνησκεν τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφείς." '12.43 τελευτήσαντος ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Σίμων γίγνεται διάδοχος ὁ καὶ δίκαιος ἐπικληθεὶς διά τε τὸ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους εὔνουν.' "12.44 ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου καὶ νήπιον υἱὸν καταλιπόντος τὸν κληθέντα ̓Ονίαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Ελεάζαρος, περὶ οὗ τὸν λόγον ποιούμεθα, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην παρέλαβεν, ᾧ γράφει Πτολεμαῖος τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον:' "12.45 “βασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος ̓Ελεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ χαίρειν. πολλῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κατῳκισμένων ̓Ιουδαίων, οὓς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ Περσῶν ὅτ' ἐκράτουν ὁ ἐμὸς πατὴρ ἐτίμησεν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὸ στρατιωτικὸν κατέταξεν ἐπὶ μείζοσιν μισθοφοραῖς, τισὶν δὲ γενομένοις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὴν τούτων φυλακὴν παρέθετο, ἵνα τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ὦσιν φοβεροί," '12.46 τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐγὼ παραλαβὼν πᾶσι μὲν φιλανθρώπως ἐχρησάμην, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς σοῖς πολίταις, ὧν ὑπὲρ δέκα μὲν μυριάδας αἰχμαλώτων δουλευόντων ἀπέλυσα τοῖς δεσπόταις αὐτῶν ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν λύτρα καταβαλών. 12.47 τοὺς δὲ ἀκμάζοντας ταῖς ἡλικίαις εἰς τὸν στρατιωτικὸν κατάλογον κατέταξα, τινὰς δὲ τῶν περὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν τῆς αὐλῆς πίστιν εἶναι δυναμένων ταύτης ἠξίωκα, νομίζων ἡδὺ τῷ θεῷ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ προνοίας ἀνάθημα τοῦτο καὶ μέγιστον ἀναθήσειν. 12.48 βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ τούτοις χαρίζεσθαι καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ̓Ιουδαίοις τὸν νόμον ὑμῶν ἔγνων μεθερμηνεῦσαι, καὶ γράμμασιν ̔Ελληνικοῖς ἐκ τῶν ̔Εβραϊκῶν μεταγραφέντα κεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ.' "12.49 καλῶς οὖν ποιήσεις ἐπιλεξάμενος ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς ἓξ ἀφ' ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἤδη πρεσβυτέρους, οἳ καὶ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐμπείρως ἔχουσι τῶν νόμων καὶ δυνήσονται τὴν ἑρμηνείαν αὐτῶν ἀκριβῆ ποιήσασθαι: νομίζω γὰρ τούτων ἐπιτελεσθέντων μεγίστην δόξαν ἡμῖν περιγενήσεσθαι." 12.51 Τῆς οὖν ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ βασιλέως κομισθείσης πρὸς τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἀντιγράφει πρὸς αὐτὴν ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα φιλοτίμως. “ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ελεάζαρος βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν. ἐρρωμένων σοῦ τε καὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης ̓Αρσινόης καὶ τῶν τέκνων καλῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει πάντα.' "12.52 τὴν δ' ἐπιστολὴν λαβόντες μεγάλως ἥσθημεν ἐπὶ τῇ προαιρέσει σου, καὶ συναθροίσαντες τὸ πλῆθος ἀνέγνωμεν αὐτὴν ἐμφανίζοντες αὐτῷ ἣν ἔχεις πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν." "12.53 ἐπεδείξαμεν δ' αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς φιάλας ἃς ἔπεμψας χρυσᾶς εἴκοσι καὶ ἀργυρᾶς τριάκοντα καὶ κρατῆρας πέντε καὶ τράπεζαν εἰς ἀνάθεσιν, ἅ τε εἰς θυσίαν καὶ εἰς ἐπισκευὴν ὧν ἂν δέηται τὸ ἱερὸν τάλαντα ἑκατόν, ἅπερ ἐκόμισαν ̓Ανδρέας καὶ ̓Αρισταῖος οἱ τιμιώτατοί σου τῶν φίλων, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ παιδείᾳ διαφέροντες καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἄξιοι." "12.54 ἴσθι δ' ἡμᾶς τὸ σοὶ συμφέρον, κἂν ᾖ τι παρὰ φύσιν, ὑπομενοῦντας: ἀμείβεσθαι γὰρ ἡμᾶς δεῖ τὰς σὰς εὐεργεσίας πολυμερῶς εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολίτας κατατεθείσας." '12.55 εὐθὺς οὖν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς σου καὶ τέκνων καὶ φίλων προσηγάγομεν θυσίας, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο γενέσθαι σοι τὰ κατὰ νοῦν καὶ φυλαχθῆναί σου τὴν βασιλείαν ἐν εἰρήνῃ, τήν τε τοῦ νόμου μεταγραφὴν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τῷ σῷ λαβεῖν ὃ προαιρῇ τέλος.' "12.56 ἐπελεξάμην δὲ καὶ πρεσβυτέρους ἄνδρας ἓξ ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, οὓς πεπόμφαμεν ἔχοντας τὸν νόμον. ἔσται δὲ τῆς σῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης τὸ μεταγραφέντα τὸν νόμον εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀποπέμψαι μετ' ἀσφαλείας τῶν κομιζόντων. ἔρρωσο.”" "12.57 Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀντέγραψεν. ἐμοὶ δ' οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα πρεσβυτέρων, οἳ τὸν νόμον ἐκόμιζον ὑπὸ ̓Ελεαζάρου πεμφθέντες, δηλοῦν: ἦν γὰρ ταῦτα ὑπογεγραμμένα ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ." '12.58 τὴν μέντοι γε τῶν ἀναθημάτων πολυτέλειαν καὶ κατασκευήν, ἣν ἀπέστειλεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ θεῷ, οὐκ ἀνεπιτήδειον ἡγησάμην διελθεῖν, ὅπως ἅπασιν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμία φανερὰ γένηται: ἄφθονον γὰρ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην χορηγῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ παρὼν ἀεὶ τοῖς τεχνίταις καὶ τὰ ἔργα ἐπιβλέπων οὐδὲν ἀμελῶς οὐδὲ ῥᾳθύμως εἴα γίγνεσθαι τῶν κατασκευασμάτων. 12.59 ὧν ἕκαστον οἷον ἦν τὴν πολυτέλειαν διηγήσομαι, τῆς μὲν ἱστορίας ἴσως οὐκ ἀπαιτούσης τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν, τὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως φιλόκαλον καὶ μεγαλόφρον οὕτω συστήσειν τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις ὑπολαμβάνων.
12.61 μαθὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν οὖσαν ἡλίκη τις ἦν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῆς οὐδὲν κωλύει μείζονα γενέσθαι, φήσας καὶ πενταπλασίονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τῷ μεγέθει βούλεσθαι κατασκευάσαι, φοβεῖσθαι δέ, μὴ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας ἄχρηστος διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ μεγέθους γένηται: βούλεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀνακεῖσθαι μόνον εἰς θέαν τἀναθήματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας εὔχρηστα:' "12.62 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν προτέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ' οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ὑπερβαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι." '12.63 δεινὸς δὲ ὢν συνιδεῖν πραγμάτων παντοδαπῶν φύσιν καὶ λαβεῖν ἐπίνοιαν ἔργων καινῶν καὶ παραδόξων καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἄγραφα τὴν εὕρεσιν αὐτὸς παρέχων διὰ τὴν σύνεσιν καὶ ὑποδεικνὺς τοῖς τεχνίταις, ἐκέλευσεν ταῦτα κατασκευάζεσθαι καὶ τὰ ἀναγεγραμμένα πρὸς τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποβλέποντας ὁμοίως ἐπιτελεῖν.' "12.64 ̔Υποστησάμενοι τοίνυν ποιήσασθαι τὴν τράπεζαν δύο μὲν καὶ ἡμίσους πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος, ἑνὸς δὲ τὸ εὖρος, τὸ δ' ὕψος ἑνὸς καὶ ἡμίσους, κατεσκεύαζον ἐκ χρυσοῦ τὴν ὅλην τοῦ ἔργου καταβολὴν ποιούμενοι. τὴν μὲν οὖν στεφάνην παλαιστιαίαν εἰργάσαντο, τὰ δὲ κυμάτια στρεπτὰ τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἔχοντα σχοινοειδῆ τῇ τορείᾳ θαυμαστῶς ἐκ τῶν τριῶν μερῶν μεμιμημένην." "12.65 τριγώνων γὰρ ὄντων αὐτῶν ἑκάστη γωνία τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἐκτυπώσεως εἶχεν διάθεσιν, ὡς στρεφομένων αὐτῶν μίαν καὶ μὴ διάφορον τὴν ἰδέαν αὐτοῖς συμπεριφέρεσθαι. τῆς δὲ στεφάνης τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν τράπεζαν ἐκκεκλιμένον ὡραίαν εἶχεν τὴν ἀποτύπωσιν, τὸ δ' ἔξωθεν περιηγμένον ἔτι μᾶλλον τῷ κάλλει τῆς ἐργασίας ἦν ἐκπεπονημένον, ὡς ὑπ' ὄψιν καὶ θεωρίαν ἐρχόμενον." '12.66 διὸ καὶ τὴν μὲν ὑπεροχὴν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν ὀξεῖαν συνέβαινε γίγνεσθαι, καὶ μηδεμίαν γωνίαν τριῶν οὐσῶν, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, περὶ τὴν μεταγωγὴν τῆς τραπέζης ἐλάσσονα βλέπεσθαι. ἐνδιέκειντο δὲ ταῖς σχοινίσιν τῆς τορείας λίθοι πολυτελεῖς παράλληλοι περόναις χρυσαῖς διὰ τρημάτων κατειλημμένοι.' "12.67 τὰ δ' ἐκ πλαγίου τῆς στεφάνης καὶ πρὸς ὄψιν ἀνατείνοντα ὠῶν ἐκ λίθου καλλίστου πεποιημένων θέσει κατακεκόσμητο ῥάβδοις τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἐοικότων πυκναῖς, αἳ περὶ τὸν κύκλον τῆς τραπέζης εἴληντο." '12.68 ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν τῶν ὠῶν διατύπωσιν στέφανον περιήγαγον οἱ τεχνῖται παντοίου καρποῦ φύσιν ἐντετορευμένον, ὡς ἀποκρέμασθαί τε βότρυς καὶ στάχυας ἀναστῆναι καὶ ῥόας ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι. τοὺς δὲ λίθους εἰς πᾶν γένος τῶν προειρημένων καρπῶν, ὡς ἑκάστου τὴν οἰκείαν ἐντετυπῶσθαι χρόαν, ἐξεργασάμενοι συνέδησαν τῷ χρυσῷ περὶ ὅλην τὴν τράπεζαν.' "12.69 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν στέφανον ὁμοίως ἡ τῶν ὠῶν διάθεσις πεποίητο καὶ ἡ τῆς ῥαβδώσεως ἀναγλυφή, τῆς τραπέζης ἐπ' ἀμφότερον μέρος ἔχειν τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ποικιλίας τῶν ἔργων καὶ γλαφυρότητος θέαν κατεσκευασμένης, ὡς καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων κυμάτων θέσιν καὶ τὴν τῆς στεφάνης μηδὲ τῆς τραπέζης ἐφ' ἕτερον μέρος ἐναλλαττομένης γίγνεσθαι διάφορον, τὴν δ' αὐτὴν ἄχρι καὶ τῶν ποδῶν ὄψιν τῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως διατετάσθαι." 12.71 ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τραπέζης μαίανδρον ἐξέγλυψαν λίθους αὐτῷ κατὰ μέσον ἀξιολόγους ὥσπερ ἀστέρας ποικίλης ἰδέας ἐνθέντες, τόν τε ἄνθρακα καὶ τὸν σμάραγδον ἥδιστον προσαυγάζοντας αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, τῶν τε ἄλλων γενῶν ὅσοι περισπούδαστοι καὶ ζηλωτοὶ πᾶσιν διὰ τὴν πολυτέλειαν τῆς φύσεως ὑπάρχουσιν.' "12.72 μετὰ δὲ τὸν μαίανδρον πλέγμα τι σχοινοειδὲς περιῆκτο ῥόμβῳ τὴν κατὰ μέσον ὄψιν ἐμφερές, ἐφ' οὗ κρύσταλλός τε λίθος καὶ ἤλεκτρον ἐντετύπωτο τῇ παραλλήλῳ τῆς ἰδέας γειτνιάσει ψυχαγωγίαν θαυμαστὴν παρέχον τοῖς βλέπουσιν." '12.73 τῶν δὲ ποδῶν ἦσαν αἱ κεφαλίδες εἰς κρίνα μεμιμημέναι τὰς ἐκφύσεις τῶν πετάλων ὑπὸ τὴν τράπεζαν ἀνακλωμένων, εἰς ὀρθὸν δὲ τὴν βλάστησιν ἔνδοθεν παρεχόντων ὁρᾶν.' "12.74 ἡ δὲ βάσις αὐτοῖς ἦν ἐξ ἄνθρακος λίθου παλαιστιαία πεποιημένη σχῆμα κρηπῖδος ἀποτελοῦσα, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ὀκτὼ δακτύλων ἔχουσα, καθ' οὗ τὸ πᾶν ἔλασμα τῶν ποδῶν ἐρήρειστο." "12.75 ἀνέγλυψαν δὲ λεπτομερεῖ καὶ φιλοπονωτάτῃ τορείᾳ τῶν ποδῶν ἕκαστον, κισσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ κλήματα ἀμπέλων σὺν καὶ βότρυσιν ἐκφύσαντες, ὡς εἰκάσαι μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῆς ἀληθείας: καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ πνεῦμα διὰ λεπτότητα καὶ τὴν ἐπ' ἄκρον αὐτῶν ἔκτασιν κινούμενα φαντασίαν τῶν κατὰ φύσιν μᾶλλον ἢ τέχνης μιμημάτων παρεῖχεν." "12.76 ἐκαινούργησαν δὲ ὥστε τρίπτυχον οἱονεὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ὅλης κατασκευάσαι τραπέζης τῆς ἁρμονίας πρὸς ἄλληλα τῶν μερῶν οὕτω συνδεδεμένης, ὡς ἀόρατον εἶναι καὶ μηδ' ἐπινοεῖσθαι τὰς συμβολάς. ἥμισυ δὲ πήχεως οὐκ ἔλασσον τῇ τραπέζῃ τὸ πάχος συνέβαινεν εἶναι." '12.77 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάθημα τοῦτο κατὰ πολλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλοτιμίαν τοιοῦτο τῇ τε πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῇ ποικιλίᾳ τῆς καλλονῆς καὶ τῇ μιμήσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν τορείαν τῶν τεχνιτῶν συνετελέσθη, σπουδάσαντος εἰ καὶ μὴ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς προανακειμένης τῷ θεῷ τραπέζης ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι διάφορος, τῇ μέντοι γε τέχνῃ καὶ τῇ καινουργίᾳ καὶ τῇ λαμπρότητι τῆς κατασκευῆς πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ περίβλεπτον ἀπεργάσασθαι.' "12.78 Τῶν δὲ κρατήρων χρύσεοι μὲν ἦσαν δύο, φολιδωτὴν δ' εἶχον ἀπὸ τῆς βάσεως μέχρι τοῦ διαζώματος τὴν τορείαν λίθων ταῖς σπείραις ποικίλων ἐνδεδεμένων." "12.79 εἶτα ἐπ' αὐτῇ μαίανδρος πηχυαῖος τὸ ὕψος ἐξείργαστο κατὰ σύνθεσιν λίθων παντοίων τὴν ἰδέαν, κατ' αὐτοῦ δὲ ῥάβδωσις ἀναγέγλυπτο, καθ' ἧς πλέγμα ῥομβωτὸν δικτύοις ἐμφερὲς ἕως τοῦ χείλους ἀνείλκυστο:" "
12.81 τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρυσέους κρατῆρας δύο χωροῦντας ἑκάτερον ἀμφορέας τοῦτον κατεσκεύασαν τὸν τρόπον, οἱ δ' ἀργύρεοι τῶν ἐσόπτρων τὴν λαμπρότητα πολὺ διαυγέστεροι γεγόνεισαν, ὡς τρανοτέρας διὰ τούτων τὰς τῶν προσφερομένων ὄψεις ὁρᾶσθαι." '12.82 προσκατεσκεύασε δὲ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ φιάλας τριάκοντα, ὧν ὅσα χρυσὸς ἦν ἀλλὰ μὴ λίθῳ πολυτελεῖ διείληπτο, σμίλαξι κισσοῦ καὶ πετάλοις ἀμπέλων ἐσκίαστο φιλοτέχνως ἐντετορευμένων.' "12.83 ταῦτα δ' ἐγίγνετο μὲν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν τῶν ἐργαζομένων θαυμασίων ὄντων περὶ τὴν τέχνην, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας διαφερόντως ἀπηρτίζετο:" "12.84 οὐ γὰρ τῆς χορηγίας τὸ ἄφθονον καὶ μεγαλόψυχον τοῖς τεχνίταις παρεῖχεν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ χρηματίζειν τοῖς δημοσίοις πράγμασιν ἀπειρηκὼς αὐτὸς τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι παρῆν καὶ τὴν ὅλην ἐργασίαν ἐπέβλεπεν. αἴτιον δ' ἦν τοῦτο τῆς τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐπιμελείας, οἳ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν τούτου σπουδὴν ἀποβλέποντες φιλοπονώτερον τοῖς ἔργοις προσελιπάρουν." "12.85 Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ πεμφθέντα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου ἀναθήματα. ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ελεάζαρος ἀναθεὶς αὐτὰ καὶ τιμήσας τοὺς κομίσαντας καὶ δῶρα τῷ βασιλεῖ δοὺς κομίζειν ἀπέλυσε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα." "12.86 παραγενομένων δ' εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀκούσας Πτολεμαῖος τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἐληλυθότας, εὐθὺς μεταπέμπεται τὸν ̓Ανδρέαν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρισταῖον τοὺς πρέσβεις. οἱ δ' ἀφικόμενοι τάς τε ἐπιστολάς, ἃς ἐκόμιζον αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἀπέδοσαν καὶ ὅσα φράζειν ἀπὸ λόγων ὑπέθετο ταῦτα ἐδήλωσαν." "12.87 σπεύδων δ' ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων πρεσβύταις ἥκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τῶν νόμων, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οὓς χρειῶν ἕνεκα παρεῖναι συνέβαινεν ἐκέλευσεν ἀπολῦσαι, παράδοξον τοῦτο ποιῶν καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἔθος:" '12.88 οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τοιούτων αἰτιῶν ἀχθέντες διὰ πέμπτης ἡμέρας αὐτῷ προσῄεσαν, οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες διὰ μηνός: τότε τοίνυν ἀπολύσας ἐκείνους τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ ̓Ελεαζάρου περιέμενεν. 12.89 ὡς δὲ παρῆλθον μετὰ καὶ τῶν δώρων οἱ γέροντες, ἃ τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίσαι ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν, καὶ τῶν διφθερῶν, αἷς ἐγγεγραμμένους εἶχον τοὺς νόμους χρυσοῖς γράμμασιν, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν βιβλίων.' "
12.91 ἐκβοησάντων δ' ὑφ' ἓν καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν συμπαρόντων γίγνεσθαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ δι' ὑπερβολὴν ἡδονῆς εἰς δάκρυα προύπεσεν, φύσει τῆς μεγάλης χαρᾶς πασχούσης καὶ τὰ τῶν λυπηρῶν σύμβολα." "12.92 κελεύσας δὲ τὰ βιβλία δοῦναι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς τάξεως τότε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἠσπάσατο, δίκαιον εἰπὼν εἶναι πρῶτον περὶ ὧν αὐτοὺς μετεπέμψατο ποιησάμενον τοὺς λόγους ἔπειτα κἀκείνους προσειπεῖν. τὴν μέντοι γε ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπιφανῆ ποιήσειν καὶ κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐπίσημον εἰς ὅλον τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἐπηγγέλλετο:" '12.93 ἔτυχεν γὰρ ἡ αὐτὴ εἶναι τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς νίκης, ἣν ̓Αντίγονον ναυμαχῶν ἐνίκησεν: συνεστιαθῆναί τε ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ καὶ καταλύσεις προσέταξεν αὐτοῖς δοθῆναι τὰς καλλίστας πρὸς τῇ ἄκρᾳ. 12.94 ̔Ο δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν ξένων ἀποδοχῆς τεταγμένος Νικάνωρ Δωρόθεον καλέσας, ὃς εἶχεν τὴν περὶ τούτων πρόνοιαν, ἐκέλευεν ἑτοιμάζειν ἑκάστῳ τὰ δέοντα πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν. διετέτακτο δὲ τοῦτον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν τρόπον:' "12.95 κατὰ γὰρ πόλιν ἑκάστην, ὅσαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρῶνται περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, ἦν τούτων ἐπιμελόμενος καὶ κατὰ τὸ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔθος πάντ' αὐτοῖς παρεσκευάζετο, ἵνα τῷ συνήθει τρόπῳ τῆς διαίτης εὐωχούμενοι μᾶλλον ἥδωνται καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὡς ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντες δυσχεραίνωσιν. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ τούτους ἐγένετο Δωροθέου διὰ τὴν περὶ τὸν βίον ἀκρίβειαν ἐπὶ τούτοις καθεστῶτος." "12.96 συνέστρωσε δὲ πάντα δι' αὐτοῦ τὰ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποδοχὰς καὶ διμερῆ τὴν κλισίαν ἐποίησεν οὑτωσὶ προστάξαντος τοῦ βασιλέως: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἡμίσεις ἐκέλευσεν ἀνὰ χεῖρα κατακλιθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς μετὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ κλισίαν, οὐδὲν ἀπολιπὼν τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἄνδρας τιμῆς." "12.97 ἐπεὶ δ' οὕτως κατεκλίθησαν ἐκέλευσε τὸν Δωρόθεον, οἷς ἔθεσι χρώμενοι διατελοῦσιν πάντες οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένοι κατὰ ταῦτα ὑπηρετεῖν. διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἱεροκήρυκας καὶ θύτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, οἳ τὰς κατευχὰς ἐποιοῦντο, παρῃτήσατο, τῶν δὲ παραγενομένων ἕνα ̓Ελισαῖον ὄνομα ὄντα ἱερέα παρεκάλεσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ποιήσασθαι κατευχάς." "12.98 ὁ δὲ στὰς εἰς μέσον ηὔχετο τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ ἀγαθὰ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, εἶτα κρότος ἐξ ἁπάντων μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ἤρθη καὶ παυσάμενοι πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν τῶν παρεσκευασμένων ἐτράπησαν." "12.99 διαλιπὼν δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐφ' ὅσον ἔδοξεν ἀποχρῶντα καιρὸν εἶναι φιλοσοφεῖν ἤρξατο καὶ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν λόγους ἐπηρώτα φυσικούς, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ζητουμένων θεωρίαν ἀκριβῶς ἐκείνων περὶ παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν λέγειν αὐτοῖς προβληθείη διασαφούντων, ἡδόμενος τούτοις ἐφ' ἡμέρας δώδεκα τὸ συμπόσιον ἐποιήσατο," "
12.101 Θαυμάζοντος δ' αὐτοὺς οὐ μόνον τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μενεδήμου τοῦ φιλοσόφου προνοίᾳ διοικεῖσθαι πάντα φήσαντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτ' εἰκὸς καὶ τοῦ λόγου δύναμιν καὶ κάλλος εὑρῆσθαι, παύονται μὲν περὶ τούτων ἐπιζητοῦντες." "12.102 γεγενῆσθαι δ' αὐτῷ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔλεγεν ἤδη παρόντων αὐτῶν: ὠφελῆσθαι γὰρ παρ' αὐτῶν μεμαθηκότα, πῶς δεῖ βασιλεύειν: κελεύει τε αὐτοῖς ἀνὰ τρία δοθῆναι τάλαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀποκαταστήσοντας ἐπὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν." '12.103 διελθουσῶν δὲ τριῶν ἡμερῶν παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ Δημήτριος καὶ διελθὼν τὸ ἑπταστάδιον χῶμα τῆς θαλάσσης πρὸς τὴν νῆσον καὶ διαβὰς πρὸς τὴν γέφυραν, προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰ βόρεια μέρη συνέδριον ἐποιήσατο ἐν τῷ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα κατεσκευασμένῳ οἴκῳ πρὸς διάσκεψιν πραγμάτων ἠρεμίας καλῶς ἔχοντι.' "12.104 ἀγαγὼν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ παρεκάλει πάντων, ὧν ἂν δεηθεῖεν εἰς τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τοῦ νόμου, παρόντων ἀκωλύτως ἐπιτελεῖν τὸ ἔργον. οἱ δ' ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα φιλοτίμως καὶ φιλοπόνως ἀκριβῆ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ποιούμενοι μέχρι μὲν ὥρας ἐνάτης πρὸς τούτῳ διετέλουν ὄντες," "12.105 ἔπειτ' ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀπηλλάττοντο θεραπείαν ἀφθόνως αὐτοῖς τῶν πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν χορηγουμένων καὶ προσέτι τοῦ Δωροθέου πολλὰ καὶ τῶν παρασκευαζομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ, προσέταξε γάρ, αὐτοῖς παρέχοντος." '12.106 πρωὶ̈ δὲ πρὸς τὴν αὐλὴν παραγινόμενοι καὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀσπαζόμενοι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀπῄεσαν τόπον καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰς χεῖρας ἀπονιπτόμενοι καὶ καθαίροντες αὑτοὺς οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν νόμων ἑρμηνείαν ἐτρέποντο. 12.107 Μεταγραφέντος δὲ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ἔργου τέλος ἐν ἡμέραις ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δυσὶν λαβόντος, συναγαγὼν ὁ Δημήτριος τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἅπαντας εἰς τὸν τόπον, ἔνθα καὶ μετεβλήθησαν οἱ νόμοι, παρόντων καὶ τῶν ἑρμηνέων ἀνέγνω τούτους.' "12.108 τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἀπεδέξατο μὲν καὶ τοὺς διασαφήσαντας πρεσβυτέρους τὸν νόμον, ἐπῄνεσεν δὲ καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον τῆς ἐπινοίας ὡς μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς εὑρετὴν γεγενημένον, παρεκάλεσάν τε δοῦναι καὶ τοῖς ἡγουμένοις αὐτῶν ἀναγνῶναι τὸν νόμον, ἠξίωσάν τε πάντες ὅ τε ἱερεὺς καὶ τῶν ἑρμηνέων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τοῦ πολιτεύματος οἱ προεστηκότες, ἐπεὶ καλῶς τὰ τῆς ἑρμηνείας ἀπήρτισται, καὶ διαμεῖναι ταῦθ', ὡς ἔχοι, καὶ μὴ μετακινεῖν αὐτά." "12.109 ἁπάντων δ' ἐπαινεσάντων τὴν γνώμην ἐκέλευσαν, εἴ τις ἢ περισσόν τι προσγεγραμμένον ὁρᾷ τῷ νόμῳ ἢ λεῖπον, πάλιν ἐπισκοποῦντα τοῦτο καὶ ποιοῦντα φανερὸν διορθοῦν, σωφρόνως τοῦτο πράττοντες, ἵνα τὸ κριθὲν ἅπαξ ἔχειν καλῶς εἰς ἀεὶ διαμένῃ."
12.111 ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος μηδένα τολμῆσαι τῆς τῶν νόμων τούτων ἀναγραφῆς ἅψασθαι διὰ τὸ θείαν αὐτὴν εἶναι καὶ σεμνὴν ἔφασκεν, καὶ ὅτι βλαβεῖεν ἤδη τινὲς τούτοις ἐγχειρήσαντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ,' "
12.112 δηλῶν ὡς Θεόπομπός τε βουληθεὶς ἱστορῆσαί τι περὶ τούτων ἐταράχθη τὴν διάνοιαν πλείοσιν ἢ τριάκοντα ἡμέραις καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἀνέσεις ἐξιλάσκετο τὸν θεόν, ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν παραφροσύνην ὑπονοῶν: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὄναρ εἶδεν ὅτι τοῦτ' αὐτῷ συμβαίη περιεργαζομένῳ τὰ θεῖα καὶ ταῦτ' ἐκφέρειν εἰς κοινοὺς ἀνθρώπους θελήσαντι:" 12.113 καὶ ἀποσχόμενος κατέστη τὴν διάνοιαν. ἐδήλου δὲ καὶ περὶ Θεοδέκτου τοῦ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ποιητοῦ ἀναφέρεσθαι, ὅτι βουληθεὶς ἔν τινι δράματι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ βύβλῳ γεγραμμένων μνησθῆναι τὰς ὄψεις γλαυκωθείη καὶ συνιδὼν τὴν αἰτίαν ἀπαλλαγείη τοῦ πάθους ἐξευμενισάμενος τὸν θεόν.' "
12.114 Παραλαβὼν δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ Δημητρίου, καθὼς προείρηται, προσκυνήσας αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευσε πολλὴν ποιεῖσθαι τῶν βιβλίων τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, ἵνα διαμείνῃ ταῦτα καθαρῶς, τούς τε ἑρμηνεύσαντας παρεκάλεσεν συνεχῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας παραγίγνεσθαι:" "
12.115 τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς τιμὴν τὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν δώρων ὠφελείας λυσιτελήσειν: νῦν μὲν γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον αὐτοὺς ἐκπέμπειν ἔλεγεν, ἑκουσίως δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας τεύξεσθαι πάντων, ὧν ἥ τε αὐτῶν ἐστιν σοφία δικαία τυχεῖν καὶ ἡ ἐκείνου μεγαλοφροσύνη παρασχεῖν ἱκανή." 12.116 τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτοὺς δοὺς ἑκάστῳ στολὰς ἀρίστας τρεῖς καὶ χρυσοῦ τάλαντα δύο καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντου καὶ τὴν τοῦ συμποσίου στρωμνήν.' "
12.117 καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκείνοις ἔχειν ἐδωρήσατο. τῷ δ' ἀρχιερεῖ ̓Ελεαζάρῳ δι' αὐτῶν ἔπεμψεν κλίνας ἀργυρόποδας δέκα καὶ τὴν ἀκόλουθον αὐτῶν ἐπισκευὴν καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντων τριάκοντα, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ στολὰς δέκα καὶ πορφύραν καὶ στέφανον διαπρεπῆ καὶ βυσσίνης ὀθόνης ἱστοὺς ἑκατόν, ἔτι γε μὴν φιάλας καὶ τρύβλια καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ κρατῆρας χρυσοῦς πρὸς ἀνάθεσιν δύο." "
12.118 παρεκάλεσεν δ' αὐτὸν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ὅπως εἰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων θελήσειάν τινες πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψῃ, περὶ πολλοῦ ποιούμενος τὴν μετὰ τῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ τυγχανόντων συνουσίαν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον εἰς τοὺς τοιούτους ἡδέως ἔχων κατατίθεσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν εἰς δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις τοιαῦτα παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλαδέλφου συνέβη γενέσθαι." " None | sup>
12.11 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this:
12.11 14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, “How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it.” 12.12 Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king’s inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. 12.12 an argument for which you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, they receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mucianus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. 12.13 And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. 12.13 for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus’s prosperity and its change to adversity. 12.14 And, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and six sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. 12.14 But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; 12.15 for I am persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws. 12.15 that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. 12.16 2. There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father’s name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him of the coming of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning at a village named Phicol, where he was born. 12.16 So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly. 12.17 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king’s most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; 12.17 So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with him; 12.18 5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king’s friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria. 12.18 and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. 12.19 Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: 12.19 And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above them, and such a one as they might well envy, 12.21 And when he was invited to feast with the king among the principal men in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one according to their dignity. 12.21 Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their law 12.22 So when the king had paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away. 12.22 as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Ζηνα, or life, or Jupiter, because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. 12.23 And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.” 12.23 He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water. 12.24 3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countece, and said, “How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?” To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, “A few more than ten times ten thousand.” The king made answer, “And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?” 12.24 but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king’s laws, and the Grecian way of living. 12.25 But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down a hundred and twenty drachmas for every one of the slaves? 12.25 So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar of incense, and table of shew-bread, and the altar of burnt-offering; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, 12.26 And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. 12.26 Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records. 12.27 And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magimity of this king may be made known. 12.27 But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king’s general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out, 12.28 Its contents were as follows: “Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither,—be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of a hundred and twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king’s treasury: 12.28 but to be mindful of the desires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it, 12.29 for I suppose that they were made captives without our father’s consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. 12.29 upon which Judas met him; and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety towards God;
12.31 And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king’s treasury.”
12.31 And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias’s men looked down into that army which they left in their camp, and saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burnt; for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off, what had happened. 12.32 Now it so fell out, that these things were done on the very same day on which their divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years’ time; for so it was, that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for three years. 12.32 When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king’s ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. 12.33 But when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavoring to take the place whither they were fled. 12.33 When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days’ time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the hundred and twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave. 12.34 4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king’s inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection. 12.34 He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the land of Gilead. 12.35 6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals of the rest of his forces at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. 12.35 On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts to Jerusalem, and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers’ workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: 12.36 2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him. 12.36 “Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. 12.37 It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; 12.37 but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array, 12.38 but the king commanded Lysias to speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very long; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted regulation; 12.38 for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. 12.39 And when they had taken Autiochus the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which were immediately put to death by the command of Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have already elsewhere related. 12.39 If then it please thee, O king, thou mayest write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire.”
12.41 He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses.
12.41 upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy; 12.42 1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army into Judea, 12.42 Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: 12.43 When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation. 12.43 o being not able to fly, but encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his former famous actions. 12.44 When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: 12.45 “King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians. 12.46 And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; 12.47 and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this kindness done to them to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me. 12.48 And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. 12.49 Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself.
12.51 6. When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: “Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. 12.52 When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. 12.53 We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. 12.54 Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. 12.55 We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. 12.56 We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell.” 12.57 7. This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy two elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. 12.58 However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. 12.59 And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magimity of this king to those that read this history.
12.61 And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. 12.62 According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. 12.63 And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation. 12.64 9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits and a half, in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; 12.65 for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; 12.66 for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; 12.67 but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. 12.68 But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. 12.69 The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet;
12.71 but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. 12.72 Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. 12.73 The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. 12.74 Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. 12.75 Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. 12.76 They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. 12.77 So that this gift, by the king’s great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was. 12.78 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. 12.79 Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin,
12.81 And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. 12.82 The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. 12.83 And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, 12.84 who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work. 12.85 11. And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. 12.86 And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. 12.87 He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; 12.88 for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month’s end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; 12.89 but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters he put questions to them concerning those books;
12.91 Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows. 12.92 And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life; 12.93 for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city. 12.94 12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: 12.95 he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; 12.96 for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. 12.97 And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who w a priest, and desired him to say grace; 12.98 who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. 12.99 And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated;
12.101 13. And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men’s words, they then left off asking any more such questions. 12.102 But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it. 12.103 Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. 12.104 When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; 12.105 after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king’s command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself. 12.106 But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. 12.107 Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. 12.108 The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. 12.109 And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever.
12.111 Demetrius made answer, “that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God.”
12.112 He also told him, that “Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days’ time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God by prayer, as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause.” Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again.
12.113 Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God (by prayer), he was freed from that affliction.
12.114 15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea,
12.115 and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them.
12.116 So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them.
12.117 But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God.
12.118 He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.' ' None |
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19. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.39, 5.19, 6.288-6.299, 6.301-6.309, 6.311-6.315, 6.411 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • Polybius, • Polybius, plundering of temples and the anger of the gods
Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 64; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 49; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 116; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 355
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2.39 Πρὶν δὲ ὁρίσαι τι περὶ τούτων Καίσαρα τελευτᾷ μὲν ἡ ̓Αρχελάου μήτηρ Μαλθακὴ νοσήσασα, παρὰ Οὐάρου δ' ἐκομίσθησαν ἐκ Συρίας ἐπιστολαὶ περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀποστάσεως," 2.39 λοιπὸν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν καταφευκτέον. ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις τέτακται: δίχα γὰρ θεοῦ συστῆναι τηλικαύτην ἡγεμονίαν ἀδύνατον.' "
5.19 ̓͂Ην δὲ ἄξια τῶν τηλικούτων θεμελίων καὶ τὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἔργα διπλαῖ μὲν γὰρ αἱ στοαὶ πᾶσαι, κίονες δ' αὐταῖς εἰκοσιπέντε πηχῶν τὸ ὕψος ἐφεστήκεσαν μονόλιθοι λευκοτάτης μαρμάρου, κεδρίνοις δὲ φατνώμασιν ὠρόφωντο." "
5.19 τί τηλικοῦτον, ὦ τλημονεστάτη πόλις, πέπονθας ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων, οἵ σου τὰ ἐμφύλια μύση πυρὶ καθαροῦντες εἰσῆλθον: θεοῦ μὲν γὰρ οὔτε ἦς ἔτι χῶρος οὔτε μένειν ἐδύνασο, τάφος οἰκείων γενομένη σωμάτων καὶ πολέμου τὸν ναὸν ἐμφυλίου ποιήσασα πολυάνδριον: δύναιο δ' ἂν γενέσθαι πάλιν ἀμείνων, εἴγε ποτὲ τὸν πορθήσαντα θεὸν ἐξιλάσῃ." "
6.288 Τὸν γοῦν ἄθλιον δῆμον οἱ μὲν ἀπατεῶνες καὶ καταψευδόμενοι τοῦ θεοῦ τηνικαῦτα παρέπειθον, τοῖς δ' ἐναργέσι καὶ προσημαίνουσι τὴν μέλλουσαν ἐρημίαν τέρασιν οὔτε προσεῖχον οὔτ' ἐπίστευον, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐμβεβροντημένοι καὶ μήτε ὄμματα μήτε ψυχὴν ἔχοντες τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ κηρυγμάτων παρήκουσαν," "6.289 τοῦτο μὲν ὅτε ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν ἄστρον ἔστη ῥομφαίᾳ παραπλήσιον καὶ παρατείνας ἐπ' ἐνιαυτὸν κομήτης," '6.291 ὃ τοῖς μὲν ἀπείροις ἀγαθὸν ἐδόκει, τοῖς δὲ ἱερογραμματεῦσι πρὸς τῶν ἀποβεβηκότων εὐθέως ἐκρίθη. 6.292 καὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἑορτὴν βοῦς μὲν ἀχθεῖσα ὑπό του πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν ἔτεκεν ἄρνα ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ μέσῳ,' "6.293 ἡ δ' ἀνατολικὴ πύλη τοῦ ἐνδοτέρω ναοῦ χαλκῆ μὲν οὖσα καὶ στιβαρωτάτη, κλειομένη δὲ περὶ δείλην μόλις ὑπ' ἀνθρώπων εἴκοσι, καὶ μοχλοῖς μὲν ἐπερειδομένη σιδηροδέτοις, κατάπηγας δὲ ἔχουσα βαθυτάτους εἰς τὸν οὐδὸν ὄντα διηνεκοῦς λίθου καθιεμένους, ὤφθη κατὰ νυκτὸς ὥραν ἕκτην αὐτομάτως ἠνοιγμένη." '6.294 δραμόντες δὲ οἱ τοῦ ἱεροῦ φύλακες ἤγγειλαν τῷ στρατηγῷ, κἀκεῖνος ἀναβὰς μόλις αὐτὴν ἴσχυσεν κλεῖσαι. 6.295 πάλιν τοῦτο τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις κάλλιστον ἐδόκει τέρας: ἀνοῖξαι γὰρ τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν πύλην: οἱ λόγιοι δὲ λυομένην αὐτομάτως τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἐνενόουν, καὶ πολεμίοις δῶρον ἀνοίγεσθαι τὴν πύλην, δηλωτικόν τε ἐρημίας ἀπέφαινον ἐν αὑτοῖς τὸ σημεῖον. 6.296 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον, μιᾷ καὶ εἰκάδι ̓Αρτεμισίου μηνός, φάσμα τι δαιμόνιον ὤφθη μεῖζον πίστεως: 6.297 τερατεία δὲ ἂν ἔδοξεν οἶμαι τὸ ῥηθησόμενον, εἰ μὴ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς θεασαμένοις ἱστόρητο καὶ τὰ ἐπακολουθήσαντα πάθη τῶν σημείων ἦν ἄξια: 6.298 πρὸ γὰρ ἡλίου δύσεως ὤφθη μετέωρα περὶ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν ἅρματα καὶ φάλαγγες ἔνοπλοι διᾴττουσαι τῶν νεφῶν καὶ κυκλούμεναι τὰς πόλεις. 6.299 κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἑορτήν, ἣ πεντηκοστὴ καλεῖται, νύκτωρ οἱ ἱερεῖς παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ ἔνδον ἱερόν, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς ἔθος πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας, πρῶτον μὲν κινήσεως ἔφασαν ἀντιλαβέσθαι καὶ κτύπου, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φωνῆς ἀθρόας “μεταβαίνομεν ἐντεῦθεν.” τὸ δὲ τούτων φοβερώτερον,' "
6.301 φωνὴ ἀπὸ δύσεως, φωνὴ ἀπὸ τῶν τεσσάρων ἀνέμων, φωνὴ ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναόν, φωνὴ ἐπὶ νυμφίους καὶ νύμφας, φωνὴ ἐπὶ τὸν λαὸν πάντα.” τοῦτο μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτωρ κατὰ πάντας τοὺς στενωποὺς περιῄει κεκραγώς." "6.302 τῶν δὲ ἐπισήμων τινὲς δημοτῶν ἀγανακτήσαντες πρὸς τὸ κακόφημον συλλαμβάνουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ πολλαῖς αἰκίζονται πληγαῖς. ὁ δὲ οὔθ' ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ φθεγξάμενος οὔτε ἰδίᾳ πρὸς τοὺς παίοντας, ἃς καὶ πρότερον φωνὰς βοῶν διετέλει." '6.303 νομίσαντες δὲ οἱ ἄρχοντες, ὅπερ ἦν, δαιμονιώτερον τὸ κίνημα τἀνδρὸς ἀνάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἔπαρχον.' "6.304 ἔνθα μάστιξι μέχρι ὀστέων ξαινόμενος οὔθ' ἱκέτευσεν οὔτ' ἐδάκρυσεν, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα τὴν φωνὴν ὀλοφυρτικῶς παρεγκλίνων πρὸς ἑκάστην" "6.305 ἀπεκρίνατο πληγήν “αἰαὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμοις.” τοῦ δ' ̓Αλβίνου διερωτῶντος, οὗτος γὰρ ἔπαρχος ἦν, τίς εἴη καὶ πόθεν, καὶ διὰ τί ταῦτα φθέγγοιτο, πρὸς ταῦτα μὲν οὐδ' ὁτιοῦν ἀπεκρίνατο, τὸν δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ πόλει θρῆνον εἴρων οὐ διέλειπεν, μέχρι καταγνοὺς μανίαν ὁ ̓Αλβῖνος ἀπέλυσεν αὐτόν." "6.306 ὁ δὲ τὸν μέχρι τοῦ πολέμου χρόνον οὔτε προσῄει τινὶ τῶν πολιτῶν οὔτε ὤφθη λαλῶν, ἀλλὰ καθ' ἡμέραν ὥσπερ εὐχὴν μεμελετηκώς “αἰαὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμοις” ἐθρήνει." '6.307 οὔτε δέ τινι τῶν τυπτόντων αὐτὸν ὁσημέραι κατηρᾶτο οὔτε τοὺς τροφῆς μεταδιδόντας εὐλόγει, μία δὲ πρὸς πάντας ἦν ἡ σκυθρωπὴ κλῃδὼν ἀπόκρισις.' "6.308 μάλιστα δ' ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἐκεκράγει: καὶ τοῦτ' ἐφ' ἑπτὰ ἔτη καὶ μῆνας πέντε εἴρων οὔτ' ἤμβλυνεν τὴν φωνὴν οὔτ' ἔκαμεν, μέχρις οὗ κατὰ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἔργα τῆς κλῃδόνος ἰδὼν ἀνεπαύσατο." "6.309 περιιὼν γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους “αἰαὶ πάλιν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῷ λαῷ καὶ τῷ ναῷ” διαπρύσιον ἐβόα, ὡς δὲ τελευταῖον προσέθηκεν “αἰαὶ δὲ κἀμοί”, λίθος ἐκ τοῦ πετροβόλου σχασθεὶς καὶ πλήξας αὐτὸν παραχρῆμα κτείνει, φθεγγομένην δ' ἔτι τὰς κλῃδόνας ἐκείνας τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφῆκε." 6.311 ὅπου γε ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν μετὰ τὴν καθαίρεσιν τῆς ̓Αντωνίας τετράγωνον ἐποίησαν, ἀναγεγραμμένον ἐν τοῖς λογίοις ἔχοντες ἁλώσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸν ναόν, ἐπειδὰν τὸ ἱερὸν γένηται τετράγωνον.' "6.312 τὸ δ' ἐπᾶραν αὐτοὺς μάλιστα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἦν χρησμὸς ἀμφίβολος ὁμοίως ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς εὑρημένος γράμμασιν, ὡς κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν τις ἄρξει τῆς οἰκουμένης." "6.313 τοῦθ' οἱ μὲν ὡς οἰκεῖον ἐξέλαβον καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν σοφῶν ἐπλανήθησαν περὶ τὴν κρίσιν, ἐδήλου δ' ἄρα τὴν Οὐεσπασιανοῦ τὸ λόγιον ἡγεμονίαν ἀποδειχθέντος ἐπὶ ̓Ιουδαίας αὐτοκράτορος." '6.314 ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ δυνατὸν ἀνθρώποις τὸ χρεὼν διαφυγεῖν οὐδὲ προορωμένοις. 6.315 οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν σημείων ἃ μὲν ἔκριναν πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἃ δὲ ἐξουθένησαν, μέχρις οὗ τῇ τε ἁλώσει τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τῷ σφῶν αὐτῶν ὀλέθρῳ διηλέγχθησαν τὴν ἄνοιαν.
6.411 “σὺν θεῷ γε ἐπολεμήσαμεν, ἔφη, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ τῶνδε τῶν ἐρυμάτων ̓Ιουδαίους καθελών, ἐπεὶ χεῖρες ἀνθρώπων ἢ μηχαναὶ τί πρὸς τούτους τοὺς' " None | sup>
2.39 1. Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews.
2.39 What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence.
5.19 2. Now, for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble;
5.19 And now, “O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction.”
6.288 3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while they did not attend nor give credit to the signs that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation, but, like men infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. 6.289 Thus there was a star resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that continued a whole year. 6.291 This light seemed to be a good sign to the unskillful, but was so interpreted by the sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it. 6.292 At the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led by the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. 6.293 Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner court of the temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. 6.294 Now, those that kept watch in the temple came hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then came up thither, and not without great difficulty was able to shut the gate again. 6.295 This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. 6.296 So these publicly declared that the signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them. Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one and twentieth day of the month Artemisius, Jyar, 6.297 a certain prodigious and incredible phenomenon appeared: I suppose the account of it would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, 6.298 and were not the events that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such signals; for, before sunsetting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their armor were seen 6.299 running about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover, at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the priests were going by night into the inner court of the temple, as their custom was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place, they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise,
6.301 began on a sudden to cry aloud, “A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people!” This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. 6.302 However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say anything for himself, or anything peculiar to those that chastised him, but still he went on with the same words which he cried before. 6.303 Hereupon our rulers, supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman procurator, 6.304 where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his answer was, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem!” 6.305 And when Albinus (for he was then our procurator) asked him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. 6.306 Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem!” 6.307 Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. 6.308 This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; 6.309 for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, “Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house!” And just as he added at the last, “Woe, woe to myself also!” there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave up the ghost.
6.311 for the Jews, by demolishing the tower of Antonia, had made their temple foursquare, while at the same time they had it written in their sacred oracles, “That then should their city be taken, as well as their holy house, when once their temple should become foursquare.” 6.312 But now, what did most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an ambiguous oracle that was also found in their sacred writings, how, “about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth.” 6.313 The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now, this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. 6.314 However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. 6.315 But these men interpreted some of these signals according to their own pleasure, and some of them they utterly despised, until their madness was demonstrated, both by the taking of their city and their own destruction.
6.411 “We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications; for what could the hands of men or any machines do towards overthrowing these towers!”' ' None |
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20. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.2-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 34; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 72
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2.2 οἱ λέγοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἐπεκαλοῦντο τὴν Λουκούλλου μαρτυρίαν, γράψαντος δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἐκεῖνος ἐμαρτύρησε τἀληθῆ, καὶ τὴν δίκην οὕτως ἀπέφυγεν ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύουσα περὶ τῶν μεγίστων. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν οἱ τότε σωθέντες εἰκόνα τοῦ Λουκούλλου λιθίνην ἐν ἀγορᾷ παρὰ τὸν Διόνυσον ἀνέστησαν, ἡμεῖς δʼ, εἰ καὶ πολλαῖς ἡλικίαις λειπόμεθα, τὴν μὲν χάριν οἰόμεθα διατείνειν καὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς νῦν ὄντας, 2.3 εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίζοντες εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμουμένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίζουσαν, ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἡ τῆς μνήμης χάρις· ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν.'' None | sup>
2.2 2.3 '' None |
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21. Plutarch, On Chance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius, and contingency
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 269, 270; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 269, 270
| 336d tanding at Delphi, he cried out that it stood there as a monument to Greek licentiousness; and thus if one examine either the life or the tomb of Sardanapalus (for Ithink there is no difference between them), one would say that they are a monument to the bounty of Fortune. But if this be so, shall we allow Fortune to lay hold upon Alexander after Sardanapalus, and to lay claim to Alexander's greatness and power? For what greater gift did she bestow on him than those which other monarchs received at her hands: arms, horses, missiles, money, guardsmen? Let Fortune endeavour to make an Aridaeus great by these, if she can, or an Ochus or Oarse" " None |
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22. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • medicine and medical discourse, Polybius on
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 27; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 49
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2.1 τῷ μέντοι σύνταξιν ὑποβεβλημένῳ καὶ ἱστορίαν ἐξ οὐ προχείρων οὐδʼ οἰκείων, ἀλλὰ ξένων τε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ διεσπαρμένων ἐν ἑτέροις συνιοῦσαν ἀναγνωσμάτων, τῷ ὄντι χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν εὐδόκιμον καὶ φιλόκαλον καὶ πολυάνθρωπον, ὡς βιβλίων τε παντοδαπῶν ἀφθονίαν ἔχων, καὶ ὅσα τοὺς γράφοντας διαφύγοντα σωτηρίᾳ μνήμης ἐπιφανεστέραν εἴληφε πίστιν ὑπολαμβάνων ἀκοῇ καὶ διαπυνθανόμενος, μὴ πολλῶν μηδʼ ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεὲς ἀποδιδοίη τὸ ἔργον.'' None | sup>
2.1 '' None |
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23. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.4-2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • Polybius, and contingency
Found in books: Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 181; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 74
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2.4 τὸν μὲν ὕπατον Γάιον Φλαμίνιον οὐδὲν ἤμβλυνε τούτων, ἄνδρα πρὸς τῷ φύσει θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ μεγάλαις ἐπαιρόμενον εὐτυχίαις, ἃς πρόσθεν εὐτύχησε παραλόγως, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπᾳδούσης ἀπᾳδούσης with CS: ἀποκαλούσης . καὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐνισταμένου βίᾳ συμβαλὼν τοῖς Γαλάταις καὶ κρατήσας, Φάβιον δὲ τὰ μὲν σημεῖα, καίπερ ἁπτόμενα πολλῶν, ἧττον ὑπέθραττε διὰ τὴν ἀλογίαν· 2.5 τὴν δʼ ὀλιγότητα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὴν ἀχρηματίαν πυνθανόμενος καρτερεῖν παρεκάλει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ μὴ μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἄνθρωπον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ διὰ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἠσκημένῃ στρατιᾷ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐπιπέμποντας βοηθείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντας αὐτὴν ἐᾶν περὶ αὑτῇ μαραίνεσθαι τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ Ἀννίβου, καθάπερ φλόγα λάμψασαν ἀπὸ μικρᾶς καὶ κούφης δυνάμεως.' ' None | sup>
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many.
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many. 2.5 But when he learned how few in number the enemy were, and how great was their lack of resources, he exhorted the Romans to bide their time, and not to give battle to a man who wielded an army trained by many contests for this very issue, but to send aid to their allies, to keep their subject cities well in hand, and to suffer the culminating vigour of Hannibal to sink and expire of itself, like a flame that flares up from scant and slight material.' ' None |
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24. Plutarch, Pericles, 18.1, 22.1, 28.2-28.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios • Polybius • Polybius, and contingency
Found in books: Chaniotis (2021), Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, 249; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 165; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263
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18.1 ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατηγίαις εὐδοκίμει μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, οὔτε μάχης ἐχούσης πολλὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ἁπτόμενος, οὔτε τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ παραβάλλεσθαι χρησαμένους τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ καὶ θαυμασθέντας ὡς μεγάλους ζηλῶν καὶ μιμούμενος στρατηγούς, ἀεί τε λέγων πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ὡς ὅσον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ μενοῦσιν ἀθάνατοι πάντα τὸν χρόνον.
22.1 ὅτι δʼ ὀρθῶς ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι τὴν δύναμιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων συνεῖχεν, ἐμαρτύρησεν αὐτῷ τὰ γενόμενα. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ Εὐβοεῖς ἀπέστησαν, ἐφʼ οὓς διέβη μετὰ δυνάμεως. εἶτʼ εὐθὺς ἀπηγγέλλοντο Μεγαρεῖς ἐκπεπολεμωμένοι καὶ στρατιὰ πολεμίων ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις τῆς Ἀττικῆς οὖσα, Πλειστώνακτος ἡγουμένου, βασιλέως Λακεδαιμονίων. 28.3 Δοῦρις μὲν οὖν οὐδʼ ὅπου μηδὲν αὐτῷ πρόσεστιν ἴδιον πάθος εἰωθὼς κρατεῖν τὴν διήγησιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀληθείας, μᾶλλον ἔοικεν ἐνταῦθα δεινῶσαι τὰς τῆς πατρίδος συμφορὰς ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῶν Ἀθηναίων. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς καταστρεψάμενος τὴν Σάμον ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, ταφάς τε τῶν ἀποθανόντων κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐνδόξους ἐποίησε καὶ τὸν λόγον εἰπών, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐπὶ τῶν σημάτων ἐθαυμαστώθη.' ' None | sup>
18.1 In his capacity as general, he was famous above all things for his saving caution; he neither undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril, nor did he envy and imitate those who took great risks, enjoyed brilliant good-fortune, and so were admired as great generals; and he was for ever saying to his fellow-citizens that, so far as lay in his power, they would remain alive forever and be immortals.
22.1 That he was right in seeking to confine the power of the Athenians within lesser Greece, was amply proved by what came to pass. To begin with, the Euboeans revolted, 446. B.C. and he crossed over to the island with a hostile force. Then straightway word was brought to him that the Megarians had gone over to the enemy, and that an army of the enemy was on the confines of Attica under the leadership of Pleistoanax, the king of the Lacedaemonians. 28.3 At all events, since it is not the wont of Duris, even in cases where he has no private and personal interest, to hold his narrative down to the fundamental truth, it is all the more likely that here, in this instance, he has given a dreadful portrayal of the calamities of his country, that he might calumniate the Athenians. When Pericles, after his subjection of Samos, had returned to Athens, he gave honorable burial to those who had fallen in the war, and for the oration which he made, according to the custom, over their tombs, he won the greatest admiration.' ' None |
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • Polybius, • Polybius, on the decline of the Roman Empire
Found in books: Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 53; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 309; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127
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26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • House of Julius Polybius • Polybius, on Marcellus’ plundering of Sicily
Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 364
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios of Megalopolis • Polybius
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 215; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 59, 60, 61
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28. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius • disparagement, of Gauls by Polybius
Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 191; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 57
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1.4.4 οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ.'' None | sup>
1.4.4 So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy.'' None |
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29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 314; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 180
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30. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 122; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 6
| 5.8 To Titinius Capito. You urge me to write history, nor are you the first to do so. Many others have often given me the same advice, and I am quite willing to follow it, not because I feel confident that I should succeed in so doing - for it would be presumption to think so until one had tried - but because it seems to me a very proper thing not to let people be forgotten whose fame ought never to die, and to perpetuate the glories of others together with one\'s own. Personally, I confess that there is nothing on which I have set my heart so much as to win a lasting reputation, and the ambition is a worthy one for any man, especially for one who is not conscious of having committed any wrong and has no cause to fear being remembered by posterity. Hence it is that both day and night I scheme to find a way "to raise myself above the ordinary dull level" Again, there is a precedent in my own family which impels me towards writing history. My uncle, who was also my father by adoption, was a historian of the most scrupulous type, and I find all wise men agree that one can do nothing better than follow in the footsteps of one\'s ancestors, provided that they have gone in the right path themselves. Why, then, do I hesitate? For this reason, that I have delivered a number of pleadings of serious importance, and it is my intention to revise them carefully - though my hopes of fame from them are only slight - lest, in spite of all the trouble they have given me, they should perish with me, just for want of receiving the last polishing and additional touches. For if you have a view to what posterity will say, all that is not absolutely finished must be classed as incomplete matter. You will say I began to plead in the forum in my nineteenth year, and it is only just now that I begin to see darkly what an orator ought to be. What would happen if I were to take on a new task in addition to this one? Oratory and history have many things in common, but they also differ greatly in the points that seem common to both. There is narrative in both, but of a different type; the humblest, meanest and most common-place subjects suit the one; the other requires research, splendour, and dignity. In the one you may describe the bones, muscles, and nerves of the body, in the other brawny parts and flowing manes. In oratory one wants force, invective, sustained attack; in history the charm is obtained by copiousness and agreeableness, even by sweetness of style. Lastly, the words used, the forms of speech, and the construction of the sentences are different. For, as Thucydides remarks, it makes all the difference whether the composition is to be a possession for all time or a declamation for the moment; † oratory has to do with the latter, history with the former. Hence it is that I do not feel tempted to hopelessly jumble together two dissimilar styles which differ from one another just because of their great importance, and I am afraid I should become bewildered by such a terrible medley and write in the one style just where I ought to be employing the other. For the meantime, therefore, to use the language of the courts, I ask your gracious permission to go on with my pleading. However, do you be good enough even now to consider the period which it would be best for me to tackle. Shall it be a period of ancient history which others have dealt with before me? If so, the materials are all ready to hand, but the putting them together would be a heavy task. On the other hand, if I choose a modern period which has not been dealt with, I shall get but small thanks and am bound to give serious offence. For, besides the fact that the general standard of morality is so lax that there is much more to censure than to praise, you are sure to be called niggardly if you praise and too censorious if you censure, though you may have been lavish of appreciation and scrupulously guarded in reproach. However, these considerations do not stay me, for I have the courage of my convictions. I only beg of you to prepare the way for me in the direction you urge me to take, and choose a subject for me, so that, when I am at length ready to take pen in hand, no other overpowering reason may crop up to make me hesitate and delay my purpose. Farewell. '' None |
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31. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 72; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 68
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32. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.1-1.1.10, 1.1.12-1.1.17, 1.2.1, 1.2.3, 1.2.16, 1.4.3, 2.3.5, 2.4.7, 2.5.8, 2.5.17, 3.1.3, 3.4.20, 3.5.5, 3.5.7, 5.1.7, 5.1.11, 5.2.2, 5.2.8-5.2.9, 5.3.7, 6.1.2, 6.1.12, 6.1.14, 6.4.2, 8.6.23, 17.1.12, 17.3.24-17.3.25
Tagged with subjects: • Polybios • Polybios of Megalopolis • Polybios of Megalopolis, on Hannibal’s routes into Italy • Polybios, historian, view of Alexandria • Polybius • Polybius, geographical ‘digression’ • Polybius, on Marcellus’ plundering of Sicily • Polybius, on Megale Hellas • Polybius, on mousike
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 209, 224, 249, 252, 254, 276, 289, 290; Chaniotis (2021), Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, 181; Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 73, 74; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 107, 121; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76; Kneebone (2020), Orthodoxy and the Courts in Late Antiquity, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 366; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 56, 173, 238, 241, 242; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 218; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 326; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 56, 173, 238, 241, 242; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 108; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 140; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 70; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 347, 348; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 107; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 357; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 79
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1.1.1 IF the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper avocation of the philosopher, Geography, the science of which we propose to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place; and this is evident from many considerations. They who first ventured to handle the matter were distinguished men. Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecataeus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these Erastosthenes, Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers. Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things, and these attainments constitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast importance in regard to social life, and the art of government, Geography unfolds to us the celestial phenomena, acquaints us with the occupants of the land and ocean, and the vegetation, fruits, and peculiarities of the various quarters of the earth, a knowledge of which marks him who cultivates it as a man earnest in the great problem of life and happiness. 1.1.2 Admitting this, let us examine more in detail the points we have advanced. And first, we maintain, that both we and our predecessors, amongst whom is Hipparchus, do justly regard Homer as the founder of geographical science, for he not only excelled all, ancient as well as modern, in the sublimity of his poetry, but also in his experience of social life. Thus it was that he not only exerted himself to become familiar with as many historic facts as possible, and transmit them to posterity, but also with the various regions of the inhabited land and sea, some intimately, others in a more general manner. For otherwise he would not have reached the utmost limits of the earth, traversing it in his imagination.' "1.1.3 First, he stated that the earth was entirely encompassed by the ocean, as in truth it is; afterwards he described the countries, specifying some by name, others more generally by various indications, explicitly defining Libya, Ethiopia, the Sidonians, and the Erembi (by which latter are probably intended the Troglodyte Arabians); and alluding to those farther east and west as the lands washed by the ocean, for in ocean he believed both the sun and constellations to rise and set. Now from the gently-swelling flood profound The sun arising, with his earliest rays, In his ascent to heaven smote on the fields. (Iliad vii. 421). And now the radiant sun in ocean sank, Dragging night after him o'er all the earth. (Iliad viii. 485). The stars also he describes as bathed in the ocean." "1.1.4 He portrays the happiness of the people of the West, and the salubrity of their climate, having no doubt heard of the abundance of Iberia, which had attracted the arms of Hercules, afterwards of the Phoenicians, who acquired there an extended rule, and finally of the Romans. There the airs of Zephyr breathe, there the poet feigned the fields of Elysium, when he tells us Menelaus was sent thither by the gods: Thee the gods Have destined to the blest Elysian isles, Earth's utmost boundaries. Rhadamanthus there For ever reigns, and there the human kind Enjoy the easiest life; no snow is there, No biting winter, and no drenching shower, But Zephyr always gently from the sea Breathes on them, to refresh the happy race. Od. iv. 563" '1.1.5 The Isles of the Blest are on the extreme west of Maurusia, near where its shore runs parallel to the opposite coast of Spain; and it is clear he considered these regions also Blest, from their contiguity to the Islands.' "1.1.6 He tells us also, that the Ethiopians are far removed, and bounded by the ocean: far removed, — The Ethiopians, utmost of mankind, These eastward situate, those toward the west. Od. i. 23 Nor was he mistaken in calling them separated into two divisions, as we shall presently show: and next to the ocean, — For to the banks of the Oceanus, Where Ethiopia holds a feast to Jove, He journey'd yesterday. Speaking of the Bear, he implies that the most northern part of the earth is bounded by the ocean: Only star of these denied To slake his beams in Ocean's briny baths. Iliad xviii. 489; Od. v. 275. Now, by the Bear and the Wain, he means the Arctic Circle; otherwise he would never have said, It alone is deprived of the baths of the ocean, when such an infinity of stars is to be seen continually revolving in that part of the hemisphere. Let no one any longer blame his ignorance for being merely acquainted with one Bear, when there are two. It is probable that the second was not considered a constellation until, on the Phoenicians specially designating it, and employing it in navigation, it became known as one to the Greeks. Such is the case with the Hair of Berenice, and Canopus, whose names are but of yesterday; and, as Aratus remarks, there are numbers which have not yet received any designation. Crates, therefore, is mistaken when, endeavouring to amend what is correct, he reads the verse thus: οἷος δ᾽ ἄμμορός ἐστι λοετρῶν, replacing οἴη by οἶς, with a view to make the adjective agree with the Arctic Circle, which is masculine; instead of the Arctic Constellation, which is feminine. The expression of Heraclitus is far more preferable and Homeric, who thus figuratively describes the Arctic Circle as the Bear, — The Bear is the limit of the dawn and of the evening, and from the region of the Bear we have fine weather. Now it is not the constellation of the Bear, but the Arctic Circle, which is the limit of the rising and the setting stars. By the Bear, then, which he elsewhere calls the Wain, and describes as pursuing Orion, Homer means us to understand the Arctic Circle; and by the ocean, that horizon into which, and out of which, the stars rise and set. When he says that the Bear turns round and is deprived of the ocean, he was aware that the Arctic Circle always extended to the sign opposite the most northern point of the horizon. Adapting the words of the poet to this view, by that part of the earth nearest to the ocean we must understand the horizon, and by the Arctic Circle that which extends to the signs which seem to our senses to touch in succession the most northern point of the horizon. Thus, according to him, this portion of the earth is washed by the ocean. With the nations of the North he was well acquainted, although he does not mention them by name, and indeed at the present day there is no regular title by which they are all distinguished. He informs us of their mode of life, describing them as wanderers, noble milkers of mares, living on cheese, and without wealth." "1.1.7 In the following speech of Juno, he states that the ocean surrounds the earth. For to the green earth's utmost bounds I go, To visit there the parent of the gods, Oceanus. Iliad xiv. 200. Does he not here assert that ocean bounds all its extremities, and does it not surround these extremities? Again, in the Hoplopoeia, he places the ocean in a circle round the border of Achilles' shield. Another proof of the extent of his knowledge, is his acquaintance with the ebb and flow of the sea, calling it the ebbing ocean. Again, Each day she thrice disgorges, and again Thrice drinks, insatiate, the deluge down. The assertion of thrice, instead of twice, is either an error of the author, or a blunder of the scribe, but the phenomenon is the same, and the expression soft-flowing, has reference to the flood-tide, which has a gentle swell, and does not flow with a full rush. Posidonius believes that where Homer describes the rocks as at one time covered with the waves, and at another left bare, and when he compares the ocean to a river, he alludes to the flow of the ocean. The first supposition is correct, but for the second there is no ground; inasmuch as there can be no comparison between the flow, much less the ebb of the sea, and the current of a river. There is more probability in the explanation of Crates, that Homer describes the whole ocean as deep-flowing, ebbing, and also calls it a river, and that he also describes a part of the ocean as a river, and the flow of a river; and that he is speaking of a part, and not the whole, when he thus writes: — When down the smooth Oceanus impell'd By prosperous gales, my galley, once again, Cleaving the billows of the spacious deep, Had reach'd the Aeaean isle. He does not, however, mean the whole, but the flow of the river in the ocean, which forms but a part of the ocean. Crates says, he speaks of an estuary or gulf, extending from the winter tropic towards the south pole. Now any one quitting this, might still be in the ocean; but for a person to leave the whole and still to be in the whole, is an impossibility. But Homer says, that leaving the flow of the river, the ship entered on the waves of the sea, which is the same as the ocean. If you take it otherwise you make him say, that departing from the ocean he came to the ocean. But this requires further discussion." '1.1.8 Perception and experience alike inform us, that the earth we inhabit is an island: since wherever men have approached the termination of the land, the sea, which we designate ocean, has been met with: and reason assures us of the similarity of those places which our senses have not been permitted to survey. For in the east the land occupied by the Indians, and in the west by the Iberians and Maurusians, is wholly encompassed by water, and so is the greater part on the south and north. And as to what remains as yet unexplored by us, because navigators, sailing from opposite points, have not hitherto fallen in with each other, it is not much, as any one may see who will compare the distances between those places with which we are already acquainted. Nor is it likely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas by narrow isthmuses so placed as to prevent circumnavigation: how much more probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted! Those who have returned from an attempt to circumnavigate the earth, do not say they have been prevented from continuing their voyage by any opposing continent, for the sea remained perfectly open, but through want of resolution, and the scarcity of provision. This theory too accords better with the ebb and flow of the ocean, for the phenomenon, both in the increase and diminution, is everywhere identical, or at all events has but little difference, as if produced by the agitation of one sea, and resulting from one cause. 1.1.9 We must not credit Hipparchus, who combats this opinion, denying that the ocean is every where similarly affected; or that even if it were, it would not follow that the Atlantic flowed in a circle, and thus continually returned into itself. Seleucus, the Babylonian, is his authority for this assertion. For a further investigation of the ocean and its tides we refer to Posidonius and Athenodorus, who have fully discussed this subject: we will now only remark that this view agrees better with the uniformity of the phenomenon; and that the greater the amount of moisture surrounding the earth, the easier would the heavenly bodies be supplied with vapours from thence.' "
1.1.10 Homer, besides the boundaries of the earth, which he fully describes, was likewise well acquainted with the Mediterranean. Starting from the Pillars, this sea is encompassed by Libya, Egypt, and Phoenicia, then by the coasts opposite Cyprus, the Solymi, Lycia, and Caria, and then by the shore which stretches between Mycale and Troas, and the adjacent islands, every one of which he mentions, as well as those of the Propontis and the Euxine, as far as Colchis, and the locality of Jason's expedition. Furthermore, he was acquainted with the Cimmerian Bosphorus, having known the Cimmerians, and that not merely by name, but as being familiar with themselves. About his time, or a little before, they had ravaged the whole country, from the Bosphorus to Ionia. Their climate he characterizes as dismal, in the following lines: — With clouds and darkness veil'd, on whom the sun Deigns not to look with his beam-darting eye, But sad night canopies the woeful race. Od. xi. 15 and 19. He must also have been acquainted with the Ister, since he speaks of the Mysians, a Thracian race, dwelling on the banks of the Ister. He knew also the whole Thracian coast adjacent thereto, as far as the Peneus, for he mentions individually the Paeonians, Athos, the Axius, and the neighbouring islands. From hence to Thesprotis is the Grecian shore, with the whole of which he was acquainted. He was besides familiar with the whole of Italy, and speaks of Temese and the Sicilians, as well as the whole of Spain and its fertility, as we have said before. If he omits various intermediate places this must be pardoned, for even the compiler of a Geography overlooks numerous details. We must forgive him too for intermingling fabulous narrative with his historical and instructive work. This should not be complained of; nevertheless, what Eratosthenes says is false, that the poets aim at amusement, not instruction, since those who have treated upon the subject most profoundly, regard poesy in the light of a primitive philosophy. But we shall refute Eratosthenes more at length, when we have occasion again to speak of Homer."
1.1.12 Many have testified to the amount of knowledge which this subject requires, and Hipparchus, in his Strictures on Eratosthenes, well observes, that no one can become really proficient in geography, either as a private individual or as a professor, without an acquaintance with astronomy, and a knowledge of eclipses. For instance, no one could tell whether Alexandria in Egypt were north or south of Babylon, nor yet the intervening distance, without observing the latitudes. Again, the only means we possess of becoming acquainted with the longitudes of different places is afforded by the eclipses of the sun and moon. Such are the very words of Hipparchus.
1.1.13 Every one who undertakes to give an accurate description of a place, should be particular to add its astronomical and geometrical relations, explaining carefully its extent, distance, degrees of latitude, and climate. Even a builder before constructing a house, or an architect before laying out a city, would take these things into consideration; much more should he who examines the whole earth: for such things in a peculiar manner belong to him. In small distances a little deviation north or south does not signify, but when it is the whole circle of the earth, the north extends to the furthest confines of Scythia, or Keltica, and the south to the extremities of Ethiopia: there is a wide difference here. The case is the same should we inhabit India or Spain, one in the east, the other far west, and, as we are aware, the antipodes to each other.
1.1.14 The motions of the sun and stars, and the centripetal force meet us on the very threshold of such subjects, and compel us to the study of astronomy, and the observation of such phenomena as each of us may notice; in which too, very considerable differences appear, according to the various points of observation. How could any one undertake to write accurately and with propriety on the differences of the various parts of the earth, who was ignorant of these matters? and although, if the undertaking were of a popular character, it might not be advisable to enter thoroughly into detail, still we should endeavour to include every thing which could be comprehended by the general reader.
1.1.15 He who has thus elevated his mind, will he be satisfied with any thing less than the whole world? If in his anxiety accurately to portray the inhabited earth, he has dared to survey heaven, and make use thereof for purposes of instruction, would it not seem childish were he to refrain from examining the whole earth, of which the inhabited is but a part, its size, its features, and its position in the universe; whether other portions are inhabited besides those on which we dwell, and if so, their amount? What is the extent of the regions not peopled? what their peculiarities, and the cause of their remaining as they are? Thus it appears that the knowledge of geography is connected with meteorology and geometry, that it unites the things of earth to the things of heaven, as though they were nearly allied, and not separated. As far as heaven from earth. Iliad viii. 16' "
1.1.16 To the various subjects which it embraces let us add natural history, or the history of the animals, plants, and other different productions of the earth and sea, whether serviceable or useless, and my original statement will, I think, carry perfect conviction with it. That he who should undertake this work would be a benefactor to mankind, reason and the voice of antiquity agree. The poets feign that they were the wisest heroes who travelled and wandered most in foreign climes: and to be familiar with many countries, and the disposition of the inhabitants, is, according to them, of vast importance. Nestor prides himself on having associated with the Lapithae, to whom he went, having been invited thither from the Apian land afar. So does Menelaus: — Cyprus, Phoenicia, Sidon, and the shores of Egypt, roaming without hope I reach'd; In distant Ethiopia thence arrived, And Libya, where the lambs their foreheads show With budding horns defended soon as yean'd. Od. iv. 83. Adding as a peculiarity of the country, There thrice within the year the flocks produce. Od. iv. 86. And of Egypt: — Where the sustaining earth is most prolific. And Thebes, the city with an hundred gates, Whence twenty thousand chariots rush to war. Iliad ix. 383 Such information greatly enlarges our sphere of knowledge, by informing us of the nature of the country, its botanical and zoological peculiarities. To these should be added its marine history; for we are in a certain sense amphibious, not exclusively connected with the land, but with the sea as well. Hercules, on account of his vast experience and observation, was described as skilled in mighty works. All that we have previously stated is confirmed both by the testimony of antiquity and by reason. One consideration however appears to bear in a peculiar manner on the case in point; viz. the importance of geography in a political view. For the sea and the earth in which we dwell furnish theatres for action; limited, for limited actions; vast, for grander deeds; but that which contains them all, and is the scene of the greatest undertakings, constitutes what we term the habitable earth; and they are the greatest generals who, subduing nations and kingdoms under one sceptre, and one political administration, have acquired dominion over land and sea. It is clear then, that geography is essential to all the transactions of the statesman, informing us, as it does, of the position of the continents, seas, and oceans of the whole habitable earth. Information of especial interest to those who are concerned to know the exact truth of such particulars, and whether the places have been explored or not: for government will certainly be better administered where the size and position of the country, its own peculiarities, and those of the surrounding districts, are understood. Forasmuch as there are many sovereigns who rule in different regions, and some stretch their dominion over others' territories, and undertake the government of different nations and kingdoms, and thus enlarge the extent of their dominion, it is not possible that either themselves, nor yet writers on geography, should be equally acquainted with the whole, but to both there is a great deal more or less known. Indeed, were the whole earth under one government and one administration, it is hardly possible that we should be informed of every locality in an equal degree; for even then we should be most acquainted with the places nearest us: and after all, it is better that we should have a more perfect description of these, since, on account of their proximity, there is greater reed for it. We see there is no reason to be surprised that there should be one chorographer for the Indians, another for the Ethiopians, and a third for the Greeks and Romans. What use would it be to the Indians if a geographer should thus describe Boeotia to them, in the words of Homer: — The dwellers on the rocks of Aulis follow'd, with the hardy clans of Hyria, Schoenus, Scolus. Iliad ii. 496. To us this is of value, while to be acquainted with the Indies and their various territorial divisions would be useless, as it could lead to no advantage, which is the only criterion of the worth of such knowledge." 1.1.17 Even if we descend to the consideration of such trivial matters as hunting, the case is still the same; for he will be most successful in the chase who is acquainted with the size and nature of the wood, and one familiar with the locality will be the most competent to superintend an encampment, an ambush, or a march. But it is in great undertakings that the truth shines out in all its brilliancy, for here, while the success resulting from knowledge is grand, the consequences of ignorance are disastrous. The fleet of Agamemnon, for instance, ravaging Mysia, as if it had been the Trojan territory, was compelled to a shameful retreat. Likewise the Persians and Libyans, supposing certain straits to be impassable, were very near falling into great perils, and have left behind them memorials of their ignorance; the former a monument to Salganeus on the Euripus, near Chalcis, whom the Persians slew, for, as they thought, falsely conducting their fleet from the Gulf of Malea to the Euripus; and the latter to the memory of Pelorus, who was executed on a like occasion. At the time of the expedition of Xerxes, the coasts of Greece were covered with wrecks, and the emigrations from Aeolia and Ionia furnish numerous instances of the same calamity. On the other hand, matters have come to a prosperous termination, when judiciously directed by a knowledge of the locality. Thus it was at the pass of Thermopylae that Ephialtes is reported to have pointed out to the Persians a pathway over the mountains, and so placed the band of Leonidas at their mercy, and opened to the Barbarians a passage into Pylae. But passing over ancient occurrences, we think that the late expeditions of the Romans against the Parthians furnish an excellent example, where, as in those against the Germans and Kelts, the Barbarians, taking advantage of their situation, carried on the war in marshes, woods, and pathless deserts, deceiving the ignorant enemy as to the position of different places, and concealing the roads, and the means of obtaining food and necessaries.' "
1.2.3 Eratosthenes says that the poet directs his whole attention to the amusement of the mind, and not at all to its instruction. In opposition to his idea, the ancients define poesy as a primitive philosophy, guiding our life from infancy, and pleasantly regulating our morals, our tastes, and our actions. The Stoics of our day affirm that the only wise man is the poet. On this account the earliest lessons which the citizens of Greece convey to their children are from the poets; certainly not alone for the purpose of amusing their minds, but for their instruction. Nay, even the professors of music, who give lessons on the harp, lyre, and pipe, lay claim to our consideration on the same account, since they say that the accomplishments which they teach are calculated to form and improve the character. It is not only among the Pythagoreans that one hears this claim supported, for Aristoxenus is of that opinion, and Homer too regarded the bards as amongst the wisest of mankind. of this number was the guardian of Clytemnestra, to whom the son of Atreus, when he set out for Troy, gave earnest charge to preserve his wife, whom Aegisthus was unable to seduce, until leading the bard to a desert island, he left him, and then The queen he led, not willing less than he, To his own mansion. Ib. iii. 272. But apart from all such considerations, Eratosthenes contradicts himself; for a little previously to the sentence which we have quoted, at the commencement of his Essay on Geography, he says, that all the ancient poets took delight in showing their knowledge of such matters. Homer inserted into his poetry all that he knew about the Ethiopians, Egypt, and Libya. of all that related to Greece and the neighbouring places he entered even too minutely into the details, describing Thisbe as abounding in doves, Haliartus, grassy, Anthedon, the far distant, Lilaea, situated on the sources of the Cephissus, and none of his epithets are without their meaning. But in pursuing this method, what object has he in view, to amuse merely, or to instruct? The latter, doubtless. Well, perhaps he has told the truth in these instances, but in what was beyond his observation both he and the other writers have indulged in all the marvels of fable. If such be the case the statement should have been, that the poets relate some things for mere amusement, others for instruction; but he affirms that they do it altogether for amusement, without any view to information; and by way of climax, inquires, What can it add to Homer's worth to be familiar with many lands, and skilled in strategy, agriculture, rhetoric, and similar information, which some persons seem desirous to make him possessed of. To seek to invest him with all this knowledge is most likely the effect of too great a zeal for his honour. Hipparchus observes, that to assert he was acquainted with every art and science, is like saying that an Attic eiresione bears pears and apples. As far as this goes, Eratosthenes, you are right enough; not so, however, when you not only deny that Homer was possessed of these vast acquirements, but represent poetry in general as a tissue of old wives' fables, where, to use your own expression, every thing thought likely to amuse is cooked up. I ask, is it of no value to the auditors of the poets to be made acquainted with the history of different countries, with strategy, agriculture, and rhetoric, and suchlike things, which the lecture generally contains." "
1.2.16 He then goes on to describe the manner in which they catch the sword-fish at Scyllaion. One look-out directs the whole body of fishers, who are in a vast number of small boats, each furnished with two oars, and two men to each boat. One man rows, the other stands on the prow, spear in hand, while the look-out has to signal the appearance of a sword-fish. (This fish, when swimming, has about a third of its body above water.) As it passes the boat, the fisher darts the spear from his hand, and when this is withdrawn, it leaves the sharp point with which it is furnished sticking in the flesh of the fish: this point is barbed, and loosely fixed to the spear for the purpose; it has a long end fastened to it; this they pay out to the wounded fish, till it is exhausted with its struggling and endeavours at escape. Afterwards they trail it to the shore, or, unless it is too large and full-grown, haul it into the boat. If the spear should fall into the sea, it is not lost, for it is jointed of oak and pine, so that when the oak sinks on account of its weight, it causes the other end to rise, and thus is easily recovered. It sometimes happens that the rower is wounded, even through the boat, and such is the size of the sword with which the galeote is armed, such the strength of the fish, and the method of the capture, that in danger it is not surpassed by the chase of the wild boar. From these facts (he says) we may conclude that Ulysses' wanderings were close to Sicily, since Homer describes Scylla as engaging in a pursuit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllaion. As to Charybdis, he describes just what takes place at the Strait of Messina: Each day she thrice disgorges, Od. xii. 105. instead of twice, being only a mistake, either of the scribe or the historian." "
1.4.3 We will let pass the rest of his distances, since they are something near, — but that the Dnieper is under the same parallel as Thule, what man in his senses could ever agree to this? Pytheas, who has given us the history of Thule, is known to be a man upon whom no reliance can be placed, and other writers who have seen Britain and Ierne, although they tell us of many small islands round Britain, make no mention whatever of Thule. The length of Britain itself is nearly the same as that of Keltica, opposite to which it extends. Altogether it is not more than 5000 stadia in length, its outermost points corresponding to those of the opposite continent. In fact the extreme points of the two countries lie opposite to each other, the eastern extremity to the eastern, and the western to the western: the eastern points are situated so close as to be within sight of each other, both at Kent and at the mouths of the Rhine. But Pytheas tells us that the island of Britain is more than 20,000 stadia in length, and that Kent is some days' sail from France. With regard to the locality of the Ostimii, and the countries beyond the Rhine, as far as Scythia, he is altogether mistaken. The veracity of a writer who has been thus false in describing countries with which we are well acquainted, should not be too much trusted in regard to unknown places." 2.3.5 Thus far, says Posidonius, I have followed the history of Eudoxus. What happened afterwards is probably known to the people of Gades and Iberia; but, says he, all these things only demonstrate more clearly the fact, that the inhabited earth is entirely surrounded by the ocean. By no continent fettered in, But boundless in its flow, and free from soil. Posidonius is certainly a most strange writer; he considers that the voyage of the Magus, related by Heraclides, wants sufficient evidence, and also the account given by Herodotus of those sent out to explore by Darius. But this Bergaean nonsense, either the coinage of his own brain, or of some other story-teller, in whom he trusts, he pretends to be worthy of our belief. But in the first place, what is there credible in this tale of the Indian missing his way? The Arabian Gulf, which resembles a river, is narrow, and in length is from 5000 to 10,000 stadia up to its mouth, where it is narrowest of all. It is not likely that the Indians in their voyage out would have entered this Gulf by mistake. The extreme narrowness of the mouth must have warned them of their error. And if they entered it voluntarily, then there was no excuse for introducing the pretext of mistake and uncertain winds. And how did they suffer all of themselves but one to perish through hunger? And how was it that this surviver was able to manage the ship, which could not have been a small one either, fitted as it was for traversing such vast seas? What must have been his aptitude in learning the language of the country, and thus being able to persuade the king of his competence, as leader of the expedition? And how came it that Euergetes was in want of such guides, so many being already acquainted with this sea? How was it that he who was sent by the inhabitants of Cyzicus to carry libations and sacrifices, should forsake his city and sail for India? How was it that so great an affair was intrusted to him? And how came it that on his return, after being deprived of every thing contrary to expectation, and disgraced, a yet larger cargo of goods was intrusted to him? And when he had again returned into Ethiopia, what cause induced him to write down the words, or to inquire whence came the portion of the prow of the boat? For to learn that it was a ship of some sailing from the west, would have been no information to him, as he himself would have to sail from the west on his voyage back. When, on his return to Alexandria, he was detected in having appropriated to himself much of the merchandise, how came it that he was not punished, but allowed to go about interrogating the pilots, and exhibiting his bit of prow? And that one of these fellows actually recognised the relic, is it not delicious! Eudoxus too believed it, this is still richer; and inspired by the hope, hastens home, and then starts on a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules! But he could never have left Alexandria without a passport, still less after having stolen the royal property. To set sail on the sly was impossible, as the port and every other exit was kept by a numerous guard, which still exists, as we very well know who have lived in Alexandria for a long time, although it is not so strict since the Romans have had possession, but under the kings the guards were infinitely more alert. But allowing that he reached Gades, that he there constructed ships, and sailed thence with quite a royal fleet, when his vessel was shattered, by what means was he able to construct a third boat in a desert land? And when, being again on his voyage, he found that the Ethiopians of the West spoke the same language as those of the East, how came it that he, so proud of his travelling propensities, forgot the completion of his voyage, when he must have had so good an expectation that there was but little now left unexplored, but relinquishing these prospects, set his mind on the expedition being undertaken by Bogus? How did he become acquainted with the snare spread for him by that king? And what advantage would have accrued to Bogus by making away with the man, rather than by dismissing him? When Eudoxus learned the plot against himself, what means had he to escape to safer quarters? It is true that not one of these situations was actually impossible, but still they were difficult circumstances, such as one rarely escapes from by any prosperous fortune. However, he always came off with good luck, notwithstanding he was never out of danger. Besides this, how did it happen, that having escaped from Bogus, he was not afraid to sail round Africa a second time, with all the requisites for taking up his abode on the island? All this too closely resembles the falsehoods of Pytheas, Euhemerus, and Antiphanes. They however may be pardoned; for their only aim was that of the juggler. But who can forgive a demonstrator and philosopher, and one too striving to be at the head of their order? it is really too bad!
2.4.7 Further, the length of the inhabited earth is measured on a line parallel with the equator, as it is in this direction that its greatest length lies: in the same way with respect to each of the continents, we must take their length as it lies between two meridians. The measure of these lengths consists of a certain number of stadia, which we obtain either by going over the places themselves, or roads or ways parallel thereto. Polybius abandons this method, and adopts the new way of taking the segment of the northern semicircle comprised between the summer rising and the equinoctial rising. But no one ought to calculate by variable rules or measures in determining the length of fixed distances: nor yet should he make use of the phenomena of the heavens, which appear different when observed from different points, for distances which have their length determined by themselves and remain unchanged. The length of a country never varies, but depends upon itself; whereas, the equinoctial rising and setting, and the summer and winter rising and setting, depend not on themselves, but on our position with respect to them. As we shift from place to place, the equinoctial rising and setting, and the winter and summer rising and setting, shift with us; but the length of a continent always remains the same. To make the Tanais and the Nile the bounds of these continents, is nothing out of the way, but it is something strange to employ for this purpose the equinoctial rising and the summer rising.
2.5.8 It is true that Pytheas of Marseilles affirms that the farthest country north of the British islands is Thule; for which place he says the summer tropic and the arctic circle is all one. But he records no other particulars concerning it; he does not say whether Thule is an island, or whether it continues habitable up to the point where the summer tropic becomes one with the arctic circle. For myself, I fancy that the northern boundaries of the habitable earth are greatly south of this. Modern writers tell us of nothing beyond Ierne, which lies just north of Britain, where the people live miserably and like savages on account of the severity of the cold. It is here in my opinion the bounds of the habitable earth ought to be fixed. If on the one hand the parallels of Byzantium and Marseilles are the same, as Hipparchus asserts on the faith of Pytheas, (for he says that at Byzantium the gnomon indicates the same amount of shadow as Pytheas gives for Marseilles,) and at the same time the parallel of the Dnieper is distant from Byzantium about 3800 stadia, it follows, if we take into consideration the distance between Marseilles and Britain, that the circle which passes over the Dnieper traverses Britain as well. But the truth is that Pytheas, who so frequently misleads people, deceives in this instance too. It is generally admitted that a line drawn from the Pillars of Hercules, and passing over the Strait of Messina , Athens, and Rhodes, would lie under the same parallel of latitude. It is likewise admitted, that the line in passing from the Pillars to the Strait of Sicily divides the Mediterranean through the midst. Navigators tell us that the greatest distance from Keltica to Libya, starting from the bottom of the Galatic Bay, is 5000 stadia, and that this is likewise the greatest breadth of the Mediterranean. Consequently from the said line to the bottom of the bay is 2500 stadia; but to Marseilles the distance is rather less, in consequence of that city being more to the south than the bottom of the bay. But since from Rhodes to Byzantium is about 4900 stadia, it follows that Byzantium must be far north of Marseilles. The distance from this latter city to Britain is about the same as from Byzantium to the Dnieper. How far it may be from Britain to the island of Ierne is not known. As to whether beyond it there may still be habitable lands, it is not our business to inquire, as we stated before. It is sufficient for our science to determine this in the same manner that we did the southern boundaries. We there fixed the bounds of the habitable earth at 3000 stadia south of Meroe (not that these were its exact limits, but because they were sufficiently near); so in this instance they should be placed about the same number of stadia north of Britain, certainly not more than 4000. It would not serve any political purpose to be well acquainted with these distant places and the people who inhabit them; especially if they are islands whose inhabitants can neither injure us, nor yet benefit us by their commerce. The Romans might easily have conquered Britain, but they did not care to do so, as they perceived there was nothing to fear from the inhabitants, (they not being powerful enough to attack us,) and that they would gain nothing by occupying the land. Even now it appears that we gain more by the customs they pay, than we could raise by tribute, after deducting the wages of the soldiers necessary for guarding the island and exacting the taxes. And the other islands adjacent to this would be still more unproductive.
2.5.17 The ocean it is which principally divides the earth into various countries, and moulds its form. It creates bays, seas, straits, isthmuses, peninsulas, and capes; while rivers and mountains serve to the same purpose. It is by these means that continents, nations, and the position of cities are capable of being clearly distinguished, together with those various other details of which a chorographical chart is full. Amongst these latter are the multitude of islands scattered throughout the seas, and along every coast; each of them distinguished by some good or bad quality, by certain advantages or disadvantages, due either to nature or to art. The natural advantages of a place should always be mentioned, since they are permanent. Advantages which are adventitious are liable to change, although the majority of those which have continued for any length of time should not be passed over, nor even those which, although but recent, have yet acquired some note and celebrity. For those which continue, come to be regarded by posterity not as works of art, but as the natural advantages of the place; these therefore it is evident we must notice. True it is, that to many a city we may apply the reflection of Demosthenes on Olynthus and its neighbouring towns: So completely have they vanished, that no one who should now visit their sites could say that they had ever been inhabited! Still we are gratified by visiting these and similar localities, being desirous of beholding the traces of such celebrated places, and the tombs of famous men. In like manner we should record laws and forms of government no longer in existence, since these are serviceable to have in mind, equally with the remembrance of actions, whether for the sake of imitating or avoiding the like.
3.1.3 In shape it resembles a hide stretched out in length from west to east, the forepart towards the east, its breadth being from north to south. Its length is about 6000 stadia; the greatest breadth is 5000; while there are parts considerably less than 3000, particularly in the vicinity of the Pyrenees, which form the eastern side. This chain of mountains stretches without interruption from north to south, and divides Keltica from Iberia. The breadth both of Keltica and Iberia is irregular, the narrowest part in both of them from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean being near the Pyrenees, particularly on either side of that chain; this gives rise to gulfs both on the side of the Ocean, and also of the Mediterranean; the largest of these are denominated the Keltic or Galatic Gulfs, and they render the Keltic isthmus narrower than that of Iberia. The Pyrenees form the eastern side of Iberia, and the Mediterranean the southern from the Pyrenees to the Pillars of Hercules, thence the exterior ocean as far as the Sacred Promontory. The third or western side runs nearly parallel to the Pyrenees from the Sacred Promontory to the promontory of the Artabri, called Cape Nerium. The fourth side extends hence to the northern extremity of the Pyrenees.
3.4.20 At the present time some of the provinces having been assigned to the people and senate of the Romans, and the others to the emperor, Baetica appertains to the people, and a praetor has been sent into the country, having under him a quaestor and a lieutet. Its eastern boundary has been fixed near to Castlon. The remainder belongs to the emperor, who deputes two lieutets, a praetor, and a consul. The praetor with a lieutet administers justice amongst the Lusitanians, who are situated next Baetica, and extend as far as the outlets of the river Douro, for at the present time this district is called Lusitania by the inhabitants. Here is the city of Augusta Emerita. What remains, which is indeed the greater part of Iberia, is governed by the consul, who has under him a respectable force, consisting of about three legions, with three lieutets, one of whom with two legions guards the whole country north of the Douro, the inhabitants of which formerly were styled Lusitanians, but are now called Gallicians. The northern mountains, together with the Asturian and Cantabrian, border on these. The river Melsus flows through the country of the Asturians, and at a little distance is the city of Nougat, close to an estuary formed by the ocean, which separates the Asturians from the Cantabrians. The second lieutet with the remaining legion governs the adjoining district as far as the Pyrenees. The third oversees the midland district, and governs the cities inhabited by the togati, whom we have before alluded to as inclined to peace, and who have adopted the refined manners and mode of life of the Italians, together with the toga. These are the Keltiberians, and those who dwell on either side of the Ebro, as far as the sea-coast. The consul passes the winter in the maritime districts, mostly administering justice either in the city of Carthage, or Tarraco. During the summer he travels through the country, observing whatever may need reform. There are also the procurators of the emperor, men of the equestrian rank, who distribute the pay to the soldiers for their maintece.
3.5.5 Concerning the foundation of Gades, the Gaditanians report that a certain oracle commanded the Tyrians to found a colony by the Pillars of Hercules. Those who were sent out for the purpose of exploring, when they had arrived at the strait by Calpe, imagined that the capes which form the strait were the boundaries of the habitable earth, as well as of the expedition of Hercules, and consequently they were what the oracle termed the Pillars. They landed on the inside of the straits, at a place where the city of the Exitani now stands. Here they offered sacrifices, which however not being favourable, they returned. After a time others were sent, who advanced about 1500 stadia beyond the strait, to an island consecrated to Hercules, and lying opposite to Onoba, a city of Iberia: considering that here were the Pillars, they sacrificed to the god, but the sacrifices being again unfavourable, they returned home. In the third voyage they reached Gades, and founded the sanctuary in the eastern part of the island, and the city in the west. On this account some consider that the capes in the strait are the Pillars, others suppose Gades, while others again believe that they lie still farther, beyond Gades. There are also some who think that the Pillars are Calpe, and the mountain of Libya which is opposite, named Abilyx, and situated, according to Eratosthenes, amongst the Metagonians, a wandering race. Others fancy that they are two small islands near to the former, one of which is named the Island of Juno. Artemidorus speaks both of the Island of Juno and the sanctuary there, but makes no mention either of mount Abilyx, or the nation of the Metagonians. Some have transported hither the Planctae and the Symplgades, supposing them to be the Pillars, which Pindar calls the Gates of Gades, when he says that they were the farthest limits at which Hercules arrived. Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, and Polybius, with most of the Grecians, represent the Pillars as being close to the strait, while the Iberians and Libyans place them at Gades, alleging that there is nothing at all resembling pillars close by the strait. Others pretend that they are the pillars of brass eight cubits high in the sanctuary of Hercules at Gades, on which is inscribed the cost of erecting that edifice; and that the sailors coming there on the completion of their voyage and sacrificing to Hercules, rendered the place so famous that it came to be regarded as the termination of the land and sea. Posidonius thinks this view the most probable of all, and looks upon the oracle and the several expeditions as a Phoenician invention. As for the expeditions, what matters it whether any one should vehemently deny or credit the account, as neither the one nor the other would be inconsistent with reason: but the assertion that neither the little islands, nor yet the mountains, bear much resemblance to pillars, and that we should seek for pillars, strictly so called, set up either as the termination of the habitable earth, or of the expedition of Hercules, has at all events some reason in it; it being an ancient usage to set up such boundary marks. As for instance the small column which the inhabitants of Rhegium erected by the Strait of Sicily, which is indeed a little tower; and the tower called after Pelorus, which is situated opposite to this small column; also the structures called altars of the Philaeni, about midway in the land between the Syrtes; likewise it is recorded, that a certain pillar was formerly erected on the Isthmus of Corinth, which the Ionians who took possession of Attica and Megaris when they were driven out of the Peloponnesus, and those who settled in the Peloponnesus, set up in common, and inscribed on the side next Megaris, This is no longer Peloponnesus, but Ionia, and on the opposite, This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia. Alexander too erected altars as boundaries of his Indian campaign in those parts of the Indies he arrived at, which were situated farthest towards the east, in imitation of Hercules and Bacchus. That this custom existed, then, cannot be doubted.
3.5.7 Polybius relates that there is a spring within the sanctuary of Hercules at Gades, having a descent of a few steps to fresh water, which is affected in a manner the reverse of the sea tides, subsiding at the flow of the tide, and springing at the ebb. He assigns as the cause of this phenomenon, that air rises from the interior to the surface of the earth; when this surface is covered by the waves, at the rising of the sea, the air is deprived of its ordinary vents, and returns to the interior, stopping up the passages of the spring, and causing a want of water, but when the surface is again laid bare, the air having a direct exit liberates the channels which feed the spring, so that it gushes freely. Artemidorus rejects this explanation, and substitutes one of his own, recording at the same time the opinion of the historian Silanus; but neither one or other of their views seems to me worth relating, since both he and Silanus were ignorant in regard to these matters. Posidonius asserts that the entire account is false, and adds that there are two wells in the sanctuary of Hercules, and a third in the city. That the smaller of the two in the sanctuary of Hercules, if drawn from frequently, will become for a time exhausted, but that on ceasing to draw from it, it fills again: while in regard to the larger, it may be drawn from during the whole day; that it is true it becomes lower, like all other wells, but that it fills again during the night when drawing ceases. He adds that the ebb tide frequently happening to occur during the period of its re-filling, gave rise to the groundless belief of the inhabitants as to its being affected in an opposite manner to the tides of the ocean. However it is not only related by him that it is a commonly believed fact, but we have received it from tradition as much referred to amongst paradoxes. We have likewise heard that there are wells both within the city and also in the gardens without, but that on account of the inferiority of this water, tanks are generally constructed throughout the city for the supply of water: whether likewise any of these reservoirs give any signs of being affected in an opposite manner to the tides, we know not. If such be the case, the causes thereof should be received as amongst phenomena hard to be explained. It is likely that Polybius may have assigned the proper reason; but it is also likely that certain of the channels of the springs being damped outside become relaxed, and so let the water run out into the surrounding land, instead of forcing it along its ancient passage to the spring; and there will of course be moisture when the tide overflows. But if, as Athenodorus asserts, the ebb and flow resemble the inspiration and expiration of the breath, it is possible that some of the currents of water which naturally have an efflux on to the surface of the earth, through various channels, the mouths of which we denominate springs and fountains, are by other channels drawn towards the depths of the sea, and raise it, so as to produce a flood-tide; when the expiration is sufficient, they leave off the course in which they are then flowing, and again revert to their former direction, when that again takes a change.
5.1.7 These cities are situated high above the marshes; near to them is Patavium, the finest of all the cities in this district, and which at the time of the late census was said to contain 500 equites. Anciently it could muster an army of 120,000 men. The population and skill of this city is evinced by the vast amount of manufactured goods it sends to the Roman market, especially clothing of all kinds. It communicates with the sea by a river navigable from a large harbour at its mouth, the river runs across the marshes for a distance of 250 stadia. This harbour, as well as the river, is named Medoacus. Situated in the marshes is the great city of Ravenna, built entirely on piles, and traversed by canals, which you cross by bridges or ferry-boats. At the full tides it is washed by a considerable quantity of sea-water, as well as by the river, and thus the sewage is carried off, and the air purified; in fact, the district is considered so salubrious that the Roman governors have selected it as a spot to bring up and exercise the gladiators in. It is a remarkable peculiarity of this place, that, though situated in the midst of a marsh, the air is perfectly innocuous; the same is the case with respect to Alexandria in Egypt, where the malignity of the lake during summer is entirely removed by the rising of the river which covers over the mud. Another remarkable peculiarity is that of its vines, which, though growing in the marshes, make very quickly and yield a large amount of fruit, but perish in four or five years. Altinum stands likewise in the marshes, its situation being very similar to that of Ravenna. Between them is Butrium, a small city of Ravenna, and Spina, which is now a village, but was anciently a celebrated Grecian city. In fact, the treasures of the Spinitae are shown at Delphi, and it is, besides, reported in history that they had dominion over the sea. They say that it formerly stood on the sea; now, however, the district is inland about 90 stadia from the sea. Ravenna is reported to have been founded by Thessalians, who not being able to sustain the violence of the Tyrrheni, welcomed into their city some of the Ombrici, who still possess it, while they themselves returned home. These cities for the most part are surrounded, and, as it were, washed by the marshes.
5.1.11 Both in Cispadana and around the Po there are some fine cities. Placentia and Cremona, situated about the middle of the country, are close to each other. Between these and Ariminum, are Parma, Mutina, and Bononia, which is near to Ravenna; amongst these are smaller cities on the route to Rome, as Acara, Regium Lepidum, Campi Macri, where a public festival is held every year, Claterna, Forum Cornelium; while Faventia and Caesena, situated near to the river Savio and the Rubicon, are adjacent to Ariminum. Ariminum, like Ravenna, is an ancient colony of the Ombri. but both of them have received also Roman colonies. Ariminum has a port and a river of the same name as itself. From Placentia to Ariminum there are 1300 stadia. About 36 miles above Placentia, towards the boundaries of the kingdom of Cottius, is the city of Ticinum, by which flows a river bearing the same name, which falls into the Po, while a little out of the route are Clastidium, Derthon, and Aquae Statiellae. But the direct route to Ocelum, along the Po and the Doria river is full of precipices, intersected by numerous other rivers, one of which is the Druentia, and is about 160 miles long. Here commence the Alpine mountains and Keltica. Near to the mountains above Luna is the city of Lucca. Some of the people of this part of Italy dwell in villages, nevertheless it is well populated, and furnishes the greater part of the military force, and of equites, of whom the senate is partly composed. Derthon is a considerable city, situated about half way on the road from Genoa to Placentia, which are distant 400 stadia from each other. Aquae Statiellae is on the same route. That from Placentia to Ariminum we have already described, but the sail to Ravenna down the Po requires two days and nights. A great part of Cispadana likewise was covered by marshes, through which Hannibal passed with difficulty on his march into Tyrrhenia. But Scaurus drained the plains by navigable canals from the Po to the country of the Parmesans. For the Trebia meeting the Po near Placentia, and having previously received many other rivers, is over-swollen near this place. I allude to the Scaurus who also made the Aemilian road through Pisa and Luna as far as Sabbatorum, and thence through Derthon. There is another Aemilian road, which continues the Flaminian. For Marcus Lepidus and Caius Flaminius being colleagues in the consulship, and having vanquished the Ligurians, the one made the Via Flaminia from Rome across Tyrrhenia and Ombrica as far as the territory of Ariminum, the other, the road as far as Bononia, and thence to Aquileia by the roots of the Alps, and encircling the marshes. The boundaries which separate from the rest of Italy this country, which we designate Citerior Keltica, were marked by the Apennine mountains above Tyrrhenia and the river Esino, and afterwards by the Rubicon. Both these rivers fall into the Adriatic.
5.2.2 The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia received its name, and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king of Rome . Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts.
5.2.8 Along the whole coast between Poplonium and Pisa these islands are clearly visible; they are oblong, and all three nearly parallel, running towards the south and Libya. Aethalia is by far smaller than either of the other two. The chorographer says that the shortest passage from Libya to Sardinia is 300 miles. After Poplonium is the city of Cossae, situated at a short distance from the sea: there is at the head of the bay a high hill upon which it is built; below it lies the port of Hercules, and near to it a marsh formed by the sea. At the summit of the cape which commands the gulf is a lookout for thunnies; for the tunny pursues his course along the coast, from the Atlantic Ocean as far as Sicily, in search not only of acorns, but also of the fish which furnishes the purple dye. As one sails along the coast from Cossae to Ostia there are the towns of Gravisci, Pyrgi, Alsium, and Fregena. From Cossae to Gravisci is a distance of 300 stadia, and between them is the place named Regis-Villa. This is said to have been the royal residence of Maleos the Pelasgian; they report that after he had reigned here for some time, he departed with his Pelasgians to Athens. These were of the same tribe as those who occupied Agylla. From Gravisci to Pyrgi is a little less than 180 stadia, and the sea-port town of the Caeretani is 30 stadia farther. Pyrgi contains a sanctuary of Ilethyia founded by the Pelasgi, and which was formerly rich, but it was plundered by Dionysius the tyrant of the Sicilians, at the time of his voyage to Cyrnus. From Pyrgi to Ostia is 260 stadia; between the two are Alsium and Fregena. Such is our account of the coast of Tyrrhenia. 5.2.9 In the interior of the country, besides the cities already mentioned, there are Arretium, Perusia, Volsinii, Sutrium; and in addition to these are numerous small cities, as Blera, Ferentinum, Falerium, Faliscum, Nepita, Statonia, and many others; some of which exist in their original state, others have been colonized by the Romans, or partially ruined by them in their wars, viz. those they frequently waged against the Veii and the Fidenae. Some say that the inhabitants of Falerium are not Tyrrhenians, but Falisci, a distinct nation; others state further, that the Falisci speak a language peculiar to themselves; some again would make it Aequum-Faliscum on the Via Flaminia, lying between Ocricli and Rome. Below Mount Soracte is the city of Feronia, having the same name as a certain goddess of the country, highly reverenced by the surrounding people: here is her sanctuary, in which a remarkable ceremony is performed, for those possessed by the divinity pass over a large bed of burning coal and ashes barefoot, unhurt. A great concourse of people assemble to assist at the festival, which is celebrated yearly, and to see the said spectacle. Arretium, near the mountains, is the most inland city: it is distant from Rome 1200 stadia: from Clusium to Rome is 800 stadia. Near to these two cities is Perusia. The large and numerous lakes add to the fertility of this country, they are navigable, and stocked with fish and aquatic birds. Large quantities of typha, papyrus, and anthela are transported to Rome, up the rivers which flow from these lakes to the Tiber. Among these are the lake Ciminius, and those near the Volsinii, and Clusium, and Sabatus, which is nearest to Rome and the sea, and the farthest Trasumennus, near Arretium. Along this is the pass by which armies can proceed from Cisalpine Keltica into Tyrrhenia; this is the one followed by Hannibal. There are two; the other leads towards Ariminum across Ombrica, and is preferable as the mountains are considerably lower; however, as this was carefully guarded, Hannibal was compelled to take the more difficult, which he succeeded in forcing after having vanquished Flaminius in a decisive engagement. There are likewise in Tyrrhenia numerous hot springs, which on account of their proximity to Rome, are not less frequented than those of Baiae, which are the most famous of all.
5.3.7 In the interior, the first city above Ostia is Rome; it is the only city built on the Tiber. It has been remarked above, that its position was fixed, not by choice, but necessity; to this must be added, that those who afterwards enlarged it, were not at liberty to select a better site, being prevented by what was already built. The first kings fortified the Capitol, the Palatium, and the Collis Quirinalis, which was so easy of access, that when Titus Tatius came to avenge the rape of the Sabine virgins, he took it on the first assault. Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Caelius and the Aventine Mount with the intermediate plain, separated as these places were both from each other and from what had been formerly fortified, was compelled to do this of necessity; since he did not consider it proper to leave outside his walls, heights so well protected by nature, to whomsoever might have a mind to fortify themselves upon them, while at the same time he was not capable of enclosing the whole as far as Mount Quirinus. Servius perceived this defect, and added the Esquiline and Viminal hills. As these were both of easy access from without, a deep trench was dug outside them and the earth thrown up on the inside, thus forming a terrace of 6 stadia in length along the inner side of the trench. This terrace he surmounted with a wall flanked with towers, and extending from the Colline to the Esquiline gate. Midway along the terrace is a third gate, named after the Viminal hill. Such is the Roman rampart, which seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself. But it seems to me that the first founders were of opinion, both in regard to themselves and their successors, that Romans had to depend not on fortifications, but on arms and their individual valour, both for safety and for wealth, and that walls were not a defence to men, but men were a defence to walls. At the period of its commencement, when the large and fertile districts surrounding the city belonged to others, and while it lay easily open to assault, there was nothing in its position which could be looked upon as favourable; but when by valour and labour these districts became its own, there succeeded a tide of prosperity surpassing the advantages of every other place. Thus, notwithstanding the prodigious increase of the city, there has been plenty of food, and also of wood and stone for ceaseless building, rendered necessary by the falling down of houses, and on account of conflagrations, and of the sales, which seem never to cease. These sales are a kind of voluntary falling down of houses, each owner knocking down and rebuilding one part or another, according to his individual taste. For these purposes the numerous quarries, the forests, and the rivers which convey the materials, offer wonderful facilities. of these rivers, the first is the Teverone, which flows from Alba, a city of the Latins near to the country of the Marsi, and from thence through the plain below this city, till it unites with the Tiber. After this come the Nera (Nar) and the Timia, which passing through Ombrica fall into the Tiber, and the Chiana, which flows through Tyrrhenia and the territory of Clusiumn. Augustus Caesar endeavoured to avert from the city damages of the kind alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen, who should be ready to lend their assistance in cases of conflagration; whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried so high as formerly, and that those erected along the public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height. But these improvements must have ceased only for the facilities afforded by the quarries, the forests, and the ease of transport.
6.1.2 These, then, are the places on the Tyrrhenian seaboard that belong to the Leucani. As for the other sea, they could not reach it at first; in fact, the Greeks who held the Gulf of Tarentum were in control there. Before the Greeks came, however, the Leucani were as yet not even in existence, and the regions were occupied by the Chones and the Oinotri. But after the Samnitae had grown considerably in power, and had ejected the Chones and the Oinotri, and had settled a colony of Leucani in this portion of Italy, while at the same time the Greeks were holding possession of both seaboards as far as the Strait, the Greeks and the barbarians carried on war with one another for a long time. Then the tyrants of Sicily, and afterwards the Carthaginians, at one time at war with the Romans for the possession of Sicily and at another for the possession of Italy itself, maltreated all the peoples in this part of the world, but especially the Greeks. Later on, beginning from the time of the Trojan war, the Greeks had taken away from the earlier inhabitants much of the interior country also, and indeed had increased in power to such an extent that they called this part of Italy, together with Sicily, Magna Graecia. But today all parts of it, except Taras, Rhegium, and Neapolis, have become completely barbarized, and some parts have been taken and are held by the Leucani and the Brettii, and others by the Campani — that is, nominally by the Campani but in truth by the Romans, since the Campani themselves have become Romans. However, the man who busies himself with the description of the earth must needs speak, not only of the facts of the present, but also sometimes of the facts of the past, especially when they are notable. As for the Leucani, I have already spoken of those whose territory borders on the Tyrrhenian sea, while those who hold the interior are the people who live above the Gulf of Tarentum. But the latter, and the Brettii, and the Samnitae themselves (the progenitors of these peoples) have so utterly deteriorated that it is difficult even to distinguish their several settlements; and the reason is that no common organization longer endures in any one of the separate tribes; and their characteristic differences in language, armor, dress, and the like, have completely disappeared; and, besides, their settlements, severally and in detail, are wholly without repute.' "
6.1.12 The first city is Croton, within one hundred and fifty stadia from the Lacinium; and then comes the River Aesarus, and a harbor, and another river, the Neaethus. The Neaethus got its name, it is said, from what occurred there: Certain of the Achaeans who had strayed from the Trojan fleet put in there and disembarked for an inspection of the region, and when the Trojan women who were sailing with them learned that the boats were empty of men, they set fire to the boats, for they were weary of the voyage, so that the men remained there of necessity, although they at the same time noticed that the soil was very fertile. And immediately several other groups, on the strength of their racial kinship, came and imitated them, and thus arose many settlements, most of which took their names from the Trojans; and also a river, the Neaethus, took its appellation from the aforementioned occurrence. According to Antiochus, when the god told the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus departed to inspect the place, but when he saw that Sybaris was already founded — having the same name as the river near by — he judged that Sybaris was better; at all events, he questioned the god again when he returned whether it would be better to found this instead of Croton, and the god replied to him (Myscellus was a hunchback as it happened): Myscellus, short of back, in searching else outside thy track, thou hunt'st for morsels only; 'tis right that what one giveth thee thou do approve; and Myscellus came back and founded Croton, having as an associate Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happened to sail up while on his way to found Syracuse. The Iapyges used to live at Croton in earlier times, as Ephorus says. And the city is reputed to have cultivated warfare and athletics; at any rate, in one Olympian festival the seven men who took the lead over all others in the stadium-race were all Crotoniates, and therefore the saying The last of the Crotoniates was the first among all other Greeks seems reasonable. And this, it is said, is what gave rise to the other proverb, more healthful than Croton, the belief being that the place contains something that tends to health and bodily vigor, to judge by the multitude of its athletes. Accordingly, it had a very large number of Olympic victors, although it did not remain inhabited a long time, on account of the ruinous loss of its citizens who fell in such great numbers at the River Sagra. And its fame was increased by the large number of its Pythagorean philosophers, and by Milo, who was the most illustrious of athletes, and also a companion of Pythagoras, who spent a long time in the city. It is said that once, at the common mess of the philosophers, when a pillar began to give way, Milo slipped in under the burden and saved them all, and then drew himself from under it and escaped. And it is probably because he relied upon this same strength that he brought on himself the end of his life as reported by some writers; at any rate, the story is told that once, when he was travelling through a deep forest, he strayed rather far from the road, and then, on finding a large log cleft with wedges, thrust his hands and feet at the same time into the cleft and strained to split the log completely asunder; but he was only strong enough to make the wedges fall out, whereupon the two parts of the log instantly snapped together; and caught in such a trap as that, he became food for wild beasts." 6.1.14 After Thurii comes Lagaria, a stronghold, founded by Epeius and the Phocaeans; thence comes the Lagaritan wine, which is sweet, mild, and extremely well thought of among physicians. That of Thurii, too, is one of the famous wines. Then comes the city Heracleia, a short distance above the sea; and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the Siris there used to be a Trojan city of the same name, but in time, when Heracleia was colonized thence by the Tarantini, it became the port of the Heracleotes. It is twenty-four stadia distant from Heracleia and about three hundred and thirty from Thurii. Writers produce as proof of its settlement by the Trojans the wooden image of the Trojan Athene which is set up there — the image that closed its eyes, the fable goes, when the suppliants were dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city; for these Ionians came there as colonists when in flight from the dominion of the Lydians, and by force took the city, which belonged to the Chones, and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called Trojan Athena, as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the Teuthras were founded by the Rhodians. According to Antiochus, when the Tarantini were at war with the Thurii and their general Cleandridas, an exile from Lacedemon, for the possession of the territory of Siris, they made a compromise and peopled Siris jointly, although it was adjudged the colony of the Tarantini; but later on it was called Heracleia, its site as well as its name being changed.' "
6.4.2 Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father." "
8.6.23 The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows." "
17.1.12 At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute, and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and which of right falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freedmen and stewards, who are entrusted with affairs of more or less importance.Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge. The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation at the state of things when lie was there: he describes the inhabitants of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil affairs. Tile second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body ; for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens; but still they were better than the mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions, frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of the poet (says Polybius) were verified: The way to Egypt is long and vexatious." 17.3.24 Such, then, is the disposition of the parts of the world which we inhabit. But since the Romans have surpassed (in power) all former rulers of whom we have any record, and possess the choicest and best known parts of it, it will be suitable to our subject briefly to refer to their Empire.It has been already stated how this people, beginning from the single city of Rome, obtained possession of the whole of Italy, by warfare and prudent administration; and how, afterwards, following the same wise course, they added the countries all around it to their dominion.of the three continents, they possess nearly the whole of Europe, with the exception only of the parts beyond the Danube, (to the north,) and the tracts on the verge of the ocean, comprehended between the Rhine and the Tanais.of Africa, the whole sea-coast on the Mediterranean is in their power; the rest of that country is uninhabited, or the inhabitants only lead a miserable and nomad life.of Asia likewise, the whole sea-coast in our direction (on the west) is subject to them, unless indeed any account is to be taken of the Achei, Zygi, and Heniochi, who are robbers and nomads, living in confined and wretched districts. of the interior, and of the parts far inland, the Romans possess one portion, and the Parthians, or the barbarians beyond them, the other; on the east and north are Indians, Bactrians, and Scythians; then (on the south) Arabians and Ethiopians; but territory is continually being abstracted from these people by the Romans.of all these countries some are governed by (native) kings, but the rest are under the immediate authority of Rome, under the title of provinces, to which are sent governors and collectors of tribute; there are also some free cities, which from the first sought the friendship of Rome, or obtained their freedom as a mark of honour. Subject to her also are some princes, chiefs of tribes, and priests, who (are permitted) to live in conformity with their national laws.' "17.3.25 The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates." ' None |
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33. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Polybius
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 65; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 65
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