| 1. Septuagint, Amos, 1.1.11-1.1.12, 9.11 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 128, 172 |
| 2. Septuagint, Malachi, 4.4, 7.1, 8.3, 9.6, 40.9, 67.8-67.13 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76, 79, 322 |
3. Hebrew Bible, Job, 5.17-5.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, ancient writings, interest in •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 307| 5.17. "הִנֵּה אַשְׁרֵי אֱנוֹשׁ יוֹכִחֶנּוּ אֱלוֹהַּ וּמוּסַר שַׁדַּי אַל־תִּמְאָס׃", 5.18. "כִּי הוּא יַכְאִיב וְיֶחְבָּשׁ יִמְחַץ וידו [וְיָדָיו] תִּרְפֶּינָה׃", | 5.17. "Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth; Therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty.", 5.18. "For He maketh sore, and bindeth up; He woundeth, and His hands make whole.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 68, 128, 130, 200 | 49.10. "The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.26, 35.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80, 307| 15.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר אִם־שָׁמוֹעַ תִּשְׁמַע לְקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְהַיָּשָׁר בְּעֵינָיו תַּעֲשֶׂה וְהַאֲזַנְתָּ לְמִצְוֺתָיו וְשָׁמַרְתָּ כָּל־חֻקָּיו כָּל־הַמַּחֲלָה אֲשֶׁר־שַׂמְתִּי בְמִצְרַיִם לֹא־אָשִׂים עָלֶיךָ כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה רֹפְאֶךָ׃", 35.3. "לֹא־תְבַעֲרוּ אֵשׁ בְּכֹל מֹשְׁבֹתֵיכֶם בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת׃", 35.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר מֹשֶׁה אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל רְאוּ קָרָא יְהוָה בְּשֵׁם בְּצַלְאֵל בֶּן־אוּרִי בֶן־חוּר לְמַטֵּה יְהוּדָה׃", | 15.26. "and He said: ‘If thou wilt diligently hearken to the voice of the LORD thy God, and wilt do that which is right in His eyes, and wilt give ear to His commandments, and keep all His statutes, I will put none of the diseases upon thee, which I have put upon the Egyptians; for I am the LORD that healeth thee.’", 35.3. "Ye shall kindle no fire throughout your habitations upon the sabbath day.’", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 5.21, 7.13-7.15, 11.13, 23.1, 23.13-23.15, 28.1-28.68, 30.15-30.20, 32.39 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and agriculture •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, number of •josephus essenes, wealth and communality •josephus essenes, ancient writings, interest in •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, synagogues and •josephus essenes, death and afterlife beliefs Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 69, 79, 80, 81, 82, 100, 307| 5.21. "וַתֹּאמְרוּ הֵן הֶרְאָנוּ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ אֶת־כְּבֹדוֹ וְאֶת־גָּדְלוֹ וְאֶת־קֹלוֹ שָׁמַעְנוּ מִתּוֹךְ הָאֵשׁ הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה רָאִינוּ כִּי־יְדַבֵּר אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם וָחָי׃", 7.13. "וַאֲהֵבְךָ וּבֵרַכְךָ וְהִרְבֶּךָ וּבֵרַךְ פְּרִי־בִטְנְךָ וּפְרִי־אַדְמָתֶךָ דְּגָנְךָ וְתִירֹשְׁךָ וְיִצְהָרֶךָ שְׁגַר־אֲלָפֶיךָ וְעַשְׁתְּרֹת צֹאנֶךָ עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־נִשְׁבַּע לַאֲבֹתֶיךָ לָתֶת לָךְ׃", 7.14. "בָּרוּךְ תִּהְיֶה מִכָּל־הָעַמִּים לֹא־יִהְיֶה בְךָ עָקָר וַעֲקָרָה וּבִבְהֶמְתֶּךָ׃", 7.15. "וְהֵסִיר יְהוָה מִמְּךָ כָּל־חֹלִי וְכָל־מַדְוֵי מִצְרַיִם הָרָעִים אֲשֶׁר יָדַעְתָּ לֹא יְשִׂימָם בָּךְ וּנְתָנָם בְּכָל־שֹׂנְאֶיךָ׃", 11.13. "וְהָיָה אִם־שָׁמֹעַ תִּשְׁמְעוּ אֶל־מִצְוֺתַי אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם הַיּוֹם לְאַהֲבָה אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם וּלְעָבְדוֹ בְּכָל־לְבַבְכֶם וּבְכָל־נַפְשְׁכֶם׃", 23.1. "לֹא־יִקַּח אִישׁ אֶת־אֵשֶׁת אָבִיו וְלֹא יְגַלֶּה כְּנַף אָבִיו׃", 23.1. "כִּי־תֵצֵא מַחֲנֶה עַל־אֹיְבֶיךָ וְנִשְׁמַרְתָּ מִכֹּל דָּבָר רָע׃", 23.13. "וְיָד תִּהְיֶה לְךָ מִחוּץ לַמַּחֲנֶה וְיָצָאתָ שָׁמָּה חוּץ׃", 23.14. "וְיָתֵד תִּהְיֶה לְךָ עַל־אֲזֵנֶךָ וְהָיָה בְּשִׁבְתְּךָ חוּץ וְחָפַרְתָּה בָהּ וְשַׁבְתָּ וְכִסִּיתָ אֶת־צֵאָתֶךָ׃", 23.15. "כִּי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ מִתְהַלֵּךְ בְּקֶרֶב מַחֲנֶךָ לְהַצִּילְךָ וְלָתֵת אֹיְבֶיךָ לְפָנֶיךָ וְהָיָה מַחֲנֶיךָ קָדוֹשׁ וְלֹא־יִרְאֶה בְךָ עֶרְוַת דָּבָר וְשָׁב מֵאַחֲרֶיךָ׃", 28.1. "וְהָיָה אִם־שָׁמוֹעַ תִּשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִשְׁמֹר לַעֲשׂוֹת אֶת־כָּל־מִצְוֺתָיו אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם וּנְתָנְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ עֶלְיוֹן עַל כָּל־גּוֹיֵי הָאָרֶץ׃", 28.1. "וְרָאוּ כָּל־עַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ כִּי שֵׁם יְהוָה נִקְרָא עָלֶיךָ וְיָרְאוּ מִמֶּךָּ׃", 28.2. "יְשַׁלַּח יְהוָה בְּךָ אֶת־הַמְּאֵרָה אֶת־הַמְּהוּמָה וְאֶת־הַמִּגְעֶרֶת בְּכָל־מִשְׁלַח יָדְךָ אֲשֶׁר תַּעֲשֶׂה עַד הִשָּׁמֶדְךָ וְעַד־אֲבָדְךָ מַהֵר מִפְּנֵי רֹעַ מַעֲלָלֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר עֲזַבְתָּנִי׃", 28.2. "וּבָאוּ עָלֶיךָ כָּל־הַבְּרָכוֹת הָאֵלֶּה וְהִשִּׂיגֻךָ כִּי תִשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 28.3. "בָּרוּךְ אַתָּה בָּעִיר וּבָרוּךְ אַתָּה בַּשָּׂדֶה׃", 28.3. "אִשָּׁה תְאָרֵשׂ וְאִישׁ אַחֵר ישגלנה [יִשְׁכָּבֶנָּה] בַּיִת תִּבְנֶה וְלֹא־תֵשֵׁב בּוֹ כֶּרֶם תִּטַּע וְלֹא תְחַלְּלֶּנּוּ׃", 28.4. "זֵיתִים יִהְיוּ לְךָ בְּכָל־גְּבוּלֶךָ וְשֶׁמֶן לֹא תָסוּךְ כִּי יִשַּׁל זֵיתֶךָ׃", 28.4. "בָּרוּךְ פְּרִי־בִטְנְךָ וּפְרִי אַדְמָתְךָ וּפְרִי בְהֶמְתֶּךָ שְׁגַר אֲלָפֶיךָ וְעַשְׁתְּרוֹת צֹאנֶךָ׃", 28.5. "גּוֹי עַז פָּנִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יִשָּׂא פָנִים לְזָקֵן וְנַעַר לֹא יָחֹן׃", 28.5. "בָּרוּךְ טַנְאֲךָ וּמִשְׁאַרְתֶּךָ׃", 28.6. "בָּרוּךְ אַתָּה בְּבֹאֶךָ וּבָרוּךְ אַתָּה בְּצֵאתֶךָ׃", 28.6. "וְהֵשִׁיב בְּךָ אֵת כָּל־מַדְוֵה מִצְרַיִם אֲשֶׁר יָגֹרְתָּ מִפְּנֵיהֶם וְדָבְקוּ בָּךְ׃", 28.7. "יִתֵּן יְהוָה אֶת־אֹיְבֶיךָ הַקָּמִים עָלֶיךָ נִגָּפִים לְפָנֶיךָ בְּדֶרֶךְ אֶחָד יֵצְאוּ אֵלֶיךָ וּבְשִׁבְעָה דְרָכִים יָנוּסוּ לְפָנֶיךָ׃", 28.8. "יְצַו יְהוָה אִתְּךָ אֶת־הַבְּרָכָה בַּאֲסָמֶיךָ וּבְכֹל מִשְׁלַח יָדֶךָ וּבֵרַכְךָ בָּאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ׃", 28.9. "יְקִימְךָ יְהוָה לוֹ לְעַם קָדוֹשׁ כַּאֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע־לָךְ כִּי תִשְׁמֹר אֶת־מִצְוֺת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְהָלַכְתָּ בִּדְרָכָיו׃", 28.11. "וְהוֹתִרְךָ יְהוָה לְטוֹבָה בִּפְרִי בִטְנְךָ וּבִפְרִי בְהַמְתְּךָ וּבִפְרִי אַדְמָתֶךָ עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לַאֲבֹתֶיךָ לָתֶת לָךְ׃", 28.12. "יִפְתַּח יְהוָה לְךָ אֶת־אוֹצָרוֹ הַטּוֹב אֶת־הַשָּׁמַיִם לָתֵת מְטַר־אַרְצְךָ בְּעִתּוֹ וּלְבָרֵךְ אֵת כָּל־מַעֲשֵׂה יָדֶךָ וְהִלְוִיתָ גּוֹיִם רַבִּים וְאַתָּה לֹא תִלְוֶה׃", 28.13. "וּנְתָנְךָ יְהוָה לְרֹאשׁ וְלֹא לְזָנָב וְהָיִיתָ רַק לְמַעְלָה וְלֹא תִהְיֶה לְמָטָּה כִּי־תִשְׁמַע אֶל־מִצְוֺת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם לִשְׁמֹר וְלַעֲשׂוֹת׃", 28.14. "וְלֹא תָסוּר מִכָּל־הַדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם הַיּוֹם יָמִין וּשְׂמֹאול לָלֶכֶת אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים לְעָבְדָם׃", 28.15. "וְהָיָה אִם־לֹא תִשְׁמַע בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִשְׁמֹר לַעֲשׂוֹת אֶת־כָּל־מִצְוֺתָיו וְחֻקֹּתָיו אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם וּבָאוּ עָלֶיךָ כָּל־הַקְּלָלוֹת הָאֵלֶּה וְהִשִּׂיגוּךָ׃", 28.16. "אָרוּר אַתָּה בָּעִיר וְאָרוּר אַתָּה בַּשָּׂדֶה׃", 28.17. "אָרוּר טַנְאֲךָ וּמִשְׁאַרְתֶּךָ׃", 28.18. "אָרוּר פְּרִי־בִטְנְךָ וּפְרִי אַדְמָתֶךָ שְׁגַר אֲלָפֶיךָ וְעַשְׁתְּרוֹת צֹאנֶךָ׃", 28.19. "אָרוּר אַתָּה בְּבֹאֶךָ וְאָרוּר אַתָּה בְּצֵאתֶךָ׃", 28.21. "יַדְבֵּק יְהוָה בְּךָ אֶת־הַדָּבֶר עַד כַּלֹּתוֹ אֹתְךָ מֵעַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־אַתָּה בָא־שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", 28.22. "יַכְּכָה יְהוָה בַּשַּׁחֶפֶת וּבַקַּדַּחַת וּבַדַּלֶּקֶת וּבַחַרְחֻר וּבַחֶרֶב וּבַשִּׁדָּפוֹן וּבַיֵּרָקוֹן וּרְדָפוּךָ עַד אָבְדֶךָ׃", 28.23. "וְהָיוּ שָׁמֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר עַל־רֹאשְׁךָ נְחֹשֶׁת וְהָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־תַּחְתֶּיךָ בַּרְזֶל׃", 28.24. "יִתֵּן יְהוָה אֶת־מְטַר אַרְצְךָ אָבָק וְעָפָר מִן־הַשָּׁמַיִם יֵרֵד עָלֶיךָ עַד הִשָּׁמְדָךְ׃", 28.25. "יִתֶּנְךָ יְהוָה נִגָּף לִפְנֵי אֹיְבֶיךָ בְּדֶרֶךְ אֶחָד תֵּצֵא אֵלָיו וּבְשִׁבְעָה דְרָכִים תָּנוּס לְפָנָיו וְהָיִיתָ לְזַעֲוָה לְכֹל מַמְלְכוֹת הָאָרֶץ׃", 28.26. "וְהָיְתָה נִבְלָתְךָ לְמַאֲכָל לְכָל־עוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְבֶהֱמַת הָאָרֶץ וְאֵין מַחֲרִיד׃", 28.27. "יַכְּכָה יְהוָה בִּשְׁחִין מִצְרַיִם ובעפלים [וּבַטְּחֹרִים] וּבַגָּרָב וּבֶחָרֶס אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תוּכַל לְהֵרָפֵא׃", 28.28. "יַכְּכָה יְהוָה בְּשִׁגָּעוֹן וּבְעִוָּרוֹן וּבְתִמְהוֹן לֵבָב׃", 28.29. "וְהָיִיתָ מְמַשֵּׁשׁ בַּצָּהֳרַיִם כַּאֲשֶׁר יְמַשֵּׁשׁ הָעִוֵּר בָּאֲפֵלָה וְלֹא תַצְלִיחַ אֶת־דְּרָכֶיךָ וְהָיִיתָ אַךְ עָשׁוּק וְגָזוּל כָּל־הַיָּמִים וְאֵין מוֹשִׁיעַ׃", 28.31. "שׁוֹרְךָ טָבוּחַ לְעֵינֶיךָ וְלֹא תֹאכַל מִמֶּנּוּ חֲמֹרְךָ גָּזוּל מִלְּפָנֶיךָ וְלֹא יָשׁוּב לָךְ צֹאנְךָ נְתֻנוֹת לְאֹיְבֶיךָ וְאֵין לְךָ מוֹשִׁיעַ׃", 28.32. "בָּנֶיךָ וּבְנֹתֶיךָ נְתֻנִים לְעַם אַחֵר וְעֵינֶיךָ רֹאוֹת וְכָלוֹת אֲלֵיהֶם כָּל־הַיּוֹם וְאֵין לְאֵל יָדֶךָ׃", 28.33. "פְּרִי אַדְמָתְךָ וְכָל־יְגִיעֲךָ יֹאכַל עַם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדָעְתָּ וְהָיִיתָ רַק עָשׁוּק וְרָצוּץ כָּל־הַיָּמִים׃", 28.34. "וְהָיִיתָ מְשֻׁגָּע מִמַּרְאֵה עֵינֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר תִּרְאֶה׃", 28.35. "יַכְּכָה יְהוָה בִּשְׁחִין רָע עַל־הַבִּרְכַּיִם וְעַל־הַשֹּׁקַיִם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תוּכַל לְהֵרָפֵא מִכַּף רַגְלְךָ וְעַד קָדְקֳדֶךָ׃", 28.36. "יוֹלֵךְ יְהוָה אֹתְךָ וְאֶת־מַלְכְּךָ אֲשֶׁר תָּקִים עָלֶיךָ אֶל־גּוֹי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדַעְתָּ אַתָּה וַאֲבֹתֶיךָ וְעָבַדְתָּ שָּׁם אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים עֵץ וָאָבֶן׃", 28.37. "וְהָיִיתָ לְשַׁמָּה לְמָשָׁל וְלִשְׁנִינָה בְּכֹל הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר־יְנַהֶגְךָ יְהוָה שָׁמָּה׃", 28.38. "זֶרַע רַב תּוֹצִיא הַשָּׂדֶה וּמְעַט תֶּאֱסֹף כִּי יַחְסְלֶנּוּ הָאַרְבֶּה׃", 28.39. "כְּרָמִים תִּטַּע וְעָבָדְתָּ וְיַיִן לֹא־תִשְׁתֶּה וְלֹא תֶאֱגֹר כִּי תֹאכְלֶנּוּ הַתֹּלָעַת׃", 28.41. "בָּנִים וּבָנוֹת תּוֹלִיד וְלֹא־יִהְיוּ לָךְ כִּי יֵלְכוּ בַּשֶּׁבִי׃", 28.42. "כָּל־עֵצְךָ וּפְרִי אַדְמָתֶךָ יְיָרֵשׁ הַצְּלָצַל׃", 28.43. "הַגֵּר אֲשֶׁר בְּקִרְבְּךָ יַעֲלֶה עָלֶיךָ מַעְלָה מָּעְלָה וְאַתָּה תֵרֵד מַטָּה מָּטָּה׃", 28.44. "הוּא יַלְוְךָ וְאַתָּה לֹא תַלְוֶנּוּ הוּא יִהְיֶה לְרֹאשׁ וְאַתָּה תִּהְיֶה לְזָנָב׃", 28.45. "וּבָאוּ עָלֶיךָ כָּל־הַקְּלָלוֹת הָאֵלֶּה וּרְדָפוּךָ וְהִשִּׂיגוּךָ עַד הִשָּׁמְדָךְ כִּי־לֹא שָׁמַעְתָּ בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִשְׁמֹר מִצְוֺתָיו וְחֻקֹּתָיו אֲשֶׁר צִוָּךְ׃", 28.46. "וְהָיוּ בְךָ לְאוֹת וּלְמוֹפֵת וּבְזַרְעֲךָ עַד־עוֹלָם׃", 28.47. "תַּחַת אֲשֶׁר לֹא־עָבַדְתָּ אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בְּשִׂמְחָה וּבְטוּב לֵבָב מֵרֹב כֹּל׃", 28.48. "וְעָבַדְתָּ אֶת־אֹיְבֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר יְשַׁלְּחֶנּוּ יְהוָה בָּךְ בְּרָעָב וּבְצָמָא וּבְעֵירֹם וּבְחֹסֶר כֹּל וְנָתַן עֹל בַּרְזֶל עַל־צַוָּארֶךָ עַד הִשְׁמִידוֹ אֹתָךְ׃", 28.49. "יִשָּׂא יְהוָה עָלֶיךָ גּוֹי מֵרָחוֹק מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ כַּאֲשֶׁר יִדְאֶה הַנָּשֶׁר גּוֹי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־תִשְׁמַע לְשֹׁנוֹ׃", 28.51. "וְאָכַל פְּרִי בְהֶמְתְּךָ וּפְרִי־אַדְמָתְךָ עַד הִשָּׁמְדָךְ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יַשְׁאִיר לְךָ דָּגָן תִּירוֹשׁ וְיִצְהָר שְׁגַר אֲלָפֶיךָ וְעַשְׁתְּרֹת צֹאנֶךָ עַד הַאֲבִידוֹ אֹתָךְ׃", 28.52. "וְהֵצַר לְךָ בְּכָל־שְׁעָרֶיךָ עַד רֶדֶת חֹמֹתֶיךָ הַגְּבֹהוֹת וְהַבְּצֻרוֹת אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה בֹּטֵחַ בָּהֵן בְּכָל־אַרְצֶךָ וְהֵצַר לְךָ בְּכָל־שְׁעָרֶיךָ בְּכָל־אַרְצְךָ אֲשֶׁר נָתַן יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לָךְ׃", 28.53. "וְאָכַלְתָּ פְרִי־בִטְנְךָ בְּשַׂר בָּנֶיךָ וּבְנֹתֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר נָתַן־לְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בְּמָצוֹר וּבְמָצוֹק אֲשֶׁר־יָצִיק לְךָ אֹיְבֶךָ׃", 28.54. "הָאִישׁ הָרַךְ בְּךָ וְהֶעָנֹג מְאֹד תֵּרַע עֵינוֹ בְאָחִיו וּבְאֵשֶׁת חֵיקוֹ וּבְיֶתֶר בָּנָיו אֲשֶׁר יוֹתִיר׃", 28.55. "מִתֵּת לְאַחַד מֵהֶם מִבְּשַׂר בָּנָיו אֲשֶׁר יֹאכֵל מִבְּלִי הִשְׁאִיר־לוֹ כֹּל בְּמָצוֹר וּבְמָצוֹק אֲשֶׁר יָצִיק לְךָ אֹיִבְךָ בְּכָל־שְׁעָרֶיךָ׃", 28.56. "הָרַכָּה בְךָ וְהָעֲנֻגָּה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־נִסְּתָה כַף־רַגְלָהּ הַצֵּג עַל־הָאָרֶץ מֵהִתְעַנֵּג וּמֵרֹךְ תֵּרַע עֵינָהּ בְּאִישׁ חֵיקָהּ וּבִבְנָהּ וּבְבִתָּהּ׃", 28.57. "וּבְשִׁלְיָתָהּ הַיּוֹצֵת מִבֵּין רַגְלֶיהָ וּבְבָנֶיהָ אֲשֶׁר תֵּלֵד כִּי־תֹאכְלֵם בְּחֹסֶר־כֹּל בַּסָּתֶר בְּמָצוֹר וּבְמָצוֹק אֲשֶׁר יָצִיק לְךָ אֹיִבְךָ בִּשְׁעָרֶיךָ׃", 28.58. "אִם־לֹא תִשְׁמֹר לַעֲשׂוֹת אֶת־כָּל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה הַזֹּאת הַכְּתוּבִים בַּסֵּפֶר הַזֶּה לְיִרְאָה אֶת־הַשֵּׁם הַנִּכְבָּד וְהַנּוֹרָא הַזֶּה אֵת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 28.59. "וְהִפְלָא יְהוָה אֶת־מַכֹּתְךָ וְאֵת מַכּוֹת זַרְעֶךָ מַכּוֹת גְּדֹלוֹת וְנֶאֱמָנוֹת וָחֳלָיִם רָעִים וְנֶאֱמָנִים׃", 28.61. "גַּם כָּל־חֳלִי וְכָל־מַכָּה אֲשֶׁר לֹא כָתוּב בְּסֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה הַזֹּאת יַעְלֵם יְהוָה עָלֶיךָ עַד הִשָּׁמְדָךְ׃", 28.62. "וְנִשְׁאַרְתֶּם בִּמְתֵי מְעָט תַּחַת אֲשֶׁר הֱיִיתֶם כְּכוֹכְבֵי הַשָּׁמַיִם לָרֹב כִּי־לֹא שָׁמַעְתָּ בְּקוֹל יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 28.63. "וְהָיָה כַּאֲשֶׁר־שָׂשׂ יְהוָה עֲלֵיכֶם לְהֵיטִיב אֶתְכֶם וּלְהַרְבּוֹת אֶתְכֶם כֵּן יָשִׂישׂ יְהוָה עֲלֵיכֶם לְהַאֲבִיד אֶתְכֶם וּלְהַשְׁמִיד אֶתְכֶם וְנִסַּחְתֶּם מֵעַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־אַתָּה בָא־שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", 28.64. "וֶהֱפִיצְךָ יְהוָה בְּכָל־הָעַמִּים מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ וְעַד־קְצֵה הָאָרֶץ וְעָבַדְתָּ שָּׁם אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדַעְתָּ אַתָּה וַאֲבֹתֶיךָ עֵץ וָאָבֶן׃", 28.65. "וּבַגּוֹיִם הָהֵם לֹא תַרְגִּיעַ וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה מָנוֹחַ לְכַף־רַגְלֶךָ וְנָתַן יְהוָה לְךָ שָׁם לֵב רַגָּז וְכִלְיוֹן עֵינַיִם וְדַאֲבוֹן נָפֶשׁ׃", 28.66. "וְהָיוּ חַיֶּיךָ תְּלֻאִים לְךָ מִנֶּגֶד וּפָחַדְתָּ לַיְלָה וְיוֹמָם וְלֹא תַאֲמִין בְּחַיֶּיךָ׃", 28.67. "בַּבֹּקֶר תֹּאמַר מִי־יִתֵּן עֶרֶב וּבָעֶרֶב תֹּאמַר מִי־יִתֵּן בֹּקֶר מִפַּחַד לְבָבְךָ אֲשֶׁר תִּפְחָד וּמִמַּרְאֵה עֵינֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר תִּרְאֶה׃", 28.68. "וֶהֱשִׁיבְךָ יְהוָה מִצְרַיִם בָּאֳנִיּוֹת בַּדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר אָמַרְתִּי לְךָ לֹא־תֹסִיף עוֹד לִרְאֹתָהּ וְהִתְמַכַּרְתֶּם שָׁם לְאֹיְבֶיךָ לַעֲבָדִים וְלִשְׁפָחוֹת וְאֵין קֹנֶה׃", 30.15. "רְאֵה נָתַתִּי לְפָנֶיךָ הַיּוֹם אֶת־הַחַיִּים וְאֶת־הַטּוֹב וְאֶת־הַמָּוֶת וְאֶת־הָרָע׃", 30.16. "אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם לְאַהֲבָה אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לָלֶכֶת בִּדְרָכָיו וְלִשְׁמֹר מִצְוֺתָיו וְחֻקֹּתָיו וּמִשְׁפָּטָיו וְחָיִיתָ וְרָבִיתָ וּבֵרַכְךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בָּאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־אַתָּה בָא־שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", 30.17. "וְאִם־יִפְנֶה לְבָבְךָ וְלֹא תִשְׁמָע וְנִדַּחְתָּ וְהִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתָ לֵאלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים וַעֲבַדְתָּם׃", 30.18. "הִגַּדְתִּי לָכֶם הַיּוֹם כִּי אָבֹד תֹּאבֵדוּן לֹא־תַאֲרִיכֻן יָמִים עַל־הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה עֹבֵר אֶת־הַיַּרְדֵּן לָבֹא שָׁמָּה לְרִשְׁתָּהּ׃", 30.19. "הַעִידֹתִי בָכֶם הַיּוֹם אֶת־הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֶת־הָאָרֶץ הַחַיִּים וְהַמָּוֶת נָתַתִּי לְפָנֶיךָ הַבְּרָכָה וְהַקְּלָלָה וּבָחַרְתָּ בַּחַיִּים לְמַעַן תִּחְיֶה אַתָּה וְזַרְעֶךָ׃", 32.39. "רְאוּ עַתָּה כִּי אֲנִי אֲנִי הוּא וְאֵין אֱלֹהִים עִמָּדִי אֲנִי אָמִית וַאֲחַיֶּה מָחַצְתִּי וַאֲנִי אֶרְפָּא וְאֵין מִיָּדִי מַצִּיל׃", | 5.21. "and ye said: ‘Behold, the LORD our God hath shown us His glory and His greatness, and we have heard His voice out of the midst of the fire; we have seen this day that God doth speak with man, and he liveth.", 7.13. "and He will love thee, and bless thee, and multiply thee; He will also bless the fruit of thy body and the fruit of thy land, thy corn and thy wine and thine oil, the increase of thy kine and the young of thy flock, in the land which He swore unto thy fathers to give thee.", 7.14. "Thou shalt be blessed above all peoples; there shall not be male or female barren among you, or among your cattle.", 7.15. "And the LORD will take away from thee all sickness; and He will put none of the evil diseases of Egypt, which thou knowest, upon thee, but will lay them upon all them that hate thee.", 11.13. "And it shall come to pass, if ye shall hearken diligently unto My commandments which I command you this day, to love the LORD your God, and to serve Him with all your heart and with all your soul,", 23.1. "A man shall not take his father’s wife, and shall not uncover his father’s skirt.", 23.13. "Thou shalt have a place also without the camp, whither thou shalt go forth abroad.", 23.14. "And thou shalt have a paddle among thy weapons; and it shall be, when thou sittest down abroad, thou shalt dig therewith, and shalt turn back and cover that which cometh from thee.", 23.15. "For the LORD thy God walketh in the midst of thy camp, to deliver thee, and to give up thine enemies before thee; therefore shall thy camp be holy; that He see no unseemly thing in thee, and turn away from thee.", 28.1. "And it shall come to pass, if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the LORD thy God, to observe to do all His commandments which I command thee this day, that the LORD thy God will set thee on high above all the nations of the earth.", 28.2. "And all these blessings shall come upon thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the LORD thy God.", 28.3. "Blessed shalt thou be in the city, and blessed shalt thou be in the field.", 28.4. "Blessed shall be the fruit of thy body, and the fruit of thy land, and the fruit of thy cattle, the increase of thy kine, and the young of thy flock.", 28.5. "Blessed shall be thy basket and thy kneading-trough.", 28.6. "Blessed shalt thou be when thou comest in, and blessed shalt thou be when thou goest out.", 28.7. "The LORD will cause thine enemies that rise up against thee to be smitten before thee; they shall come out against thee one way, and shall flee before thee seven ways.", 28.8. "The LORD will command the blessing with thee in thy barns, and in all that thou puttest thy hand unto; and He will bless thee in the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee.", 28.9. "The LORD will establish thee for a holy people unto Himself, as He hath sworn unto thee; if thou shalt keep the commandments of the LORD thy God, and walk in His ways.", 28.10. "And all the peoples of the earth shall see that the name of the LORD is called upon thee; and they shall be afraid of thee.", 28.11. "And the LORD will make thee over-abundant for good, in the fruit of thy body, and in the fruit of thy cattle, and in the fruit of thy land, in the land which the LORD swore unto thy fathers to give thee.", 28.12. "The LORD will open unto thee His good treasure the heaven to give the rain of thy land in its season, and to bless all the work of thy hand; and thou shalt lend unto many nations, but thou shalt not borrow.", 28.13. "And the LORD will make thee the head, and not the tail; and thou shalt be above only, and thou shalt not be beneath; if thou shalt hearken unto the commandments of the LORD thy God, which I command thee this day, to observe and to do them;", 28.14. "and shalt not turn aside from any of the words which I command you this day, to the right hand, or to the left, to go after other gods to serve them. .", 28.15. "But it shall come to pass, if thou wilt not hearken unto the voice of the LORD thy God, to observe to do all His commandments and His statutes which I command thee this day; that all these curses shall come upon thee, and overtake thee.", 28.16. "Cursed shalt thou be in the city, and cursed shalt thou be in the field.", 28.17. "Cursed shall be thy basket and thy kneading-trough.", 28.18. "Cursed shall be the fruit of thy body, and the fruit of thy land, the increase of thy kine, and the young of thy flock.", 28.19. "Cursed shalt thou be when thou comest in, and cursed shalt thou be when thou goest out.", 28.20. "The LORD will send upon thee cursing, discomfiture, and rebuke, in all that thou puttest thy hand unto to do, until thou be destroyed, and until thou perish quickly; because of the evil of thy doings, whereby thou hast forsaken Me.", 28.21. "The LORD will make the pestilence cleave unto thee, until He have consumed thee from off the land, whither thou goest in to possess it.", 28.22. "The LORD will smite thee with consumption, and with fever, and with inflammation, and with fiery heat, and with drought, and with blasting, and with mildew; and they shall pursue thee until thou perish.", 28.23. "And thy heaven that is over thy head shall be brass, and the earth that is under thee shall be iron.", 28.24. "The LORD will make the rain of thy land powder and dust; from heaven shall it come down upon thee, until thou be destroyed.", 28.25. "The LORD will cause thee to be smitten before thine enemies; thou shalt go out one way against them, and shalt flee seven ways before them; and thou shalt be a horror unto all the kingdoms of the earth.", 28.26. "And thy carcasses shall be food unto all fowls of the air, and unto the beasts of the earth, and there shall be none to frighten them away.", 28.27. "The LORD will smite thee with the boil of Egypt, and with the emerods, and with the scab, and with the itch, whereof thou canst not be healed.", 28.28. "The LORD will smite thee with madness, and with blindness, and with astonishment of heart.", 28.29. "And thou shalt grope at noonday, as the blind gropeth in darkness, and thou shalt not make thy ways prosperous; and thou shalt be only oppressed and robbed alway, and there shall be none to save thee.", 28.30. "Thou shalt betroth a wife, and another man shall lie with her; thou shalt build a house, and thou shalt not dwell therein; thou shalt plant a vineyard, and shalt not use the fruit thereof.", 28.31. "Thine ox shall be slain before thine eyes, and thou shalt not eat thereof; thine ass shall be violently taken away from before thy face, and shall not be restored to thee; thy sheep shall be given unto thine enemies; and thou shalt have none to save thee.", 28.32. "Thy sons and thy daughters shall be given unto another people, and thine eyes shall look, and fail with longing for them all the day; and there shall be nought in the power of thy hand.", 28.33. "The fruit of thy land, and all thy labours, shall a nation which thou knowest not eat up; and thou shalt be only oppressed and crushed away:", 28.34. "so that thou shalt be mad for the sight of thine eyes which thou shalt see.", 28.35. "The LORD will smite thee in the knees, and in the legs, with a sore boil, whereof thou canst not be healed, from the sole of thy foot unto the crown of thy head.", 28.36. "The LORD will bring thee, and thy king whom thou shalt set over thee, unto a nation that thou hast not known, thou nor thy fathers; and there shalt thou serve other gods, wood and stone.", 28.37. "And thou shalt become an astonishment, a proverb, and a byword, among all the peoples whither the LORD shall lead thee away.", 28.38. "Thou shalt carry much seed out into the field, and shalt gather little in; for the locust shall consume it.", 28.39. "Thou shalt plant vineyards and dress them, but thou shalt neither drink of the wine, nor gather the grapes; for the worm shall eat them.", 28.40. "Thou shalt have olive-trees throughout all thy borders, but thou shalt not anoint thyself with the oil; for thine olives shall drop off.", 28.41. "Thou shalt beget sons and daughters, but they shall not be thine; for they shall go into captivity.", 28.42. "All thy trees and the fruit of thy land shall the locust possess.", 28.43. "The stranger that is in the midst of thee shall mount up above thee higher and higher; and thou shalt come down lower and lower.", 28.44. "He shall lend to thee, and thou shalt not lend to him; he shall be the head, and thou shalt be the tail.", 28.45. "And all these curses shall come upon thee, and shall pursue thee, and overtake thee, till thou be destroyed; because thou didst not hearken unto the voice of the LORD thy God, to keep His commandments and His statutes which He commanded thee.", 28.46. "And they shall be upon thee for a sign and for a wonder, and upon thy seed for ever;", 28.47. "because thou didst not serve the LORD thy God with joyfulness, and with gladness of heart, by reason of the abundance of all things;", 28.48. "therefore shalt thou serve thine enemy whom the LORD shall send against thee, in hunger, and in thirst, and in nakedness, and in want of all things; and he shall put a yoke of iron upon thy neck, until he have destroyed thee.", 28.49. "The LORD will bring a nation against thee from far, from the end of the earth, as the vulture swoopeth down; a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand;", 28.50. "a nation of fierce countece, that shall not regard the person of the old, nor show favour to the young.", 28.51. "And he shall eat the fruit of thy cattle, and the fruit of thy ground, until thou be destroyed; that also shall not leave thee corn, wine, or oil, the increase of thy kine, or the young of thy flock, until he have caused thee to perish.", 28.52. "And he shall besiege thee in all thy gates, until thy high and fortified walls come down, wherein thou didst trust, throughout all thy land; and he shall besiege thee in all thy gates throughout all thy land, which the LORD thy God hath given thee.", 28.53. "And thou shalt eat the fruit of thine own body, the flesh of thy sons and of thy daughters whom the LORD thy God hath given thee; in the siege and in the straitness, wherewith thine enemies shall straiten thee.", 28.54. "The man that is tender among you, and very delicate, his eye shall be evil against his brother, and against the wife of his bosom, and against the remt of his children whom he hath remaining;", 28.55. "so that he will not give to any of them of the flesh of his children whom he shall eat, because he hath nothing left him; in the siege and in the straitness, wherewith thine enemy shall straiten thee in all thy gates.", 28.56. "The tender and delicate woman among you, who would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness, her eye shall be evil against the husband of her bosom, and against her son, and against her daughter;", 28.57. "and against her afterbirth that cometh out from between her feet, and against her children whom she shall bear; for she shall eat them for want of all things secretly; in the siege and in the straitness, wherewith thine enemy shall straiten thee in thy gates.", 28.58. "If thou wilt not observe to do all the words of this law that are written in this book, that thou mayest fear this glorious and awful Name, the LORD thy God;", 28.59. "then the LORD will make thy plagues wonderful, and the plagues of thy seed, even great plagues, and of long continuance, and sore sicknesses, and of long continuance.", 28.60. "And He will bring back upon thee all the diseases of Egypt, which thou wast in dread of; and they shall cleave unto thee.", 28.61. "Also every sickness, and every plague, which is not written in the book of this law, them will the LORD bring upon thee, until thou be destroyed.", 28.62. "And ye shall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude; because thou didst not hearken unto the voice of the LORD thy God.", 28.63. "And it shall come to pass, that as the LORD rejoiced over you to do you good, and to multiply you; so the LORD will rejoice over you to cause you to perish, and to destroy you; and ye shall be plucked from off the land whither thou goest in to possess it.", 28.64. "And the LORD shall scatter thee among all peoples, from the one end of the earth even unto the other end of the earth; and there thou shalt serve other gods, which thou hast not known, thou nor thy fathers, even wood and stone.", 28.65. "And among these nations shalt thou have no repose, and there shall be no rest for the sole of thy foot; but the LORD shall give thee there a trembling heart, and failing of eyes, and languishing of soul.", 28.66. "And thy life shall hang in doubt before thee; and thou shalt fear night and day, and shalt have no assurance of thy life.", 28.67. "In the morning thou shalt say: ‘Would it were even! ’ and at even thou shalt say: ‘Would it were morning! ’ for the fear of thy heart which thou shalt fear, and for the sight of thine eyes which thou shalt see.", 28.68. "And the LORD shall bring thee back into Egypt in ships, by the way whereof I said unto thee: ‘Thou shalt see it no more again’; and there ye shall sell yourselves unto your enemies for bondmen and for bondwoman, and no man shall buy you.", 30.15. "See, I have set before thee this day life and good, and death and evil,", 30.16. "in that I command thee this day to love the LORD thy God, to walk in His ways, and to keep His commandments and His statutes and His ordices; then thou shalt live and multiply, and the LORD thy God shall bless thee in the land whither thou goest in to possess it.", 30.17. "But if thy heart turn away, and thou wilt not hear, but shalt be drawn away, and worship other gods, and serve them;", 30.18. "I declare unto you this day, that ye shall surely perish; ye shall not prolong your days upon the land, whither thou passest over the Jordan to go in to possess it.", 30.19. "I call heaven and earth to witness against you this day, that I have set before thee life and death, the blessing and the curse; therefore choose life, that thou mayest live, thou and thy seed;", 30.20. "to love the LORD thy God, to hearken to His voice, and to cleave unto Him; for that is thy life, and the length of thy days; that thou mayest dwell in the land which the LORD swore unto thy fathers, to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob, to give them.", 32.39. "See now that I, even I, am He, And there is no god with Me; I kill, and I make alive; I have wounded, and I heal; And there is none that can deliver out of My hand.", |
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| 7. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 149 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, origin of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 90, 91 |
8. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 22.32 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80| 22.32. "וְלֹא תְחַלְּלוּ אֶת־שֵׁם קָדְשִׁי וְנִקְדַּשְׁתִּי בְּתוֹךְ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲנִי יְהוָה מְקַדִּשְׁכֶם׃", | 22.32. "And ye shall not profane My holy name; but I will be hallowed among the children of Israel: I am the LORD who hallow you,", |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 16.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80| 16.21. "הִבָּדְלוּ מִתּוֹךְ הָעֵדָה הַזֹּאת וַאַכַלֶּה אֹתָם כְּרָגַע׃", | 16.21. "’Separate yourselves from among this congregation, that I may consume them in a moment.’", |
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10. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.12-7.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 128| 7.12. "כִּי יִמְלְאוּ יָמֶיךָ וְשָׁכַבְתָּ אֶת־אֲבֹתֶיךָ וַהֲקִימֹתִי אֶת־זַרְעֲךָ אַחֲרֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר יֵצֵא מִמֵּעֶיךָ וַהֲכִינֹתִי אֶת־מַמְלַכְתּוֹ׃", 7.13. "הוּא יִבְנֶה־בַּיִת לִשְׁמִי וְכֹנַנְתִּי אֶת־כִּסֵּא מַמְלַכְתּוֹ עַד־עוֹלָם׃", 7.14. "אֲנִי אֶהְיֶה־לּוֹ לְאָב וְהוּא יִהְיֶה־לִּי לְבֵן אֲשֶׁר בְּהַעֲוֺתוֹ וְהֹכַחְתִּיו בְּשֵׁבֶט אֲנָשִׁים וּבְנִגְעֵי בְּנֵי אָדָם׃", | 7.12. "And when the days are fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set up thy seed after thee, who shall issue from thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom.", 7.13. "He shall build a house for my name, and I will make firm the throne of his kingdom for ever.", 7.14. "I will be his father, and he will be my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with such plagues as befall the sons of Adam:", |
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11. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 13.2-13.25 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 53| 13.2. "וַיְהִי בַעֲלוֹת הַלַּהַב מֵעַל הַמִּזְבֵּחַ הַשָּׁמַיְמָה וַיַּעַל מַלְאַךְ־יְהוָה בְּלַהַב הַמִּזְבֵּחַ וּמָנוֹחַ וְאִשְׁתּוֹ רֹאִים וַיִּפְּלוּ עַל־פְּנֵיהֶם אָרְצָה׃", 13.2. "וַיְהִי אִישׁ אֶחָד מִצָּרְעָה מִמִּשְׁפַּחַת הַדָּנִי וּשְׁמוֹ מָנוֹחַ וְאִשְׁתּוֹ עֲקָרָה וְלֹא יָלָדָה׃", 13.3. "וַיֵּרָא מַלְאַךְ־יְהוָה אֶל־הָאִשָּׁה וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלֶיהָ הִנֵּה־נָא אַתְּ־עֲקָרָה וְלֹא יָלַדְתְּ וְהָרִית וְיָלַדְתְּ בֵּן׃", 13.4. "וְעַתָּה הִשָּׁמְרִי נָא וְאַל־תִּשְׁתִּי יַיִן וְשֵׁכָר וְאַל־תֹּאכְלִי כָּל־טָמֵא׃", 13.5. "כִּי הִנָּךְ הָרָה וְיֹלַדְתְּ בֵּן וּמוֹרָה לֹא־יַעֲלֶה עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ כִּי־נְזִיר אֱלֹהִים יִהְיֶה הַנַּעַר מִן־הַבָּטֶן וְהוּא יָחֵל לְהוֹשִׁיעַ אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל מִיַּד פְּלִשְׁתִּים׃", 13.6. "וַתָּבֹא הָאִשָּׁה וַתֹּאמֶר לְאִישָׁהּ לֵאמֹר אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים בָּא אֵלַי וּמַרְאֵהוּ כְּמַרְאֵה מַלְאַךְ הָאֱלֹהִים נוֹרָא מְאֹד וְלֹא שְׁאִלְתִּיהוּ אֵי־מִזֶּה הוּא וְאֶת־שְׁמוֹ לֹא־הִגִּיד לִי׃", 13.7. "וַיֹּאמֶר לִי הִנָּךְ הָרָה וְיֹלַדְתְּ בֵּן וְעַתָּה אַל־תִּשְׁתִּי יַיִן וְשֵׁכָר וְאַל־תֹּאכְלִי כָּל־טֻמְאָה כִּי־נְזִיר אֱלֹהִים יִהְיֶה הַנַּעַר מִן־הַבֶּטֶן עַד־יוֹם מוֹתוֹ׃", 13.8. "וַיֶּעְתַּר מָנוֹחַ אֶל־יְהוָה וַיֹּאמַר בִּי אֲדוֹנָי אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר שָׁלַחְתָּ יָבוֹא־נָא עוֹד אֵלֵינוּ וְיוֹרֵנוּ מַה־נַּעֲשֶׂה לַנַּעַר הַיּוּלָּד׃", 13.9. "וַיִּשְׁמַע הָאֱלֹהִים בְּקוֹל מָנוֹחַ וַיָּבֹא מַלְאַךְ הָאֱלֹהִים עוֹד אֶל־הָאִשָּׁה וְהִיא יוֹשֶׁבֶת בַּשָּׂדֶה וּמָנוֹחַ אִישָׁהּ אֵין עִמָּהּ׃", 13.11. "וַיָּקָם וַיֵּלֶךְ מָנוֹחַ אַחֲרֵי אִשְׁתּוֹ וַיָּבֹא אֶל־הָאִישׁ וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ הַאַתָּה הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־דִּבַּרְתָּ אֶל־הָאִשָּׁה וַיֹּאמֶר אָנִי׃", 13.12. "וַיֹּאמֶר מָנוֹחַ עַתָּה יָבֹא דְבָרֶיךָ מַה־יִּהְיֶה מִשְׁפַּט־הַנַּעַר וּמַעֲשֵׂהוּ׃", 13.13. "וַיֹּאמֶר מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה אֶל־מָנוֹחַ מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־אָמַרְתִּי אֶל־הָאִשָּׁה תִּשָּׁמֵר׃", 13.14. "מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־יֵצֵא מִגֶּפֶן הַיַּיִן לֹא תֹאכַל וְיַיִן וְשֵׁכָר אַל־תֵּשְׁתְּ וְכָל־טֻמְאָה אַל־תֹּאכַל כֹּל אֲשֶׁר־צִוִּיתִיהָ תִּשְׁמֹר׃", 13.15. "וַיֹּאמֶר מָנוֹחַ אֶל־מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה נַעְצְרָה־נָּא אוֹתָךְ וְנַעֲשֶׂה לְפָנֶיךָ גְּדִי עִזִּים׃", 13.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה אֶל־מָנוֹחַ אִם־תַּעְצְרֵנִי לֹא־אֹכַל בְּלַחְמֶךָ וְאִם־תַּעֲשֶׂה עֹלָה לַיהוָה תַּעֲלֶנָּה כִּי לֹא־יָדַע מָנוֹחַ כִּי־מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה הוּא׃", 13.17. "וַיֹּאמֶר מָנוֹחַ אֶל־מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה מִי שְׁמֶךָ כִּי־יָבֹא דבריך [דְבָרְךָ] וְכִבַּדְנוּךָ׃", 13.18. "וַיֹּאמֶר לּוֹ מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה לָמָּה זֶּה תִּשְׁאַל לִשְׁמִי וְהוּא־פֶלִאי׃", 13.19. "וַיִּקַּח מָנוֹחַ אֶת־גְּדִי הָעִזִּים וְאֶת־הַמִּנְחָה וַיַּעַל עַל־הַצּוּר לַיהוָה וּמַפְלִא לַעֲשׂוֹת וּמָנוֹחַ וְאִשְׁתּוֹ רֹאִים׃", 13.21. "וְלֹא־יָסַף עוֹד מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה לְהֵרָאֹה אֶל־מָנוֹחַ וְאֶל־אִשְׁתּוֹ אָז יָדַע מָנוֹחַ כִּי־מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה הוּא׃", 13.22. "וַיֹּאמֶר מָנוֹחַ אֶל־אִשְׁתּוֹ מוֹת נָמוּת כִּי אֱלֹהִים רָאִינוּ׃", 13.23. "וַתֹּאמֶר לוֹ אִשְׁתּוֹ לוּ חָפֵץ יְהוָה לַהֲמִיתֵנוּ לֹא־לָקַח מִיָּדֵנוּ עֹלָה וּמִנְחָה וְלֹא הֶרְאָנוּ אֶת־כָּל־אֵלֶּה וְכָעֵת לֹא הִשְׁמִיעָנוּ כָּזֹאת׃", 13.24. "וַתֵּלֶד הָאִשָּׁה בֵּן וַתִּקְרָא אֶת־שְׁמוֹ שִׁמְשׁוֹן וַיִּגְדַּל הַנַּעַר וַיְבָרְכֵהוּ יְהוָה׃", 13.25. "וַתָּחֶל רוּחַ יְהוָה לְפַעֲמוֹ בְּמַחֲנֵה־דָן בֵּין צָרְעָה וּבֵין אֶשְׁתָּאֹל׃", | 13.2. "And there was a certain man of Żor῾a, of the family of the Dani, whose name was Manoaĥ; and his wife was barren, and bore not.", 13.3. "And the angel of the Lord appeared to the woman, and said to her, Behold now, thou art barren, and bearest not: but thou shalt conceive, and bear a son.", 13.4. "Now therefore beware, I pray thee, and drink neither wine nor strong drink, and eat no unclean thing:", 13.5. "for, lo, thou shalt conceive, and bear a son; and no razor shall come on his head: for the child shall be a Nazir to God from the womb: and he shall begin to deliver Yisra᾽el out of the hand of the Pelishtim.", 13.6. "Then the woman came and told her husband, saying, A man of God came to me, and his appearance was like the appearance of an angel of God, very terrible: but I asked him not from where he was, neither did he tell me his name:", 13.7. "but he said to me, Behold, thou shalt conceive, and bear a son; and now drink no wine nor strong drink, neither eat any unclean thing: for the child shall be a Nazir to God from the womb to the day of his death.", 13.8. "Then Manoaĥ entreated the Lord, and said, O my Lord, let the man of God whom Thou didst send come again to us, and teach us what we shall do to the child that shall be born.", 13.9. "And God hearkened to the voice of Manoaĥ; and the angel of God came again to the woman as she sat in the field: but Manoaĥ her husband was not with her.", 13.10. "And the woman made haste, and ran, and told her husband, and said to him, Behold, the man has appeared to me, that came to me the other day.", 13.11. "And Manoaĥ arose, and went after his wife, and came to the man, and said to him, Art thou the man that didst speak to the woman? And he said, I am.", 13.12. "And Manoaĥ said, Now let thy words come to pass. What shall be the rule for the child, and what shall be done with him?", 13.13. "And the angel of the Lord said to Manoaĥ, of all that I said to the woman let her take heed.", 13.14. "She may not eat of anything that comes of the vine, neither let her drink wine or strong drink, nor eat any unclean thing: all that I commanded her let her observe.", 13.15. "And Manoaĥ said to the angel of the Lord, I pray thee, let us detain thee, until we shall have made ready a kid for thee.", 13.16. "And the angel of the Lord said to Manoaĥ, Though thou detain me, I will not eat of thy bread: and if thou wilt offer a burnt offering, thou must offer it to the Lord. For Manoaĥ knew not that he was an angel of the Lord.", 13.17. "And Manoaĥ said to the angel of the Lord, What is thy name, that when thy sayings come to pass we may do thee honour?", 13.18. "And the angel of the Lord said to him, Why askest thou thus after my name, seeing it is hidden?", 13.19. "So Manoaĥ took the kid with the meal offering, and offered it upon the rock to the Lord: and the angel did wondrously, and Manoaĥ and his wife looked on.", 13.20. "For it came to pass, when the flame went up toward heaven from off the altar, that the angel of the Lord ascended in the flame of the altar. And Manoaĥ and his wife looked on it, and fell on their faces to the ground.", 13.21. "But the angel of the Lord appeared no more to Manoaĥ and to his wife. Then Manoaĥ knew that he was an angel of the Lord.", 13.22. "And Manoaĥ said to his wife, We shall surely die, because we have seen God.", 13.23. "But his wife said to him, If the Lord desired to kill us, he would not have received a burnt offering and a meal offering at our hands, neither would he have shown us all these things, nor would as at this have told us such things as these.", 13.24. "And the woman bore a son, and called his name Shimshon: and the child grew, and the Lord blessed him.", 13.25. "And the spirit of the Lord began to move him in Maĥane-dan between Żor῾a and Eshta᾽ol.", |
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| 12. Septuagint, Jeremiah, 2.22, 17.21-17.27 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80, 322 |
| 13. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 1.1-2.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 53 |
14. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 100| 416d. αὐτούς, κακουργεῖν τε μὴ ἐπαρεῖ περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας. | 416d. He will rightly affirm that. Consider then, said I, whether, if that is to be their character, their habitations and ways of life must not be something after this fashion. In the first place, none must possess any private property save the indispensable. Secondly, none must have any habitation or treasure-house which is not open for all to enter at will. Their food, in such quantities as are needful for athletes of war sober and brave, |
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15. Herodotus, Histories, 9.119 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, dacians, linkage with •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, virtue of (virtus) Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 102 | 9.119. As Oeobazus was making his escape into Thrace, the Apsinthians of that country caught and sacrificed him in their customary manner to Plistorus the god of their land; as for his companions, they did away with them by other means. ,Artayctes and his company had begun their flight later, and were overtaken a little way beyond the Goat's Rivers, where after they had defended themselves a long time, some of them were killed and the rest taken alive. The Greeks bound them and carried them to Sestus, and together with them Artayctes and his son also in bonds. |
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| 16. Theophrastus, On Stones, 3.5, 41.1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76 |
| 17. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 18.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, as paradigm of jewishness •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 67 |
| 18. Anon., Testament of Solomon, 5.4-5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76 |
19. Anon., Jubilees, 10.10-10.17, 48.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76 | 10.10. And the Lord our God bade us to bind all. 10.11. And the chief of the spirits, Mastêmâ, came and said: "Lord, Creator, let some of them remain before me, and let them hearken to my voice, and do all that I shall say unto them; 10.12. for if some of them are not left to me, I shall not be able to execute the power of my will on the sons of men; 10.13. for these are for corruption and leading astray before my judgment, for great is the wickedness of the sons of men." 10.14. And He said: "Let the tenth part of them remain before him, and let nine parts descend into the place of condemnation." 10.15. And one of us He commanded that we should teach Noah all their medicines; for He knew that they would not walk in uprightness, nor strive in righteousness. 10.16. And we did according to all His words: all the maligt evil ones we bound in the place of condemnation, and a tenth part of them we left that they might be subject before Satan on the earth. 10.17. And we explained to Noah all the medicines of their diseases, together with their seductions, how he might heal them with herbs of the earth. 48.10. And everything was sent through thy hand, that thou shouldst declare (these things) before they were done, and thou didst speak with the king of Egypt before all his servants and before his people. |
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| 20. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 6.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, ancient writings, interest in •josephus essenes, number of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 302 |
| 21. Cicero, On Fate, 4.5-4.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 88, 89, 91 |
22. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, judas, portrayal of •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 92 | 3.36. therefore what you say about heat applies also to the other elements. However, let us see what follows. Your view, I believe, is that there is no animate being contained within the whole universe of nature except fire. Why fire any more than air (anima), of which also the soul (animus) of animate beings consists, from which the term 'animate' is derived? On what ground moreover do you take it for granted that there is no soul except fire? It seems more reasonable to hold that soul is of a composite nature, and consists of fire and ai are combined. However, if fire is animate in and by itself, without the admixture of any other element, it is the presence of fire in our bodies that causes us to possess sensation, and therefore fire itself cannot be devoid of sensation. Here we can repeat the argument employed before; whatever has sensation must necessarily feel both pleasure and pain, but he who is liable to pain must also be liable to destruction; from this it follows that you are unable to prove fire also to be everlasting. |
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23. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.42, 7.13, 12.18-12.24, 14.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, origin of •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 90, 91 | 2.42. Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 7.13. The Hasideans were first among the sons of Israel to seek peace from them, 12.18. And now please send us a reply to this." 12.19. This is a copy of the letter which they sent to Onias: 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22. And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23. we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." 12.24. Now Jonathan heard that the commanders of Demetrius had returned, with a larger force than before, to wage war against him. 14.6. He extended the borders of his nation,and gained full control of the country. |
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24. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.35, 2.100 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 77, 165 | 1.35. And it appears to me, that it is not without reason that both these things are called praiseworthy; for these two things, the heaven and the mind, are the things which are able to utter, with all becoming dignity, the praises, and hymns, and glory, and beatitude of the Father who created them: for man has received an especial honour beyond all other animals, namely, that of ministering to the living God. And the heaven is always singing melodies, perfecting an all-musical harmony, in accordance with the motions of all the bodies which exist therein; 2.100. On which account they say with confidence, "Shall you be a king and reign over us?" Are you ignorant that we are not independent, but that we are under the government of an immortal king, the only God? And why should you be a lord and lord it over us? for are we not under domination, and have we not now, and shall we not have for ever, and ever the same one Lord? in being whose servants we rejoice more than any one else can do in his liberty; for to be the servant of God is the most excellent of all things which are honoured in creation. |
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25. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.138, 3.32-3.36 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, virtue of (virtus) Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 68, 71 | 1.138. But nevertheless, he consecrates also their own first-born male children after the fashion of other first fruits, as a sort of thanks-offering for fertility, and a number of children both existing and hoped for, and wishing at the same time that their marriages should be not only free from all blame, but even very deserving of praise, the first fruit arising from which is consecrated to God; and keeping this in their minds, both husbands and wives ought to cling to modesty, and to attend to their household concerns, and to cherish uimity, agreeing with one another, so that what is called a communion and partnership may be so in solid truth, not only in word, but likewise in deed. 3.32. And there are particular periods affecting the health of the woman when a man may not touch her, but during that time he must abstain from all connection with her, respecting the laws of nature. And, at the same time, he must learn not to waste his vigour in the pursuit of an unseemly and barbarous pleasure; for such conduct would be like that of a husbandman who, out of drunkenness or sudden insanity, should sow wheat or barley in lakes or flooded torrents, instead of over the fertile plains; for it is proper to cast seed upon fields when they are dry, in order that it may bear abundant fruit. 3.33. But nature each month cleanses the womb, as if it were some field of marvellous fertility, the proper season for fertilising which must be watched for by the husband as if he were a skilful husbandman, in order to withhold his seed and abstain from sowing it at a time when it is inundated; for, if he do not do so, the seed, without his perceiving it, will be swept away by the moisture, not only having all its spiritual energies relaxed, but having them, in fact, utterly dissolved. These are the persons who form animals in that workshop of nature, the womb, and who perfect with the most consummate skill each separate one of the parts of the body and soul. But when the periods of illness which I have spoken of are interrupted, then he may with confidence shower his seed into the ground ready to receive it, no longer fearing that there will be any loss of the seed thus sown. 3.34. But those people deserve to be reproached who are ploughing a hard and stony soil. And who can these be but they who have connected themselves with barren women? For such men are only hunters after intemperate pleasure, and in the excess of their licentious passions they waste their seed of their own deliberate purpose. Since for what other reason can they espouse such women? It cannot be for a hope of children, which they are aware must, of necessity, be disappointed, but rather to gratify their excess in lust and incurable incontinence. 3.35. As many men, therefore, as marry virgins in ignorance of how will they will turn out as regards their prolificness, or the contrary, when after a long time they perceive, by their never having any children, that they are barren, and do not then put them away, are still worthy of pardon, being influenced by habit and familiarity, which are motives of great weight, and being also unable to break through the power of those ancient charms which by long habituation are stamped upon their souls. 3.36. But those who marry women who have been previously tested by other men and ascertained to be barren, do merely covet the carnal enjoyment like so many boars or goats, and deserve to be inscribed among the lists of impious men as enemies to God; for God, as being friendly to all the animals that exist, and especially to man, takes all imaginable care to secure preservation and duration to every kind of creature. But those who seek to waste all their power at the very moment of putting it forth are confessedly enemies of nature.VII. |
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26. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 13-18, 2, 21-23, 28-30, 32-38, 65-89, 1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58 | 1. Having mentioned the Essenes, who in all respects selected for their admiration and for their especial adoption the practical course of life, and who excel in all, or what perhaps may be a less unpopular and invidious thing to say, in most of its parts, I will now proceed, in the regular order of my subject, to speak of those who have embraced the speculative life, and I will say what appears to me to be desirable to be said on the subject, not drawing any fictitious statements from my own head for the sake of improving the appearance of that side of the question which nearly all poets and essayists are much accustomed to do in the scarcity of good actions to extol, but with the greatest simplicity adhering strictly to the truth itself, to which I know well that even the most eloquent men do not keep close in their speeches. Nevertheless we must make the endeavour and labour to attain to this virtue; for it is not right that the greatness of the virtue of the men should be a cause of silence to those who do not think it right that anything which is creditable should be suppressed in silence; |
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27. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.66 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 81 | 1.66. And in the middle of the flame there was seen a certain very beautiful form, not resembling any visible thing, a most Godlike image, emitting a light more brilliant than fire, which any one might have imagined to be the image of the living God. But let it be called an angel, because it merely related (dieµngelleto |
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| 28. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 11.1-11.18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus, essenes in •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, ancient writings, interest in •josephus essenes, and agriculture •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, number of •josephus essenes, origin of •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, sacrifices, performing of •josephus essenes, use of in ancient sources •josephus essenes, wealth and communality •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •josephus essenes, and clothing •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, leadership and rulers •josephus essenes, priestliness of •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus •josephus essenes, and menahems prediction •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod •josephus essenes, virtue of (virtus) Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 73, 77, 79, 90, 94, 97, 100, 103, 107, 159, 188, 196, 197, 198, 200, 301, 302, 307, 322; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58, 59 |
29. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.48.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, location of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 246 | 2.48.8. Since the asphalt floats on the surface of the lake, to those who view it from a distance it takes the appearance of an island. And the fact is that the emission of the asphalt is made known to the natives twenty days before it takes place; for to a distance of many stades around the lake the odour, borne on the wind, assails them, and every piece of silver and gold and brass in the locality loses it characteristic lustre. But this returns again as soon as all the asphalt has been spouted forth; and the region round about, by reason of its being exposed to fire and to the evil odours, renders the bodies of the inhabitants susceptible to disease and makes the people very short-lived. |
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| 30. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 148, 147 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 68 |
31. Philo of Alexandria, On Curses, 109, 25, 108 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 68 | 108. A lyre, indeed, or any similar instrument, if it be not struck by some one, is silent; and speech, too, if it be not struck by the principal part, that is to say, the mind, is of necessity tranquil. And, again, as musical instruments are transposed and adapted to an infinite number of mixtures of airs, so also speech corresponds to them, becoming an interpreter of things; |
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32. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 16 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, legal system Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 114 | 16. But there are some persons who have made a treaty with the body to last till the day of their death, and who have buried themselves in it as in a chest or coffin or whatever else you like to call it, of whom all the parts which are devoted to the slavery of the body and of the passions are consigned to oblivion and buried. But if anything well affected towards virtue has shot up by the side of it, that is preserved in the recollection, by means of which good things are naturally destined to be kept alive. IV. |
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33. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, 136 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 81 | 136. for silence is the most excellent of offerings, and so is a withholding of assent to those matters of which there are not clear proofs; therefore this is all that ought to be said, "God will provide for himself,"--he to whom all things are known, who illuminates the universe by the most brilliant of all lights, himself. But the other things are not to be said by creatures over whom great darkness is poured; but quiet is a means of safety in darkness. XXV. |
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34. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 75, 77-91, 76 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 158; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 77, 159, 196, 197, 198; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58, 59 | 76. These men, in the first place, live in villages, avoiding all cities on account of the habitual lawlessness of those who inhabit them, well knowing that such a moral disease is contracted from associations with wicked men, just as a real disease might be from an impure atmosphere, and that this would stamp an incurable evil on their souls. of these men, some cultivating the earth, and others devoting themselves to those arts which are the result of peace, benefit both themselves and all those who come in contact with them, not storing up treasures of silver and of gold, nor acquiring vast sections of the earth out of a desire for ample revenues, but providing all things which are requisite for the natural purposes of life; |
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35. Mishnah, Niddah, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171| 4.2. "בְּנוֹת צְדוֹקִין, בִּזְמַן שֶׁנָּהֲגוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי אֲבוֹתֵיהֶן, הֲרֵי הֵן כְּכוּתִיּוֹת. פֵּרְשׁוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲרֵי הֵן כְּיִשְׂרְאֵלִית. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, לְעוֹלָם הֵן כְּיִשְׂרָאֵל, עַד שֶׁיִּפְרְשׁוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי אֲבוֹתֵיהֶן: \n", | 4.2. "The daughters of the Sadducees, so long as they are accustomed to walking in the paths of their fathers, are to be regarded as Samaritan women. If they left those paths to walk in the paths of Israel, they are to be regarded as Israelite women. Rabbi Yose says: they are always regarded as Israelite women unless they leave the paths of Israel to walk in the paths of their fathers.", |
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36. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, legal system Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 114| 4.1. "אֶחָד דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת וְאֶחָד דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת, בִּדְרִישָׁה וּבַחֲקִירָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ויקרא כד) מִשְׁפַּט אֶחָד יִהְיֶה לָכֶם. מַה בֵּין דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת לְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת בְּעֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת פּוֹתְחִין בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת פּוֹתְחִין לִזְכוּת וְאֵין פּוֹתְחִין לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת מַטִּין עַל פִּי אֶחָד בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת מַטִּין עַל פִּי אֶחָד לִזְכוּת וְעַל פִּי שְׁנַיִם לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת מַחֲזִירִין בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת מַחֲזִירִין לִזְכוּת וְאֵין מַחֲזִירִין לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין זְכוּת וְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין זְכוּת וְאֵין הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין חוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת הַמְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה מְלַמֵּד זְכוּת וְהַמְלַמֵּד זְכוּת מְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת הַמְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה מְלַמֵּד זְכוּת, אֲבָל הַמְלַמֵּד זְכוּת אֵין יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר וּלְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת דָּנִין בַּיּוֹם וְגוֹמְרִין בַּלַּיְלָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת דָּנִין בַּיּוֹם וְגוֹמְרִין בַּיּוֹם. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת גּוֹמְרִין בּוֹ בַיּוֹם בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת גּוֹמְרִין בּוֹ בַיּוֹם לִזְכוּת וּבְיוֹם שֶׁלְּאַחֲרָיו לְחוֹבָה, לְפִיכָךְ אֵין דָּנִין לֹא בְעֶרֶב שַׁבָּת וְלֹא בְעֶרֶב יוֹם טוֹב: \n", | 4.1. "Both non-capital and capital cases require examination and inquiry [of the witnesses], as it says, “You shall have one manner of law” (Lev. 24:22). How do non-capital cases differ from capital cases? Non-capital cases [are decided] by three and capital cases by twenty three. Non-capital cases may begin either with reasons for acquittal or for conviction; capital cases begin with reasons for acquittal and do not begin with reasons for conviction. In non-capital cases they may reach a verdict of either acquittal or conviction by the decision of a majority of one; in capital cases they may reach an acquittal by the majority of one but a verdict of conviction only by the decision of a majority of two. In non-capital cases they may reverse a verdict either [from conviction] to acquittal or [from acquittal] to conviction; in capital cases they may reverse a verdict [from conviction] to acquittal but not [from acquittal] to conviction. In non-capital cases all may argue either in favor of conviction or of acquittal; in capital cases all may argue in favor of acquittal but not all may argue in favor of conviction. In non-capital cases he that had argued in favor of conviction may afterward argue in favor of acquittal, or he that had argued in favor of acquittal may afterward argue in favor of conviction; in capital cases he that had argued in favor of conviction may afterward argue in favor of acquittal but he that had argued in favor of acquittal cannot afterward argue in favor of conviction. In non-capital cases they hold the trial during the daytime and the verdict may be reached during the night; in capital cases they hold the trial during the daytime and the verdict also must be reached during the daytime. In non-capital cases the verdict, whether of acquittal or of conviction, may be reached the same day; in capital cases a verdict of acquittal may be reached on the same day, but a verdict of conviction not until the following day. Therefore trials may not be held on the eve of a Sabbath or on the eve of a Festival.", |
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37. Mishnah, Sotah, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, wealth and communality Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171, 197| 3.4. "אֵינָהּ מַסְפֶּקֶת לִשְׁתּוֹת עַד שֶׁפָּנֶיהָ מוֹרִיקוֹת וְעֵינֶיהָ בּוֹלְטוֹת וְהִיא מִתְמַלֵּאת גִּידִין, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים הוֹצִיאוּהָ הוֹצִיאוּהָ, שֶׁלֹּא תְטַמֵּא הָעֲזָרָה. אִם יֶשׁ לָהּ זְכוּת, הָיְתָה תוֹלָה לָהּ. יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁנָה אַחַת, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שְׁתֵּי שָׁנִים, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים. מִכָּאן אוֹמֵר בֶּן עַזַּאי, חַיָּב אָדָם לְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, שֶׁאִם תִּשְׁתֶּה, תֵּדַע שֶׁהַזְּכוּת תּוֹלָה לָהּ. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, כָּל הַמְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, כְּאִלּוּ מְלַמְּדָהּ תִּפְלוּת. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, רוֹצָה אִשָּׁה בְקַב וְתִפְלוּת מִתִּשְׁעָה קַבִּין וּפְרִישׁוּת. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, חָסִיד שׁוֹטֶה, וְרָשָׁע עָרוּם, וְאִשָּׁה פְרוּשָׁה, וּמַכּוֹת פְּרוּשִׁין, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מְכַלֵּי עוֹלָם: \n", | 3.4. "She had barely finished drinking when her face turns yellow, her eyes protrude and her veins swell. And [those who see her] exclaim, “Remove her! Remove her, so that the temple-court should not be defiled”. If she had merit, it [causes the water] to suspend its effect upon her. Some merit suspends the effect for one year, some merit suspends the effects for two years, and some merit suspends the effect for three years. Hence Ben Azzai said: a person must teach his daughter Torah, so that if she has to drink [the water of bitterness], she should know that the merit suspends its effect. Rabbi Eliezer says: whoever teaches his daughter Torah teaches her lasciviousness. Rabbi Joshua says: a woman prefers one kav (of food) and sexual indulgence to nine kav and sexual separation. He used to say, a foolish pietist, a cunning wicked person, a female separatist, and the blows of separatists bring destruction upon the world.", |
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38. Mishnah, Parah, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 179| 3.3. "בָּאוּ לְהַר הַבַּיִת וְיָרְדוּ. הַר הַבַּיִת וְהָעֲזָרוֹת, תַּחְתֵּיהֶם חָלוּל, מִפְּנֵי קֶבֶר הַתְּהוֹם. וּבְפֶתַח הָעֲזָרָה הָיָה מְתֻקָּן קָלָל שֶׁל חַטָּאת, וּמְבִיאִין זָכָר שֶׁל רְחֵלִים וְקוֹשְׁרִים חֶבֶל בֵּין קַרְנָיו, וְקוֹשְׁרִים מַקֵּל וּמְסַבֵּךְ בְּרֹאשׁוֹ שֶׁל חֶבֶל, וְזוֹרְקוֹ לְתוֹךְ הַקָּלָל, וּמַכֶּה אֶת הַזָּכָר וְנִרְתָּע לַאֲחוֹרָיו, וְנוֹטֵל וּמְקַדֵּשׁ, כְּדֵי שֶׁיֵּרָאֶה עַל פְּנֵי הַמָּיִם. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, אַל תִּתְּנוּ מָקוֹם לַצְּדוֹקִים לִרְדּוֹת, אֶלָּא הוּא נוֹטֵל וּמְקַדֵּשׁ: \n", | 3.3. "They arrived at the Temple Mount and got down. Beneath the Temple Mount and the courts was a hollow which served as a protection against a grave in the depths. And at the entrance of the courtyard there was the jar of the ashes of the sin-offerings. They would bring a male from among the sheep and tie a rope between its horns, and a stick or a bushy twig was tied at the other end of the rope, and this was thrown into the jar. They then struck the male [sheep] was so that it started backwards. And [a child] took the ashes and put it [enough] so that it could be seen upon the water. Rabbi Yose said: do not give the Sadducees an opportunity to rule! Rather, [a child] himself took it and mixed it.", |
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39. Mishnah, Eruvin, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171| 6.2. "אָמַר רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, מַעֲשֶׂה בִצְדוֹקִי אֶחָד, שֶׁהָיָה דָר עִמָּנוּ בְּמָבוֹי בִּירוּשָׁלַיִם, וְאָמַר לָנוּ אַבָּא, מַהֲרוּ וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֶת כָּל הַכֵּלִים לַמָּבוֹי, עַד שֶׁלֹּא יוֹצִיא וְיֶאֱסֹר עֲלֵיכֶם. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר בְּלָשׁוֹן אַחֵר, מַהֲרוּ וַעֲשׂוּ צָרְכֵיכֶם בַּמָּבוֹי עַד שֶׁלֹּא יוֹצִיא וְיֶאֱסֹר עֲלֵיכֶם: \n", | 6.2. "Rabban Gamaliel said: A Sadducee once lived with us in the same alley in Jerusalem and father told us: “Hurry up and carry out all vessels into the alley before he carries out his and thereby restricts you”. Rabbi Judah said [the instruction was given] in different language: “Hurry up and perform all of your needs in the alley before he carries out his and thereby restricts you”.", |
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40. New Testament, Acts, 2.22, 2.27, 3.6, 4.10, 5.37, 6.14, 11.26, 13.35, 22.8, 23.6, 24.5, 26.9, 26.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 55, 109, 130, 172, 176, 188| 2.22. Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, ἀκούσατε τοὺς λόγους τούτους. Ἰησοῦν τὸν Ναζωραῖον, ἄνδρα ἀποδεδειγμένον ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς δυνάμεσι καὶ τέρασι καὶ σημείοις οἷς ἐποίησεν διʼ αὐτοῦ ὁ θεὸς ἐν μέσῳ ὑμῶν, καθὼς αὐτοὶ οἴδατε, 2.27. 3.6. εἶπεν δὲ Πέτρος Ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσίον οὐχ ὑπάρχει μοι, ὃ δὲ ἔχω τοῦτό σοι δίδωμι· ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου περιπάτει. 4.10. γνωστὸν ἔστω πᾶσιν ὑμῖν καὶ παντὶ τῷ λαῷ Ἰσραὴλ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου, ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε, ὃν ὁ θεὸς ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἐν τούτῳ οὗτος παρέστηκεν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν ὑγιής. 5.37. μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνέστη Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῆς ἀπογραφῆς καὶ ἀπέστησε λαὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ· κἀκεῖνος ἀπώλετο, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διεσκορπίσθησαν. 6.14. ἀκηκόαμεν γὰρ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος οὗτος καταλύσει τὸν τόπον τοῦτον καὶ ἀλλάξει τὰ ἔθη ἃ παρέδωκεν ἡμῖν Μωυσῆς. 11.26. καὶ εὑρὼν ἤγαγεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον συναχθῆναι ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ διδάξαι ὄχλον ἱκανόν, χρηματίσαὶ τε πρώτως ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τοὺς μαθητὰς Χριστιανούς. 13.35. διότι καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ λέγει Οὐ δώσεις τὸν ὅσιόν σου ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν· 22.8. ἐγὼ δὲ ἀπεκρίθην Τίς εἶ, κύριε; εἶπέν τε πρὸς ἐμέ Ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος ὃν σὺ διώκεις. 23.6. Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ὅτι τὸ ἓν μέρος ἐστὶν Σαδδουκαίων τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Φαρισαίων ἔκραζεν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ Φαρισαῖός εἰμι, υἱὸς Φαρισαίων· περὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν κρίνομαι. 24.5. εὑρόντες γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον λοιμὸν καὶ κινοῦντα στάσεις πᾶσι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πρωτοστάτην τε τῆς τῶν Ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως, 26.9. Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ἔδοξα ἐμαυτῷ πρὸς τὸ ὄνομα Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου δεῖν πολλὰ ἐναντία πρᾶξαι· 26.28. ὁ δὲ Ἀγρίππας πρὸς τὸν Παῦλον Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις Χριστιανὸν ποιῆσαι. | 2.22. "You men of Israel, hear these words. Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved by God to you by mighty works and wonders and signs which God did by him in the midst of you, even as you yourselves know, 2.27. Because you will not leave my soul in Hades, Neither will you allow your Holy One to see decay. 3.6. But Peter said, "Silver and gold have I none, but what I have, that I give you. In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise and walk!" 4.10. be it known to you all, and to all the people of Israel, that in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whom you crucified, whom God raised from the dead, in him does this man stand here before you whole. 5.37. After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad. 6.14. For we have heard him say that this Jesus of Nazareth will destroy this place, and will change the customs which Moses delivered to us." 11.26. When he had found him, he brought him to Antioch. It happened, that even for a whole year they were gathered together with the assembly, and taught many people. The disciples were first called Christians in Antioch. 13.35. Therefore he says also in another psalm, 'You will not allow your Holy One to see decay.' 22.8. I answered, 'Who are you, Lord?' He said to me, 'I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom you persecute.' 23.6. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, "Men and brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees. Concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged!" 24.5. For we have found this man to be a plague, an instigator of insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. 26.9. "I myself most assuredly thought that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth. 26.28. Agrippa said to Paul, "With a little persuasion are you trying to make me a Christian?" |
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41. Mishnah, Hagigah, None (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 197| 2.6. "הַטּוֹבֵל לְחֻלִּין וְהֻחְזַק לְחֻלִּין, אָסוּר לְמַעֲשֵׂר. טָבַל לְמַעֲשֵׂר וְהֻחְזַק לְמַעֲשֵׂר, אָסוּר לִתְרוּמָה. טָבַל לִתְרוּמָה, וְהֻחְזַק לִתְרוּמָה, אָסוּר לְקֹדֶשׁ. טָבַל לְקֹדֶשׁ וְהֻחְזַק לְקֹדֶשׁ, אָסוּר לְחַטָּאת. טָבַל לְחָמוּר, מֻתָּר לְקַל. טָבַל וְלֹא הֻחְזַק, כְּאִלּוּ לֹא טָבָל: \n", | 2.6. "If he immersed for unconsecrated [food], and was presumed to be fit to eat unconsecrated [food], he is prohibited from [eating second] tithe. If he immersed for [second] tithe, and was presumed to be fit to eat [second] tithe, he is prohibited from [eating] terumah. If he immersed for terumah, and was presumed to be fit to eat terumah, he is prohibited from [eating] holy things. If he immersed for holy things, and was presumed to be fit to eat holy things he is prohibited from [touching the waters of] purification. If one immersed for something possessing a stricter [degree of holiness], one is permitted [to have contact with] something possessing a lighter [degree of holiness]. If he immersed but without special intention, it is as though he had not immersed.", |
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42. Mishnah, Menachot, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171| 10.3. "כֵּיצַד הָיוּ עוֹשִׂים. שְׁלוּחֵי בֵית דִּין יוֹצְאִים מֵעֶרֶב יוֹם טוֹב, וְעוֹשִׂים אוֹתוֹ כְרִיכוֹת בִּמְחֻבָּר לַקַּרְקַע, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְּהֵא נוֹחַ לִקְצֹר. וְכָל הָעֲיָרוֹת הַסְּמוּכוֹת לְשָׁם, מִתְכַּנְּסוֹת לְשָׁם, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְּהֵא נִקְצָר בְּעֵסֶק גָּדוֹל. כֵּיוָן שֶׁחֲשֵׁכָה, אוֹמֵר לָהֶם, בָּא הַשָּׁמֶשׁ, אוֹמְרִים, הֵן. בָּא הַשָּׁמֶשׁ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. מַגָּל זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. מַגָּל זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. קֻפָּה זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. קֻפָּה זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. בְּשַׁבָּת אוֹמֵר לָהֶם, שַׁבָּת זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. שַׁבָּת זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. אֶקְצֹר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ קְצֹר. אֶקְצֹר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ קְצֹר. שָׁלשׁ פְּעָמִים עַל כָּל דָּבָר וְדָבָר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ הֵן, הֵן, הֵן. וְכָל כָּךְ לָמָּה. מִפְּנֵי הַבַּיְתוֹסִים, שֶׁהָיוּ אוֹמְרִים, אֵין קְצִירַת הָעֹמֶר בְּמוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב: \n", | 10.3. "How would they do it [reap the omer]?The agents of the court used to go out on the day before the festival and tie the unreaped grain in bunches to make it the easier to reap. All the inhabitants of the towns near by assembled there, so that it might be reaped with a great demonstration. As soon as it became dark he says to them: “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” On the Sabbath he says to them, “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” He repeated every matter three times, and they answer, “yes, yes, yes.” And why all of this? Because of the Boethusians who held that the reaping of the omer was not to take place at the conclusion of the [first day of the] festival.", |
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43. Mishnah, Megillah, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80| 4.3. "אֵין פּוֹרְסִין אֶת שְׁמַע, וְאֵין עוֹבְרִין לִפְנֵי הַתֵּבָה, וְאֵין נוֹשְׂאִין אֶת כַּפֵּיהֶם, וְאֵין קוֹרִין בַּתּוֹרָה, וְאֵין מַפְטִירִין בַּנָּבִיא, וְאֵין עוֹשִׂין מַעֲמָד וּמוֹשָׁב, וְאֵין אוֹמְרִים בִּרְכַּת אֲבֵלִים וְתַנְחוּמֵי אֲבֵלִים וּבִרְכַּת חֲתָנִים, וְאֵין מְזַמְּנִין בַּשֵּׁם, פָּחוֹת מֵעֲשָׂרָה. וּבַקַּרְקָעוֹת, תִּשְׁעָה וְכֹהֵן. וְאָדָם, כַּיּוֹצֵא בָּהֶן:", | 4.3. "They do not recite the Shema responsively, And they do not pass before the ark; And the [the priests] do not lift up their hands; And they do not read the Torah [publicly]; And they do not conclude with a haftarah from the prophets; And they do not make stops [at funeral] processions; And they do not say the blessing for mourners, or the comfort of mourners, or the blessing of bridegrooms; And they do not mention God’s name in the invitation [to say Birkat Hamazon]; Except in the presence of ten. [For redeeming sanctified] land nine and a priest [are sufficient], and similarly with human beings.", |
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44. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.18, 1.69, 1.73, 1.104, 1.105, 1.106, 1.229, 1.230, 1.231, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.39, 2.63, 2.64, 2.65, 2.66, 2.67, 2.68, 2.69, 2.70, 2.71, 2.72, 2.73, 2.74, 2.75, 2.76, 2.77, 2.78, 2.79, 2.80, 2.81, 2.82, 2.83, 2.84, 2.85, 2.86, 2.91, 2.327, 3.163, 3.170-1, 3.216, 3.217, 3.218, 3.263, 3.276, 4.246, 4.247, 4.248, 4.249, 4.260, 4.304, 4.329, 6.71, 7.156, 7.160, 8.146, 8.417, 8.418, 8.419, 9.276, 10.35, 10.79, 10.141, 10.142, 10.186, 10.187, 10.188, 10.189, 10.190, 10.191, 10.192, 10.194, 10.237, 10.238, 10.239, 10.247, 10.267, 10.269, 10.277, 10.278, 10.279, 10.280, 12.363, 13, 13.16, 13.17, 13.171, 13.172, 13.173, 13.174, 13.175, 13.176, 13.177, 13.178, 13.179, 13.180, 13.181, 13.182, 13.183, 13.184, 13.185, 13.186, 13.187, 13.188, 13.189, 13.190, 13.191, 13.192, 13.193, 13.194, 13.195, 13.196, 13.197, 13.198, 13.199, 13.200, 13.201, 13.202, 13.203, 13.204, 13.205, 13.206, 13.207, 13.208, 13.209, 13.210, 13.211, 13.212, 13.213, 13.288, 13.289, 13.290, 13.291, 13.292, 13.293, 13.294, 13.295, 13.296, 13.297, 13.298, 13.310, 13.311, 13.312, 13.313, 13.314, 13.371, 13.372, 13.373, 13.374, 13.375, 13.376, 13.377, 13.378, 13.379, 13.393, 13.400, 13.408, 14.41, 14.58, 14.172, 14.173, 14.174, 14.175, 14.176, 15.3, 15.4, 15.22, 15.31, 15.32, 15.33, 15.34, 15.35, 15.36, 15.37, 15.38, 15.39, 15.40, 15.41, 15.368, 15.369, 15.370, 15.371, 15.372, 15.373, 15.374, 15.375, 15.376, 15.377, 15.378, 15.379, 16.397, 17.41, 17.42, 17.43, 17.44, 17.45, 17.171, 17.172, 17.173, 17.289, 17.339, 17.340, 17.341, 17.342, 17.343, 17.344, 17.345, 17.346, 17.347, 17.348, 17.354, 18, 18.8, 18.9, 18.10, 18.11, 18.12, 18.13, 18.14, 18.15, 18.16, 18.17, 18.18, 18.19, 18.20, 18.21, 18.22, 18.23, 18.24, 18.25, 18.116, 18.117, 18.118, 18.119, 18.178, 20, 20.6, 20.97, 20.98, 20.102, 20.167, 20.168, 20.169, 20.170, 20.171, 20.172, 20.197, 20.198, 20.199, 20.200, 20.201, 20.202, 20.203, 20.205, 20.247, 20.248, 20.249, 22, 40-1, 65, 80, 87, 133, 166, 185 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58 | 13.199. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honorable of all things,—I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you; |
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45. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.7-1.8, 1.68-1.69, 1.78-1.80, 1.99, 1.104, 1.110-1.114, 1.120-1.158, 1.208-1.211, 1.656-1.659, 2.1-2.167, 2.8.2, 2.258-2.263, 2.433, 2.445, 2.520, 2.562-2.567, 3.11-3.28, 3.351-3.354, 3.374, 3.399-3.408, 4.314-4.325, 4.359-4.363, 4.433, 4.451-4.485, 5.145, 6.352, 6.387, 7.163-7.189, 7.262-7.270, 7.433 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 158; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 50, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 114, 115, 159, 165, 168, 171, 175, 176, 179, 193, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 226, 228, 259, 270, 271, 301, 302, 306, 307, 322; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58, 59 | 1.7. 3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, 1.8. as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter. 1.68. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,—the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. 1.69. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of anything that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity. 1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), 1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” 1.80. And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. 1.99. 7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidae. Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. 1.104. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. 1.110. 2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 1.120. 1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; 1.121. but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother. 1.122. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124. he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127. he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; 1.130. nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother’s hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater’s brother Phalion. 1.131. 4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. 1.132. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 1.133. 5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. 1.134. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. 1.135. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. 1.136. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. 1.137. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 1.138. 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.139. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. 1.140. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus’s party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised. 1.141. 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 1.142. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.143. So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, 1.144. who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance. 1.145. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146. nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.147. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149. for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense. 1.150. 5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. 1.151. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155. 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.210. 7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father’s advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. 1.211. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 1.656. 5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical tumors about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen,—and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. 1.657. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; 1.658. and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them. 1.659. 6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. 2.1. 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if anyone omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, 2.2. where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spoke kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father’s funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; 2.3. for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and goodwill to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father. 2.4. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. 2.5. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. 2.6. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. 2.7. They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was. 2.8. 3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. 2.9. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say anything to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. 2.10. And, indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustece by begging, in order to support their sedition. 2.11. At this Archelaus was affrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so. 2.12. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain, 2.13. who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus’s heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival. 2.14. 1. Archelaus went down now to the seaside, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs. 2.15. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king’s brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple. 2.16. 2. But as they were come to Caesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod’s effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy. 2.17. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father’s money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Caesarea; 2.18. but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king’s private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. 2.19. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus. 2.20. 3. In the meantime, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus’s kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. 2.21. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. 2.22. The inclinations also of all Archelaus’s kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king. 2.23. 4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose, by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. 2.24. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar’s hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father’s ring, and his father’s accounts. 2.25. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat) and gave the pleaders leave to speak. 2.26. 5. Then stood up Salome’s son, Antipater (who of all Archelaus’s antagonists was the shrewdest pleader), and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession, 2.27. and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod’s death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities; 2.28. that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. 2.29. He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countece in the daytime, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. 2.30. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus’s crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. 2.31. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion. 2.32. That, however, if anyone should suppose Herod’s judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it! 2.33. 6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus’s kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. 2.34. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus’s kingdom only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. 2.35. He also demonstrated that Archelaus’s accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; 2.36. for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor. 2.37. 7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar’s knees, without any noise;—upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; 2.38. but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod’s successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom. 2.39. 1. Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. 2.40. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, 2.41. and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king’s money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. 2.42. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost (i.e. the 50th day) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had [at the present state of affairs]. 2.43. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. 2.44. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them. 2.45. 2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. 2.46. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod’s brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. 2.47. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others’ want of skill, in war; 2.48. but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand. 2.49. 3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; 2.50. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.51. 4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. 2.52. There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. 2.53. Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break downthe walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. 2.54. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer. 2.55. 1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod’s veteran soldiers got together, and armedthemselves, and fought against those of the king’s party; against whom Achiabus, the king’s first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. 2.56. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and broke open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion. 2.57. 2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. 2.58. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king’s party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. 2.59. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and broke it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea. 2.60. 3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. 2.61. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs; 2.62. and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king’s party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. 2.63. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. 2.64. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. 2.65. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war. 2.66. 1. Upon Varus’s reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, 2.67. and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais,—having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. 2.68. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot), Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; 2.69. but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also. 2.70. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. 2.71. Emmaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arius. 2.72. 2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; 2.73. they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. 2.74. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king’s army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus’s sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the seaside. 2.75. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand. 2.76. 3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; 2.77. but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. 2.78. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king’s relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod’s kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. 2.79. When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch. 2.80. 1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. 2.81. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; 2.82. but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. 2.83. Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.87. that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; 2.88. that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; 2.89. while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: 2.90. that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, 2.91. and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. 2.92. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers. 2.93. 3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. 2.94. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. 2.95. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.99. And for the rest of Herod’s offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: 2.100. but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased. 2.101. 1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freedmen, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their counteces, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected. 2.102. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. 2.103. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome. 2.104. So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father’s friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countece procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person. 2.105. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges. 2.106. 2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander’s face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countece, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him. 2.107. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countece; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. 2.108. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate. 2.109. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him,—“I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories.” So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. 2.110. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account. 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.112. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; 2.113. and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial. 2.114. 4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. 2.115. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, and married her. 2.116. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her,—“Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or no.” Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.120. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. 2.121. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.125. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. 2.126. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time. 2.127. Nor do they either buy or sell anything to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please. 2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 2.130. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them. 2.134. 6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone’s own free will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. 2.135. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.138. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. 2.139. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.143. 8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; 2.144. for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.146. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. 2.147. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. 2.148. Nay, on theother days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, 2.149. after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them. 2.150. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. 2.151. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.158. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essenes about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy. 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, 2.163. and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. 2.167. 1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis. 2.258. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. 2.259. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. 2.260. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 2.261. 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; 2.262. these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. 2.263. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. 2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, 2.445. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. 2.520. of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. 2.562. 3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some they persuaded [by entreaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. 2.563. Joseph also, the son of Gorion, and Aus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; 2.564. for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. 2.565. However, the want they were in of Eleazar’s money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs. 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 2.567. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. 3.11. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. 3.12. Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Antonius. 3.13. 2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it; 3.14. but Antonius, who was not unapprised of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. 3.15. Now the Jews were unskillful in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did everything they were bidden upon the least intimation. 3.16. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy’s cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell upon their own party’s weapons, and became one another’s enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen; 3.17. which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows; 3.18. and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multitude. 3.19. And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews’ side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas, 3.20. and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. 3.21. Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle. 3.22. 3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction; 3.23. o when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon. 3.24. But their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war; 3.25. for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain; so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedel. 3.26. However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on fire; 3.27. and as the tower was burning, the Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral; 3.28. and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God’s providence to be their commander for the time to come. 3.351. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the nighttime, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. 3.352. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: 3.353. and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, 3.354. and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.” 3.374. Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; 3.399. 9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, 3.400. “Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. 3.401. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. 3.402. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.” 3.403. When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; 3.404. but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs foreshowing his advancement. 3.405. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.” 3.406. To which Josephus replied, “I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.” 3.407. Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. 3.408. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him. 4.314. 2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew everyone they met; 4.315. and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them; 4.316. and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Aus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall. 4.317. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. 4.318. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Aus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city. 4.319. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; 4.320. he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; 4.321. to say all in a word, if Aus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. 4.322. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; 4.323. and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and wellwishers, 4.324. while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. 4.325. And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men’s case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Aus and Jesus. 4.359. Nor did Niger of Perea escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, 4.360. and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried]. 4.361. Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; 4.362. all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward they tasted of their own madness in their mutual seditions one against another. 4.363. So when this Niger was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them; 4.433. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the riverside, where they were stopped by the current (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable) he put his soldiers in array over against them; 4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; 4.452. they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, 4.453. which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltitis, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness: 4.454. there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon, which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. 4.455. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis; 4.456. its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. 4.457. This plain is much burnt up in summertime, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; 4.458. it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful. 4.459. 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. 4.460. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, 4.461. who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; 4.462. for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication,—That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; 4.463. that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous. 4.464. To these prayers Elisha joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. 4.465. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it does but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. 4.466. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. 4.467. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. 4.468. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. 4.469. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the most excellent sort. 4.470. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it,—what is here sown comes up in such clusters; 4.471. the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summertime. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; 4.472. and if the water be drawn up before sunrising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; 4.473. as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. 4.474. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. 4.475. But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation. 4.476. 4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for anyone to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. 4.477. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. 4.478. Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. 4.479. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls; 4.480. and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields. 4.481. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men’s bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. 4.482. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. 4.483. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. 4.484. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. 4.485. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us. 5.145. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called “Bethso,” to the gate of the Essenes; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon’s pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called “Ophlas,” where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. 6.352. At this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him, as if they had been conquerors. So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any further security; 6.387. 3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple, 7.163. 1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellius, and took that citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it; 7.164. after which he got together all the soldiery that was there (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties), with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus; for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength; 7.165. for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it; 7.166. for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very hard to be subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended; 7.167. for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth. 7.168. For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same side it was also that Macherus had the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest. 7.169. But then for the valleys that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them; 7.170. and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against Macherus, with which it is bounded. 7.171. 2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristobulus. 7.172. But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country; 7.173. he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; 7.174. nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high; 7.175. in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. 7.176. He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men. 7.177. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get everything thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants’ security, under the longest siege possible. 7.178. 3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness; 7.179. and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterwards. 7.180. But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself; 7.181. its color is like to that of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it; 7.182. nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless anyone take and hang the root itself down from his hand, and so carry it away. 7.183. It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, 7.184. they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need anyone be afraid of taking it into their hands. 7.185. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them. 7.186. Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet. 7.187. Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their fountains near one another, 7.188. but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent; 7.189. above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulfur and alum. 7.262. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. 7.263. Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do; 7.264. for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men. 7.265. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant? 7.266. What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof. 7.267. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, 7.268. and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; 7.269. for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; 7.270. and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. |
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46. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.8, 1.35, 1.43, 1.165, 1.188, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.29, 2.108, 2.146, 2.161, 2.162, 2.165, 2.168, 2.170, 2.185, 2.186, 2.192, 2.194, 2.199, 2.202, 2.218, 2.219, 2.225, 2.226, 2.227, 2.228, 2.229, 2.230, 2.231, 2.232, 2.233, 2.234, 2.235, 2.273, 2.276-83, 2.293, 2.294, 178-81, 199, 220, 291 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 56 | 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! |
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| 47. Josephus Flavius, Life, 10-11, 190-198, 4, 414, 5, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 50, 51, 52, 53, 57, 58, 63, 92, 102, 196 |
48. Mishnah, Yadayim, 4.5-4.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, wealth and communality Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171, 197| 4.5. "תַּרְגּוּם שֶׁבְּעֶזְרָא וְשֶׁבְּדָנִיֵּאל, מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. תַּרְגּוּם שֶׁכְּתָבוֹ עִבְרִית וְעִבְרִית שֶׁכְּתָבוֹ תַּרְגּוּם, וּכְתָב עִבְרִי, אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. לְעוֹלָם אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא, עַד שֶׁיִּכְתְּבֶנּוּ אַשּׁוּרִית, עַל הָעוֹר, וּבִדְיוֹ: \n", 4.6. "אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם אוֹמְרִים, כִּתְבֵי הַקֹּדֶשׁ מְטַמְּאִין אֶת הַיָּדַיִם, וְסִפְרֵי הוֹמֵרִיס אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. אָמַר רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי, וְכִי אֵין לָנוּ עַל הַפְּרוּשִׁים אֶלָּא זוֹ בִלְבָד. הֲרֵי הֵם אוֹמְרִים, עַצְמוֹת חֲמוֹר טְהוֹרִים וְעַצְמוֹת יוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל טְמֵאִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, לְפִי חִבָּתָן הִיא טֻמְאָתָן, שֶׁלֹּא יַעֲשֶׂה אָדָם עַצְמוֹת אָבִיו וְאִמּוֹ תַּרְוָדוֹת. אָמַר לָהֶם, אַף כִּתְבֵי הַקֹּדֶשׁ לְפִי חִבָּתָן הִיא טֻמְאָתָן, וְסִפְרֵי הוֹמֵרִיס, שֶׁאֵינָן חֲבִיבִין, אֵינָן מְטַמְּאִין אֶת הַיָּדָיִם: \n", 4.7. "אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִין, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם מְטַהֲרִים אֶת הַנִּצּוֹק. אוֹמְרִים הַפְּרוּשִׁים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, צְדוֹקִים, שֶׁאַתֶּם מְטַהֲרִים אֶת אַמַּת הַמַּיִם הַבָּאָה מִבֵּית הַקְּבָרוֹת. אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִין, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם אוֹמְרִים, שׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי שֶׁהִזִּיקוּ, חַיָּבִין. וְעַבְדִּי וַאֲמָתִי שֶׁהִזִּיקוּ, פְּטוּרִין. מָה אִם שׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי, שֶׁאֵינִי חַיָּב בָּהֶם מִצְוֹת, הֲרֵי אֲנִי חַיָּב בְּנִזְקָן. עַבְדִּי וַאֲמָתִי, שֶׁאֲנִי חַיָּב בָּהֶן מִצְוֹת, אֵינוֹ דִין שֶׁאֱהֵא חַיָּב בְּנִזְקָן. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם, לֹא. אִם אֲמַרְתֶּם בְּשׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי, שֶׁאֵין בָּהֶם דַּעַת, תֹּאמְרוּ בְּעַבְדִּי וּבַאֲמָתִי, שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם דָּעַת. שֶׁאִם אַקְנִיטֵם, יֵלֵךְ וְיַדְלִיק גְּדִישׁוֹ שֶׁל אַחֵר וֶאֱהֵא חַיָּב לְשַׁלֵּם: \n", 4.8. "אָמַר צְדוֹקִי גְלִילִי, קוֹבֵל אֲנִי עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִין אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל עִם משֶׁה בַּגֵּט. אוֹמְרִים פְּרוּשִׁים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עָלֶיךָ, צְדוֹקִי גְלִילִי, שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִים אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל עִם הַשֵּׁם בַּדַּף, וְלֹא עוֹד, אֶלָּא שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִין אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל מִלְמַעְלָן וְאֶת הַשֵּׁם מִלְּמַטָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות ה) וַיֹּאמֶר פַּרְעֹה מִי ה' אֲשֶׁר אֶשְׁמַע בְּקֹלוֹ לְשַׁלַּח אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. וּכְשֶׁלָּקָה מַהוּ אוֹמֵר (שם ט), ה' הַצַּדִּיק: \n", | 4.5. "The Aramaic sections in Ezra and Daniel defile the hands. If an Aramaic section was written in Hebrew, or a Hebrew section was written in Aramaic, or [Hebrew which was written with] Hebrew script, it does not defile the hands. It never defiles the hands until it is written in the Assyrian script, on parchment, and in ink.", 4.6. "The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, because you say that the Holy Scriptures defile the hands, but the books of Homer do not defile the hands. Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai said: Have we nothing against the Pharisees but this? Behold they say that the bones of a donkey are clean, yet the bones of Yoha the high priest are unclean. They said to him: according to the affection for them, so is their impurity, so that nobody should make spoons out of the bones of his father or mother. He said to them: so also are the Holy Scriptures according to the affection for them, so is their uncleanness. The books of Homer which are not precious do not defile the hands.", 4.7. "The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, that you declare an uninterrupted flow of a liquid to be clean. The Pharisees say: we complain against you, Sadducees, that you declare a stream of water which flows from a burial-ground to be clean? The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, that you say, my ox or donkey which has done injury is liable, yet my male or female slave who has done injury is not liable. Now if in the case of my ox or my donkey for which I am not responsible if they do not fulfill religious duties, yet I am responsible for their damages, in the case of my male or female slave for whom I am responsible to see that they fulfill mitzvot, how much more so that I should be responsible for their damages? They said to them: No, if you argue about my ox or my donkey which have no understanding, can you deduce from there anything concerning a male or female slave who do have understanding? So that if I were to anger either of them and they would go and burn another person's stack, should I be liable to make restitution?", 4.8. "A Galilean min said: I complain against you Pharisees, that you write the name of the ruler and the name of Moses together on a divorce document. The Pharisees said: we complain against you, Galilean min, that you write the name of the ruler together with the divine name on a single page [of Torah]? And furthermore that you write the name of the ruler above and the divine name below? As it is said, \"And Pharoah said, Who is the Lord that I should hearken to his voice to let Israel go?\" (Exodus 5:2) But when he was smitten what did he say? \"The Lord is righteous\" (Exodus 9:27).", |
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| 49. Mishnah, Avot, 1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, origin of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 90 |
50. New Testament, Titus, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 188| 1.8. ἀλλὰ φιλόξενον, φιλάγαθον, σώφρονα, δίκαιον, ὅσιον, ἐγκρατῆ, ἀντεχόμενον τοῦ κατὰ τὴν διδαχὴν πιστοῦ λόγου, | 1.8. but given to hospitality, as a lover of good, sober-minded, fair, holy, self-controlled; |
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51. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 7.1-7.5, 7.7, 7.9, 7.32-7.35, 15.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, death and afterlife beliefs •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 69, 83| 7.1. Περὶ δὲ ὧν ἐγράψατε, καλὸν ἀνθρώπῳ γυναικὸς μὴ ἅπτεσθαι· 7.2. διὰ δὲ τὰς πορνείας ἕκαστος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γυναῖκα ἐχέτω, καὶ ἑκάστη τὸν ἴδιον ἄνδρα ἐχέτω. 7.3. τῇ γυναικὶ ὁ ἀνὴρ τὴν ὀφειλὴν ἀποδιδότω, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῷ ἀνδρί. 7.4. ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ ἰδίου σώματος οὐκ ἐξουσιάζει ἀλλὰ ὁ ἀνήρ· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀνὴρ τοῦ ἰδίου σώματος οὐκ ἐξουσιάζει ἀλλὰ ἡ γυνή. 7.5. μὴ ἀποστερεῖτε ἀλλήλους, εἰ μήτι [ἂν] ἐκ συμφώνου πρὸς καιρὸν ἵνα σχολάσητε τῇ προσευχῇ καὶ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ἦτε, ἵνα μὴ πειράζῃ ὑμᾶς ὁ Σατανᾶς διὰ τὴν ἀκρασίαν [ὑμῶν]. 7.7. θέλω δὲ πάντας ἀνθρώπους εἶναι ὡς καὶ ἐμαυτόν· ἀλλὰ ἕκαστος ἴδιον ἔχει χάρισμα ἐκ θεοῦ, ὁ μὲν οὕτως, ὁ δὲ οὕτως. 7.9. εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἐγκρατεύονται, γαμησάτωσαν, κρεῖττον γάρ ἐστιν γαμεῖν ἢ πυροῦσθαι. 7.32. θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀμερίμνους εἶναι. ὁ ἄγαμος μεριμνᾷ τὰ τοῦ κυρίου, πῶς ἀρέσῃ τῷ κυρίῳ· 7.33. ὁ δὲ γαμήσας μεριμνᾷ τὰ τοῦ κόσμου, πῶς ἀρέσῃ τῇ γυναικί, καὶ μεμέρισται. καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ ἄγαμος καὶ ἡ παρθένος μεριμνᾷ τὰ τοῦ κυρίου, 7.34. ἵνα ᾖ ἁγία [καὶ] τῷ σώματι καὶ τῷ πνεύματι· ἡ δὲ γαμήσασα μεριμνᾷ τὰ τοῦ κόσμου, πῶς ἀρέσῃ τῷ ἀνδρί. 7.35. τοῦτο δὲ πρὸς τὸ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σύμφορον λέγω, οὐχ ἵνα βρόχον ὑμῖν ἐπιβάλω, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ εὔσχημον καὶ εὐπάρεδρον τῷ κυρίῳ ἀπερισπάστως. 15.44. σπείρεται σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἐγείρεται σῶμα πνευματικόν. Εἰ ἔστιν σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἔστιν καὶ πνευματικόν. | 7.1. Now concerning the things about which you wrote to me: it isgood for a man not to touch a woman. 7.2. But, because of sexualimmoralities, let each man have his own wife, and let each woman haveher own husband. 7.3. Let the husband render to his wife the affectionowed her, and likewise also the wife to her husband. 7.4. The wifedoesn't have authority over her own body, but the husband. Likewisealso the husband doesn't have authority over his own body, but thewife. 7.5. Don't deprive one another, unless it is by consent for aseason, that you may give yourselves to fasting and prayer, and may betogether again, that Satan doesn't tempt you because of your lack ofself-control. 7.7. Yet I wish that all men were like me. However each man has his own giftfrom God, one of this kind, and another of that kind. 7.9. But if they don't have self-control, let them marry. Forit's better to marry than to burn. 7.32. But I desire to have you tobe free from cares. He who is unmarried is concerned for the things ofthe Lord, how he may please the Lord; 7.33. but he who is married isconcerned about the things of the world, how he may please his wife. 7.34. There is also a difference between a wife and a virgin. Theunmarried woman cares about the things of the Lord, that she may beholy both in body and in spirit. But she who is married cares about thethings of the world -- how she may please her husband. 7.35. This Isay for your own profit; not that I may ensnare you, but for that whichis appropriate, and that you may attend to the Lord withoutdistraction. 15.44. It is sown a natural body; it is raised aspiritual body. There is a natural body and there is also a spiritualbody. |
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52. New Testament, Luke, 1.15, 7.33, 18.37, 22.66, 24.29 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, legal system Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 53, 114, 172| 1.15. ἔσται γὰρ μέγας ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὴ πίῃ, καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, 7.33. ἐλήλυθεν γὰρ Ἰωάνης ὁ βαπτιστὴς μὴ ἔσθων ἄρτον μήτε πίνων οἶνον, καὶ λέγετε Δαιμόνιον ἔχει· 18.37. ἀπήγγειλαν δὲ αὐτῷ ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος παρέρχεται. 22.66. Καὶ ὡς ἐγένετο ἡμέρα, συνήχθη τὸ πρεσβυτέριον τοῦ λαοῦ, ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ γραμματεῖς, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον αὐτῶν, 24.29. καὶ παρεβιάσαντο αὐτὸν λέγοντες Μεῖνον μεθʼ ἡμῶν, ὅτι πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐστὶν καὶ κέκλικεν ἤδη ἡ ἡμέρα. καὶ εἰσῆλθεν τοῦ μεῖναι σὺν αὐτοῖς. | 1.15. For he will be great in the sight of the Lord, and he will drink no wine nor strong drink. He will be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mother's womb. 7.33. For John the Baptizer came neither eating bread nor drinking wine, and you say, 'He has a demon.' 18.37. They told him that Jesus of Nazareth was passing by. 22.66. As soon as it was day, the assembly of the elders of the people was gathered together, both chief priests and scribes, and they led him away into their council, saying, 24.29. They urged him, saying, "Stay with us, for it is almost evening, and the day is almost over."He went in to stay with them. |
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53. Mishnah, Toharot, 4.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, wealth and communality Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171, 197| 4.12. "סְפֵק הַחֻלִּין, זוֹ טָהֳרַת פְּרִישׁוּת. סְפֵק שְׁרָצִים, כִּשְׁעַת מְצִיאָתָן. סְפֵק נְגָעִים, בַּתְּחִלָּה טָהוֹר, עַד שֶׁלֹּא נִזְקַק לַטֻּמְאָה. מִשֶּׁנִּזְקַק לַטֻּמְאָה, סְפֵקוֹ טָמֵא. סְפֵק נְזִירוּת, מֻתָּר. סְפֵק בְּכוֹרוֹת, אֶחָד בְּכוֹרֵי אָדָם וְאֶחָד בְּכוֹרֵי בְהֵמָה, בֵּין טְמֵאָה בֵּין טְהוֹרָה, שֶׁהַמּוֹצִיא מֵחֲבֵרוֹ עָלָיו הָרְאָיָה: \n", | 4.12. "\"A condition of doubt concerning non-sacred food\"--this refers to the cleanness practiced by Pharisees. \"A condition of doubt concerning a sheretz\" –according [to their condition at] the time they are found. \"A condition of doubt concerning negaim\" it is deemed clean in the beginning before it had been determined to be unclean, but after it had been determined to be unclean, a condition of doubt is deemed unclean. \"A condition of doubt concerning a nazirite vow\" [in such a condition of doubt he] is permitted [all that is forbidden to a nazirite]. \"A condition of doubt concerning first-borns\" whether they are human firstborn or firstborn of cattle, whether the firstborn of an unclean beast or a clean one, for the one who wishes to extract from his fellow bears the burden of proof.", |
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| 54. Tosefta, Yadayim, 2.20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 179 |
55. Tosefta, Kippurim, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171| 1.8. "איזו היא אצבע צרדה זו אצבע גדולה של ימין בפה [ולא] בנבל ולא בכנור מה היו אומרים (תהילים קכ״ז:א׳) שיר המעלות לשלמה אם ה' לא יבנה בית וגו' לא היו ישנים כל הלילה אלא שקורין כנגד כהן גדול [כדי] לעסקו בתורה כך היו נוהגין בגבולין אחר חורבן הבית זכר למקדש אבל חוטאין [היו].", | |
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56. Celsus, On Medicine, 5.19.11, 5.22.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 336 | 5.19.11. Now there are certain plasters which produce both effects which if . . . they are to be applied for both purposes are better; but if there is a choice these are to be rejected, and those plasters rather are to be selected which especially effect what is needed at the time. I will mention two as examples. There is the plaster of Attalus for wounds, which contains copper scales 64 grams, frankincense soot 60 grams, ammoniacum the same; liquid turpentine 100 grams, bull-suet this amount; vinegar three-quarters of a litre, oil half a litre. But among those suitable for broken heads, some include the one which is ascribed to Iudaeus. It is composed of salt 16 grams, red copper scales and calcined copper, 48 grams each, ammoniacum for fumigation, frankincense soot and dried resin, 64 grams each, Colophon resin, wax and prepared calf's suet, 80 grams each, vinegar 65 cc., less than 40 cc. of oil. The Greeks call tetherapeumena, what we call prepared, when, for instance, from suet all membranous particles are carefully removed, and so in the case of other medicaments. 5.22.4. The compound of Iudaeus contains lime two parts; the reddest soda one part, mixed with the urine of a young boy to the consistency of strigil scrapings. But the place on which it is smeared should from time to time be moistened. |
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| 57. Celsus, De Medicina, 5.19.11, 5.22.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 336 |
| 58. Dioscorides Pedanius, De Materia Medica, 1.73 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, and the judaean revolt (c. Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 226 |
| 59. Epictetus, Discourses, 4.11.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, legal system Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 79 |
60. Tosefta, Parah, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171| 3.8. "נתנן עד שלא הוצת האור ברובה או משנעשית אפר פסולה. נטל עצם או שחור וקדש בו הרי זה לא עשה כלום אם יש עליו אבק כל שהוא אם מגופה כותשו ומקדש בו וכשר. וחולקין אותו לשלשה חלקים אחד ניתן בחיל ואחד ניתן בהר המשחה ואחד מתחלק לכל המשמרות זה שמתחלק לכל המשמרות היו ישראל מזין הימנו. זה שניתן בהר המשחה היו כהנים מקדשין בו. זה שניתן בחיל היו משמרין שנאמר (במדבר יט) והיתה לעדת בני ישראל למשמרת. ", | |
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| 61. Tacitus, Annals, 15.44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 130 |
62. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 2.1, 3.1-3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and menahems prediction •josephus essenes, and agriculture •josephus essenes, as paradigm of jewishness •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, sacrifices, performing of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 99| 2.1. ἦν δὲ πλησίον αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἡ γενομένη Μανίου Κουρίου τοῦ τρὶς θριαμβεύσαντος ἔπαυλις. ἐπὶ ταύτην συνεχῶς βαδίζων καὶ θεώμενος τοῦ τε χωρίου τὴν μικρότητα καὶ τῆς οἰκήσεως τὸ λιτόν, ἔννοιαν ἐλάμβανε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, ὅτι Ῥωμαίων μέγιστος γενόμενος καὶ τὰ μαχιμώτατα τῶν ἐθνῶν ὑπαγαγόμενος καὶ Πύρρον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἰταλίας τοῦτο τὸ χωρίδιον αὐτὸς ἔσκαπτε καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἔπαυλιν ᾤκει μετὰ τρεῖς θριάμβους. 3.1. ἦν δέ τις ἀνὴρ εὐπατρίδης μὲν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων καί δυνατός, ἀρετὴν δὲ φυομένην μὲν αἰσθάνεσθαι δεινός, εὐμενὴς δὲ καί θρέψαι καί προαγαγεῖν εἰς δόξαν, Οὐαλλέριος Φλάκκος. οὗτος εἶχεν ὁμοροῦντα χωρία τοῖς Κάτωνος, πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν αὐτουργίαν καί δίαιταν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν καί θαυμάσας ἐξηγουμένων, ὅτι πρωὶ μὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν βαδίζει καί παρίσταται τοῖς δεομένοις, ἐπανελθὼν δʼ εἰς τὸ χωρίον, 3.2. ἂν μὲν ᾖ χειμὼν, ἐξωμίδα λαβών, θέρους δὲ γυμνὸς ἐργασάμενος μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐσθίει τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρτον ὁμοῦ καθήμενος καί πίνει τὸν αὐτὸν οἶνον, ἄλλην τε πολλὴν ἐπιείκειαν αὐτοῦ καί μετριότητα καί τινας καί λόγους ἀποφθεγματικοὺς διαμνημονευόντων, ἐκέλευσε κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον. 3.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου χρώμενος καί κατανοῶν ἥμερον καί ἀστεῖον ἦθος, ὥσπερ φυτὸν ἀσκήσεως καί χώρας ἐπιφανοῦς δεόμενον, προετρέψατο καί συνέπεισεν ἅψασθαι τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολιτείας. κατελθὼν οὖν εὐθὺς τοὺς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐκτᾶτο θαυμαστὰς καὶ φίλους διὰ τῶν συνηγοριῶν, πολλὴν δὲ τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου τιμήν καὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ προστιθέντος χιλιαρχίας ἔτυχε πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐταμίευσεν. 3.4. ἐκ τούτου δὲ λαμπρὸς ὢν ἤδη καί περιφανής αὐτῷ τῷ Οὐαλλερίῳ περὶ τὰς μεγίστας συνεξέδραμεν ἀρχάς, ὕπατός τε μετʼ ἐκείνου καί πάλιν τιμητὴς γενόμενος. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων πολιτῶν Μαξίμῳ Φαβίῳ προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, ἐνδοξοτάτῳ μὲν ὄντι καί μεγίστην ἔχοντι δύναμιν, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ καί τὸν βίον ὡς κάλλιστα παραδείγματα προθέμενος. | 2.1. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. |
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63. New Testament, Matthew, 2.23, 3.7, 6.17, 9.11, 9.34, 11.18-11.19, 12.24, 12.27, 15.3, 16.1, 16.6, 16.12, 16.68, 19.10-19.12, 21.45, 22.15-22.16, 22.34, 23.2-23.3, 23.32-23.36, 26.71, 27.62 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 53, 66, 68, 74, 87, 109, 111, 114, 172, 197| 2.23. καὶ ἐλθὼν κατῴκησεν εἰς πόλιν λεγομένην Ναζαρέτ, ὅπως πληρωθῇ τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ τῶν προφητῶν ὅτι Ναζωραῖος κληθήσεται. 3.7. Ἰδὼν δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ Σαδδουκαίων ἐρχομένους ἐπὶ τὸ βάπτισμα εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Γεννήματα ἐχιδνῶν, τίς ὑπέδειξεν ὑμῖν φυγεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς μελλούσης ὀργῆς; 6.17. σὺ δὲ νηστεύων ἄλειψαί σου τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπόν σου νίψαι, 9.11. καὶ ἰδόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Διὰ τί μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐσθίει ὁ διδάσκαλος ὑμῶν; 9.34. [οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον Ἐν τῷ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων ἐκβάλλει τὰ δαιμόνια.] 11.18. ἦλθεν γὰρ Ἰωάνης μήτε ἐσθίων μήτε πίνων, καὶ λέγουσιν Δαιμόνιον ἔχει· 11.19. ἦλθεν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων, καὶ λέγουσιν Ἰδοὺ ἄνθρωπος φάγος καὶ οἰνοπότης, τελωνῶν φίλος καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν. καὶ ἐδικαιώθη ἡ σοφία ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων αὐτῆς. 12.24. οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἀκούσαντες εἶπον Οὗτος οὐκ ἐκβάλλει τὰ δαιμόνια εἰ μὴ ἐν τῷ Βεεζεβοὺλ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων. 12.27. καὶ εἰ ἐγὼ ἐν Βεεζεβοὺλ ἐκβάλλω τὰ δαιμόνια, οἱ υἱοὶ ὑμῶν ἐν τίνι ἐκβάλλουσιν; διὰ τοῦτο αὐτοὶ κριταὶ ἔσονται ὑμῶν. 15.3. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Διὰ τί καὶ ὑμεῖς παραβαίνετε τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τὴν παράδοσιν ὑμῶν; 16.1. Καὶ προσελθόντες [οἱ] Φαρισαῖοι καὶ Σαδδουκαῖοι πειράζοντες ἐπηρώτησαν αὐτὸν σημεῖον ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐπιδεῖξαι αὐτοῖς. 16.6. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὁρᾶτε καὶ προσέχετε ἀπὸ τῆς ζύμης τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ Σαδδουκαίων. 16.12. τότε συνῆκαν ὅτι οὐκ εἶπεν προσέχειν ἀπὸ τῆς ζύμης [τῶν ἄρτων] ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ τῆς διδαχῆς τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ Σαδδουκαίων. 19.10. λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταί Εἰ οὕτως ἐστὶν ἡ αἰτία τοῦ ἀνθρώπου μετὰ τῆς γυναικός, οὐ συμφέρει γαμῆσαι. 19.11. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐ πάντες χωροῦσι τὸν λόγον, ἀλλʼ οἷς δέδοται. 19.12. εἰσὶν γὰρ εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς ἐγεννήθησαν οὕτως, καὶ εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνουχίσθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνούχισαν ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν. ὁ δυνάμενος χωρεῖν χωρείτω. 21.45. Καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι τὰς παραβολὰς αὐτοῦ ἔγνωσαν ὅτι περὶ αὐτῶν λέγει· 22.15. Τότε πορευθέντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον ὅπως αὐτὸν παγιδεύσωσιν ἐν λόγῳ. 22.16. καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν αὐτῷ τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτῶν μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν λέγοντας Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ἀληθείᾳ διδάσκεις, καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων· 22.34. Οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἀκούσαντες ὅτι ἐφίμωσεν τοὺς Σαδδουκαίους συνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 23.2. Ἐπὶ τῆς Μωυσέως καθέδρας ἐκάθισαν οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι. 23.3. πάντα οὖν ὅσα ἐὰν εἴπωσιν ὑμῖν ποιήσατε καὶ τηρεῖτε, κατὰ δὲ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν μὴ ποιεῖτε, λέγουσιν γὰρ καὶ οὐ ποιοῦσιν. 23.32. καὶ ὑμεῖς πληρώσατε τὸ μέτρον τῶν πατέρων ὑμῶν. 23.33. ὄφεις γεννήματα ἐχιδνῶν, πῶς φύγητε ἀπὸ τῆς κρίσεως τῆς γεέννης; 23.34. διὰ τοῦτο ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω πρὸς ὑμᾶς προφήτας καὶ σοφοὺς καὶ γραμματεῖς· ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποκτενεῖτε καὶ σταυρώσετε, καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν μαστιγώσετε ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς ὑμῶν καὶ διώξετε ἀπὸ πόλεως εἰς πόλιν· 23.35. ὅπως ἔλθῃ ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς πᾶν αἱμα δίκαιον ἐκχυννόμενον ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος Ἅβελ τοῦ δικαίου ἕως τοῦ αἵματος Ζαχαρίου υἱοῦ Βαραχίου, ὅν ἐφονεύσατε μεταξὺ τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου. 23.36. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἥξει ταῦτα πάντα ἐπὶ τὴν γενεὰν ταύτην. 26.71. ἐξελθόντα δὲ εἰς τὸν πυλῶνα εἶδεν αὐτὸν ἄλλη καὶ λέγει τοῖς ἐκεῖ 27.62. Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον, ἥτις ἐστὶν μετὰ τὴν παρασκευήν, συνήχθησαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι πρὸς Πειλᾶτον | 2.23. and came and lived in a city called Nazareth; that it might be fulfilled which was spoken through the prophets: "He will be called a Nazarene." 3.7. But when he saw many of the Pharisees and Sadducees coming for his baptism, he said to them, "You offspring of vipers, who warned you to flee from the wrath to come? 6.17. But you, when you fast, anoint your head, and wash your face; 9.11. When the Pharisees saw it, they said to his disciples, "Why does your teacher eat with tax collectors and sinners?" 9.34. But the Pharisees said, "By the prince of the demons, he casts out demons." 11.18. For John came neither eating nor drinking, and they say, 'He has a demon.' 11.19. The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they say, 'Behold, a gluttonous man and a drunkard, a friend of tax collectors and sinners!' But wisdom is justified by her children." 12.24. But when the Pharisees heard it, they said, "This man does not cast out demons, except by Beelzebul, the prince of the demons." 12.27. If I by Beelzebul cast out demons, by whom do your sons cast them out? Therefore they will be your judges. 15.3. He answered them, "Why do you also disobey the commandment of God because of your tradition? 16.1. The Pharisees and Sadducees came, and testing him, asked him to show them a sign from heaven. 16.6. Jesus said to them, "Take heed and beware of the yeast of the Pharisees and Sadducees." 16.12. Then they understood that he didn't tell them to beware of the yeast of bread, but of the teaching of the Pharisees and Sadducees. 19.10. His disciples said to him, "If this is the case of the man with his wife, it is not expedient to marry." 19.11. But he said to them, "Not all men can receive this saying, but those to whom it is given. 19.12. For there are eunuchs who were born that way from their mother's womb, and there are eunuchs who were made eunuchs by men; and there are eunuchs who made themselves eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake. He who is able to receive it, let him receive it." 21.45. When the chief priests and the Pharisees heard his parables, they perceived that he spoke about them. 22.15. Then the Pharisees went and took counsel how they might entrap him in his talk. 22.16. They sent their disciples to him, along with the Herodians, saying, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and teach the way of God in truth, no matter who you teach, for you aren't partial to anyone. 22.34. But the Pharisees, when they heard that he had put the Sadducees to silence, gathered themselves together. 23.2. saying, "The scribes and the Pharisees sat on Moses' seat. 23.3. All things therefore whatever they tell you to observe, observe and do, but don't do their works; for they say, and don't do. 23.32. Fill up, then, the measure of your fathers. 23.33. You serpents, you offspring of vipers, how will you escape the judgment of Gehenna? 23.34. Therefore, behold, I send to you prophets, wise men, and scribes. Some of them you will kill and crucify; and some of them you will scourge in your synagogues, and persecute from city to city; 23.35. that on you may come all the righteous blood shed on the earth, from the blood of righteous Abel to the blood of Zachariah son of Barachiah, whom you killed between the sanctuary and the altar. 23.36. Most assuredly I tell you, all these things will come upon this generation. 26.71. When he had gone out onto the porch, someone else saw him, and said to those who were there, "This man also was with Jesus of Nazareth." 27.62. Now on the next day, which was the day after the Preparation Day, the chief priests and the Pharisees were gathered together to Pilate, |
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64. New Testament, Mark, 2.16, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 3.6, 3.22, 5, 7.1-3, 8.11, 8.15, 10.2, 12.13, 12.23, 14.53, 15, 16.1, 18, 24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 87, 109, 197| 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. | 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. |
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65. Mishnah, Yevamot, 6.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in •josephus essenes, virtue of (virtus) Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 68| 6.6. "לֹא יִבָּטֵל אָדָם מִפְּרִיָּה וּרְבִיָּה, אֶלָּא אִם כֵּן יֶשׁ לוֹ בָנִים. בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, שְׁנֵי זְכָרִים. וּבֵית הִלֵּל אוֹמְרִים, זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר, (בראשית ה) זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בְּרָאָם. נָשָׂא אִשָּׁה, וְשָׁהָה עִמָּהּ עֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים, וְלֹא יָלְדָה, אֵינוֹ רַשַּׁאי לִבָּטֵל. גֵּרְשָׁהּ, מֻתֶּרֶת לִנָּשֵׂא לְאַחֵר. וְרַשַּׁאי הַשֵּׁנִי לִשְׁהוֹת עִמָּהּ עֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים. וְאִם הִפִּילָה, מוֹנֶה מִשָּׁעָה שֶׁהִפִּילָה. הָאִישׁ מְצֻוֶּה עַל פְּרִיָּה וּרְבִיָּה, אֲבָל לֹא הָאִשָּׁה. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בֶּן בְּרוֹקָא אוֹמֵר, עַל שְׁנֵיהֶם הוּא אוֹמֵר (בראשית א), וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם אֱלֹהִים פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ: \n", | 6.6. "A man shall not abstain from procreation unless he already has children. Beth Shammai says: two males, And Beth Hillel says: male and a female, for it says, “Male and female created he them” (Genesis 5:2). If a man married a woman and lived with her for ten years and she bore no child, he may not abstain [any longer from the duty of propagation]. If he divorced her she is permitted to marry another, and the second husband may also live with her for ten years. If she miscarried [the period of ten years] is counted from the time of her miscarriage. A man is commanded concerning the duty of propagation but not a woman. Rabbi Yoha ben Beroka says: Concerning both of them it is said, “And God blessed them; and said to them… “Be fruitful and multiply” (Genesis 1:28).", |
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66. Tosefta, Berachot, 6.19 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, legal system Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 79| 6.19. "היה [מהלך להפריש תרומה ומעשרות אומר [ברוך אשר קדשנו] להפריש תרומה ומעשר מאימתי מברך עליהן משעה שמפרישן.", | |
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| 67. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.15, 5.73, 5.1570-3, 5.1573, 7.436 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58 |
| 68. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, judas, portrayal of •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 92 |
69. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 4.8, 4.8.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 172 | 4.8. The Christ of the Creator had to be called a Nazarene according to prophecy; whence the Jews also designate us, on that very account, Nazerenes after Him. For we are they of whom it is written, Her Nazarites were whiter than snow; Lamentations 4:7 even they who were once defiled with the stains of sin, and darkened with the clouds of ignorance. But to Christ the title Nazarene was destined to become a suitable one, from the hiding-place of His infancy, for which He went down and dwelt at Nazareth, to escape from Archelaus the son of Herod. This fact I have not refrained from mentioning on this account, because it behooved Marcion's Christ to have forborne all connection whatever with the domestic localities of the Creator's Christ, when he had so many towns in Jud a which had not been by the prophets thus assigned to the Creator's Christ. But Christ will be (the Christ) of the prophets, wheresoever He is found in accordance with the prophets. And yet even at Nazareth He is not remarked as having preached anything new, Luke 4:23 while in another verse He is said to have been rejected Luke 4:29 by reason of a simple proverb. Luke 4:24 Here at once, when I observe that they laid their hands on Him, I cannot help drawing a conclusion respecting His bodily substance, which cannot be believed to have been a phantom, since it was capable of being touched and even violently handled, when He was seized and taken and led to the very brink of a precipice. For although He escaped through the midst of them, He had already experienced their rough treatment, and afterwards went His way, no doubt because the crowd (as usually happens) gave way, or was even broken through; but not because it was eluded as by an impalpable disguise, which, if there had been such, would not at all have submitted to any touch. Tangere enim et tangi, nisi corpus, nulla potest res, is even a sentence worthy of a place in the world's wisdom. In short, He did himself touch others, upon whom He laid His hands, which were capable of being felt, and conferred the blessings of healing, Luke 4:40 which were not less true, not less unimaginary, than were the hands wherewith He bestowed them. He was therefore the very Christ of Isaiah, the healer of our sicknesses. Surely, says he, He has borne our griefs and carried our sorrows. Now the Greeks are accustomed to use for carry a word which also signifies to take away. A general promise is enough for me in passing. Whatever were the cures which Jesus effected, He is mine. We will come, however, to the kinds of cures. To liberate men, then, from evil spirits, is a cure of sickness. Accordingly, wicked spirits (just in the manner of our former example) used to go forth with a testimony, exclaiming, You are the Son of God, Luke 4:41 - of what God, is clear enough from the case itself. But they were rebuked, and ordered not to speak; precisely because Christ willed Himself to be proclaimed by men, not by unclean spirits, as the Son of God- even that Christ alone to whom this was befitting, because He had sent beforehand men through whom He might become known, and who were assuredly worthier preachers. It was natural to Him to refuse the proclamation of an unclean spirit, at whose command there was an abundance of saints. He, however, who had never been foretold (if, indeed, he wished to be acknowledged; for if he did not wish so much, his coming was in vain), would not have spurned the testimony of an alien or any sort of substance, who did not happen to have a substance of his own, but had descended in an alien one. And now, too, as the destroyer also of the Creator, he would have desired nothing better than to be acknowledged by His spirits, and to be divulged for the sake of being feared: only that Marcion says that his god is not feared; maintaining that a good being is not an object of fear, but only a judicial being, in whom reside the grounds of fear- anger, severity, judgments, vengeance, condemnation. But it was from fear, undoubtedly, that the evil spirits were cowed. Therefore they confessed that (Christ) was the Son of a God who was to be feared, because they would have an occasion of not submitting if there were none for fearing. Besides, He showed that He was to be feared, because He drove them out, not by persuasion like a good being, but by command and reproof. Or else did he reprove them, because they were making him an object of fear, when all the while he did not want to be feared? And in what manner did he wish them to go forth, when they could not do so except with fear? So that he fell into the dilemma of having to conduct himself contrary to his nature, whereas he might in his simple goodness have at once treated them with leniency. He fell, too, into another false position - of prevarication, when he permitted himself to be feared by the demons as the Son of the Creator, that he might drive them out, not indeed by his own power, but by the authority of the Creator. He departed, and went into a desert place. Luke 4:42 This was, indeed, the Creator's customary region. It was proper that the Word should there appear in body, where He had aforetime, wrought in a cloud. To the gospel also was suitable that condition of place which had once been determined on for the law. Let the wilderness and the solitary place, therefore, be glad and rejoice; so had Isaiah promised. Isaiah 35:1 When stayed by the crowds, He said, I must preach the kingdom of God to other cities also. Luke 4:42-43 Had He displayed His God anywhere yet? I suppose as yet nowhere. But was He speaking of those who knew of another god also? I do not believe so. If, therefore, neither He had preached, nor they had known, any other God but the Creator, He was announcing the kingdom of that God whom He knew to be the only God known to those who were listening to Him. |
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| 70. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 6.2.1-6.2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and destiny Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 159 |
| 71. Lucian, Octogenerians, 6.18-19, 23 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 82 |
| 72. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 80.3-80.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 175, 197 |
73. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 10.6 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 336| 10.6. בַּר סִירָא אָמַר, אֱלוֹהַּ הֶעֱלָה סַמִּים מִן הָאָרֶץ, בָּהֶם הָרוֹפֵא מְרַפֵּא אֶת הַמַּכָּה, וּבָהֶם הָרוֹקֵחַ מְרַקֵּחַ אֶת הַמִּרְקַחַת. אָמַר רַבִּי סִימוֹן אֵין לְךָ כָּל עֵשֶׂב וְעֵשֶׂב, שֶׁאֵין לוֹ מַזָּל בָּרָקִיעַ שֶׁמַּכֶּה אוֹתוֹ, וְאוֹמֵר לוֹ גְּדַל, הֲדָא הוּא דִּכְתִיב (איוב לח, לג): הֲיָדַעְתָּ חֻקּוֹת שָׁמָיִם אִם תָּשִׂים מִשְׁטָרוֹ בָאָרֶץ וגו', לָשׁוֹן שׁוֹטֵר (איוב לח, לא): הַתְקַשֵּׁר מַעֲדַנּוֹת כִּימָה אוֹ משְׁכוֹת כְּסִיל תְּפַתֵּחַ, רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בַּר פָּפָּא וְרַבִּי סִימוֹן אָמַר, כִּימָה מְעַדֶּנֶת אֶת הַפֵּרוֹת, וּכְסִיל מוֹשֵׁךְ בֵּין קֶשֶׁר לְקֶשֶׁר. הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (איוב לח, לב): הֲתֹצִיא מַזָּרוֹת בְּעִתּוֹ וְעַיִּשׁ עַל בָּנֶיהָ תַנְחֵם, רַבִּי תַּנְחוּם בַּר חִיָּא וְרַבִּי סִימוֹן אָמְרוּ, מַזָּל הוּא שֶׁהוּא מְמַזֵּר אֶת הַפֵּרוֹת. | 10.6. "Bar Sira said (Ben Sira 38:7-8), \"God brings forth spices from the earth. With them the healer heals the ailments, and with them the perfumer perfumes the perfumes.\" Said Rabbi Simon, \"There isn't a single herb or spice that doesn't have a constellation in the firmaments that smacks it and tells it to grow.\" And behold, this is written in Job 38:33: \"Do you know the laws of Heaven? Can you place its authority (šiṭro) on Earth?\" etc. The language is \"šoṭer\" (officer/regulator). \"Can you tie binds on the Pleiades, or the cords of Orion loosen?\" (Job 38:31) Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa and Rabbi Simon said, \"The Pleiades binds the fruits, and Orion pulls from binding to binding.\" And behold, this is written (Job 38:32) \"Can you bring out the Zodiac in its season, Ursa Major with her sons you can lead?\" Rabbi Tanḥum bar Ḥiyya and Rabbi Simon said, \"A constellation is 'Mazal' because it stretches [m'mazzer] out the fruits.\"", |
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| 74. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 66.15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, and the judaean revolt (c. Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 168 |
| 75. Palestinian Talmud, Yoma, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76 |
| 76. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 57 |
77. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 9.13-9.29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, use of in ancient sources •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, judas, portrayal of •josephus essenes, descriptive terms used by •josephus essenes, name of •josephus, essenes in •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus •josephus essenes, and agriculture •josephus essenes, and clothing •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, leadership and rulers •josephus essenes, priestliness of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 63, 79, 104, 105, 106, 198, 199, 200; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58, 59 | 9.13. Originally there prevailed but one usage among the Jews; for one teacher was given unto them by God, namely Moses, and one law by this same Moses. And there was one desert region and one Mount Sinai, for one God it was who legislated for these Jews. But, again, after they had crossed the river Jordan, and had inherited by lot the conquered country, they in various ways rent in sunder the law of God, each devising a different interpretation of the declarations made by God. And in this way they raised up for themselves teachers, (and) invented doctrines of an heretical nature, and they continued to advance into (sectarian) divisions. Now it is the diversity of these Jews that I at present propose to explain. But though for even a considerable time they have been rent into very numerous sects, yet I intend to elucidate the more principal of them, while those who are of a studious turn will easily become acquainted with the rest. For there is a division among them into three sorts; and the adherents of the first are the Pharisees, but of the second the Sadducees, while the rest are Essenes. These practise a more devotional life, being filled with mutual love, and being temperate. And they turn away from every act of inordinate desire, being averse even to hearing of things of the sort. And they renounce matrimony, but they take the boys of others, and thus have an offspring begotten for them. And they lead these adopted children into an observance of their own peculiar customs, and in this way bring them up and impel them to learn the sciences. They do not, however, forbid them to marry, though themselves refraining from matrimony. Women, however, even though they may be disposed to adhere to the same course of life, they do not admit, inasmuch as in no way whatsoever have they confidence in women. 9.14. And they despise wealth, and do not turn away from sharing their goods with those that are destitute. No one among them, however, enjoys a greater amount of riches than another. For a regulation with them is, that an individual coming forward to join the sect must sell his possessions, and present the price of them to the community. And on receiving the money, the head of the order distributes it to all according to their necessities. Thus there is no one among them in distress. And they do not use oil, regarding it as a defilement to be anointed. And there are appointed overseers, who take care of all things that belong to them in common, and they all appear always in white clothing. 9.15. But there is not one city of them, but many of them settle in every city. And if any of the adherents of the sect may be present from a strange place, they consider that all things are in common for him, and those whom they had not previously known they receive as if they belonged to their own household and kindred. And they traverse their native land, and on each occasion that they go on a journey they carry nothing except arms. And they have also in their cities a president, who expends the moneys collected for this purpose in procuring clothing and food for them. And their robe and its shape are modest. And they do not own two cloaks, or a double set of shoes; and when those that are in present use become antiquated, then they adopt others. And they neither buy nor sell anything at all; but whatever any one has he gives to him that has not, and that which one has not he receives. 9.16. And they continue in an orderly manner, and with perseverance pray from early dawn, and they do not speak a word unless they have praised God in a hymn. And in this way they each go forth and engage in whatever employment they please; and after having worked up to the fifth hour they leave off. Then again they come together into one place, and encircle themselves with linen girdles, for the purpose of concealing their private parts. And in this manner they perform ablutions in cold water; and after being thus cleansed, they repair together into one apartment - now no one who entertains a different opinion from themselves assembles in the house - and they proceed to partake of breakfast. And when they have taken their seats in silence, they set down loaves in order, and next some one sort of food to eat along with the bread, and each receives from these a sufficient portion. No one, however, tastes these before the priest utters a blessing, and prays over the food. And after breakfast, when he has a second time offered up supplication, as at the beginning, so at the conclusion of their meal they praise God in hymns. Next, after they have laid aside as sacred the garments in which they have been clothed while together taking their repast within the house- (now these garments are linen)- and having resumed the clothes which they had left in the vestibule, they hasten to agreeable occupations until evening. And they partake of supper, doing oil things in like manner to those already mentioned. And no one will at any time cry aloud, nor will any other tumultuous voice be heard. But they each converse quietly, and with decorum one concedes the conversation to the other, so that the stillness of those within the house appears a sort of mystery to those outside. And they are invariably sober, eating and drinking all things by measure. 9.17. All then pay attention to the president; and whatever injunctions he will issue, they obey as law. For they are anxious that mercy and assistance be extended to those that are burdened with toil. And especially they abstain from wrath and anger, and all such passions, inasmuch as they consider these to be treacherous to man. And no one among them is in the habit of swearing; but whatever any one says, this is regarded more binding than an oath. If, however, one will swear, he is condemned as one unworthy of credence. They are likewise solicitous about the readings of the law and prophets; and moreover also, if there is any treatise of the faithful, about that likewise. And they evince the utmost curiosity concerning plants and stones, rather busying themselves as regards the operative powers of these, saying that these things were not created in vain. 9.18. But to those who wish to become disciples of the sect, they do not immediately deliver their rules, unless they have previously tried them. Now for the space of a year they set before (the candidates) the same food, while the latter continue to live in a different house outside the Essenes' own place of meeting. And they give (to the probationists) a hatchet and the linen girdle, and a white robe. When, at the expiration of this period, one affords proof of self-control, he approaches nearer to the sect's method of living, and he is washed more purely than before. Not as yet, however, does he partake of food along with the Essenes. For, after having furnished evidence as to whether he is able to acquire self-control - but for two years the habit of a person of this description is on trial - and when he has appeared deserving, he is thus reckoned among the members of the sect. Previous, however, to his being allowed to partake of a repast along with them, he is bound under fearful oaths. First, that he will worship the Divinity; next, that he will observe just dealings with men, and that he will in no way injure any one, and that he will not hate a person who injures him, or is hostile to him, but pray for them. He likewise swears that he will always aid the just, and keep faith with all, especially those who are rulers. For, they argue, a position of authority does not happen to any one without God. And if the Essene himself be a ruler, he swears that he will not conduct himself at any time arrogantly in the exercise of power, nor be prodigal, nor resort to any adornment, or a greater state of magnificence than the usage permits. He likewise swears, however, to be a lover of truth, and to reprove him that is guilty of falsehood, neither to steal, nor pollute his conscience for the sake of iniquitous gain, nor conceal anything from those that are members of his sect, and to divulge nothing to others, though one should be tortured even unto death. And in addition to the foregoing promises, he swears to impart to no one a knowledge of the doctrines in a different manner from that in which he has received them himself. 9.19. With oaths, then, of this description, they bind those who come forward. If, however, any one may be condemned for any sin, he is expelled from the order; but one that has been thus excommunicated sometimes perishes by an awful death. For, inasmuch as he is bound by the oaths and rites of the sect, he is not able to partake of the food in use among other people. Those that are excommunicated, occasionally, therefore, utterly destroy the body through starvation. And so it is, that when it comes to the last the Essenes sometimes pity many of them who are at the point of dissolution, inasmuch as they deem a punishment even unto death, thus inflicted upon these culprits, a sufficient penalty. 9.20. But as regards judicial decisions, the Essenes are most accurate and impartial. And they deliver their judgments when they have assembled together, numbering at the very least one hundred; and the sentence delivered by them is irreversible. And they honour the legislator next after God; and if any one is guilty of blasphemy against this framer of laws, he is punished. And they are taught to yield obedience to rulers and elders; and if ten occupy seats in the same room, one of them will not speak unless it will appear expedient to the nine. And they are careful not to spit out into the midst of persons present, and to the right hand. They are more solicitous, however, about abstaining from work on the Sabbath day than all other Jews. For not only do they prepare their victuals for themselves one day previously, so as not (on the Sabbath) to kindle a fire, but not even would they move a utensil from one place to another (on that day), nor ease nature; nay, some would not even rise from a couch. On other days, however, when they wish to relieve nature, they dig a hole a foot long with the mattock - for of this description is the hatchet, which the president in the first instance gives those who come forward to gain admission as disciples - and cover (this cavity) on all sides with their garment, alleging that they do not necessarily insult the sunbeams. They then replace the upturned soil into the pit; and this is their practice, choosing the more lonely spots. But after they have performed this operation, immediately they undergo ablution, as if the excrement pollutes them. 9.21. The Essenes have, however, in the lapse of time, undergone divisions, and they do not preserve their system of training after a similar manner, inasmuch as they have been split up into four parties. For some of them discipline themselves above the requisite rules of the order, so that even they would not handle a current coin of the country, saying that they ought not either to carry, or behold, or fashion an image: wherefore no one of those goes into a city, lest (by so doing) he should enter through a gate at which statues are erected, regarding it a violation of law to pass beneath images. But the adherents of another party, if they happen to hear any one maintaining a discussion concerning God and His laws- supposing such to be an uncircumcised person, they will closely watch him and when they meet a person of this description in any place alone, they will threaten to slay him if he refuses to undergo the rite of circumcision. Now, if the latter does not wish to comply with this request, an Essene spares not, but even slaughters. And it is from this occurrence that they have received their appellation, being denominated (by some) Zelotae, but by others Sicarii. And the adherents of another party call no one Lord except the Deity, even though one should put them to the torture, or even kill them. But there are others of a later period, who have to such an extent declined from the discipline (of the order), that, as far as those are concerned who continue in the primitive customs, they would not even touch these. And if they happen to come in contact with them, they immediately resort to ablution, as if they had touched one belonging to an alien tribe. But here also there are very many of them of so great longevity, as even to live longer than a hundred years. They assert, therefore, that a cause of this arises from their extreme devotion to religion, and their condemnation of all excess in regard of what is served up (as food), and from their being temperate and incapable of anger. And so it is that they despise death, rejoicing when they can finish their course with a good conscience. If, however, any one would even put to the torture persons of this description, in order to induce any among them either to speak evil of the law, or eat what is offered in sacrifice to an idol, he will not effect his purpose; for one of this party submits to death and endures torment rather than violate his conscience. 9.22. Now the doctrine of the resurrection has also derived support among these; for they acknowledge both that the flesh will rise again, and that it will be immortal, in the same manner as the soul is already imperishable. And they maintain that the soul, when separated in the present life, (departs) into one place, which is well ventilated and lightsome, where, they say, it rests until judgment. And this locality the Greeks were acquainted with by hearsay, and called it Isles of the Blessed. And there are other tenets of these which many of the Greeks have appropriated, and thus have from time to time formed their own opinions. For the disciplinary system in regard of the Divinity, according to these (Jewish sects), is of greater antiquity than that of all nations. And so it is that the proof is at hand, that all those (Greeks) who ventured to make assertions concerning God, or concerning the creation of existing things, derived their principles from no other source than from Jewish legislation. And among these may be particularized Pythagoras especially, and the Stoics, who derived (their systems) while resident among the Egyptians, by having become disciples of these Jews. Now they affirm that there will be both a judgment and a conflagration of the universe, and that the wicked will be eternally punished. And among them is cultivated the practice of prophecy, and the prediction of future events. 9.23. There is then another order of the Essenes who use the same customs and prescribed method of living with the foregoing sects, but make an alteration from these in one respect, viz., marriage. Now they maintain that those who have abrogated matrimony commit some terrible offense, which is for the destruction of life, and that they ought not to cut off the succession of children; for, that if all entertained this opinion, the entire race of men would easily be exterminated. However, they make a trial of their betrothed women for a period of three years; and when they have been three times purified, with a view of proving their ability of bringing forth children, so then they wed. They do not, however, cohabit with pregt women, evincing that they marry not from sensual motives, but from the advantage of children. And the women likewise undergo ablution in a similar manner (with their husbands), and are themselves also arrayed in a linen garment, after the mode in which the men are with their girdles. These things, then, are the statements which I have to make respecting the Esseni. But there are also others who themselves practise the Jewish customs; and these, both in respect of caste and in respect of the laws, are called Pharisees. Now the greatest part of these is to be found in every locality, inasmuch as, though all are styled Jews, yet, on account of the peculiarity of the opinions advanced by them, they have been denominated by titles proper to each. These, then, firmly hold the ancient tradition, and continue to pursue in a disputative spirit a close investigation into the things regarded according to the Law as clean and not clean. And they interpret the regulations of the Law, and put forward teachers, whom they qualify for giving instruction in such things. These Pharisees affirm the existence of fate, and that some things are in our power, whereas others are under the control of destiny. In this way they maintain that some actions depend upon ourselves, whereas others upon fate. But (they assert) that God is a cause of all things, and that nothing is managed or happens without His will. These likewise acknowledge that there is a resurrection of flesh, and that soul is immortal, and that there will be a judgment and conflagration, and that the righteous will be imperishable, but that the wicked will endure everlasting punishment in unqenchable fire. 9.24. These, then, are the opinions even of the Pharisees. The Sadducees, however, are for abolishing fate, and they acknowledge that God does nothing that is wicked, nor exercises providence over (earthly concerns); but they contend that the choice between good and evil lies within the power of men. And they deny that there is a resurrection not only of flesh, but also they suppose that the soul does not continue after death. The soul they consider nothing but mere vitality, and that it is on account of this that man has been created. However, (they maintain) that the notion of the resurrection has been fully realized by the single circumstance, that we close our days after having left children upon earth. But (they still insist) that after death one expects to suffer nothing, either bad or good; for that there will be a dissolution both of soul and body, and that man passes into non-existence, similarly also with the material of the animal creation. But as regards whatever wickedness a man may have committed in life, provided he may have been reconciled to the injured party, he has been a gainer (by transgression), inasmuch as he has escaped the punishment (that otherwise would have been inflicted) by men. And whatever acquisitions a man may have made. and (in whatever respect), by becoming wealthy, he may have acquired distinction, he has so far been a gainer. But (they abide by their assertion), that God has no solicitude about the concerns of an individual here. And while the Pharisees are full of mutual affection, the Sadducees, on the other hand, are actuated by self-love. This sect had its stronghold especially in the region around Samaria. And these also adhere to the customs of the law, saying that one ought so to live, that he may conduct himself virtuously, and leave children behind him on earth. They do not, however, devote attention to prophets, but neither do they to any other sages, except to the law of Moses only, in regard of which, however, they frame no interpretations. These, then, are the opinions which also the Sadducees choose to teach. 9.25. Since, therefore, we have explained even the diversities among the Jews, it seems expedient likewise not to pass over in silence the system of their religion. The doctrine, therefore, among all Jews on the subject of religion is fourfold-theological, natural, moral, and ceremonial. And they affirm that there is one God, and that He is Creator and Lord of the universe: that He has formed all these glorious works which had no previous existence; and this, too, not out of any coeval substance that lay ready at hand, but His Will - the efficient cause- was to create, and He did create. And (they maintain) that there are angels, and that these have been brought into being for ministering unto the creation; but also that there is a sovereign Spirit that always continues beside God, for glory and praise. And that all things in the creation are endued with sensation, and that there is nothing iimate. And they earnestly aim at serious habits and a temperate life, as one may ascertain from their laws. Now these matters have long ago been strictly defined by those who in ancient times have received the divinely-appointed law; so that the reader will find himself astonished at the amount of temperance, and of diligence, lavished on customs legally enacted in reference to man. The ceremonial service, however, which has been adapted to divine worship in a manner befitting the dignity of religion, has been practised among them with the highest degree of elaboration. The superiority of their ritualism it is easy for those who wish it to ascertain, provided they read the book which furnishes information on these points. They will thus perceive how that with solemnity and sanctity the Jewish priests offer unto God the first-fruits of the gifts bestowed by Him for the rise and enjoyment of men; how they fulfil their ministrations with regularity and steadfastness, in obedience to His commandments. There are, however, some (liturgical usages adopted) by these, which the Sadducees refuse to recognise, for they are not disposed to acquiesce in the existence of angels or spirits. Still all parties alike expect Messiah, inasmuch as the Law certainly, and the prophets, preached beforehand that He was about to be present on earth. Inasmuch, however, as the Jews were not cognizant of the period of His advent, there remains the supposition that the declarations (of Scripture) concerning His coming have not been fulfilled. And so it is, that up to this day they continue in anticipation of the future coming of the Christ, - from the fact of their not discerning Him when He was present in the world. And (yet there can be little doubt but) that, on beholding the signs of the times of His having been already among us, the Jews are troubled; and that they are ashamed to confess that He has come, since they have with their own hands put Him to death, because they were stung with indignation in being convicted by Himself of not having obeyed the laws. And they affirm that He who was thus sent forth by God is not this Christ (whom they are looking for); but they confess that another Messiah will come, who as yet has no existence; and that he will usher in some of the signs which the law and the prophets have shown beforehand, whereas, regarding the rest (of these indications), they suppose that they have fallen into error. For they say that his generation will be from the stock of David, but not from a virgin and the Holy Spirit, but from a woman and a man, according as it is a rule for all to be procreated from seed. And they allege that this Messiah will be King over them - a warlike and powerful individual, who, after having gathered together the entire people of the Jews, and having done battle with all the nations, will restore for them Jerusalem the royal city. And into this city He will collect together the entire Hebrew race, and bring it back once more into the ancient customs, that it may fulfil the regal and sacerdotal functions, and dwell in confidence for periods of time of sufficient duration. After this repose, it is their opinion that war would next be waged against them after being thus congregated; that in this conflict Christ would fall by the edge of the sword; and that, after no long time, would next succeed the termination and conflagration of the universe; and that in this way their opinions concerning the resurrection would receive completion, and a recompense be rendered to each man according to his works. 9.26. It now seems to us that the tenets of both all the Greeks and barbarians have been sufficiently explained by us, and that nothing has remained unrefuted either of the points about which philosophy has been busied, or of the allegations advanced by the heretics. And from these very explanations the condemnation of the heretics is obvious, for having either purloined their doctrines, or derived contributions to them from some of those tenets elaborately worked out by the Greeks, and for having advanced (these opinions) as if they originated from God. Since, therefore, we have hurriedly passed through all the systems of these, and with much labour have, in the nine books, proclaimed all their opinions, and have left behind us for all men a small viaticum in life, and to those who are our contemporaries have afforded a desire of learning (with) great joy and delight, we have considered it reasonable, as a crowning stroke to the entire work, to introduce the discourse (already mentioned) concerning the truth, and to furnish our delineation of this in one book, namely the tenth. Our object is, that the reader, not only when made acquainted with the overthrow of those who have presumed to establish heresies, may regard with scorn their idle fancies, but also, when brought to know the power of the truth, may be placed in the way of salvation, by reposing that faith in God which He so worthily deserves. |
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| 78. Palestinian Talmud, Hagigah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 192 |
| 79. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 79 |
| 80. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 7/487-8 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, dacians, linkage with Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 162 |
81. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 3.10-3.50, 6.6-6.22 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus, on the essenes Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 158| 3.10. ἐντεῦθεν ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ὁδὸν πορευόμενοι δἰ εὐδαίμονος καὶ ἐνεργοῦ τῆς χώρας προσελθεῖν φασι τῇ τῶν σοφῶν τύρσει. τὸν δὲ ἡγεμόνα κελεύσαντα συνοκλάσαι τὴν κάμηλον ἀποπηδῆσαι αὐτῆς περιδεᾶ καὶ ἱδρῶτος πλέων. τὸν δὲ ̓Απολλώνιον ξυνεῖναι μὲν οὗ ἥκοι, γελάσαντα δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ ̓Ινδοῦ δέει “δοκεῖ μοι” φάναι “οὗτος, εἰ καὶ κατέπλευσεν ἐς λιμένα μακρόν τι ἀναμετρήσας πέλαγος, ἀχθεσθῆναι ἂν τῇ γῇ καὶ δεῖσαι τὸ ἐν ὅρμῳ εἶναι.” καὶ ἅμα εἰπὼν ταῦτα προσέταξε τῇ καμήλῳ συνιζῆσαι, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐθὰς λοιπὸν ἦν τῶν τοιούτων, περίφοβον δὲ ἄρα ἐποίει τὸν ἡγεμόνα τὸ πλησίον τῶν σοφῶν ἥκειν, ̓Ινδοὶ γὰρ δεδίασι τούτους μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν βασιλέα, ὅτι καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτός, ὑφ' ᾧ ἐστιν ἡ χώρα, περὶ πάντων, ἃ λεκτέα τε αὐτῷ καὶ πρακτέα, ἐρωτᾷ τούσδε τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὥσπερ οἱ ἐς θεοῦ πέμποντες, οἱ δὲ σημαίνουσι μέν, ὅ τι λῷον, αὐτῷ πράττειν, ὅ τι δὲ μὴ λῷον, ἀπαγορεύουσί τε καὶ ἀποσημαίνουσι. 3.11. καταλύσειν δὲ μέλλοντες ἐν τῇ κώμῃ τῇ πλησίον — ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦ ὄχθου τῶν σοφῶν οὔπω στάδιον — ἰδεῖν φασι νεανίαν δρόμῳ ἥκοντα μελάντατον ̓Ινδῶν πάντων, ὑποστίλβειν δὲ αὐτῷ μηνοειδῶς τὸ μεσόφρυον. τουτὶ δὲ ἀκούω χρόνοις ὕστερον καὶ περὶ Μένωνα τὸν ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ σοφιστοῦ τρόφιμον, ἀπ' Αἰθιόπων δὲ ἦν, ἐν μειρακίῳ δόξαι, προϊόντος δὲ ἐς ἄνδρας ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν αὐγὴν ταύτην καὶ συναφανισθῆναι τῇ ὥρᾳ, τὸν δὲ ̓Ινδὸν χρυσῆν μὲν φέρειν φασὶν ἄγκυραν, ἣν νομίζουσιν ̓Ινδοὶ κηρύκειον ἐπὶ τῷ πάντα ἴσχειν. 3.12. προσδραμόντα δὲ τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ φωνῇ ̔Ελλάδι προσειπεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὔπω θαυμαστὸν δόξαι διὰ τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ πάντας ἀπὸ ̔Ελλήνων φθέγγεσθαι, τὸ δὲ “ὁ δεῖνα χαῖρε” τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις παρασχεῖν ἔκπληξιν, τῷ δὲ ἀνδρὶ θάρσος ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀφῖκτο, βλέψας γὰρ ἐς τὸν Δάμιν, “παρὰ ἄνδρας” ἔφη “σοφοὺς ἀτεχνῶς ἥκομεν, ἐοίκασι γὰρ προγιγνώσκειν.” καὶ ἅμα ἤρετο τὸν ̓Ινδόν, ὅ τι χρὴ πράττειν, ποθῶν ἤδη τὴν ξυνουσίαν, ὁ δὲ ̓Ινδὸς “τούτους μὲν” ἔφη “καταλύειν χρὴ ἐνταῦθα, σὲ δὲ ἥκειν ὡς ἔχεις, κελεύουσι γὰρ αὐτοί.” 3.13. τὸ μὲν δὴ αὐτοὶ Πυθαγόρειον ἤδη τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ ἐφάνη καὶ ἠκολούθει χαίρων. τὸν δὲ ὄχθον, ἐφ' οὗ οἱ σοφοὶ ἀνῳκισμένοι εἰσίν, ὕψος μὲν εἶναι κατὰ τὴν ̓Αθηναίων φασὶν ἀκρόπολιν, ἀνίστασθαι δὲ ἐκ πεδίου ἄνω, εὐφυᾶ δὲ ὁμοίως πέτραν ὀχυροῦν αὐτὸν κύκλῳ περιήκουσαν, ἧς πολλαχοῦ δίχηλα ὁρᾶσθαι ἴχνη καὶ γενειάδων τύπους καὶ προσώπων καί που καὶ νῶτα ἰδεῖν ἀπωλισθηκόσιν ὅμοια, τὸν γὰρ Διόνυσον, ὅτε ξὺν ̔Ηρακλεῖ ἀπεπειρᾶτο τοῦ χωρίου, προσβαλεῖν μὲν αὐτῷ φασι κελεῦσαι τοὺς Πᾶνας, ὡς πρὸς τὸν σεισμὸν ἱκανούς, ἐμβροντηθέντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν σοφῶν πεσεῖν ἄλλον ἄλλως, καὶ τὰς πέτρας οἷον ἐντυπωθῆναι τὰ τῆς διαμαρτίας σχήματα. περὶ δὲ τῷ ὄχθῳ νεφέλην ἰδεῖν φασιν, ἐν ᾗ τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς οἰκεῖν φανερούς τε καὶ ἀφανεῖς καὶ ὅ τι βούλονται. πύλας δὲ εἰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλας εἶναι τῷ ὄχθῳ, οὐκ εἰδέναι. τὸ γὰρ περὶ αὐτὸν νέφος οὔτε ἀκλείστῳ ξυγχωρεῖν οὔτ' αὖ ξυγκεκλεισμένῳ φαίνεσθαι. 3.14. αὐτὸς δὲ ἀναβῆναι μὲν κατὰ τὸ νότιον μάλιστα τοῦ ὄχθου τῷ ̓Ινδῷ ἑπόμενος, ἰδεῖν δὲ πρῶτον μὲν φρέαρ ὀργυιῶν τεττάρων, οὗ τὴν αὐγὴν ἐπὶ τὸ στόμιον ἀναπέμπεσθαι κυανωτάτην οὖσαν καὶ ὁπότε ἡ μεσημβρία τοῦ ἡλίου σταίη περὶ αὐτό, ἀνιμᾶσθαι τὴν αὐγὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτῖνος καὶ χωρεῖν ἄνω παρεχομένην εἶδος θερμῆς ἴριδος. μαθεῖν δὲ ὕστερον περὶ τοῦ φρέατος, ὡς σανδαρακίνη μὲν εἴη ἡ ὑπ' αὐτῷ γῆ, ἀπόρρητον δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἡγοῖντο καὶ οὔτε πίνοι τις αὐτὸ οὔτε ἀνασπῴη, ὅρκιον δὲ νομίζοιτο τῇ πέριξ ̓Ινδικῇ πάσῃ. πλησίον δὲ τούτου κρατῆρα εἶναι πυρός, οὗ φλόγα ἀναπέμπεσθαι μολυβδώδη, καπνὸν δὲ οὐδένα ἀπ' αὐτῆς ᾅττειν, οὐδὲ ὀσμὴν οὐδεμίαν, οὐδὲ ὑπερχυθῆναί ποτε ὁ κρατὴρ οὗτος, ἀλλ' ἀναδίδοσθαι τοσοῦτος, ὡς μὴ ὑπερβλύσαι τοῦ βόθρου. ἐνταῦθα ̓Ινδοὶ καθαίρονται τῶν ἀκουσίων, ὅθεν οἱ σοφοὶ τὸ μὲν φρέαρ ἐλέγχου καλοῦσι, τὸ δὲ πῦρ ξυγγνώμης. καὶ διττὼ ἑωρακέναι φασὶ πίθω λίθου μέλανος ὄμβρων τε καὶ ἀνέμων ὄντε. ὁ μὲν δὴ τῶν ὄμβρων, εἰ αὐχμῷ ἡ ̓Ινδικὴ πιέζοιτο, ἀνοιχθεὶς νεφέλας ἀναπέμπει καὶ ὑγραίνει τὴν γῆν πᾶσαν, εἰ δὲ ὄμβροι πλεονεκτοῖεν, ἴσχει αὐτοὺς ξυγκλειόμενος, ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀνέμων πίθος ταὐτόν, οἶμαι, τῷ τοῦ Αἰόλου ἀσκῷ πράττει, παρανοιγνύντες γὰρ τὸν πίθον ἕνα τῶν ἀνέμων ἀνιᾶσιν ἐμπνεῖν ὥρᾳ κἀντεῦθεν ἡ γῆ ἔρρωται. θεῶν δὲ ἀγάλμασιν ἐντυχεῖν φασιν, εἰ μὲν ̓Ινδοῖς ἢ Αἰγυπτίοις, θαῦμα οὐδέν, τὰ δέ γε ἀρχαιότατα τῶν παρ' ̔́Ελλησι τό τε τῆς ̓Αθηνᾶς τῆς Πολιάδος καὶ τὸ τοῦ ̓Απόλλωνος τοῦ Δηλίου καὶ τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου τοῦ Λιμναίου καὶ τὸ τοῦ ̓Αμυκλαίου καὶ ὁπόσα ὧδε ἀρχαῖα, ταῦτα ἱδρύεσθαί τε τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς τούτους καὶ νομίζειν ̔Ελληνικοῖς ἤθεσι, φασὶ δ' οἰκεῖν τὰ μέσα τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς. καὶ τὸν ὄχθον ὀμφαλὸν ποιοῦνται τοῦ λόφου τούτου, πῦρ τε ἐπ' αὐτοῦ ὀργιάζουσιν, ὅ φασιν ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ἡλίου ἀκτίνων αὐτοὶ ἕλκειν: τούτῳ καὶ τὸν ὕμνον ἡμέραν ἅπασαν ἐς μεσημβρίαν ᾅδουσιν. 3.15. ὁποῖοι μὲν δὴ καὶ οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ ὅπως οἰκοῦντες τὸν ὄχθον, αὐτὸς ὁ ἀνὴρ δίεισιν: ἐν μιᾷ γὰρ τῶν πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ὁμιλιῶν “εἶδον” φησὶν “̓Ινδοὺς Βραχμᾶνας οἰκοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ οὐκ ἐπ' αὐτῆς, καὶ ἀτειχίστως τετειχισμένους, καὶ οὐδὲν κεκτημένους ἢ τὰ πάντων” ταυτὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος μὲν σοφώτερον ἔγραψεν, ὁ δέ γε Δάμις φησὶ χαμευνίᾳ μὲν αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι, τὴν γῆν δὲ ὑποστρωννύναι πόας, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ αἱρῶνται, καὶ μετεωροποροῦντας δὴ ἰδεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἐς πήχεις δύο, οὐ θαυματοποιίας ἕνεκα, τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον τοῦτο παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλ' ὁπόσα τῷ ̔Ηλίῳ ξυναποβαίνοντες τῆς γῆς δρῶσιν, ὡς πρόσφορα τῷ θεῷ πράττοντας. τό τοι πῦρ, ὃ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτῖνος ἐπισπῶνται καίτοι σωματοειδὲς ὂν οὔτε ἐπὶ βωμοῦ καίειν αὐτοὺς οὔτε ἐν ἰπνοῖς φυλάττειν, ἀλλ' ὥσ2περ τὰς αὐγάς, αἳ ἐξ ἡλίου τε ἀνακλῶνται καὶ ὕδατος, οὕτω μετέωρόν τε ὁρᾶσθαι αὐτὸ καὶ σαλεῦον ἐν τῷ αἰθέρι. τὸν μὲν οὖν δὴ ̔́Ηλιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡρῶν, ἃς ἐπιτροπεύει αὐτός, ἵν' ἐς καιρὸν τῇ γῇ ἴωσι καὶ ἡ ̓Ινδικὴ εὖ πράττῃ, νύκτωρ δὲ λιπαροῦσι τὴν ἀκτῖνα μὴ ἄχθεσθαι τῇ νυκτί, μένειν δέ, ὡς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἤχθη. τοιοῦτον μὲν δὴ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου τὸ “ἐν τῇ γῇ τε εἶναι τοὺς Βραχμᾶνας καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῇ γῇ”. τὸ δὲ “ἀτειχίστως τετειχισμένους” δηλοῖ τὸν ἀέρα, ὑφ' ᾧ ζῶσιν, ὑπαίθριοι γὰρ δοκοῦντες αὐλίζεσθαι σκιάν τε ὑπεραίρουσιν αὑτῶν καὶ ὕοντος οὐ ψεκάζονται καὶ ὑπὸ τῷ ἡλίῳ εἰσίν, ἐπειδὰν αὐτοὶ βούλωνται. τὸ δὲ “μηδὲν κεκτημένους τὰ πάντων ἔχειν” ὧδε ὁ Δάμις ἐξηγεῖται: πηγαί, ὁπόσαι τοῖς βάκχοις παρὰ τῆς γῆς ἀναθρώσκουσιν, ἐπειδὰν ὁ Διόνυσος αὐτούς τε καὶ τὴν γῆν σείσῃ, φοιτῶσι καὶ τοῖς ̓Ινδοῖς τούτοις ἑστιωμένοις τε καὶ ἑστιῶσιν: εἰκότως οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος τοὺς μηδὲν μὲν ἐκ παρασκευῆς, αὐτοσχεδίως δέ, ἃ βούλονται, ποριζομένους, ἔχειν φησίν, ἃ μὴ ἔχουσιν. κομᾶν δὲ ἐπιτηδεύουσιν, ὥσπερ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πάλαι καὶ Θούριοι Ταραντῖνοί τε καὶ Μήλιοι καὶ ὁπόσοις τὰ Λακωνικὰ ἦν ἐν λόγῳ, μίτραν τε ἀναδοῦνται λευκήν, καὶ γυμνὸν αὐτοῖς βάδισμα καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐσχηματίζοντο παραπλησίως ταῖς ἐξωμίσιν. ἡ δὲ ὕλη τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἔριον αὐτοφυὲς ἡ γῆ φύει, λευκὸν μὲν ὥσπερ τὸ Παμφύλων, μαλακώτερον δὲ τίκτει, ἡ δὲ πιμελὴ οἷα ἔλαιον ἀπ' αὐτοῦ λείβεται. τοῦτο ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα ποιοῦνται καὶ εἴ τις ἕτερος παρὰ τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς τούτους ἀνασπῴη αὐτό, οὐ μεθίεται ἡ γῆ τοῦ ἐρίου. τὴν δὲ ἰσχὺν τοῦ δακτυλίου καὶ τῆς ῥάβδου, ἃ φορεῖν αὐτοὺς ἄμφω, δύνασθαι μὲν πάντα, δύω δὲ ἀρρήτω τετιμῆσθαι. 3.16. προσιόντα δὲ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι σοφοὶ προσήγοντο ἀσπαζόμενοι ταῖς χερσίν, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας ἐκάθητο μὲν ἐπὶ δίφρου ὑψηλοῦ — χαλκοῦ δὲ μέλανος ἦν καὶ πεποίκιλτο χρυσοῖς ἀγάλμασιν, οἱ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων δίφροι χαλκοῖ μέν, ἄσημοι δὲ ἦσαν, ὑψηλοὶ δὲ ἧττον, ὑπεκάθηντο γὰρ τῷ ̓Ιάρχᾳ — τὸν δὲ ̓Απολλώνιον ἰδὼν φωνῇ τε ἠσπάσατο ̔Ελλάδι καὶ τὰ τοῦ ̓Ινδοῦ γράμματα ἀπῄτει. θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου τὴν πρόγνωσιν καὶ γράμμα γε ἓν ἔφη λείπειν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ, δέλτα εἰπών, παρῆλθε γὰρ αὐτὸν γράφοντα. καὶ ἐφάνη τοῦτο ὧδε ἔχον: ἀναγνοὺς δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν “πῶς,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, περὶ ἡμῶν φρονεῖτε;” “πῶς” εἶπεν “ἢ ὡς δηλοῖ τὸ ὑμῶν ἕνεκα ἥκειν με ὁδόν, ἣν μήπω τις τῶν ὅθεν περ ἐγὼ ἀνθρώπων;” “τί δὲ ἡμᾶς πλέον οἴει σαυτοῦ γιγνώσκειν;” “ἐγὼ μὲν” εἶπε “σοφώτερά τε ἡγοῦμαι τὰ ὑμέτερα καὶ πολλῷ θειότερα. εἰ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον ὧν οἶδα παρ' ὑμῖν εὕροιμι, μεμαθηκὼς ἂν εἴην καὶ τὸ μηκέτ' ἔχειν ὅ τι μάθοιμι.” ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ὁ ̓Ινδὸς “οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι” ἔφη “τοὺς ἀφικνουμένους ἐρωτῶσι, ποταποί τε ἥκουσι καὶ ἐφ' ὅ τι, ἡμῖν δὲ σοφίας ἐπίδειξιν πρώτην ἔχει τὸ μὴ ἀγνοῆσαι τὸν ἥκοντα. ἔλεγχε δὲ πρῶτον τοῦτο.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα πατρόθεν τε διῄει τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον καὶ μητρόθεν καὶ τὰ ἐν Αἰγαῖς πάντα καὶ ὡς προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ ὁ Δάμις καὶ εἰ δή τι ἐσπούδασαν ὁδοιποροῦντες ἢ σπουδάζοντος ἑτέρου εἶδον, πάντα ταῦθ' ὥσπερ κοινωνήσας αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀποδημίας ὁ ̓Ινδὸς ἀπνευστί τε καὶ σαφῶς εἶρεν. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου καὶ ὁπόθεν εἰδείη, ἐπερομένου “καὶ σὺ μέτοχος” ἔφη “τῆς σοφίας ταύτης ἥκεις, ἀλλ' οὔπω πάσης.” “διδάξῃ οὖν με” ἔφη “τὴν σοφίαν πᾶσαν;” “καὶ ἀφθόνως γε,” εἶπε “τουτὶ γὰρ σοφώτερον τοῦ βασκαίνειν τε καὶ κρύπτειν τὰ σπουδῆς ἄξια, καὶ ἄλλως, ̓Απολλώνιε, μεστόν σε ὁρῶ τῆς μνημοσύνης, ἣν ἡμεῖς μάλιστα θεῶν ἀγαπῶμεν.” “ἦ γὰρ καθεώρακας,” εἶπεν “ὅπως πέφυκα;” “ἡμεῖς,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, πάντα ὁρῶμεν τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς εἴδη ξυμβόλοις αὐτὰ μυρίοις ἐξιχνεύοντες. ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ μεσημβρία πλησίον καὶ τὰ πρόσφορα τοῖς θεοῖς χρὴ παρασκευάσαι, νῦν μὲν ταῦτ' ἐκπονῶμεν, μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, ὁπόσα βούλει, διαλεγώμεθα, παρατύγχανε δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς δρωμένοις.” “νὴ Δί',” εἶπεν “ἀδικοίην ἂν τὸν Καύκασον καὶ τὸν ̓Ινδόν, οὓς ὑπερβὰς δι' ὑμᾶς ἥκω, εἰ μὴ πάντων ἐμφοροίμην ὧν δρῴητε.” 3.17. “ἐμφοροῦ” ἔφη “καὶ ἴωμεν.” ἐλθόντες οὖν ἐπὶ πηγήν τινα ὕδατος, ἥν φησιν ὁ Δάμις ἰδὼν ὕστερον ἐοικέναι τῇ ἐν Βοιωτοῖς Δίρκῃ, πρῶτα μὲν ἐγυμνώθησαν, εἶτα ἐχρίσαντο τὰς κεφαλὰς ἠλεκτρώδει φαρμάκῳ, τὸ δὲ οὕτω τι τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς ἔθαλπεν, ὡς ἀτμίζειν τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸν ἱδρῶτα χωρεῖν ἀστακτί, καθάπερ τῶν πυρὶ λουομένων, εἶτα ἔρριψαν ἑαυτοὺς ἐς τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ λουσάμενοι ὧδε πρὸς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐβάδιζον ἐστεφανωμένοι καὶ μεστοὶ τοῦ ὕμνου. περιστάντες δὲ ἐν χοροῦ σχήματι καὶ κορυφαῖον ποιησάμενοι τὸν ̓Ιάρχαν ὀρθαῖς ταῖς ῥάβδοις τὴν γῆν ἔπληξαν, ἡ δὲ κυρτωθεῖσα δίκην κύματος ἀνέπεμψεν αὐτοὺς ἐς δίπηχυ τοῦ ἀέρος. οἱ δὲ ᾖδον ᾠδήν, ὁποῖος ὁ παιὰν ὁ τοῦ Σοφοκλέους, ὃν ̓Αθήνησι τῷ ̓Ασκληπιῷ ᾅδουσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν κατῆραν, καλέσας ὁ ̓Ιάρχας τὸ μειράκιον τὸ τὴν ἄγκυραν φέρον “ἐπιμελήθητι” ἔφη “τῶν ̓Απολλωνίου ἑταίρων.” ὁ δὲ πολλῷ θᾶττον ἢ οἱ ταχεῖς τῶν ὀρνίθων πορευθείς τε καὶ ἐπανελθὼν “ἐπιμεμέλημαι” ἔφη. θεραπεύσαντες οὖν τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀνεπαύοντο ἐν τοῖς θάκοις, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας πρὸς τὸ μειράκιον “ἔκφερε” εἶπε “τῷ σοφῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ τὸν Φραώτου θρόνον, ἵν' ἐπ' αὐτοῦ διαλέγοιτο.” 3.18. ὡς δὲ ἐκάθισεν “ἐρώτα,” ἔφη “ὅ τι βούλει, παρ' ἄνδρας γὰρ ἥκεις πάντα εἰδότας.” ἤρετο οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, εἰ καὶ αὑτοὺς ἴσασιν, οἰόμενος αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ̔́Ελληνες, χαλεπὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τὸ ἑαυτὸν γνῶναι, ὁ δὲ ἐπιστρέψας παρὰ τὴν τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου δόξαν “ἡμεῖς” ἔφη “πάντα γιγνώσκομεν, ἐπειδὴ πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς γιγνώσκομεν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσέλθοι τις ἡμῶν τῇ φιλοσοφίᾳ ταύτῃ μὴ πρῶτον εἰδὼς ἑαυτόν.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ἀναμνησθεὶς ὧν τοῦ Φραώτου ἤκουσε καὶ ὅπως ὁ φιλοσοφήσειν μέλλων ἑαυτὸν βασανίσας ἐπιχειρεῖ, τούτῳ ξυνεχώρησε τῷ λόγῳ, τουτὶ γὰρ καὶ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπέπειστο. πάλιν οὖν ἤρετο, τίνας αὑτοὺς ἡγοῖντο, ὁ δὲ “θεοὺς” εἶπεν, ἐπερομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ, διὰ τί, “ὅτι” ἔφη “ἀγαθοί ἐσμεν ἄνθρωποι.” τοῦτο τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ τοσαύτης ἔδοξεν εὐπαιδευσίας εἶναι μεστόν, ὡς εἰπεῖν αὐτὸ καὶ πρὸς Δομετιανὸν ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ λόγοις. 3.19. ἀναλαβὼν οὖν τὴν ἐρώτησιν “περὶ ψυχῆς δὲ” εἶπε “πῶς φρονεῖτε;” “ὥς γε” εἶπε “Πυθαγόρας μὲν ὑμῖν, ἡμεῖς δὲ Αἰγυπτίοις παρεδώκαμεν.” “εἴποις ἂν οὖν,” ἔφη “καθάπερ ὁ Πυθαγόρας Εὔφορβον ἑαυτὸν ἀπέφηνεν, ὅτι καὶ σύ, πρὶν ἐς τοῦθ' ἥκειν τὸ σῶμα, Τρώων τις ἢ ̓Αχαιῶν ἦσθα ἢ ὁ δεῖνα;” ὁ δὲ ̓Ινδὸς “Τροία μὲν ἀπώλετο” εἶπεν “ὑπὸ τῶν πλευσάντων ̓Αχαιῶν τότε, ὑμᾶς δὲ ἀπολωλέκασιν οἱ ἐπ' αὐτῇ λόγοι: μόνους γὰρ ἄνδρας ἡγούμενοι τοὺς ἐς Τροίαν στρατεύσαντας ἀμελεῖτε πλειόνων τε καὶ θειοτέρων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς ἥ τε ὑμετέρα γῆ καὶ ἡ Αἰγυπτίων καὶ ἡ ̓Ινδῶν ἤνεγκεν. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ἤρου με περὶ τοῦ προτέρου σώματος, εἰπέ μοι, τίνα θαυμασιώτερον ἡγῇ τῶν ἐπὶ Τροίαν τε καὶ ὑπὲρ Τροίας ἐλθόντων;” “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “̓Αχιλλέα τὸν Πηλέως τε καὶ Θέτιδος, οὗτος γὰρ δὴ κάλλιστός τε εἶναι τῷ ̔Ομήρῳ ὕμνηται καὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ̓Αχαιοὺς μέγας ἔργα τε αὐτοῦ μεγάλα οἶδε. καὶ μεγάλων ἀξιοῖ τοὺς Αἴαντάς τε καὶ Νιρέας, οἳ μετ' ἐκεῖνον καλοί τε αὐτῷ καὶ γενναῖοι ᾅδονται.” “πρὸς τοῦτον,” ἔφη “̓Απολλώνιε, καὶ τὸν πρόγονον θεώρει τὸν ἐμόν, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ πρόγονον σῶμα, τουτὶ γὰρ καὶ Πυθαγόρας Ευφορβον ἡγεῖτο.” 3.20. “ἦν τοίνυν” ἔφη “χρόνος, ὅτ' Αἰθίοπες μὲν ᾤκουν ἐνταῦθα, γένος ̓Ινδικόν, Αἰθιοπία δ' οὔπω ἦν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ Μερόην τε καὶ Καταδούπους ὥριστο Αἴγυπτος, αὐτὴ καὶ τὰς πηγὰς τοῦ Νείλου παρεχομένη καὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς ξυναπολήγουσα. ὃν μὲν δὴ χρόνον ᾤκουν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Αἰθίοπες ὑποκείμενοι βασιλεῖ Γάγγῃ, ἥ τε γῆ αὐτοὺς ἱκανῶς ἔφερβε καὶ οἱ θεοὶ σφῶν ἐπεμελοῦντο, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπέκτειναν τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον, οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ̓Ινδοῖς καθαροὶ ἔδοξαν, οὔτε ἡ γῆ ξυνεχώρει αὐτοῖς ἵστασθαι, τήν τε γὰρ σποράν, ἣν ἐς αὐτὴν ἐποιοῦντο, πρὶν ἐς κάλυκα ἥκειν, ἔφθειρε τούς τε τῶν γυναικῶν τόκους ἀτελεῖς ἐποίει καὶ τὰς ἀγέλας πονήρως ἔβοσκε, πόλιν τε ὅποι βάλοιντο, ὑπεδίδου ἡ γῆ καὶ ὑπεχώρει κάτω. καὶ γάρ τι καὶ φάσμα τοῦ Γάγγου προϊόντας αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνεν ἐνταραττόμενον τῷ ὁμίλῳ, ὃ οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε, πρίν γε δὴ τοὺς αὐθέντας καὶ τοὺς τὸ αἷμα χερσὶ πράξαντας τῇ γῇ καθιέρευσαν. ἦν δὲ ἄρα ὁ Γάγγης οὗτος δεκάπηχυς μὲν τὸ μῆκος, τὴν δὲ ὥραν οἷος οὔπω τις ἀνθρώπων, ποταμοῦ δὲ Γάγγου παῖς: τὸν δὲ πατέρα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τὴν ̓Ινδικὴν ἐπικλύζοντα αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν ἔτρεψε καὶ διήλλαξεν αὐτὸν τῇ γῇ, ὅθεν ἡ γῆ ζῶντι μὲν ἄφθονα ἔφερεν, ἀποθανόντι δὲ ἐτιμώρει. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν ̓Αχιλλέα ̔́Ομηρος ἄγει μὲν ὑπὲρ ̔Ελένης ἐς Τροίαν, φησὶ δὲ αὐτὸν δώδεκα μὲν πόλεις ἐκ θαλάττης ᾑρηκέναι, πεζῇ δὲ ἕνδεκα, γυναῖκά τε ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀφαιρεθέντα ἐς μῆνιν ἀπενεχθῆναι, ὅτε δὴ ἀτεράμονα καὶ ὠμὸν δόξαι, σκεψώμεθα τὸν ̓Ινδὸν πρὸς ταῦτα: πόλεων μὲν τοίνυν ἑξήκοντα οἰκιστὴς ἐγένετο, αἵπερ εἰσὶ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν τῇδε — τὸ δὲ πορθεῖν πόλεις ὅστις εὐκλεέστερον ἡγεῖται τοῦ ἀνοικίζειν πόλιν οὐκ ἔστι — Σκύθας δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Καύκασόν ποτε στρατεύσαντας ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν γῆν ἀπεώσατο. τὸ δὲ ἐλευθεροῦντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γῆν ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν φαίνεσθαι πολλῷ βέλτιον τοῦ δουλείαν ἐπάγειν πόλει καὶ ταῦθ' ὑπὲρ γυναικός, ἣν εἰκὸς μηδὲ ἄκουσαν ἡρπάσθαι. ξυμμαχίας δὲ αὐτῷ γενομένης πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα τῆς χώρας, ἧς νῦν Φραώτης ἄρχει, κἀκείνου παρανομώτατά τε καὶ ἀσελγέστατα γυναῖκα ἀφελομένου αὐτὸν οὐ παρέλυσε τοὺς ὅρκους, οὕτω βεβαίως ὀμωμοκέναι φήσας, ὡς μηδὲ ὁπότε ἠδικεῖτο λυπεῖν αὐτόν.” 3.21. “καὶ πλείω διῄειν ἂν τοῦ ἀνδρός, εἰ μὴ ἐς ἔπαινον ὤκνουν ἑαυτοῦ καθίστασθαι, εἰμὶ γάρ σοι ἐκεῖνος, τουτὶ δὲ ἐδήλωσα γεγονὼς ἔτη τέτταρα: ἑπτὰ γάρ ποτε ἀδαμάντινα τοῦ Γάγγου τούτου ξίφη ἐς γῆν πήξαντος ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν δεῖμα ἐμπελάζειν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τῶν θεῶν θύειν μὲν κελευόντων ἥκοντας, οὗ πέπηγε ταῦτα, τὸ δὲ χωρίον οὐκ ἐξηγουμένων, ἐν ᾧ ἐπεπήγει, παῖς ἐγὼ κομιδῇ τυγχάνων ἤγαγον τοὺς ἐξηγητὰς ἐπὶ τάφρον καὶ ὀρύττειν προσέταξα ἐκεῖ φήσας κατατεθεῖσθαι αὐτά.” 3.22. “καὶ μήπω θαυμάσῃς τοὐμόν, εἰ ἐξ ̓Ινδοῦ ἐς ̓Ινδὸν διεδόθην: οὗτος γὰρ” δείξας τι μειράκιον εἴκοσί που γεγονὸς ἔτη “πέφυκε μὲν πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν ὑπὲρ πάντας ἀνθρώπους, ἔρρωται δέ, ὡς ὁρᾷς, καὶ κατεσκεύασται γενναίως τὸ σῶμα, καρτερεῖ δὲ πῦρ καὶ τομὴν πᾶσαν, καὶ τοιόσδε ὢν ἀπεχθάνεται τῇ φιλοσοφίᾳ.” “τί οὖν,” εἶπεν “ὦ ̓Ιάρχα, τὸ μειρακίου πάθος; δεινὸν γὰρ λέγεις, εἰ ξυντεταγμένος οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως μὴ ἀσπάζεται τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, μηδὲ ἐρᾷ τοῦ μανθάνειν καὶ ταῦτα ὑμῖν ξυνών.” “οὐ ξύνεστιν,” εἶπεν “ἀλλ' ὥσπερ οἱ λέοντες, ἄκων εἴληπται, καὶ καθεῖρκται μέν, ὑποβλέπει δὲ ἡμῶν τιθασευόντων αὐτὸν καὶ καταψώντων. γέγονε μὲν οὖν τὸ μειράκιον τοῦτο Παλαμήδης ὁ ἐν Τροίᾳ, κέχρηται δὲ ἐναντιωτάτοις ̓Οδυσσεῖ καὶ ̔Ομήρῳ, τῷ μὲν ξυνθέντι ἐπ' αὐτὸν τέχνας, ὑφ' ὧν κατελιθώθη, τῷ δὲ οὐδὲ ἔπους αὐτὸν ἀξιώσαντι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ μήθ' ἡ σοφία αὐτόν τι, ἣν εἶχεν, ὤνησε. μήτε ̔Ομήρου ἐπαινέτου ἔτυχεν, ὑφ' οὗ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν μὴ πάνυ σπουδαίων ἐς ὄνομα ἤχθησαν, ̓Οδυσσέως τε ἥττητο ἀδικῶν οὐδέν, διαβέβληται πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν καὶ ὀλοφύρεται τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πάθος. ἔστι δὲ οὗτος Παλαμήδης, ὃς καὶ γράφει μὴ μαθὼν γράμματα.” 3.23. τοιαῦτα διαλεγομένων προσελθὼν τῷ ̓Ιάρχᾳ ἄγγελος “ὁ βασιλεὺς” ἔφη “περὶ δείλην πρώτην ἀφίξεται ξυνεσόμενος ὑμῖν περὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πραγμάτων.” ὁ δὲ “ἡκέτω,” εἶπε “καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ βελτίων ἀπέλθοι γνοὺς ἄνδρα ̔́Ελληνα.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα πάλιν τοῦ προτέρου λόγου εἴχετο. ἤρετο οὖν τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον “σὺ δ' ἂν εἴποις” ἔφη “τὸ πρῶτον σῶμα καὶ ὅστις πρὸ τοῦ νῦν ἦσθα;” ὁ δὲ εἶπεν “ἐπειδὴ ἄδοξον ἦν μοι ἐκεῖνο, ὀλίγα αὐτοῦ μέμνημαι.” ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “εἶτα ἄδοξον” ἔφη “ἡγῇ τὸ γενέσθαι κυβερνήτης Αἰγυπτίας νεώς: τουτὶ γάρ σε ὁρῶ γεγονότα.” “ἀληθῆ μὲν” εἶπεν “λέγεις, ὦ ̓Ιάρχα, τουτὶ γὰρ ἀτεχνῶς ἐγενόμην, ἡγοῦμαι δ' αὐτὸ οὐκ ἄδοξον μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταβεβλημένον, καὶ τοσούτου μὲν ἄξιον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ὅσου περ τὸ ἄρχειν καὶ τὸ στρατοῦ ἡγεῖσθαι, κακῶς δὲ ἀκοῦον ὑπὸ τῶν καθαπτομένων τῆς θαλάττης. τὸ γοῦν γενναιότατον τῶν ἐμοὶ πραχθέντων οὐδὲ ἐπαίνου τις ἠξίωσε τότε.” “τί δὲ δὴ γενναῖον εἰργάσθαι φήσεις ἢ τὸ περιβεβληκέναι Μαλέαν τε καὶ Σούνιον χαλινώσας ἐκφερομένην τὴν ναῦν, καὶ τὸ κατὰ πρύμναν τε καὶ πρῷραν τῶν ἀνέμων, ὁπόθεν ἐκδοθήσονται, σαφῶς διεγνωκέναι ἑρμάτων τε ὑπερᾶραι τὸ σκάφος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ κοίλῃ, οὗπερ πολλὰ τῶν ἀκρωτηρίων ἀναπέπηγεν;” 3.24. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἐπεί με” εἶπεν “ἐς κυβερνητικὸν ἐμβιβάζεις λόγον, ἄκουε, ὃ δοκῶ μοι τότε ὑγιῶς πρᾶξαι: τὴν θάλαττάν ποτε τῶν Φοινίκων λῃσταὶ ὑπεκάθηντο καὶ ἐφοίτων περὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀναμανθάνοντες τίς τί ἄγοι. κατιδόντες οὖν ἐμπορίαν λαμπρὰν τῆς νεὼς οἱ τῶν λῃστῶν πρόξενοι διελέγοντό μοι ἀπολαβόντες με, πόσον τι μεθέξοιμι τοῦ ναύλου, ἐγὼ δὲ χιλίων ἔφην, ἐπειδὴ τέτταρες ἐκυβέρνων τὴν ναῦν. “οἰκία δὲ” ἔφασαν “ἔστι σοι;” “καλύβη πονηρὰ” ἔφην “περὶ τὴν νῆσον τὴν Φάρον, οὗ πάλαι ποτὲ ὁ Πρωτεὺς ᾤκει.” “βούλοιο ἂν οὖν” ἤροντό με “γενέσθαι σοι γῆν μὲν ἀντὶ θαλάττης, οἰκίαν δὲ ἀντὶ τῆς καλύβης, τὸ δὲ ναῦλον δεκάκις τοῦτο κακῶν τε ἐξελθεῖν μυρίων, ἃ ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης ἀνοιδούσης ἐγχρίπτει τοῖς κυβερνῶσιν;” βούλεσθαι μὲν εἶπον, οὐ μὴν ἁρπαγῶν γε ἐμαυτὸν ἀξιοῦν, ὁπότε σοφώτερος ἐμαυτοῦ γέγονα καὶ στεφάνων ἠξίωμαι παρὰ τῆς τέχνης. προϊόντων δ' αὐτῶν καὶ βαλάντιά μοι δραχμῶν μυρίων δώσειν φασκόντων, εἰ γενοίμην αὐτοῖς, ὃ ἐβούλοντο, λέγειν ἤδη παρεκελευσάμην ὡς μηδὲν ἐλλείψων τοῦ πᾶς ἀνὴρ γενέσθαι σφίσι: λέγουσι δὴ μελεδωνοὶ μὲν εἶναι λῃστῶν, δεῖσθαι δέ μου μὴ ἀφελέσθαι αὐτοὺς τὸ τὴν ναῦν ἑλεῖν, μηδὲ ἐς ἄστυ ἐκπλεῦσαι, ὁπότε ἐκεῖθεν ἄραιμι, ἀλλ' ὑφορμίσασθαι τῷ ἀκρωτηρίῳ, τὰς ναῦς γὰρ τὰς λῃστρικὰς ἐν περιβολῇ ἑστάναι, καὶ ὀμνύναι μοι ἐβούλοντο μήτ' αὐτόν με ἀποκτενεῖν καὶ ἀνήσειν δὲ τὸν θάνατον οἷς ἂν ἐγὼ παραιτῶμαι. ἐγὼ δὲ νουθετεῖν μὲν αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἐμαυτῷ ἡγούμην δείσας μὴ ἀπογνόντες ἐμβάλωσι μετεώρῳ τῇ νηὶ καὶ ἀπολώμεθά που τοῦ πελάγους, ὡς δὲ ὑπουργῆσαι ̔ὑπεσχόμην', ἃ ἐβούλοντο, ὀμνύναι ἔφην αὐτοὺς δεῖν ἦ μὴν ἀληθεύσειν ταῦτα. ὀμοσάντων τοίνυν, καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἱερῷ διελέγοντο, “χωρεῖτε” ἔφην “ἐπὶ τὰ τῶν λῃστῶν πλοῖα, ἡμεῖς γὰρ νύκτωρ ἀφήσομεν.” καὶ πιθανώτερος ἐδόκουν ἔτι περὶ τοῦ νομίσματος διαλεγόμενος, ὡς δόκιμον ἀπαριθμηθείη μοι καὶ μὴ πρότερον ἢ τὴν ναῦν ἕλωσιν. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐχώρουν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἧκα ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ὑπεράρας τοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου.” “ταῦτ' οὖν,” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “̓Απολλώνιε, δικαιοσύνης ἡγῇ ἔργα;” “καὶ πρός γε” ἔφη “φιλανθρωπίας, τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀποδόσθαι ψυχὰς ἀνθρώπων, μηδ' ἀπεμπολῆσαι τὰ τῶν ἐμπόρων, χρημάτων τε κρείττω γενέσθαι ναύτην ὄντα πολλὰς ἀρετὰς οἶμαι ξυνειληφέναι.” 3.25. γελάσας οὖν ὁ ̓Ινδὸς “ἔοικας” ἔφη “τὸ μὴ ἀδικεῖν δικαιοσύνην ἡγεῖσθαι, τουτὶ δὲ οἶμαι καὶ πάντας ̔́Ελληνας: ὡς γὰρ ἐγώ ποτε Αἰγυπτίων δεῦρο ἀφικομένων ἤκουσα, φοιτῶσι μὲν ὑμῖν ἀπὸ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἡγεμόνες γυμνὸν ἠρμένοι τὸν πέλεκυν ἐφ' ὑμᾶς, οὔπω γιγνώσκοντες, εἰ φαύλων ἄρξουσιν, ὑμεῖς δέ, εἰ μὴ πωλοῖεν τὰς δίκας οὗτοι, φατὲ αὐτοὺς δικαίους εἶναι. τουτὶ δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἀνδραπόδων καπήλους ἀκούω ἐκεῖ πράττειν, εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιντο κατάγοντες ὑμῖν ἀνδράποδα Καρικὰ καὶ τὸ ἦθος αὐτῶν ἐφερμηνεύοιεν ὑμῖν, ἔπαινον ποιοῦνται τῶν ἀνδραπόδων τὸ μὴ κλέπτειν αὐτά. τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἄρχοντας, οἷς ὑποκεῖσθαί φατε, τοιούτων ἀξιοῦτε, καὶ λαμπρύνοντες αὐτοὺς ἐπαίνοις, οἷς περ τὰ ἀνδράποδα, ζηλωτοὺς πέμπετε, ὡς οἴεσθε, οἱ δέ γε σοφώτατοι ποιηταὶ ὑμῶν οὐδ' εἰ βούλεσθε δίκαιοί τε καὶ χρηστοὶ εἶναι, ξυγχωροῦσιν ὑμῖν γενέσθαι. τὸν γὰρ Μίνω τὸν ὠμότητι ὑπερβαλόμενον πάντας καὶ δουλωσάμενον ταῖς ναυσὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ τε καὶ ἐν θαλάττῃ δικαιοσύνης σκήπτρῳ τιμῶντες ἐν ̔́Αιδου καθίζουσι διαιτᾶν ταῖς ψυχαῖς, τὸν δ' αὖ Τάνταλον, ἐπειδὴ χρηστός τε ἦν καὶ τοῖς φίλοις τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀθανασίας μετεδίδου, ποτοῦ τε εἴργουσι καὶ σίτου, εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καὶ λίθους αὐτῷ ἐπικρεμάσαντες δεινὰ ἐφυβρίζουσι θείῳ τε καὶ ἀγαθῷ ἀνδρί, οὓς ἐβουλόμην ἂν μᾶλλον λίμνην αὐτῷ περιβλύσαι νέκταρος, ἐπειδὴ φιλανθρώπως αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀφθόνως προὔπινε.” καὶ ἅμα λέγων ταῦτα ἐπεδείκνυ ἄγαλμα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΤΑΝΤΑΛΟ*ς. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἄγαλμα τετράπηχυ ἦν, ἀνδρὶ δὲ ἐῴκει πεντηκοντούτῃ καὶ τρόπον ̓Αργολικὸν ἔσταλτο, παρήλλαττε δὲ τὴν χλαμύδα, ὥσπερ οἱ Θετταλοί, φιάλην τε προὔπινεν ἀποχρῶσαν ἑνὶ διψῶντι, ἐν ᾗ στάλαγμα ἐκάχλαζεν ἀκηράτου πώματος οὐχ ὑπερβλύζον τῆς φιάλης. ὅ τι μὲν οὖν ἡγοῦνται αὐτὸ καὶ ἐφ' ὅτῳ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πίνουσι, δηλώσω αὐτίκα. πλὴν ἀλλὰ ἡγεῖσθαι χρὴ τὸν Τάνταλον μὴ τῇ γλώττῃ ἐφέντα, κοινωνήσαντα δὲ ἀνθρώποις τοῦ νέκταρος ὑπὸ τῶν ποιητῶν ἐλαύνεσθαι, θεοῖς δὲ μὴ διαβεβλῆσθαι αὐτόν, οὐ γὰρ ἄν, εἰ θεοῖς ἀπήχθετο, κριθῆναί ποτε ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ινδῶν ἀγαθὸν θεοφιλεστάτων ὄντων καὶ μηδὲν ἔξω τοῦ θείου πραττόντων. 3.26. διατρίβοντας δὲ αὐτοὺς περὶ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον θόρυβος ἐκ τῆς κώμης προσέβαλεν, ἀφῖκτο δὲ ἄρα ὁ βασιλεὺς μηδικώτερον κατεσκευασμένος καὶ ὄγκου μεστός. ἀχθεσθεὶς οὖν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “εἰ δὲ Φραώτης” ἔφη “καταλύων ἐτύγχανεν, εἶδες ἂν ὥσπερ ἐν μυστηρίῳ σιωπῆς μεστὰ πάντα.” ἐκ τούτου μὲν δὴ ξυνῆκεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, ὡς βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ὀλίγῳ μέρει, φιλοσοφίᾳ δὲ πάσῃ τοῦ Φραώτου λείποιτο, ῥᾳθύμους δὲ ἰδὼν τοὺς σοφοὺς καὶ μηδὲν παρασκευάζοντας, ὧν δεῖ τῷ βασιλεῖ μετὰ μεσημβρίαν ἥκοντι “ποῖ” ἔφη “ὁ βασιλεὺς διαιτήσεται;” “ἐνταῦθα,” ἔφασαν, “ὧν γὰρ ἕνεκα ἥκει, νύκτωρ διαλεγόμεθα, ἐπειδὴ καὶ βελτίων ὁ καιρὸς πρὸς βουλάς.” “καὶ τράπεζα” ἔφη “παρακείσεται ἥκοντι;” “νὴ Δί',” εἶπον “παχεῖά τε καὶ πάντα ἔχουσα, ὁπόσα ἐνταῦθα.” “παχέως οὖν” ἔφη “διαιτᾶσθε;” “ἡμεῖς μὲν” ἔφασαν “λεπτῶς, πλείονα γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐξὸν σιτίζεσθαι μικροῖς χαίρομεν, τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ πολλῶν δεῖ, βούλεται γάρ. σιτήσεται δὲ ἔμψυχον μὲν οὐδέν, οὐ γὰρ θέμις ἐνταῦθα, τραγήματα δὲ καὶ ῥίζας καὶ ὡραῖα, ὁπόσα νῦν ἡ ̓Ινδικὴ ἔχει ὁπόσα τε αἱ ἐς νέωτα ὧραι δώσουσιν.” 3.27. “ἀλλ' ἰδοὺ” ἔφη “οὗτος.” προῄει δὲ ἄρα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀδελφῷ τε καὶ υἱῷ ἅμα χρυσῷ τε ἀστράπτων καὶ ψήφοις. ὑπανισταμένου δὲ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου, κατεῖχεν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ, μηδὲ γὰρ αὐτοῖς πάτριον εἶναι τοῦτο. τούτοις ὁ Δάμις αὐτὸς μὲν οὔ φησι παρατυχεῖν διὰ τὸ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἐν τῇ κώμῃ διαιτᾶσθαι, ̓Απολλωνίου δὲ ἀκηκοὼς ἐγγράψαι αὐτὰ ἐς τὸν αὑτοῦ λόγον. φησὶ τοίνυν καθημένοις μὲν αὐτοῖς τὸν βασιλέα προτείνοντα τὴν χεῖρα οἷον εὔχεσθαι τοῖς ἀνδράσι, τοὺς δὲ ἐπινεύειν, ὥσπερ ξυντιθεμένους οἷς ᾔτει, τὸν δὲ ὑπερήδεσθαι τῇ ἐπαγγελίᾳ, καθάπερ ἐς θεοῦ ἥκοντα. τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὸν υἱὸν κάλλιστον μειράκιον ὄντα μηδὲν ὁρᾶσθαι βέλτιον ἢ εἰ ἀνδράποδα τουτωνὶ τῶν ἀκολούθων ἦσαν. μετὰ ταῦτα ἐξαναστῆναι τὸν ̓Ινδὸν καὶ φωνὴν ἱέντα κελεύειν αὐτὸν σίτου ἅπτεσθαι, προσδεξαμένου δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἀσμένως τρίποδες μὲν ἐξεπορεύθησαν Πυθικοὶ τέτταρες αὐτόματοι, καθάπερ οἱ ̔Ομήρειοι προϊόντες, οἰνοχόοι δ' ὑπ' αὐτοῖς χαλκοῦ μέλανος, οἷοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν οἱ Γανυμήδεις τε καὶ οἱ Πέλοπες. ἡ γῆ δὲ ὑπεστόρνυ πόας μαλακωτέρας ἢ αἱ εὐναί. τραγήματα δὲ καὶ ἄρτοι καὶ λάχανα καὶ τρωκτὰ ὡραῖα, πάντα ἐν κόσμῳ ἐφοίτα διακείμενα ἥδιον ἢ εἰ ὀψοποιοὶ αὐτὰ παρεσκεύαζον, τῶν δὲ τριπόδων οἱ μὲν δύο οἴνου ἐπέρρεον, τοῖν δυοῖν δὲ ὁ μὲν ὕδατος θερμοῦ κρήνην παρεῖχεν, ὁ δὲ αὖ ψυχροῦ. αἱ δ' ἐξ ̓Ινδῶν φοιτῶσαι λίθοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησι μὲν ἐς ὅρμους τε καὶ δακτυλίους ἐμβιβάζονται διὰ σμικρότητα, παρὰ δὲ ̓Ινδοῖς οἰνοχόαι τε ψυκτῆρές τε γίγνονται διὰ μέγεθος καὶ κρατῆρες ἡλίκοι ἐμπλῆσαι τέτταρας ὥρᾳ ἔτους διψῶντας. τοὺς δὲ οἰνοχόους τοὺς χαλκοῦς ἀρύεσθαι μέν φησι ξυμμέτρως τοῦ τε οἴνου καὶ τοῦ ὕδατος, περιελαύνειν δὲ τὰς κύλικας, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς πότοις. κατακεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐν ξυσσιτίῳ μέν, οὐ μὴν πρόκριτόν γε τὸν βασιλέα, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ παρ' ̔́Ελλησί τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίοις πολλοῦ ἄξιον, ἀλλ' ὡς ἔτυχέ γε, οὗ ἕκαστος ὥρμησεν. 3.28. ἐπεὶ δὲ προῄει ὁ πότος “προπίνω σοι,” ὁ ̓Ιάρχας εἶπεν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἄνδρα ̔́Ελληνα τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ὑποκεκλιμένον αὐτῷ δείξας καὶ τῇ χειρὶ προσημαίνων, ὅτι γενναῖός τε εἴη καὶ θεῖος.” ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς “ἤκουσα” ἔφη “προσήκειν Φραώτῃ τοῦτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ καταλύοντας.” “ὀρθῶς” ἔφη “καὶ ἀληθῶς ἤκουσας, ἐκεῖνος γὰρ κἀνταῦθα ξενίζει αὐτόν.” “τί” ἔφη “ἐπιτηδεύοντα;” “τί δ' ἄλλο γε” εἶπεν “ἢ ἅπερ ἐκεῖνος;” “οὐδὲν” ἔφη “ξένον εἴρηκας ἀσπαζόμενον ἐπιτήδευσιν, ἣ μηδὲ ἐκείνῳ ξυνεχώρησε γενναίῳ γενέσθαι.” ὁ μὲν δὴ ̓Ιάρχας “σωφρονέστερον,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, περὶ φιλοσοφίας τε καὶ Φραώτου γίγνωσκε, τὸν μὲν γὰρ χρόνον, ὃν μειράκιον ἦσθα, ξυνεχώρει σοι ἡ νεότης τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς ἄνδρας ἐξαλλάττεις ἤδη, φειδώμεθα τῶν ἀνοήτων τε καὶ εὐκόλων.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ἑρμηνεύοντος τοῦ ̓Ιάρχα “σοὶ δὲ τί,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸ μὴ φιλοσοφῆσαι δέδωκεν;” “ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρετὴν πᾶσαν καὶ τὸ εἶναί με τὸν αὐτὸν τῷ ̔Ηλίῳ.” ὁ δὲ ἐπιστομίζων αὐτοῦ τὸν τῦφον “εἰ ἐφιλοσόφεις,” εἶπεν “οὐκ ἂν ταῦτα ᾤου.” “σὺ δέ, ἐπειδὴ φιλοσοφεῖς, ὦ βέλτιστε,” ἔφη “τί περὶ σαυτοῦ οἴει;” “τό γε ἀνὴρ” ἔφη “ἀγαθὸς δοκεῖν, εἰ φιλοσοφοίην.” ἀνατείνας οὖν τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν “νὴ τὸν ̔́Ηλιον,” ἔφη “Φραώτου μεστὸς ἥκεις.” ὁ δὲ ἕρμαιόν γε ἐποιήσατο τὸν λόγον καὶ ὑπολαβὼν “οὐ μάτην ἀποδεδήμηταί μοι,” εἶπεν “εἰ Φραώτου μεστὸς γέγονα: εἰ δὲ κἀκείνῳ νῦν ἐντύχοις, πάνυ φήσεις αὐτὸν ἐμοῦ μεστὸν εἶναι, καὶ γράφειν δὲ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς σὲ ἐβούλετο, ἀλλ' ἐπειδὴ ἔφασκεν ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν εἶναί σε, παρῃτησάμην τὸν ὄχλον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἐκείνῳ τις ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ ἐπέστειλεν.” 3.29. ἡ μὲν δὴ πρώτη παροινία τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνταῦθα ἔληξεν: ἀκούσας γὰρ ἐπαινεῖσθαι αὑτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Φραώτου τῆς τε ὑποψίας ἐπελάθετο καὶ ὑφεὶς τοῦ τόνου “χαῖρε,” ἔφη “ἀγαθὲ ξένε.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “καὶ σύ, βασιλεῦ,” εἶπεν “ἔοικας γὰρ νῦν ἥκοντι.” τίς σε ἔφη “πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἤγαγεν;” “οὗτοι” εἶπεν “οἱ θεοί τε καὶ σοφοὶ ἄνδρες.” “περὶ ἐμοῦ δέ,” ἔφη “ὦ ξένε, τίς λόγος ἐν τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν;” “ὅσος γε” εἶπε “καὶ περὶ ̔Ελλήνων ἐνταῦθα.” “οὐδὲν,” ἔφη “τῶν παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ἔγωγε λόγου ἀξιῶ.” “ἀπαγγελῶ ταῦτα,” εἶπε “καὶ στεφανώσουσί σε ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ.” 3.30. καὶ προσκλιθεὶς τῷ ̓Ιάρχᾳ “τοῦτον μὲν” ἔφη “μεθύειν ἔα, σὺ δέ μοι εἰπὲ τοῦ χάριν τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν τούτους ἀδελφόν, ὡς φατέ, καὶ υἱὸν ὄντας οὐκ ἀξιοῦτε κοινῆς τραπέζης, οὐδὲ ἄλλης τιμῆς οὐδεμιᾶς;” “ὅτι” ἔφη “βασιλεύσειν ποτὲ ἡγοῦνται, δεῖ δὲ αὐτοὺς ὑπερορωμένους παιδεύεσθαι τὸ μὴ ὑπερορᾶν.” ὀκτωκαίδεκα δὲ ὁρῶν τοὺς σοφοὺς πάλιν τὸν ̓Ιάρχαν ἤρετο, τί βούλοιτο αὐτοῖς τὸ εἶναι τοσούτους; “οὔτε γὰρ τῶν τετραγώνων ὁ ἀριθμός, οὔτε τῶν εὐδοκιμούντων τε καὶ τιμωμένων, καθάπερ ὁ τῶν δέκα καὶ ὁ τῶν δώδεκα καὶ ὁ ἑκκαίδεκα καὶ ὁπόσοι τοιοίδε.” ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ὁ ̓Ινδὸς “οὔτε ἡμεῖς” ἔφη “ἀριθμῷ δουλεύομεν οὔτε ἀριθμὸς ἡμῖν, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ σοφίας τε καὶ ἀρετῆς προτιμώμεθα, καὶ ὁτὲ μὲν πλείους τῶν νῦν ὄντων ἐσμέν, ὁτὲ δὲ ἐλάττους. τόν τοι πάππον τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ ἀκούω καταλεχθῆναι μὲν ἐς ἑβδομήκοντα σοφοὺς ἄνδρας νεώτατον αὐτὸν ὄντα, προελθόντα δὲ ἐς τριάκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔτη καταλειφθῆναι μόνον ἐνταῦθα τῷ μήτ' ἐκείνων τινὰ λείπεσθαι ἔτι μήτε εἶναί ποι τότε τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς ἢ φιλόσοφον ἢ γενναίαν φύσιν. Αἰγυπτίων τοίνυν ἐν τοῖς εὐδαιμονεστάτοις γραψάντων αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ μόνος ἐτῶν τεττάρων ἐξηγήσατο τούτου τοῦ θρόνου, παρῄνει παύσασθαι ὀνειδίζοντας ̓Ινδοῖς σοφῶν ὀλιγανδρίαν. ἡμεῖς δέ, ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, καὶ τὰ ̓Ηλείων πάτρια Αἰγυπτίων ἀκούοντες καὶ τοὺς ̔Ελλανοδίκας, οἳ προΐστανται τῶν ̓Ολυμπίων, δέκα ὄντας, οὐκ ἐπαινοῦμεν τὸν νόμον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι κείμενον, κλήρῳ γὰρ ξυγχωροῦσι τὴν αἵρεσιν, ὃς προνοεῖ οὐδέν, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ τῶν φαυλοτέρων τις αἱρεθείη ὑπὸ τοῦ κλήρου. εἰ δέ γε ἀριστίνδην ἢ καὶ κατὰ ψῆφον ᾑροῦντο τοὺς ἄνδρας, οὐκ ἂν ἡμάρτανον; παραπλησίως: ὁ γὰρ τῶν δέκα ἀριθμὸς ἀπαραίτητος ὢν ἢ πλειόνων ὄντων ἀνδρῶν δικαίων ἀφῃρεῖτο ἂν ἐνίους τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τιμᾶσθαι ἢ οὐκ ὄντων δικαίων δέκα οὐδεὶς δόξει: ὅθεν πολλῷ σοφώτερον ἐφρόνουν ἂν ̓Ηλεῖοι ἀριθμῷ μὲν ἄλλοτε ἄλλοι ὄντες, δικαιότητι δὲ οἱ αὐτοί.” 3.31. ταῦτα σπουδάζοντας αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκκρούειν ἐπειρᾶτο διείργων αὐτοὺς παντὸς λόγου καὶ ἀεί τι ἔμπληκτον καὶ ἀμαθὲς λέγων. πάλιν οὖν ἤρετο ὑπὲρ τοῦ σπουδάζοιεν, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “διαλεγόμεθα μὲν ὑπὲρ μεγάλων καὶ τῶν παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν εὐδοκιμωτάτων, σὺ δ' ἂν μικρὰ ταῦτα ἡγοῖο, φῂς γὰρ διαβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ ̔Ελλήνων.” “διαβέβλημαι μὲν ἀληθῶς,” εἶπεν “ἀκοῦσαι δ' ὅμως βούλομαι, δοκεῖτε γάρ μοι λέγειν ὑπὲρ ̓Αθηναίων τῶν Ξέρξου δούλων.” ὁ δὲ “ὑπὲρ ἄλλων μὲν” ἔφη “διαλεγόμεθα, ἐπεὶ δ' ἀτόπως τε καὶ ψευδῶς ̓Αθηναίων ἐπεμνήσθης, ἐκεῖνό μοι εἰπέ: εἰσί σοι, βασιλεῦ, δοῦλοι;” “δισμύριοι,” ἔφη “καὶ οὐδὲ ἐώνημαί γε αὐτῶν οὐδένα, ἀλλ' εἰσὶν οἰκογενεῖς πάντες.” πάλιν οὖν ἤρετο ἑρμηνεύοντος τοῦ ̓Ιάρχα, πότερ' αὐτὸς ἀποδιδράσκοι τοὺς αὑτοῦ δούλους ἢ οἱ δοῦλοι ἐκεῖνον, ὁ δὲ ὑβρίζων αὐτὸν “τὸ μὲν ἐρώτημα” ἔφη “ἀνδραποδῶδες, ὅμως δ' οὖν ἀποκρίνομαι τὸν ἀποδιδράσκοντα δοῦλόν τε εἶναι καὶ ἄλλως κακόν, δεσπότην δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἀποδρᾶναι τοῦτον, ὃν ἔξεστιν αὐτῷ στρεβλοῦν τε καὶ ξαίνειν.” “οὐκοῦν,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, δοῦλος εἶναι ̓Αθηναίων Ξέρξης ὑπὸ σοῦ ἀποπέφανται καὶ ὡς κακὸς δοῦλος ἀποδρᾶναι αὐτούς, ἡττηθεὶς γὰρ ὑπ' αὐτῶν τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ τῇ περὶ τὰ στενὰ καὶ δείσας περὶ ταῖς ἐν ̔Ελλησπόντῳ σχεδίαις ἐν μιᾷ νηὶ ἔφυγε.” “καὶ μὴν καὶ ἐνέπρησεν” ἔφη “τὰς ̓Αθήνας ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ χερσίν.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “τούτου μέν,” εἶπεν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, τοῦ τολμήματος ἔδωκε δίκας, ὡς οὔπω τις ἕτερος: οὓς γὰρ ἀπολωλεκέναι ᾤετο, τούτους ἀποδρὰς ᾤχετο. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ̔τὰ̓ Ξέρξου θεωρῶν ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ διανοίᾳ, καθ' ἣν ἐστράτευσεν, ἡγοίμην ἂν αὐτὸν ἀξίως δοξασθῆναι ἐνίοις, ὅτι Ζεὺς εἴη, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ φυγῇ κακοδαιμονέστατον ἀνθρώπων ὑπείληφα: εἰ γὰρ ἐν χερσὶ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀπέθανε, τίς μὲν ἂν λόγων λαμπροτέρων ἠξιώθη; τῷ δ' ἂν μείζω τάφον ἐπεσημήναντο ̔́Ελληνες; ἀγωνία δ' ἐνόπλιος καὶ ἀγωνία μουσικὴ τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐπ' αὐτῷ ἐτέθη; εἰ γὰρ Μελικέρται καὶ Παλαίμονες καὶ Πέλοψ ὁ ἐπηλύτης Λυδός, οἱ μὲν ἔτι πρὸς μαζῷ ἀποθανόντες, ὁ δὲ τὴν ̓Αρκαδίαν τε καὶ τὴν ̓Αργολίδα καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς ̓Ισθμοῦ δουλωσάμενος ἐς θείαν μνήμην ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἤρθησαν, τί οὐκ ἂν ἐπὶ Ξέρξῃ ἐγένετο ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν ἀσπαζομένων τε ἀρετὰς φύσει καὶ ἔπαινον αὑτῶν ἡγουμένων τὸ ἐπαινεῖν οὓς νικῶσιν;” 3.32. ταῦτα τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου λέγοντος ἐς δάκρυα ἀπήχθη ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ “ὦ φίλτατε,” εἶπεν “οἵους ἄνδρας ἑρμηνεύεις μοι τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας εἶναι.” “πόθεν οὖν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, χαλεπῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἶχες;” “διαβάλλουσιν,” εἶπεν “ὦ ξένε, τὸ ̔Ελλήνων γένος οἱ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου φοιτῶντες ἐνταῦθα, σφᾶς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἱερούς τε καὶ σοφοὺς ἀποφαίνοντες καὶ νομοθέτας θυσιῶν τε καὶ τελετῶν, ὁπόσας νομίζουσιν οἱ ̔́Ελληνες, ἐκείνους δὲ οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς εἶναι φάσκοντες, ἀλλ' ὑβριστάς τε καὶ ξυγκλύδας καὶ ἀναρχίαν πᾶσαν καὶ μυθολόγους καὶ τερατολόγους καὶ πένητας μέν, ἐνδεικνυμένους δὲ τοῦτο οὐχ ὡς σεμνόν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ ξυγγνώμης τοῦ κλέπτειν, σοῦ δὲ ἀκούων ταῦτα καὶ ὅπως φιλότιμοί τε καὶ χρηστοί εἰσι, σπένδομαί τε λοιπὸν τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι καὶ δίδωμι αὐτοῖς ἐπαινεῖσθαί τε ὑπ' ἐμοῦ καὶ εὔχεσθαί με ὑπὲρ ̔Ελλήνων ὅ τι δύναμαι καὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ὑπ' ἐμοῦ ἀπιστεῖσθαι.” ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας “κἀγώ,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐγίγνωσκον, ὅτι σοι τὰ ὦτα διέφθορεν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων τούτων, διῄειν δὲ ὑπὲρ ̔Ελλήνων οὐδέν, ἔστ' ἂν ξυμβόλου τοιούτου τύχῃς, ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ βελτίων γέγονας ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς σοφοῦ, νῦν μὲν ἡμῖν ἡ Ταντάλου φιλοτησία πινέσθω καὶ καθεύδωμεν δι' ἃ χρὴ νύκτωρ σπουδάσαι, λόγων δὲ ̔Ελληνικῶν, πλεῖστοι δ' οὗτοι τῶν κατ' ἀνθρώπους, ἐμπλήσω σε λοιπὸν ἐγὼ χαίροντα, ὁπότε ἀφίκοιο.” καὶ ἅμα ἐξῆρχε τοῖς ξυμπόταις πρῶτος ἐς τὴν φιάλην κύπτων, ἡ δὲ ἐπότιζεν ἱκανῶς πάντας, τὸ γὰρ νᾶμα ἀφθόνως ἐπεδίδου, καθάπερ δὴ τοῖς πηγαίοις ἀναδιδομένοις, ἔπιέ τε καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, ὑπὲρ γὰρ φιλότητος ̓Ινδοῖς τὸ ποτὸν τοῦτο εὕρηται. ποιοῦνται δὲ αὐτοῦ οἰνοχόον Τάνταλον, ἐπειδὴ φιλικώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἔδοξεν. 3.33. πιόντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐδέξατο ἡ γῆ εὐναῖς, ἃς αὐτὴ ὑπεστόρνυ. ἐπεὶ δὲ νὺξ μέση ἐγένετο, πρῶτον μὲν ἀναστάντες τὴν ἀκτῖνα μετέωροι ὕμνησαν, ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ μεσημβρίᾳ, εἶτα τῷ βασιλεῖ ξυνεγένοντο, ὁπόσα ἐδεῖτο. παρατυχεῖν μὲν οὖν τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον οἷς ἐσπούδασεν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὔ φησιν ὁ Δάμις, οἴεσθαι δ' αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπορρήτων τὴν ξυνουσίαν πεποιῆσθαι. θύσας οὖν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ προσῆλθε τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ καὶ ἐκάλει ἐπὶ ξένια ἐς τὰ βασίλεια, ζηλωτὸν ἀποπέμψειν φάσκων ἐς ̔́Ελληνας, ὁ δὲ ἐπῄνει μὲν ταῦτα, οὐ μὴν ἐπιδώσειν γε ἑαυτὸν ἔφασκεν ἀνδρὶ μηδὲν ὁμοίῳ, καὶ ἄλλως πλείω χρόνον ἀποδημῶν τοῦ εἰκότος αἰσχύνεσθαι τοὺς οἴκοι φίλους ὑπερορᾶσθαι δοκοῦντας. ἀντιβολεῖν δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως φάσκοντος καὶ ἀνελευθέρως ἤδη προσκειμένου “βασιλεὺς” ἔφη “ταπεινότερον αὑτοῦ περὶ ὧν αἰτεῖ διαλεγόμενος ἐπιβουλεύει.” προσελθὼν οὖν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “ἀδικεῖς,” εἶπεν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν ἱερὸν οἶκον ἀπάγων ἐνθένδε ἄνδρα ἄκοντα, καὶ ἄλλως τῶν προγιγνωσκόντων οὗτος ὢν οἶδε τὴν ξυνουσίαν αὐτῷ τὴν πρὸς σὲ μὴ ἐπ' ἀγαθῷ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ ἐσομένην, ἴσως δὲ οὐδ' αὐτῷ σοι χρηστόν τι ἕξουσαν.” 3.34. ὁ μὲν δὴ κατῄει ἐς τὴν κώμην, ὁ γὰρ θεσμὸς τῶν σοφῶν οὐ ξυνεχώρει τῷ βασιλεῖ ξυνεῖναί σφισιν ὑπὲρ μίαν ἡμέραν, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας πρὸς τὸν ἄγγελον “καὶ Δάμιν” εἶπε “τῶν δεῦρο ἀπορρήτων ἀξιοῦμεν καὶ ἡκέτω, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἐπιμελοῦ ἐν τῇ κώμῃ.” ̔Ως δὲ ἀφίκετο, ξυνιζήσαντες, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, ξυνεχώρουν τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ ἐρωτᾶν, ἤρετό τε ἐκ τίνων ξυγκεῖσθαι τὸν κόσμον ἡγοῖντο, οἱ δὲ ἔφασαν “ἐκ στοιχείων.” “μῶν” ἔφη “τεττάρων;” “οὐ τεττάρων,” ἔφη ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “ἀλλὰ πέντε.” “καὶ τί ἂν” ἔφη “πέμπτον γένοιτο παρὰ τὸ ὕδωρ τε καὶ τὸν ἀέρα καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὸ πῦρ;” “ὁ αἰθήρ,” εἶπεν “ὃν ἡγεῖσθαι χρὴ γένεσιν θεῶν εἶναι, τὰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ἀέρος ἕλκοντα θνητὰ πάντα, τὰ δὲ τοῦ αἰθέρος ἀθάνατά τε καὶ θεῖα.” πάλιν ἤρετο, τί τῶν στοιχείων πρῶτον γένοιτο, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας “ὁμοῦ” ἔφη “πάντα, τὸ γὰρ ζῷον κατὰ μέρος οὐ τίκτεται.” “ζῷον” ἔφη “ἡγῶμαι τὸν κόσμον;” “ἤν γε” ἔφη “ὑγιῶς γιγνώσκῃς, αὐτὸς γὰρ ζωογονεῖ πάντα.” “θῆλυν” εἶπεν “αὐτὸν καλῶμεν ἢ τῆς ἄρσενός τε καὶ ἀντικειμένης φύσεως;” “ἀμφοῖν,” ἔφη “αὐτὸς γὰρ αὑτῷ ξυγγιγνόμενος τὰ μητρός τε καὶ πατρὸς ἐς τὴν ζωογονίαν πράττει ἔρωτά τε ἑαυτοῦ ἴσχει θερμότερον ἢ ἕτερόν τι ἑτέρου, ὃς ἁρμόττει αὐτὸν καὶ ξυνίστησιν: ἀπεικὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἑαυτῷ ξυμφύεσθαι. καὶ ὥσπερ χειρῶν τε καὶ ποδῶν ἔργον πεποίηται ἡ τοῦ ζῴου κίνησις καὶ ὁ ἐν αὐτῷ νοῦς, ὑφ' οὗ ὁρμᾷ, οὕτως ἡγώμεθα καὶ τὰ μέρη τοῦ κόσμου διὰ τὸν ἐκείνου νοῦν ἐπιτήδεια παρέχειν αὑτὰ τοῖς τικτομένοις τε καὶ κυουμένοις πᾶσι. καὶ γὰρ τὰ πάθη τὰ ἐξ αὐχμῶν φοιτῶντα κατὰ τὸν ἐκείνου φοιτᾷ νοῦν, ἐπειδὰν ἐκπεσοῦσα ἡ δίκη τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀτίμως πράττῃ, ποιμαίνεταί τε χειρὶ οὐ μιᾷ τόδε τὸ ζῷον, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς τε καὶ ἀρρήτοις, αἷς χρῆται, ἀχαλίνωτον μὲν διὰ μέγεθος, εὐήνιον δὲ κινεῖται καὶ εὐάγωγον.” 3.35. “καὶ παράδειγμα μὲν οὐκ οἶδ' ὅ τι ἀρκέσει τῷ λόγῳ μεγίστῳ τε ὄντι καὶ πρόσω ἐννοίας, ὑποκείσθω δὲ ναῦς, οἵαν Αἰγύπτιοι ξυντιθέντες ἐς τὴν θάλατταν τὴν ἡμεδαπὴν ἀφιᾶσιν ἀγωγίμων ̓Ινδικῶν ἀντιδιδόντες Αἰγύπτια, θεσμοῦ γὰρ παλαιοῦ περὶ τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν ὄντος, ὃν βασιλεὺς ̓Ερύθρας ἐνόμισεν, ὅτε τῆς θαλάττης ἐκείνης ἦρχε, μακρῷ μὲν πλοίῳ μὴ ἐσπλεῖν ἐς αὐτὴν Αἰγυπτίους, στρογγύλῃ δ' αὖ μιᾷ νηὶ χρῆσθαι, σοφίζονται πλοῖον Αἰγύπτιοι πρὸς πολλὰ τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις καὶ παραπλευρώσαντες αὐτὸ ἁρμονίαις, ὁπόσαι ναῦν ξυνιστᾶσι, τοίχοις τε ὑπεράραντες καὶ ἱστῷ καὶ πηξάμενοι πλείους οἰκίας, οἵας ἐπὶ τῶν σελμάτων, πολλοὶ μὲν κυβερνῆται τῆς νεὼς ταύτης ὑπὸ τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ τε καὶ σοφωτάτῳ πλέουσι, πολλοὶ δὲ κατὰ πρῷραν ἄρχοντες ἄριστοί τε καὶ δεξιοὶ ναῦται καὶ πρὸς ἱστία πηδῶντες, ἔστι δέ τι τῆς νεὼς ταύτης καὶ ὁπλιτεῦον, πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς κολπίτας βαρβάρους, οἳ ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ἔσπλου κεῖνται, παρατάττεσθαι δεῖ τὴν ναῦν, ὅτε ληίζοιντο αὐτὴν ἐπιπλέοντες. τοῦτο ἡγώμεθα καὶ περὶ τόνδε τὸν κόσμον εἶναι, θεωροῦντες αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸ τῆς ναυτιλίας σχῆμα, τὴν μὲν γὰρ δὴ πρώτην καὶ τελεωτάτην ἕδραν ἀποδοτέον θεῷ γενέτορι τοῦδε τοῦ ζῴου, τὴν δὲ ἐπ' ἐκείνῃ θεοῖς, οἳ τὰ μέρη αὐτοῦ κυβερνῶσι, καὶ τῶν γε ποιητῶν ἀποδεχώμεθα, ἐπειδὰν πολλοὺς μὲν φάσκωσιν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ θεοὺς εἶναι, πολλοὺς δὲ ἐν θαλάττῃ, πολλοὺς δὲ ἐν πηγαῖς τε καὶ νάμασι, πολλοὺς δὲ περὶ γῆν, εἶναι δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ γῆν τινας. τὸν δὲ ὑπὸ γῆν τόπον, εἴπερ ἐστίν, ἐπειδὴ φρικώδη αὐτὸν καὶ φθαρτικὸν ᾅδουσιν, ἀποτάττωμεν τοῦ κόσμου.” 3.36. ταῦτα τοῦ ̓Ινδοῦ διελθόντος ἐκπεσεῖν ὁ Δάμις ἑαυτοῦ φησιν ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως καὶ ἀναβοῆσαι μέγα, μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε νομίσαι ἄνδρα ̓Ινδὸν ἐς τοῦτο ἐλάσαι γλώττης ̔Ελλάδος, μηδ' ἄν, εἴπερ τὴν γλῶτταν ἠπίστατο, τοσῇδε εὐροίᾳ καὶ ὥρᾳ διελθεῖν ταῦτα. ἐπαινεῖ δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ βλέμμα καὶ μειδίαμα καὶ τὸ μὴ ἀθεεὶ δοκεῖν ἐκφέρειν τὰς δόξας. τόν τοι ̓Απολλώνιον εὐσχημόνως τε καὶ ἀψοφητὶ τοῖς λόγοις χρώμενον ὅμως ἐπιδοῦναι μετὰ τὸν ̓Ινδὸν τοῦτον, καὶ ὅπου καθήμενος διαλέγοιτο, θαμὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἔπραττε, προσεοικέναι τῷ ̓Ιάρχᾳ. 3.37. ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς τῇ φωνῇ τὰ εἰρημένα, πάλιν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος ἤρετο, πότερα τὴν θάλατταν μείζω ἡγοῖντο ἢ τὴν γῆν, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας “εἰ μὲν πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν” ἔφη “ἡ γῆ ἐξετάζοιτο, μείζων ἔσται, τὴν γὰρ θάλατταν αὕτη ἔχει, εἰ δὲ πρὸς πᾶσαν τὴν ὑγρὰν οὐσίαν θεωροῖτο, ἥττω τὴν γῆν ἀποφαινοίμεθα ἄν, καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνην τὸ ὕδωρ φέρει.” 3.38. μεταξὺ δὲ τῶν λόγων τούτων ἐφίσταται τοῖς σοφοῖς ὁ ἄγγελος ̓Ινδοὺς ἄγων σωτηρίας δεομένους. καὶ παρῆγε γύναιον ἱκετεῦον ὑπὲρ παιδός, ὃν ἔφασκε μὲν ἑκκαίδεκα ἔτη γεγονέναι, δαιμονᾶν δὲ δύο ἔτη, τὸ δὲ ἦθος τοῦ δαίμονος εἴρωνα εἶναι καὶ ψεύστην. ἐρομένου δέ τινος τῶν σοφῶν, ὁπόθεν λέγοι ταῦτα, “τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου” ἔφη “τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπεστέρου ὄντος ὁ δαίμων ἐρᾷ καὶ οὐ ξυγχωρεῖ αὐτῷ νοῦν ἔχειν, οὐδὲ ἐς διδασκάλου βαδίσαι ἐᾷ ἢ τοξότου, οὐδὲ οἴκοι εἶναι, ἀλλ' ἐς τὰ ἔρημα τῶν χωρίων ἐκτρέπει, καὶ οὐδὲ τὴν φωνὴν ὁ παῖς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔχει, ἀλλὰ βαρὺ φθέγγεται καὶ κοῖλον, ὥσπερ οἱ ἄνδρες, βλέπει δὲ ἑτέροις ὀφθαλμοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ. κἀγὼ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις κλάω τε καὶ ἐμαυτὴν δρύπτω καὶ νουθετῶ τὸν υἱόν, ὁπόσα εἰκός, ὁ δὲ οὐκ οἶδέ με. διανοουμένης δέ μου τὴν ἐνταῦθα ὁδόν, τουτὶ δὲ πέρυσι διενοήθην, ἐξηγόρευσεν ὁ δαίμων ἑαυτὸν ὑποκριτῇ χρώμενος τῷ παιδί, καὶ δῆτα ἔλεγεν εἶναι μὲν εἴδωλον ἀνδρός, ὃς πολέμῳ ποτὲ ἀπέθανεν, ἀποθανεῖν δὲ ἐρῶν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ γυνὴ περὶ τὴν εὐνὴν ὕβρισε τριταίου κειμένου γαμηθεῖσα ἑτέρῳ, μισῆσαι μὲν ἐκ τούτου τὸ γυναικῶν ἐρᾶν, μεταρρυῆναι δὲ ἐς τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον. ὑπισχνεῖτο δέ, εἰ μὴ διαβάλλοιμι αὐτὸν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, δώσειν τῷ παιδὶ πολλὰ ἐσθλὰ καὶ ἀγαθά. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ ἔπαθόν τι πρὸς ταῦτα, ὁ δὲ διάγει με πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν οἶκον ἔχει μόνος οὐδὲν μέτριον οὐδὲ ἀληθὲς φρονῶν.” ἤρετο οὖν ὁ σοφὸς πάλιν, εἰ πλησίον εἴη ὁ παῖς, ἡ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη, πολλὰ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀφικέσθαι αὐτὸν πρᾶξαι “ὁ δ' ἀπειλεῖ κρημνοὺς καὶ βάραθρα καὶ ἀποκτενεῖν μοι τὸν υἱόν, εἰ δικαζοίμην αὐτῷ δεῦρο.” “θάρσει,” ἔφη ὁ σοφός “οὐ γὰρ ἀποκτενεῖ αὐτὸν ἀναγνοὺς ταῦτα” καί τινα ἐπιστολὴν ἀνασπάσας τοῦ κόλπου ἔδωκε τῇ γυναικί, ἐπέσταλτο δὲ ἄρα ἡ ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς τὸ εἴδωλον ξὺν ἀπειλῇ καὶ ἐκπλήξει. 3.39. καὶ μὴν καὶ χωλεύων τις ἀφίκετο γεγονὼς μὲν ἤδη τριάκοντα ἔτη, λεόντων δὲ θηρατὴς δεινός, ἐμπεπτωκότος δὲ αὐτῷ λέοντος ὠλισθήκει τὸν γλουτὸν καὶ τοῦ σκέλους ἑτέρως εἶχεν. ἀλλ' αἱ χεῖρες αὐτῷ καταψῶσαι τὸν γλουτὸν ἐς ὀρθὸν τοῦ βαδίσματος ὁ νεανίας ἦλθε. καὶ ὀφθαλμὼ δέ τις ἐρρυηκὼς ἀπῆλθε πᾶν ἔχων τὸ ἐν αὐτοῖς φῶς, καὶ ἄλλος τὴν χεῖρα ἀδρανὴς ὢν ἐγκρατὴς ᾤχετο. γυνὴ δέ τις ἑπτὰ ἤδη γαστέρας δυστοκοῦσα δεομένου ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τἀνδρὸς ὧδε ἰάθη: τὸν ἄνδρα ἐκέλευσεν, ἐπειδὰν τίκτῃ ἡ γυνή, λαγὼν ὑπὸ κόλπῳ ζῶντα ἐσφέρεσθαι οὗ τίκτει, καὶ περιελθόντα αὐτὴν ἀφεῖναι ὁμοῦ τὸν λαγών, συνεκδοθῆναι γὰρ ἂν τῷ ἐμβρύῳ τὴν μήτραν, εἰ μὴ ὁ λαγὼς αὐτίκα ἐξενεχθείη θύραζε. 3.40. πατρὸς δ' αὖ τινος εἰπόντος, ὡς γένοιντο μὲν αὐτῷ παῖδες, ἀποθάνοιεν δὲ ὁμοῦ τῷ ἄρξασθαι οἶνον πίνειν ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “καὶ βελτίους ἀποθανόντες ἐγένοντο, οὐ γὰρ ἂν διέφυγον τὸ μὴ μανῆναι, θερμοτέρων, ὡς φαίνεται, σπερμάτων φύντες. οἴνου μὲν οὖν ἀφεκτέον τοῖς ἐξ ὑμῶν, ὡς δὲ μηδὲ ἐς ἐπιθυμίαν ποτὲ οἴνου κατασταῖεν, εἴ σοί πάλιν παιδίον γένοιτο, γέγονε δὲ ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν, ὡς ὁρῶ, τὴν γλαῦκα τὴν ὄρνιν χρὴ ἐπιφυλάττειν, οὗ νεοττεύει, καὶ τὰ ᾠὰ σπάσαντα δοῦναι μασᾶσθαι τῷ βρέφει συμμέτρως ἕψοντα, εἰ γὰρ βρώσεταί τι τούτων, πρὶν οἴνου γεύσεται, μῖσος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν οἶνον ἐμφύσεται καὶ σωφρονέστατα διακείσεται μόνου ξυγκεκραμένος τοῦ ἐν τῇ φύσει θερμοῦ.” Τούτων οὖν ἐμπιπλάμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκπληττόμενοι τῆς ἐς πάντα σοφίας παμπόλλους ὁσημέραι λόγους ἠρώτων, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠρωτῶντο. 3.41. τῆς μὲν οὖν διαλεκτικῆς ξυνουσίας ἄμφω μετεῖχον, τὰς δὲ ἀπορρήτους σπουδάς, αἷς ἀστρικὴν ἢ μαντείαν κατενόουν καὶ τὴν πρόγνωσιν ἐσπούδαζον θυσιῶν τε ἥπτοντο καὶ κλήσεων, αἷς θεοὶ χαίρουσι, μόνον φησὶν ὁ Δάμις τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ξυμφιλοσοφεῖν τῷ ̓Ιάρχᾳ, καὶ ξυγγράψαι μὲν ἐκεῖθεν περὶ μαντείας ἀστέρων βίβλους τέτταρας, ὧν καὶ Μοιραγένης ἐπεμνήσθη, ξυγγράψαι δὲ περὶ θυσιῶν καὶ ὡς ἄν τις ἑκάστῳ θεῷ προσφόρως τε καὶ κεχαρισμένως θύοι. τὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν ἀστέρων καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην μαντικὴν πᾶσαν ὑπὲρ τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν ἡγοῦμαι φύσιν καὶ οὐδ' εἰ κέκτηταί τις οἶδα, τὸ δὲ περὶ θυσιῶν ἐν πολλοῖς μὲν ἱεροῖς εὗρον, ἐν πολλαῖς δὲ πόλεσι, πολλοῖς δὲ ἀνδρῶν σοφῶν οἴκοις, καὶ τί ἄν τις ἑρμηνεύοι αὐτὸ σεμνῶς ξυντεταγμένον καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἠχὼ τοῦ ἀνδρός; φησὶ δὲ ὁ Δάμις καὶ δακτυλίους ἑπτὰ τὸν ̓Ιάρχαν τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ δοῦναι τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐπωνύμους ἀστέρων, οὓς φορεῖν τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον κατὰ ἕνα πρὸς τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἡμερῶν. 3.42. περὶ δὲ προγνώσεως λόγου αὐτοῖς ποτε ὄντος καὶ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου προσκειμένου τῇ σοφίᾳ ταύτῃ καὶ τὰς πλείους τῶν διαλέξεων ἐς τοῦτο ξυντείνοντος, ἐπαινῶν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “οἱ μαντικῇ” ἔφη “χαίροντες, ὦ χρηστὲ ̓Απολλώνιε, θεῖοί τε ὑπ' αὐτῆς γίγνονται καὶ πρὸς σωτηρίαν ἀνθρώπων πράττουσι. τὸ γάρ, ἃ χρὴ ἐς θεοῦ ἀφικόμενον εὑρέσθαι, ταῦτα αὖ, ὦ χρηστέ, ἐφ' ἑαυτοῦ προιδέσθαι προειπεῖν τε ἑτέροις, ἃ μήπω ἴσασι, πανολβίου τινὸς ἡγοῦμαι καὶ ταὐτὸν ἰσχύοντος τῷ ̓Απόλλωνι τῷ Δελφικῷ. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ τέχνη τοὺς ἐς θεοῦ φοιτῶντας ἐπὶ τῷ χρήσασθαι καθαροὺς κελεύει βαδίζοντας φοιτᾶν, ἢ “ἔξιθι τοῦ νεὼ” πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐρεῖ, δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνδρα ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν καὶ μήτε κηλῖδα προσμεμάχθαι τῇ ψυχῇ μηδεμίαν μήτε οὐλὰς ἁμαρτημάτων ἐντετυπῶσθαι τῇ γνώμῃ, καθαρῶς δὲ αὐτὸν προφητεύειν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντα. γεγωνότερον γὰρ οὕτω καὶ ἀληθέστερον τὰ λόγια ἐκδώσει: ὅθεν οὐ χρὴ θαυμάζειν, εἰ καὶ σὺ τὴν ἐπιστήμην ξυνείληφας τοσοῦτον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ φέρων αἰθέρα.” 3.43. καὶ χαριεντιζόμενος ἅμα πρὸς τὸν Δάμιν “σὺ δ' οὐδὲν” ἔφη “προγιγνώσκεις, ̓Ασσύριε, καὶ ταῦτα ξυνὼν ἀνδρὶ τοιούτῳ;” “νὴ Δί',” εἶπε “τά γε ἐμαυτῷ ἀναγκαῖα: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ πρώτῳ ἐνέτυχον τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ τούτῳ καὶ σοφίας μοι ἔδοξε πλέως δεινότητός τε καὶ σωφροσύνης καὶ τοῦ καρτερεῖν ὀρθῶς, ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ μνημοσύνην ἐν αὐτῷ εἶδον, πολυμαθέστατόν τε καὶ φιλομαθίας ἥττω, δαιμόνιόν τί μοι ἐγένετο, καὶ ξυγγενόμενος αὐτῷ σοφὸς μὲν ᾠήθην δόξειν ἐξ ἰδιώτου τε καὶ ἀσόφου, πεπαιδευμένος δὲ ἐκ βαρβάρου, ἑπόμενος δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ξυσπουδάζων ὄψεσθαι μὲν ̓Ινδούς, ὄψεσθαι δὲ ὑμᾶς, ̔́Ελλησί τε ἐπιμίξειν ̔́Ελλην ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γενόμενος. τὰ μὲν δὴ ὑμέτερα περὶ μεγάλων ὄντα Δελφοὺς ἡγεῖσθε καὶ Δωδώνην καὶ ὅ τι βούλεσθε, τἀμὰ δέ, ἐπειδὴ Δάμις μὲν ὁ προγιγνώσκων αὐτά, προγιγνώσκει δ' ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ μόνου, γραὸς ἔστω ἀγυρτρίας μαντευομένης ὑπὲρ προβατίων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων.” 3.44. ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν δὴ ἐγέλασαν οἱ σοφοὶ πάντες, καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ γέλωτος ἐπανῆγεν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας ἐς τὸν περὶ τῆς μαντικῆς λόγον, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν αὐτὴν ἀγαθὰ ἔλεγε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰργάσθαι, μέγιστον δὲ τὸ τῆς ἰατρικῆς δῶρον: οὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε τοὺς σοφοὺς ̓Ασκληπιάδας ἐς ἐπιστήμην τούτου παρελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ παῖς ̓Απόλλωνος ̓Ασκληπιὸς γενόμενος καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐκείνου φήμας τε καὶ μαντείας ξυνθεὶς τὰ πρόσφορα ταῖς νόσοις φάρμακα παισί τε ἑαυτοῦ παρέδωκε καὶ τοὺς ξυνόντας ἐδιδάξατο, τίνας μὲν δεῖ προσάγειν πόας ὑγροῖς ἕλκεσι, τίνας δὲ αὐχμηροῖς καὶ ξηροῖς ξυμμετρίας τε ποτίμων φαρμάκων, ὑφ' ᾧν ὕδεροι ἀποχετεύονται καὶ αἷμα ἴσχεται φθόαι τε παύονται καὶ τὰ οὕτω κοῖλα. καὶ τὰ τῶν ἰοβόλων δὲ ἄκη καὶ τὸ τοῖς ἰοβόλοις αὐτοῖς ἐς πολλὰ τῶν νοσημάτων χρῆσθαι τίς ἀφαιρήσεται τὴν μαντικήν; οὐ γάρ μοι δοκοῦσιν ἄνευ τῆς προγιγνωσκούσης σοφίας θαρσῆσαί ποτε ἄνθρωποι τὰ πάντων ὀλεθριώτατα φαρμάκων ἐγκαταμῖξαι τοῖς σώζουσιν. 3.45. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ὅδε ὁ λόγος ἀναγέγραπται τῷ Δάμιδι σπουδασθεὶς ἐκεῖ περὶ τῶν ἐν ̓Ινδοῖς μυθολογουμένων θηρίων τε καὶ πηγῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων, μηδ' ἐμοὶ παραλειπέσθω, καὶ γὰρ κέρδος ̔ἂν' εἴη μήτε πιστεύειν, μήτε ἀπιστεῖν πᾶσιν. ἤρετο γὰρ δὴ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἔστι τι ζῷον ἐνταῦθα μαρτιχόρας;” ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας “καὶ τίνα” ἔφη “φύσιν τοῦ ζῷου τούτου ἤκουσας; εἰκὸς γὰρ καὶ περὶ εἴδους αὐτοῦ ̔τἰ λέγεσθαι.” “λέγεται” εἶπε “μεγάλα καὶ ἄπιστα, τετράπουν μὲν γὰρ εἶναι αὐτό, τὴν κεφαλὴν δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ εἰκάσθαι, λέοντι δὲ ὡμοιῶσθαι τὸ μέγεθος, τὴν δὲ οὐρὰν τοῦ θηρίου τούτου πηχυαίας ἐκφέρειν καὶ ἀκανθώδεις τὰς τρίχας, ἃς βάλλειν ὥσπερ τοξεύματα ἐς τοὺς θηρῶντας αὐτό.” ἐρομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρυσοῦ ὕδατος, ὅ φασιν ἐκ πηγῆς βλύζειν, καὶ περὶ τῆς ψήφου τῆς ἅπερ ἡ μαγνῆτις ποιούσης ἀνθρώπων τε ὑπὸ γῆν οἰκούντων καὶ πυγμαίων αὖ καὶ σκιαπόδων ὑπολαβὼν ὁ ̓Ιάρχας “περὶ μὲν ζῴων ἢ φυτῶν” εἶπεν “ἢ πηγῶν, ὧν αὐτὸς ἐνταῦθα ἥκων εἶδες, τί ἄν σοι λέγοιμι; σὸν γὰρ ἤδη νῦν ἐξηγεῖσθαι αὐτὰ ἑτέροις: θηρίον δὲ τοξεῦον ἢ χρυσοῦ πηγὰς ὕδατος οὔπω ἐνταῦθα ἤκουσα.” 3.46. “περὶ μέντοι τῆς ψήφου τῆς ἐπισπωμένης τε καὶ ξυνδούσης ἑαυτῇ λίθους ἑτέρας οὐ χρὴ ἀπιστεῖν: ἔστι γάρ σοι καὶ ἰδεῖν τὴν λίθον καὶ θαυμάσαι τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ πάντα. γίγνεται μὲν γὰρ ἡ μεγίστη κατὰ ὄνυχα δακτύλου τούτου,” δείξας τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀντίχειρα “κυίσκεται δὲ ἐν γῇ κοίλῃ βάθος ὀργυιαὶ τέτταρες, τοσοῦτον δὲ αὐτῇ περίεστι τοῦ πνεύματος, ὡς ὑποιδεῖν τὴν γῆν καὶ κατὰ πολλὰ ῥήγνυσθαι κυισκομένης ἐν αὐτῇ τῆς λίθου. μαστεῦσαι δὲ αὐτὴν οὐδενὶ ἔξεστιν, ἀποδιδράσκει γάρ, εἰ μὴ μετὰ λόγου ἀνασπῷτο ἀλλ' ἡμεῖς μόνοι τὰ μὲν δράσαντες, τὰ δὲ εἰπόντες ἀναιρούμεθα τὴν παντάρβην: ὄνομα γὰρ αὐτῇ τοῦτο. νύκτωρ μὲν οὖν ἡμέραν ἀναφαίνει, καθάπερ τὸ πῦρ, ἔστι γὰρ πυρσὴ καὶ ἀκτινώδης, εἰ δὲ μεθ' ἡμέραν ὁρῷτο, βάλλει τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς μαρμαρυγαῖς μυρίαις. τὸ δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ φῶς πνεῦμά ἐστιν ἀρρήτου ἰσχύος, πᾶν γὰρ τὸ ἐγγὺς ἐσποιεῖ αὑτῇ. τί λέγω τὸ ἐγγύς; ἔστι σοι λίθους, ὁπόσας βούλει, καταποντῶσαί ποι ἢ τῶν ποταμῶν ἢ τῆς θαλάττης καὶ μηδὲ ἐγγὺς ἀλλήλων, ἀλλὰ σποράδας καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἡ δὲ ἐς αὐτὰς καθιμηθεῖσα ξυλλέγεται πάσας τῇ τοῦ πνεύματος διαδόσει καὶ ὑποκείσονται αὐτῇ βοτρυδὸν αἱ λίθοι, καθάπερ σμῆνος.” 3.47. καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἔδειξε τὴν λίθου αὐτήν τε καὶ ὁπόσα ἐργάζεται. τοὺς δὲ πυγμαίους οἰκεῖν μὲν ὑπογείους, κεῖσθαι δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸν Γάγγην ζῶντας τρόπον, ὃς πᾶσιν εἴρηται. σκιάποδας δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἢ μακροκεφάλους ἢ ὁπόσα Σκύλακος ξυγγραφαὶ περὶ τούτων ᾅδουσιν, οὔτε ἄλλοσέ ποι βιοτεύειν τῆς γῆς οὔτε μὴν ἐν ̓Ινδοῖς. 3.48. ὃν δ' ὀρύττουσι χρυσὸν οἱ γρῦπες, πέτραι εἰσὶν οἷον σπινθῆρσιν ἐστιγμέναι ταῖς τοῦ χρυσοῦ ῥανίσιν, ἃς λιθοτομεῖ τὸ θηρίον τοῦτο τῇ τοῦ ῥάμφους ἰσχύι. τὰ γὰρ θηρία ταῦτα εἶναί τε ἐν ̓Ινδοῖς καὶ ἱεροὺς νομίζεσθαι τοῦ ̔Ηλίου τέθριππά τε αὐτῶν ὑποζευγνύναι τοῖς ἀγάλμασι τοὺς τὸν ̔́Ηλιον ἐν ̓Ινδοῖς γράφοντας μέγεθός τε καὶ ἀλκὴν εἰκάσθαι αὐτοὺς τοῖς λέουσιν, ὑπὸ δὲ πλεονεξίας τῶν πτερῶν αὐτοῖς τε ἐκείνοις ἐπιτίθεσθαι καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων δὲ καὶ δρακόντων ὑπερτέρους εἶναι. πέτονται δὲ οὔπω μέγα, ἀλλ' ὅσον οἱ βραχύποροι ὄρνιθες, μὴ γὰρ ἐπτιλῶσθαι σφᾶς, ὡς ὄρνισι πάτριον, ἀλλ' ὑμέσι τοὺς ταρσοὺς ὑφάνθαι πυρσοῖς, ὡς εἶναι κυκλώσαντας πέτεσθαί τε καὶ ἐκ μετεώρου μάχεσθαι, τὴν τίγριν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀνάλωτον εἶναι μόνην, ἐπειδὴ τὸ τάχος αὐτὴν ἐσποιεῖ τοῖς ἀνέμοις. 3.49. καὶ τὸν φοίνικα δὲ τὸν ὄρνιν τὸν διὰ πεντακοσίων ἐτῶν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἥκοντα πέτεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ ̓Ινδικῇ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον, εἶναι δὲ ἕνα ἐκδιδόμενον τῶν ἀκτίνων καὶ χρυσῷ λάμποντα, μέγεθος ἀετοῦ καὶ εἶδος, ἐς καλιάν τε ἱζάνειν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀρώματος ποιουμένην αὐτῷ πρὸς ταῖς τοῦ Νείλου πηγαῖς. ἃ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι περὶ αὐτοῦ ᾅδουσιν, ὡς ἐς Αἴγυπτον φέρεται, καὶ ̓Ινδοὶ ξυμμαρτυροῦσι προσᾴδοντες τῷ λόγῳ τὸ τὸν φοίνικα τὸν ἐν τῇ καλιᾷ τηκόμενον προπεμπτηρίους ὕμνους αὑτῷ ᾅδειν. τουτὶ δὲ καὶ τοὺς κύκνους φασὶ δρᾶν οἱ σοφώτερον αὐτῶν ἀκούοντες. 3.50. τοιαίδε μὲν αἱ πρὸς τοὺς σοφοὺς ξυνουσίαι ̓Απολλωνίῳ ἐγένοντο μηνῶν τεττάρων ἐκεῖ διατρίψαντι καὶ ξυλλαβόντι λόγους φανερούς τε καὶ ἀπορρήτους πάντας, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐξελαύνειν ἐβούλετο, τὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς καμήλους πείθουσιν αὐτὸν ἀποπέμψαι τῷ Φραώτῃ μετ' ἐπιστολῆς, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἡγεμόνα ἕτερον καὶ καμήλους δόντες προέπεμπον αὐτὸν εὐδαιμονίζοντες αὑτούς τε κἀκεῖνον. ἀσπασάμενοι δὲ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον καὶ θεὸν τοῖς πολλοῖς εἶναι δόξειν οὐ τεθνεῶτα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζῶντα φήσαντες αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπέστρεψαν ἐς τὸ φροντιστήριον ἐπιστρεφόμενοι πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δηλοῦντες, ὅτι ἄκοντες αὐτοῦ ἀπαλλάττονται, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν τὸν Γάγγην ἔχων, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τὸν ̔́Υφασιν κατῄει ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν ἡμερῶν δέκα ὁδὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὄχθου. κατιοῦσι δ' αὐτοῖς πολλαὶ μὲν στρουθοὶ ἐφαίνοντο, πολλοὶ δὲ ἄγριοι βόες, πολλοὶ δὲ ὄνοι καὶ λέοντες καὶ παρδάλεις καὶ τίγρεις καὶ πιθήκων γένος ἕτερον παρὰ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πεπερίσι, μέλανές τε γὰρ καὶ λάσιοι ἦσαν καὶ τὰ εἴδη κύνειοι καὶ σμικροῖς ἀνθρώποις ἴσοι. διαλεγόμενοι δὲ περὶ τῶν ὁρωμένων, ὁποῖα εἰώθεσαν, ἀφίκοντο ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, ἐν ᾗ κατεσκεύαστο ἐμπόρια μικρά, καὶ πλοῖα δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς ὥρμει πορθμεῖα παραπλήσια τοῖς Τυρρηνοῖς. τὴν δὲ θάλατταν τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν εἶναι μὲν κυανωτάτην, ὠνομάσθαι δέ, ὡς εἶπον, ἀπὸ ̓Ερύθρα βασιλέως, ὃς ἐπωνόμασεν ἑαυτὸν ἐκείνῳ τῷ πελάγει. 6.6. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελάσαντες ἡλίου ἀνίσχοντος, ἀφίκοντο πρὸ μεσημβρίας ἐς τὸ τῶν Γυμνῶν φροντιστήριον. τοὺς δὲ Γυμνοὺς τούτους οἰκεῖν μὲν ἐπί τινος λόφου, φασί, ξυμμέτρου μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ὄχθης τοῦ Νείλου, σοφίᾳ δὲ ̓Ινδῶν λείπεσθαι πλέον ἢ προὔχειν Αἰγυπτίων, γυμνοὺς δὲ ἐστάλθαι κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖς εἱληθεροῦσιν ̓Αθήνησι. δένδρα δὲ ἐν τῷ νομῷ ὀλίγα καί τι ἄλσος οὐ μέγα, ἐς ὃ ξυνίασιν ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν, ἱερὰ δὲ οὐκ ἐς ταὐτόν, ὥσπερ τὰ ̓Ινδῶν, ἄλλο δὲ ἄλλῃ τοῦ γηλόφου ἵδρυται σπουδῆς ἀξιούμενα, ὡς Αἰγυπτίων λόγοι. θεραπεύουσι δὲ Νεῖλον μάλιστα, τὸν γὰρ ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἡγοῦνται γῆν καὶ ὕδωρ. καλύβης μὲν οὖν ἢ οἰκίας οὐδὲν αὐτοὶ δέονται ζῶντες ὑπαίθριοι καὶ ὑπὸ τῷ οὐρανῷ αὐτῷ, καταγωγὴν δὲ ἀποχρῶσαν τοῖς ξένοις ἐδείμαντο στοὰν οὐ μεγάλην, ἰσομήκη ταῖς ̓Ηλείων, ὑφ' αἷς ὁ ἀθλητὴς περιμένει τὸ μεσημβρινὸν κήρυγμα. 6.7. ἐνταῦθά τι ἀναγράφει Δάμις Εὐφράτου ἔργον, ἡγώμεθα δὲ αὐτὸ μὴ μειρακιῶδες, ἀλλ' ἀφιλοτιμότερον τοῦ φιλοσοφίᾳ προσήκοντος: ἐπεὶ γὰρ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου θαμὰ ἤκουε βουλομένου σοφίαν ̓Ινδικὴν ἀντικρῖναι Αἰγυπτίᾳ, πέμπει παρὰ τοὺς Γυμνοὺς Θρασύβουλον τὸν ἐκ Ναυκράτιδος ὑπὲρ διαβολῆς τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὁ δὲ ἥκειν μὲν ὑπὲρ ξυνουσίας ἔφη τῆς πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀφίξεσθαι δὲ καὶ τὸν Τυανέα, τουτὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις ἀγῶνα ἔχειν οὐ σμικρόν, φρονεῖν τε γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ̓Ινδῶν σοφούς, οὓς ἐν λόγῳ παντὶ αἴρει, μυρίας δὲ ἐλέγξεις ἐπ' αὐτοὺς συνεσκευάσθαι, ξυγχωρεῖν τε οὔτε ἡλίῳ οὐδὲν οὔτε οὐρανῷ καὶ γῇ, κινεῖν γὰρ καὶ ὀχεῖν αὐτὸς ταῦτα καὶ μετατάττειν οἷ βούλεται. 6.8. τοιαῦτα ὁ Ναυκρατίτης ξυνθεὶς ἀπῆλθεν, οἱ δ' ἀληθῆ ταῦτα ἡγούμενοι τὴν μὲν ξυνουσίαν οὐ παρῃτοῦντο ἥκοντος, ὑπὲρ μεγάλων δὲ σπουδάζειν ἐπλάττοντο καὶ πρὸς ἐκείνοις εἶναι, ἀφίξεσθαι δὲ κἀκείνῳ ἐς λόγους, ἢν σχολὴν ἄγωσι μάθωσί τε, ὅ τι βούλεται καὶ ὅτου ἐρῶν ἧκεν. ἐκέλευε δὲ ὁ παρ' αὐτῶν ἥκων καὶ καταλύειν αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ στοᾷ, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “ὑπὲρ μὲν στέγης” ἔφη “μηδὲν διαλέγου, ξυγχωρεῖ γὰρ πᾶσιν ὁ οὐρανὸς ὁ ἐνταῦθα γυμνοῖς ζῆν,” διαβάλλων αὐτοὺς ὡς οὐ καρτερίᾳ γυμνούς, ἀλλ' ἀνάγκῃ, “ὅ τι δὲ βούλομαι καὶ ὑπὲρ ὅτου ἥκω τοὺς μὲν οὐ θαυμάζω οὔπω γιγνώσκοντας, ̓Ινδοὶ δὲ με οὐκ ἤροντο ταῦτα.” 6.9. ὁ μὲν δὴ ̓Απολλώνιος ἑνὶ τῶν δένδρων ὑποκλιθεὶς ξυνῆν τοῖς ἑταίροις ὁπόσα ἠρώτων, ἀπολαβὼν δὲ τὸν Τιμασίωνα ὁ Δάμις ἤρετο ἰδίᾳ: “οἱ Γυμνοὶ οὗτοι, βέλτιστε, ξυγγέγονας γὰρ αὐτοῖς, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τί σοφοί εἰσι;” “πολλὰ” ἔφη “καὶ μεγάλα.” “καὶ μὴν οὐ σοφὰ” εἶπεν “αὐτῶν, ὦ γενναῖε, τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ταῦτα, τὸ γὰρ μὴ ξυμβῆναι τοιῷδε ἀνδρὶ ὑπὲρ σοφίας, ὄγκῳ δ' ἐπ' αὐτὸν χρήσασθαι τί φῶ οὐκ οἶδα ἢ τῦφον,” ἔφη “ὦ ἑταῖρε.” “τῦφον; ὃν οὔπω πρότερον περὶ αὐτοὺς εἶδον δὶς ἤδη ἀφικόμενος, ἀεὶ γὰρ μέτριοί τε καὶ χρηστοὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιμιγνύντας ἦσαν: πρῴην γοῦν, πεντήκοντα δὲ τοῦτ' ἴσως ἡμέραι, Θρασύβουλος μὲν ἐπεχωρίαζεν ἐνταῦθα λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ πράττων, οἱ δ' ἄσμενοι αὐτὸν ἀπεδέξαντο, ἐπειδὴ προσέγραψεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ Εὐφράτῃ.” καὶ ὁ Δάμις “τί λέγεις, ὦ μειράκιον; ἑώρακας σὺ Θρασύβουλον τὸν Ναυκρατίτην ἐν τῷ φροντιστηρίῳ τούτῳ,” “καὶ πρός γε” εἶπε “διήγαγον αὐτὸν τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ νηὶ κατιόντα ἐνθένδε.” “τὸ πᾶν ἔχω, νὴ τὴν ̓Αθηνᾶν,” ἔφη ὁ Δάμις ἀναβοήσας τε καὶ σχετλιάσας “ἔοικε γὰρ πεπανουργῆσθαί τι.” ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ὁ Τιμασίων “ὁ μὲν ἀνήρ,” ἔφη “ὡς ἠρόμην αὐτὸν χθές, ὅστις εἴη, οὔπω με ἠξίου τοῦ ἀπορρήτου, σὺ δ', εἰ μὴ μυστήρια ταῦτα, λέγε ὅστις οὗτος, ἴσως γὰρ ἂν κἀγώ τι ξυμβαλοίμην τῇ τοῦ ζητουμένου θήρᾳ.” ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσε τοῦ Δάμιδος καὶ ὅτι ὁ Τυανεὺς εἴη “ξυνείληφας” ἔφη “τὸ πρᾶγμα: Θρασύβουλος γὰρ καταπλέων μετ' ἐμοῦ τὸν Νεῖλον ἐρομένῳ μοι ἐφ' ὅ τι ἀναβαίη ἐνταῦθα, σοφίαν οὐ χρηστὴν ἑαυτοῦ διηγεῖτο τοὺς Γυμνοὺς τούτους ὑποψίας ἐμπεπληκέναι φάσκων πρὸς τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον, ὡς ὑπεροφθείη, ὁπότε ἔλθοι, κἀξ ὅτου μὲν διαφέρεται πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ οἶδα, τὸ δὲ ἐς διαβολὰς καθίστασθαι γυναικεῖόν τε ἡγοῦμαι καὶ ἀπαίδευτον. ἐγὼ δ' ἄν, ὡς διάκεινται, μάθοιμι προσειπὼν τοὺς ἄνδρας, φίλοι γάρ.” καὶ ἐπανῆλθε περὶ δείλην ὁ Τιμασίων πρὸς μὲν τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον οὐδὲν φράζων πλὴν τοῦ προσειρηκέναι σφᾶς, ἰδίᾳ δ' ἀπαγγέλλων πρὸς τὸν Δάμιν, ὡς ἀφίξοιντο αὔριον μεστοὶ ὧν τοῦ Θρασυβούλου ἤκουσαν. 6.10. τὴν μὲν δὴ ἑσπέραν ἐκείνην μέτριά τε καὶ οὐκ ἄξια τοῦ ἀναγράψαι σπουδάσαντες ἐκοιμήθησαν οὗ ἐδείπνησαν, ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ὁ μὲν ̓Απολλώνιος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, θεραπεύσας τὸν ̔́Ηλιον ἐφειστήκει τινὶ γνώμῃ, προσδραμὼν δὲ αὐτῷ Νεῖλος, ὅσπερ ἦν νεώτατος τῶν Γυμνῶν “ἡμεῖς” ἔφη “παρὰ σὲ ἥκομεν.” “εἰκότως,” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὁδὸν τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάττης ἐνταῦθα.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα εἵπετο τῷ Νείλῳ. προσειπὼν οὖν καὶ προσρηθείς, ξυνέτυχον δὲ ἀλλήλοις περὶ τὴν στοάν, “ποῖ,” ἔφη “ξυνεσόμεθα;” “ἐνταῦθα” ἔφη ὁ Θεσπεσίων δείξας τὸ ἄλσος. ὁ δὲ Θεσπεσίων πρεσβύτατος ἦν τῶν Γυμνῶν, καὶ ἡγεῖτο μὲν αὐτὸς πᾶσιν, οἱ δέ, ὥσπερ ̔Ελλανοδίκαι τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ, εἵποντο κοσμίῳ ἅμα καὶ σχολαίῳ βαδίσματι. ἐπεὶ δ' ἐκάθισαν, ὡς ἔτυχε, τουτὶ γὰρ οὐκέτι ἐν κόσμῳ ἔδρων, ἐς τὸν Θεσπεσίωνα εἶδον πάντες οἷον ἑστιάτορα τοῦ λόγου, ὁ δὲ ἤρξατο ἐνθένδε: “τὴν Πυθὼ καὶ τὴν ̓Ολυμπίαν ἐπεσκέφθαι σέ φασιν, ̓Απολλώνιε, τουτὶ γὰρ ἀπήγγειλεν ἐνταῦθα καὶ Στρατοκλῆς ὁ Φάριος ἐντετυχηκέναι σοι φάσκων ἐκεῖ, καὶ τὴν μὲν Πυθὼ τοὺς ἐς αὐτὴν ἥκοντας αὐλῷ τε παραπέμπειν καὶ ᾠδαῖς καὶ ψάλσει, κωμῳδίας τε καὶ τραγῳδίας ἀξιοῦν, εἶτα τὴν ἀγωνίαν παρέχειν τὴν γυμνὴν ὀψὲ τούτων, τὴν δὲ ̓Ολυμπίαν τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐξελεῖν ὡς ἀνάρμοστα καὶ οὐ χρηστὰ ἐκεῖ, παρέχεσθαι δὲ τοῖς ἐς αὐτὴν ἰοῦσιν ἀθλητὰς γυμνούς, ̔Ηρακλέους ταῦτα ξυνθέντος: τοῦτο ἡγοῦ παρὰ τὴν ̓Ινδῶν σοφίαν τὰ ἐνταῦθα: οἱ μὲν γάρ, ὥσπερ ἐς τὴν Πυθὼ καλοῦντες, ποικίλαις δημαγωγοῦσιν ἴυγξιν, ἡμεῖς δέ, ὥσπερ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ, γυμνοί.” οὐχ ὑποστρώννυσιν ἡ γῆ οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα, οὐδὲ γάλα ὥσπερ βάκχαις ἢ οἶνον δίδωσιν, οὐδὲ μετεώρους ἡμᾶς ὁ ἀὴρ φέρει, ἀλλ' αὐτὴν ὑπεστορεσμένοι τὴν γῆν ζῶμεν μετέχοντες αὐτῆς τὰ κατὰ φύσιν, ὡς χαίρουσα διδοίη αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ βασανίζοιτο ἄκουσα. ὅτι δ' οὐκ ἀδυνατοῦμεν σοφίζεσθαι “τὸ δεῖνα” ἔφη “δένδρον,” πτελέα δὲ ἦν, τρίτον ἀπ' ἐκείνου, ὑφ' ᾧ διελέγοντο, “πρόσειπε τὸν σοφὸν ̓Απολλώνιον.” καὶ προσεῖπε μὲν αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκελεύσθη, τὸ δένδρον, ἡ φωνὴ δὲ ἦν ἔναρθρός τε καὶ θῆλυς. ἀπεσήμαινε δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς ταῦτα μεταστήσειν ἡγούμενος τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον τῆς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δόξης, ἐπειδὴ διῄει ἐς πάντας λόγους τε ̓Ινδῶν καὶ ἔργα. προσετίθει δὲ κἀκεῖνα, ὡς ἀπόχρη τῷ σοφῷ βρώσεώς τε καθαρῷ εἶναι, ὁπόση ἔμπνους, ἱμέρου τε, ὃς φοιτᾷ δι' ὀμμάτων, φθόνου τε, ὃς διδάσκαλος ἀδίκων ἐπὶ χεῖρα καὶ γνώμην ἥκει, θαυμασιουργίας τε καὶ βιαίου τέχνης μὴ δεῖσθαι ἀλήθειαν. “σκέψαι γὰρ τὸν ̓Απόλλω” εἶπε “τὸν Δελφικόν, ὃς τὰ μέσα τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἐπὶ προρρήσει λογίων ἔχει: ἐνταῦθα τοίνυν, ὥς που καὶ αὐτὸς γιγνώσκεις, ὁ μὲν τῆς ὀμφῆς δεόμενος ἐρωτᾷ βραχὺ ἐρώτημα, ὁ δὲ ̓Απόλλων οὐδὲν τερατευσάμενος λέγει, ὁπόσα οἶδε. καίτοι ῥᾴδιόν γε ἦν αὐτῷ σεῖσαι μὲν τὸν Παρνασὸν πάντα, τὴν Κασταλίαν δὲ οἰνοχοῆσαι μεταβαλόντι τὰς πηγάς, Κηφισῷ δὲ μὴ ξυγχωρῆσαι ποταμῷ εἶναι, ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν τούτων ἐπικομπάσας ἀναφαίνει τἀληθὲς αὐτό. ἡγώμεθα δὲ μηδὲ τὸν χρυσὸν ἢ τὰ δοκοῦντα λαμπρὰ τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἑκόντι αὐτῷ φοιτᾶν, μηδὲ τῷ νεῷ τὸν ̓Απόλλω χαίρειν, εἰ καὶ διπλάσιος ἀποφανθείη τοῦ νῦν ὄντος: ᾤκησε γάρ ποτε καὶ λιτὴν στέγην ὁ θεὸς οὗτος, καὶ καλύβη αὐτῷ ξυνεπλάσθη μικρά, ἐς ἣν ξυμβαλέσθαι λέγονται μέλιτται μὲν κηρόν, πτερὰ δὲ ὄρνιθες. εὐτέλεια γὰρ διδάσκαλος μὲν σοφίας, διδάσκαλος δὲ ἀληθείας, ἣν ἐπαινῶν σοφὸς ἀτεχνῶς δόξεις ἐκλαθόμενος τῶν παρ' ̓Ινδοῖς μύθων. τὸ γὰρ πρᾶττε ἢ μὴ πρᾶττε, ἢ οἶδα ἢ οὐκ οἶδα, ἢ τὸ δεῖνα, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὸ δεῖνα, τί δεῖται κτύπου; τί δὲ τοῦ βροντᾶν, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ ἐμβεβροντῆσθαι; εἶδες ἐν ζωγραφίας λόγοις καὶ τὸν τοῦ Προδίκου ̔Ηρακλέα, ὡς ἔφηβος μὲν ὁ ̔Ηρακλῆς, οὔπω δὲ ἐν αἱρέσει τοῦ βίου, κακία δ' αὐτὸν καὶ ἀρετὴ διαλαβοῦσαι παρὰ σφᾶς ἄγουσιν, ἡ μὲν χρυσῷ τε κατεσκευασμένη καὶ ὅρμοις ἐσθῆτί τε ἁλιπορφύρῳ καὶ παρειᾶς ἄνθει καὶ χαίτης ἀναπλοκαῖς καὶ γραφαῖς ὀμμάτων, ἔστι δ' αὐτῇ καὶ χρυσοῦν πέδιλον, γέγραπται γὰρ καὶ τούτῳ ἐνσοβοῦσα, ἡ δ' αὖ πεπονηκυίᾳ μὲν προσφερής, τραχὺ δὲ ὁρῶσα, τὸν δὲ αὐχμὸν πεποιημένη κόσμημα καὶ ἀνυπόδετος ἡ ἀρετὴ καὶ λιτὴ τὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ γυμνὴ δ' ἂν ἐφαίνετο, εἰ μὴ ἐγίγνωσκε τὸ ἐν θηλείαις εὔσχημον. ἡγοῦ δὴ καὶ σεαυτόν, ̓Απολλώνιε, μέσον τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς τε καὶ τῆς ἡμεδαπῆς σοφίας ἑστάναι, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἀκούειν λεγούσης, ὡς ὑποστορέσει σοι ἄνθη καθεύδοντι, καί, νὴ Δί', ὡς ποτιεῖ γάλακτι καὶ ὡς κηρίοις θρέψει, καὶ ὡς νέκταρ σοὶ τι παρ' αὐτῆς ἔσται καὶ πτερά, ὁπότε βούλοιο, τρίποδάς τε ἐσκυκλήσει πίνοντι καὶ χρυσοῦς θρόνους, καὶ πονήσεις οὐδέν, ἀλλ' αὐτόματά σοι βαδιεῖται πάντα, τῆς δέ γε ἑτέρας, ὡς χαμευνεῖν μὲν ἐν αὐχμῷ προσήκει, γυμνὸν δέ, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, μοχθοῦντα φαίνεσθαι, ὃ δὲ μὴ πονήσαντί σοι ἀφίκετο, μήτε φίλον ἡγεῖσθαι μήτε ἡδύ, μηδὲ ἀλαζόνα εἶναι μηδὲ τύφου θηρατήν, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ καὶ ὀνειράτων ὄψεις, ὁπόσαι ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς αἴρουσιν. εἰ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸν ̔Ηρακλέα αἱροῖο καὶ δόξῃ ἀδαμαντίνῃ χρῷο μὴ ἀτιμάζων ἀλήθειαν, μηδὲ τὴν κατὰ φύσιν εὐτέλειαν παραιτούμενος πολλοὺς μὲν ᾑρηκέναι φήσεις λέοντας, πολλὰς δὲ ὕδρας ἐκτετμῆσθαί σοι Γηρυόνας τε καὶ Νέσσους καὶ ὁπόσοι ἐκείνου ἆθλοι, εἰ δὲ τὸ τῶν ἀγειρόντων ἀσπάσῃ, κολακεύσεις ὀφθαλμούς τε καὶ ὦτα καὶ οὔτε σοφώτερος ἑτέρου δόξεις γενήσῃ τε ἆθλος ἀνδρὸς Αἰγυπτίου Γυμνοῦ.” 6.11. ταῦτα εἰπόντος ἐστράφησαν ἐς τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον πάντες, οἱ μὲν ἀμφ' αὐτόν, ὡς ἀντιλέξοι, γιγνώσκοντες, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Θεσπεσίωνα θαυμάζοντες, ὅ τι ἀντερεῖ. ὁ δὲ ἐπαινέσας αὐτὸν τῆς εὐροίας καὶ τοῦ τόνου “μή τι” ἔφη “προστίθης;” “μὰ Δί',” εἶπεν “εἴρηκα γάρ.” τοῦ δ' αὖ ἐρομένου “μὴ τῶν ἄλλων τις Αἰγυπτίων;” “πάντων” ἔφη “δἰ ἐμοῦ ἤκουσας.” ἐπισχὼν οὖν ὀλίγον καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐρείσας ἐς τὰ εἰρημένα οὑτωσὶ ἔλεξεν: “ἡ μὲν ̔Ηρακλέους αἵρεσις, ἥν φησι Πρόδικος ἐν ἐφήβῳ ἑλέσθαι αὐτόν, ὑγιῶς τε ὑμῖν λέλεκται καὶ κατὰ τὸν φιλοσοφίας νοῦν, ὦ σοφοὶ Αἰγυπτίων, προσήκει δέ μοι οὐδέν: οὔτε γὰρ ξυμβούλους ὑμάς βίου ποιησόμενος ἥκω πάλαι γε ᾑρημένος τὸν ἐμαυτῷ δόξαντα, πρεσβύτατός τε ὑμῶν πλὴν Θεσπεσίωνος ἀφιγμένος αὐτὸς ἂν μᾶλλον εἰκότως ξυνεβούλευον ὑμῖν σοφίας αἵρεσιν, εἰ μήπω ᾑρημένοις ἐνέτυχον. ὢν δ' ὅμως τηλικόσδε καὶ σοφίας ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ἀφιγμένος οὐκ ὀκνήσω λογισταῖς ὑμῖν τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ βουλῆς χρήσασθαι διδάσκων, ὡς ὀρθῶς εἱλόμην ταῦτα, ὧν μήπω βελτίω ἐπὶ νοῦν ἦλθέ μοι. κατιδὼν γάρ τι ἐν Πυθαγόρου μέγα καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ σοφίας ἀρρήτου μὴ μόνον γιγνώσκοι ἑαυτόν, ὅστις εἴη, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅστις γένοιτο, βωμῶν τε ὡς καθαρὸς ἅψαιτο καὶ ὡς ἀχράντῳ μὲν ἐμψύχου βρώσεως γαστρὶ χρήσαιτο, καθαρῷ δὲ σώματι πάντων ἐσθημάτων, ὁπόσα θνησειδίων ξύγκειται, γλῶττάν τε ὡς πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων ξυνέσχε βοῦν ἐπ' αὐτῇ σιωπῆς εὑρὼν δόγμα, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην φιλοσοφίαν ὡς χρησμώδη καὶ ἀληθῆ κατεστήσατο, ἔδραμον ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκείνου δόξας, οὐ μίαν σοφίαν ἐκ δυοῖν ἑλόμενος, ὡς σύ, βέλτιστε Θεσπεσίων, ξυμβουλεύεις. παραστήσασα γάρ μοι φιλοσοφία τὰς ἑαυτῆς δόξας, ὁπόσαι εἰσί, περιβαλοῦσά τε αὐταῖς κόσμον, ὃς ἑκάστῃ οἰκεῖος, ἐκέλευσεν ἐς αὐτὰς βλέπειν καὶ ὑγιῶς αἱρεῖσθαι: ὥρα μὲν οὖν σεμνή τε ἁπασῶν ἦν καὶ θεία, καὶ κατέμυσεν ἄν τις πρὸς ἐνίας αὐτῶν ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως, ἐμοὶ δὲ εἱστήκει τὸ ὄμμα ἐς πάσας, καὶ γάρ με καὶ παρεθάρρυνον αὐταὶ προσαγόμεναί τε καὶ προκηρύττουσαι, ὁπόσα δώσουσιν, ἐπεὶ δ' ἡ μέν τις αὐτῶν οὐδὲν μοχθήσαντι πολὺν ἐπαντλήσειν ἔφασκεν ἡδονῶν ἐσμόν, ἡ δ' αὖ μοχθήσαντα ἀναπαύσειν, ἡ δ' ἐγκαταμίξειν εὐφροσύνας τῷ μόχθῳ, πανταχοῦ δὲ ἡδοναὶ διεφαίνοντο καὶ ἄνετοι μὲν ἡνίαι γαστρός, ἑτοίμη δὲ χεὶρ ἐς πλοῦτον, χαλινὸς δὲ οὐδεὶς ὀμμάτων, ἀλλ' ἔρωτές τε καὶ ἵμεροι καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα πάθη ξυνεχωρεῖτο, μία δὲ αὐτῶν ἴσχειν μὲν τῶν τοιούτων ἐκόμπαζε, θρασεῖα δὲ ἦν καὶ φιλολοίδορος καὶ ἀπηγκωνισμένη πάντα, εἶδον σοφίας εἶδος ἄρρητον, οὗ καὶ Πυθαγόρας ποτὲ ἡττήθη, καὶ εἱστήκει δὲ ἄρα οὐκ ἐν ταῖς πολλαῖς, ἀλλ' ἀπετέτακτο αὐτῶν καὶ ἐσιώπα, ξυνεῖσα δέ, ὡς ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις οὐ ξυντίθεμαι, τὰ δὲ ἐκείνης οὔπω οἶδα “μειράκιον,” εἶπεν, “ἀηδὴς ἐγὼ καὶ μεστὴ πόνων:” εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό τις ἐς ἤθη τὰ ἐμά, τράπεζαν μέν, ὁπόση ἐμψύχων, ἀνῃρῆσθαι πᾶσαν ̔ἂν' ἕλοιτο, οἴνου δὲ ἐκλελῆσθαι καὶ τὸν σοφίας μὴ ἐπιθολοῦν κρατῆρα, ὃς ἐν ταῖς ἀοίνοις ψυχαῖς ἕστηκεν, οὐδὲ χλαῖνα θάλψει αὐτόν, οὐδὲ ἔριον, ὃ ἀπ' ἐμψύχου ἐπέχθη, ὑπόδημα δὲ αὐτοῖς βύβλου δίδωμι καὶ καθεύδειν ὡς ἔτυχε, κἂν ἀφροδισίων ἡττηθέντας αἴσθωμαι, βάραθρά ἐστί μοι, καθ' ὧν σοφίας ὀπαδὸς δίκη φέρει τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ὠθεῖ, χαλεπὴ δ' οὕτως ἐγὼ τοῖς τἀμὰ αἱρουμένοις, ὡς καὶ δεσμὰ γλώττης ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ἃ δ' ἐστί σοι καρτερήσαντι ταῦτα, ἐμοῦ μάθε: σωφροσύνη μὲν καὶ δικαιοσύνη αὐτόθεν, ζηλωτὸν δὲ ἡγεῖσθαι μηδένα τυράννοις τε φοβερὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπ' αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, θεοῖς τε ἡδίω φαίνεσθαι μικρὰ θύσαντα ἢ οἱ προχέοντες αὐτοῖς τὸ τῶν ταύρων αἷμα, καθαρῷ δὲ ὄντι σοι καὶ προγιγνώσκειν δώσω καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς οὕτω τι ἐμπλήσω ἀκτῖνος, ὡς διαγιγνώσκειν μὲν θεόν, γιγνώσκειν δὲ ἥρωα, σκιοειδῆ δ' ἐλέγχειν φαντάσματα, ὅτε ψεύδοιντο εἴδη ἀνθρώπων.” ἥδε μοι βίου αἵρεσις, ὦ σοφοὶ Αἰγυπτίων, ἣν ὑγιῶς τε καὶ κατὰ τὸν Πυθαγόραν ἑλόμενος οὔτε ἐψευσάμην οὔτε ἐψεύσθην, ἐγενόμην μὲν γὰρ ἃ χρὴ τὸν φιλοσοφήσαντα, φιλοσοφοῦντι δὲ ὁπόσα δώσειν ἔφη, πάντ' ἔχω. ἐφιλοσόφησα γὰρ ὑπὲρ γενέσεως τῆς τέχνης καὶ ὁπόθεν αὐτῆς αἱ ἀρχαί, καί μοι ἔδοξεν ἀνδρῶν εἶναι περιττῶν τὰ θεῖα ψυχήν τε ἄριστα ἐσκεμμένων, ἧς τὸ ἀθάνατόν τε καὶ ἀγέννητον πηγαὶ γενέσεως. ̓Αθηναίοις μὲν οὖν οὐ πάνυ προσήκων ἐφαίνετό μοι ὅδε ὁ λόγος, τὸν γὰρ Πλάτωνος λόγον, ὃν θεσπεσίως ἐκεῖ καὶ πανσόφως ὑπὲρ ψυχῆς ἀνεφθέγξατο, αὐτοὶ διέβαλλον ἐναντίας ταύτῃ καὶ οὐκ ἀληθεῖς δόξας ὑπὲρ ψυχῆς προσέμενοι, ἔδει δὲ σκοπεῖν, τίς μὲν εἴη πόλις, ποίων δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἔθνος, παρ' οἷς οὐχ ὁ μέν τίς, ὁ δὲ οὔ, πᾶσα δὲ ἡλικία ταὐτὸν ὑπὲρ ψυχῆς φθέγγοιτο κἀγὼ μὲν νεότητός τε οὕτως ἀγούσης καὶ τοῦ μήπω ξυνιέναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔβλεψα, ἐπειδὴ πλεῖστα ἐλέγεσθε ὑπερφυῶς εἰδέναι, καὶ πρὸς τὸν διδάσκαλον τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ διῄειν ταῦτα, ὁ δὲ ἐφιστάς με “εἰ τῶν ἐρώντων” εἶπεν “ἐτύγχανες ὢν ἢ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἐχόντων τοῦ ἐρᾶν, εἶτα μειρακίῳ καλῷ ἐντυχὼν καὶ ἀγασθεὶς αὐτὸ τῆς ὥρας σὺ δὲ καὶ ὅτου εἴη παῖς ἐζήτεις, ἦν δὲ ὁ μὲν ἱπποτρόφου καὶ στρατηγοῦ πατρὸς καὶ χορηγοὶ οἱ πάπποι, σὺ δ' αὐτὸν τριηράρχου τινὸς ἢ φυλάρχου ἐκάλεις, ἆρά γ' ἂν οἴει προσάγεσθαι τὰ παιδικὰ τούτοις, ἢ κἂν ἀηδὴς δόξαι μὴ πατρόθεν ὀνομάζων τὸ μειράκιον, ἀλλ' ἀπ' ἐκφύλου σπορᾶς καὶ νόθου; σοφίας οὖν ἐρῶν, ἣν ̓Ινδοὶ εὗρον, οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν φύσει πατέρων ὀνομάζεις αὐτήν, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ τῶν θέσει καὶ δίδως τι μεῖζον Αἰγυπτίοις, ἢ εἰ πάλιν αὐτοῖς, ὡς αὐτοὶ ᾅδουσι, μέλιτι ξυγκεκραμένος ἀναβαίη ὁ Νεῖλος; ταῦτά με πρὸ ὑμῶν ἐπ' ̓Ινδοὺς ἔτρεψεν ἐνθυμηθέντα περὶ αὐτῶν, ὡς λεπτότεροι μὲν τὴν ξύνεσιν οἱ τοιοίδε ἄνθρωποι καθαρωτέραις ὁμιλοῦντες ἀκτῖσιν, ἀληθέστεροι δὲ τὰς περὶ φύσεώς τε καὶ θεῶν δόξας, ἅτε ἀγχίθεοι καὶ πρὸς ἀρχαῖς τῆς ζῳογόνου καὶ θερμῆς οὐσίας οἰκοῦντες: ἐντυχών τε αὐτοῖς ἔπαθόν τι πρὸς τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁποῖον λέγονται πρὸς τὴν Αἰσχύλου σοφίαν παθεῖν ̓Αθηναῖοι: ποιητὴς μὲν γὰρ οὗτος τραγῳδίας ἐγένετο, τὴν τέχνην δὲ ὁρῶν ἀκατάσκευόν τε καὶ μήπω κεκοσμημένην εἰ μὲν ξυνέστειλε τοὺς χοροὺς ἀποτάδην ὄντας, ἢ τὰς τῶν ὑποκριτῶν ἀντιλέξεις εὗρε παραιτησάμενος τὸ τῶν μονῳδιῶν μῆκος, ἢ τὸ ὑπὸ σκηνῆς ἀποθνήσκειν ἐπενόησεν, ὡς μὴ ἐν φανερῷ σφάττοι, σοφίας μὲν μηδὲ ταῦτα ἀπηλλάχθω, δοκείτω δὲ κἂν ἑτέρῳ παρασχεῖν ἔννοιαν ἧττον δεξιῷ τὴν ποίησιν, ὁ δ' ἐνθυμηθεὶς μὲν ἑαυτόν, ὡς ἐπάξιον τοῦ τραγῳδίαν ποιεῖν φθέγγοιτο, ἐνθυμηθεὶς δὲ καὶ τὴν τέχνην, ὡς προσφυᾶ τῷ μεγαλείῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ καταβεβλημένῳ τε καὶ ὑπὸ πόδα, σκευοποιίας μὲν ἥψατο εἰκασμένης τοῖς τῶν ἡρώων εἴδεσιν, ὀκρίβαντος δὲ τοὺς ὑποκριτὰς ἐνεβίβασεν, ὡς ἴσα ἐκείνοις βαίνοιεν, ἐσθήμασί τε πρῶτος ἐκόσμησεν, ἃ πρόσφορον ἥρωσί τε καὶ ἡρωίσιν ἠσθῆσθαι, ὅθεν ̓Αθηναῖοι πατέρα μὲν αὐτὸν τῆς τραγῳδίας ἡγοῦντο, ἐκάλουν δὲ καὶ τεθνεῶτα ἐς Διονύσια, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ Αἰσχύλου ψηφισαμένων ἀνεδιδάσκετο καὶ ἐνίκα ἐκ καινῆς: καίτοι τραγῳδίας μὲν εὖ κεκοσμημένης ὀλίγη χάρις, εὐφραίνει γὰρ ἐν σμικρῷ τῆς ἡμέρας, ὥσπερ ἡ τῶν Διονυσίων ὥρα, φιλοσοφίας δὲ ξυγκειμένης μέν, ὡς Πυθαγόρας ἐδικαίωσεν, ὑποθειαζούσης δέ, ὡς πρὸ Πυθαγόρου ̓Ινδοί, οὐκ ἐς βραχὺν χρόνον ἡ χάρις, ἀλλ' ἐς ἄπειρόν τε καὶ ἀριθμοῦ πλείω. οὐ δὴ ἀπεικός τι παθεῖν μοι δοκῶ φιλοσοφίας ἡττηθεὶς εὖ κεκοσμημένης, ἣν ἐς τὸ πρόσφορον ̓Ινδοὶ στείλαντες ἐφ' ὑψηλῆς τε καὶ θείας μηχανῆς ἐκκυκλοῦσιν: ὡς δὲ ἐν δίκῃ μὲν ἠγάσθην αὐτούς, ἐν δίκῃ δὲ ἡγοῦμαι σοφούς τε καὶ μακαρίους, ὥρα μανθάνειν: εἶδον ἄνδρας οἰκοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ οὐκ ἐπ' αὐτῆς καὶ ἀτειχίστως τετειχισμένους καὶ οὐδὲν κεκτημένους ἢ τὰ πάντων. εἰ δ' αἰνιγμάτων ἅπτομαι, σοφία Πυθαγόρου ξυγχωρεῖ ταῦτα, παρέδωκε γὰρ καὶ τὸ αἰνίττειν διδάσκαλον εὑρὼν σιωπῆς λόγον: σοφίας δὲ ταύτης ἐγένεσθε μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ Πυθαγόρᾳ ξύμβουλοι χρόνον, ὃν τὰ ̓Ινδῶν ἐπῃνεῖτε, ̓Ινδοὶ τὸ ἀρχαῖον πάλαι ὄντες: ἐπεὶ δ' αἰδοῖ τοῦ λόγου, δι' ὃν ἐκ μηνιμάτων τῆς γῆς ἀφίκεσθε δεῦρο, ἕτεροι μᾶλλον ἐβούλεσθε δοκεῖν ἢ Αἰθίοπες οἱ ἀπὸ ̓Ινδῶν ἥκοντες, πάντα ὑμῖν ἐς τοῦτο ἐδρᾶτο: ὅθεν ἐγυμνώθητε μὲν σκευῆς, ὁπόση ἐκεῖθεν, ὥσπερ ξυναποδυόμενοι τὸ Αἰθίοπες εἶναι, θεοὺς δὲ θεραπεύειν ἐψηφίσασθε τὸν Αἰγύπτιον μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ὑμέτερον τρόπον, ἐς λόγους τε οὐκ ἐπιτηδείους ὑπὲρ ̓Ινδῶν κατέστητε, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ διαβεβλημένοι τῷ ἀφ' οἵων διαβεβλῆσθαι ἥκειν, καὶ οὐδὲ μετερρύθμισθέ πώ γε τοῦτο, οἳ καὶ τήμερον ἐπίδειξιν αὐτοῦ πεποίησθε φιλολοίδορόν τε καὶ ἰαμβώδη, χρηστὸν οὐδὲν ἐπιτηδεύειν ̓Ινδοὺς φάσκοντες, ἀλλ' ἢ ἐκπλήξεις καὶ ἀγωγάς, καὶ τὰς μὲν ὀφθαλμῶν, τὰς δὲ ὤτων, σοφίαν δὲ οὔπω ἐμὴν εἰδότες ἀναίσθητοι φαίνεσθε τῆς ἐπ' αὐτῇ δόξης, ἐγὼ δ' ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ μὲν λέξω οὐδέν, εἴην γάρ, ὅ με ̓Ινδοὶ ἡγοῦνται, ̓Ινδῶν δὲ οὐ ξυγχωρῶ ἅπτεσθαι. ἀλλ' εἰ μέν τις ὑγιῶς καὶ ὑμᾶς ἔχει σοφία ̔Ιμεραίου ἀνδρός, ὃς ᾅδων ἐς τὴν ̔Ελένην ἐναντίον τῷ προτέρῳ λόγῳ παλινῳδίαν αὐτὸν ἐκάλεσεν οὐκ ἔστιν ἔτυμος ὁ λόγος οὗτος ἤδη καὶ αὐτοὺς ὥρα λέγειν, ἀμείνω τῆς νῦν παρεστηκυίας μεταλαβόντας περὶ αὐτῶν δόξαν. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἄμουσοι πρὸς παλινῳδίαν ὑμεῖς, ἀλλὰ φείδεσθαί γε χρὴ ἀνδρῶν, οὓς ἀξιοῦντες θεοὶ τῶν αὐτοῖς ὄντων οὐδὲ ἑαυτοὺς ἀπαξιοῦσιν ὧν ἐκεῖνοι πέπανται. διῆλθές τινα, Θεσπεσίων, καὶ περὶ τῆς Πυθοῦς λόγον ὡς ἁπλῶς τε καὶ ἀκατασκεύως χρώσης, καὶ παράδειγμα ἐγένετό σοι τοῦ λόγου νεὼς κηροῦ καὶ πτερῶν ξυντεθείς: ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀκατάσκευα μὲν δοκεῖ οὐδὲ ταῦτα, τὸ γὰρ ξυμφέρετε πτερά τ' οἰωνοὶ κηρόν τε μέλιτται κατασκευαζομένου ἦν οἶκον καὶ οἴκου σχῆμα, ὁ δ', οἶμαι, μικρὰ ταῦτα ἡγούμενος καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας ἥττω καὶ ἄλλου ἐδεήθη νεὼ καὶ ἄλλου καὶ μεγάλων ἤδη καὶ ἑκατομπέδων, ἑνὸς δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ χρυσᾶς ἴυγγας ἀνάψαι λέγεται Σειρήνων τινὰ ἐπεχούσας πειθώ, ξυνελέξατό τε τὰ εὐδοκιμώτατα τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἐς τὴν Πυθὼ κόσμου ἕνεκα, καὶ οὔτ' ἀγαλματοποιίαν ἀπήλασεν ἀπάγουσαν αὐτῷ κολοσσοὺς ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τοὺς μὲν θεῶν, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπων, τοὺς δὲ ἵππων τε καὶ ταύρων καὶ ἑτέρων ζῴων οὔτε Γλαῦκον μετὰ τοῦ ὑποκρατηριδίου ἥκοντα, οὔτε τὴν ἁλισκομένην ̓Ιλίου ἀκρόπολιν, ἣν Πολύγνωτος ἐκεῖ γράφει. οὐ γὰρ δὴ τὸν χρυσόν γε τὸν Λύδιον καλλώπισμα τῆς Πυθοῦς ἡγεῖτο, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖνον μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐσήγετο ἐνδεικνύμενος, οἶμαι, αὐτοῖς τὸν τῶν βαρβάρων πλοῦτον, ἵνα γλίχοιντο ἐκείνου μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ διαπορθεῖν τὰ ἀλλήλων, τὸν δὲ δὴ ̔́Ελληνά τε καὶ προσφυᾶ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ σοφίᾳ τρόπον κατεσκευάζετο καὶ ἠγλάιζε τούτῳ τὴν Πυθώ. ἡγοῦμαι δὲ αὐτὸν κόσμου ἕνεκα καὶ ἐς μέτρα ἐμβιβάζειν τοὺς χρησμούς. εἰ γὰρ μὴ τοῦτο ἐπεδείκνυτο, τοιάσδε ἂν τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐποιεῖτο: δρᾶ τὸ δεῖνα ἢ μὴ δρᾶ, καὶ ἴθι ἢ μὴ ἴθι, καὶ ποιοῦ ξυμμάχους ἢ μὴ ποιοῦ, βραχέα γάρ που ταῦτα, ἤ, ὥς φατε ὑμεῖς, γυμνά, ὁ δ' ἵνα μεγαλορρήμων τε φαίνοιτο καὶ ἡδίων τοῖς ἐρωτῶσι, ποιητικὴν ἡρμόσατο, καὶ οὐκ ἀξιοῖ εἶναι, ὅ τι μὴ οἶδεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ψάμμον εἰδέναι φησίν, ὁπόση, ἀριθμήσας αὐτήν, καὶ τὰ τῆς θαλάττης μέτρα ξυνειληφέναι πάντα. ἢ καὶ ταῦτα τερατολογίᾳ προσγράφεις, ἐπειδὴ σοβαρῶς αὐτὰ ὁ ̓Απόλλων καὶ ξὺν φρονήματι ὀρθῷ φράζει; εἰ δὲ μὴ ἀχθέσῃ, Θεσπεσίων, τῷ λόγῳ, γρᾶες ἀνημμέναι κόσκινα φοιτῶσιν ἐπὶ ποιμένας, ὅτε δὲ καὶ βουκόλους, ἰώμεναι τὰ νοσοῦντα τῶν θρεμμάτων μαντικῇ, ὥς φασιν, ἀξιοῦσι δὲ σοφαὶ ὀνομάζεσθαι καὶ σοφώτεραι ἢ οἱ ἀτεχνῶς μάντεις: τοῦτό μοι καὶ ὑμεῖς παρὰ τὴν ̓Ινδῶν σοφίαν φαίνεσθε, οἱ μὲν γὰρ θεῖοί τέ εἰσι καὶ κεκόσμηνται κατὰ τὴν Πυθίαν, ὑμεῖς δέ — ἀλλ' οὐδὲν εἰρήσεται περαιτέρω, εὐφημία γὰρ φίλη μὲν ἐμοί, φίλη δὲ ̓Ινδοῖς, ἣν ἀσπαζοίμην ὡς ὀπαδὸν ἅμα καὶ ἡγεμόνα τῆς γλώττης, τὰ μὲν ἐμαυτῷ δυνατὰ θηρεύων ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ τε αὐτῶν καὶ ἔρωτι, ὅ τι δὲ μὴ ἐφικτὸν εἴη μοι, καταλείπων αὐτὸ ἄχραντον ψόγου. σὺ δὲ ̔Ομήρου μὲν ἐν Κυκλωπίᾳ ἀκούων, ὡς ἡ γῆ τοὺς ἀγριωτάτους καὶ ἀνομωτάτους ἄσπορος καὶ ἀνήροτος ἑστιᾷ, χαίρεις τῷ λόγῳ, κἂν ̓Ηδωνοί τινες ἢ Λυδοὶ βακχεύωσιν, οὐκ ἀπιστεῖς, ὡς γάλακτος αὐτοῖς καὶ οἴνου πηγὰς δώσει καὶ ποτιεῖ τούτους, τοὺς δὲ σοφίας ἁπάσης βάκχους ἀφαιρήσῃ δῶρα αὐτόματα παρὰ τῆς γῆς ἥκοντα; τρίποδες δὲ αὐτόματοι καὶ ἐς τὰ ξυμπόσια τῶν θεῶν φοιτῶσι, καὶ ὁ ̓́Αρης ἀμαθής περ ὢν καὶ ἐχθρὸς οὔπω τὸν ̔́Ηφαιστον ἐπ' αὐτοῖς γέγραπται, οὐδ' ἔστιν, ὡς ἤκουσάν ποτε οἱ θεοὶ τοιαύτης γραφῆς: ἀδικεῖς, ̔́Ηφαιστε, κοσμῶν τὸ ξυμπόσιον τῶν θεῶν καὶ περιιστὰς αὐτῷ θαύματα, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς δμωαῖς αἰτίαν ποτὲ ἔσχε ταῖς χρυσαῖς ὡς παραφθείρων τὰς ὕλας, ἐπειδὴ τὸν χρυσὸν ἔμπνουν ἐποίει, κόσμου γὰρ ἐπιμελήσεται τέχνη πᾶσα, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἶναι τέχνας ὑπὲρ κόσμου εὕρηται. ἀνυποδησία δὲ καὶ τρίβων καὶ πήραν ἀνῆφθαι κόσμου εὕρημα: καὶ γὰρ τὸ γυμνοῦσθαι, καθάπερ ὑμεῖς, ἔοικε μὲν ἀκατασκεύῳ τε καὶ λιτῷ σχήματι, ἐπιτετήδευται δὲ ὑπὲρ κόσμου καὶ οὐδὲ ἄπεστιν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἑτέρῳ φασὶ τύφῳ. τὰ δὲ ̔Ηλίου τε καὶ ̓Ινδῶν πάτρια καὶ ὅπῃ χαίρει θεραπευόμενος ἐχέτω τὸν αὐτῶν νόμον, θεοὶ μὲν γὰρ χθόνιοι βόθρους ἀσπάσονται καὶ τὰ ἐν κοίλῃ τῇ γῇ δρώμενα, ̔Ηλίου δὲ ἀὴρ ὄχημα, καὶ δεῖ τοὺς προσφόρως ᾀσομένους αὐτὸν ἀπὸ γῆς αἴρεσθαι καὶ ξυμμετεωροπολεῖν τῷ θεῷ: τοῦτο δὲ βούλονται μὲν πάντες, δύνανται δὲ ̓Ινδοὶ μόνοι.” 6.12. ἀναπνεῦσαι ὁ Δάμις ἑαυτόν φησιν, ἐπειδὴ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν: ὑπὸ γὰρ τῶν τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου λόγων οὕτω διατεθῆναι τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους, ὡς τὸν Θεσπεσίωνα μὲν καίτοι μέλανα ὄντα κατάδηλον εἶναι, ὅτι ἐρυθριῴη, φαίνεσθαι δέ τινα καὶ περὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἔκπληξιν ἐφ' οἷς ἐρρωμένως τε καὶ ξὺν εὐροίᾳ διαλεγομένου ἤκουσαν, τὸν νεώτατον δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Νεῖλος, καὶ ἀναπηδῆσαί φησιν ὑπὸ θαύματος μεταστάντα τε πρὸς τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ξυμβαλεῖν τε αὐτῷ τὴν χεῖρα καὶ δεῖσθαι αὐτοῦ τὰς ξυνουσίας, αἳ ἐγένοντο αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ινδούς, φράζειν. τὸν δὲ ̓Απολλώνιον “σοὶ μὲν οὐδενὸς ἂν” φάναι, “βασκήναιμι ἐγὼ λόγου φιληκόῳ τε, ὡς ὁρῶ, τυγχάνοντι καὶ σοφίαν ἀσπαζομένῳ πᾶσαν,” Θεσπεσίωνι δὲ καὶ εἴ τις ἕτερος λῆρον τὰ ̓Ινδῶν ἡγεῖται, μὴ ἂν ἐπαντλῆσαι τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν λόγους: ὅθεν ὁ Θεσπεσίων “εἰ δὲ ἔμπορος” εἶπεν “ἢ ναύκληρος ἦσθα καί τινα ἡμῖν ἀπῆγες ἐκεῖθεν φόρτον, ἆρα ἂν ἠξίους, ἐπειδὴ ἀπ' ̓Ινδῶν οὗτος, ἀδοκίμαστον αὐτὸν διατίθεσθαι καὶ μήτε γεῦμα παρέχειν αὐτοῦ μήτε δεῖγμα;” ὑπολαβὼν δὲ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “παρειχόμην ἂν” εἶπε τοῖς γε χρῄζουσιν, εἰ δ' ἥκων τις ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν καταπεπλευκυίας ἄρτι τῆς νεὼς ἐλοιδορεῖτο τῷ φόρτῳ καὶ διέβαλλε μὲν αὐτὸν ὡς ἥκοντα ἐκ γῆς, ἣ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς φέρει, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐπέπληττεν ὡς οὐχ ὑπὲρ σπουδαίων ἀγωγίμων πλεύσαντι τούς τε ἄλλους ἔπειθεν οὕτω φρονεῖν, ἆρ' ἄν σοι δοκεῖ τις καταπλεύσας ἐς τοιόνδε λιμένα βαλέσθαι τινὰ ἄγκυραν ἢ πεῖσμα, ἀλλ' οὐχὶ μᾶλλον ἀνασείσας τὰ ἱστία μετεωρίσαι ἂν τὴν ναῦν ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀνέμοις ἐπιτρέψας τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἥδιόν γε ἢ ἀκρίτοις τε καὶ ἀξένοις ἤθεσιν; “ἀλλ' ἐγὼ” ἔφη ὁ Νεῖλος “λαμβάνομαι τῶν πεισμάτων καὶ ἀντιβολῶ σε, ναύκληρε, κοινωνῆσαί μοι τῆς ἐμπορίας, ἣν ἄγεις, καὶ ξυνεμβαίην ἄν σοι τὴν ναῦν περίνεώς τε καὶ μνήμων τοῦ σοῦ φόρτου.” 6.13. διαπαῦσαι δὲ ὁ Θεσπεσίων ̔ζητῶν' τὰ τοιαῦτα “χαίρω” ἔφη “̓Απολλώνιε, ὅτι ἄχθῃ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤκουσας: καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ ἡμῖν ξυγγιγνώσκοις ἀχθομένοις ὑπὲρ ὧν διέβαλες τὴν δεῦρο σοφίαν, οὐδὲ ἐς πεῖράν πω αὐτῆς ἀφιγμένος.” ὁ δ' ἐκπλαγεὶς μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου πρὸς βραχὺ τῷ μηδ' ἀκηκοέναι πω τὰ περὶ τὸν Θρασύβουλόν τε καὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην, ξυμβαλὼν δ', ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τὸ γεγονὸς “̓Ινδοὶ δέ”, εἶπεν “ὦ Θεσπεσίων, οὐκ ἂν τοῦτο ἔπαθον, οὐδ' ἂν προσέσχον Εὐφράτῃ καθιέντι ταῦτα, σοφοὶ γὰρ προγιγνώσκειν. ἐγὼ δὲ ἴδιον μὲν ἐμαυτοῦ πρὸς Εὐφράτην διηνέχθην οὐδέν, χρημάτων δὲ ἀπάγων αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐπαινεῖν τὸ ἐξ ἅπαντος κέρδος οὔτ' ἐπιτήδεια ξυμβουλεύειν ἔδοξα οὔτε ἐκείνῳ δυνατά, καὶ ἔλεγχον δὲ ἡγεῖται ταῦτα καὶ οὐκ ἀνίησιν ἀεί τι κατ' ἐμοῦ ξυντιθείς. ἐπεὶ δὲ πιθανὸς ὑμῖν ἔδοξε τοὐμὸν διαβάλλειν ἦθος, ἐνθυμεῖσθε, ὡς προτέρους ὑμᾶς ἐμοῦ διέβαλεν: ἐμοὶ γὰρ κίνδυνοι μὲν καὶ περὶ τὸν διαβεβλησόμενον οὐ σμικροὶ φαίνονται, μισήσεται γάρ που ἀδικῶν οὐδέν, ἐλεύθεροι δὲ κινδύνων οὐδ' οἱ τῶν διαβολῶν ἀκροασόμενοι δοκοῦσιν, εἰ πρῶτον μὲν ἁλώσονται ψευδολογίαν τιμῶντες καὶ ἀξιοῦντες αὐτὴν ὧνπερ τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἶτα κουφότητα καὶ εὐαγωγίαν — ἡττᾶσθαι δὲ τούτων καὶ μειρακίῳ αἰσχρόν — φθονεροί τε δόξουσι διδάσκαλον ἀκοῆς ἀδίκου ποιούμενοι τὸν φθόνον, αὐτοί τε μᾶλλον ἔνοχοι ταῖς διαβολαῖς, ἃς ἐφ' ἑτέρων ἀληθεῖς ἡγοῦνται, αἱ γὰρ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσεις ἑτοιμότεραι δρᾶν, ἃ μὴ ἀπιστοῦσι. μὴ τυραννεύσειεν ἀνὴρ ἕτοιμος ταῦτα, μηδὲ προσταίη δήμου, τυραννὶς γὰρ καὶ ἡ δημοκρατία ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἔσται, μηδὲ δικάσειεν, ὑπὲρ μηδενὸς γὰρ γνώσεται, μηδὲ ναυκληρήσειεν, ἡ γὰρ ναῦς στασιάσει, μηδὲ ἄρξειε στρατοῦ, τὸ γὰρ ἀντίξοον εὖ πράξει, μηδὲ φιλοσοφήσειεν οὕτως ἔχων, οὐ γὰρ πρὸς τἀληθὲς δοξάσει. ὑμᾶς δὲ Εὐφράτης ἀφῄρηται καὶ τὸ σοφοὺς εἶναι, οὓς γὰρ ψεύδει ὑπηγάγετο, πῶς ἂν οὗτοι σοφίας αὑτοὺς ἀξιώσειαν, ἧς ἀπέστησαν τῷ τὰ μὴ πιθανὰ πείσαντι;” διαπραΰνων δ' αὐτὸν ὁ Θεσπεσίων “ἅλις Εὐφράτου” ἔφη “καὶ μικροψύχων λόγων, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ διαλλακταὶ γενοίμεθά σοι τε κἀκείνῳ, σοφὸν ἡγούμενοι καὶ τὸ διαιτᾶν σοφοῖς. πρὸς δὲ ὑμᾶς,” εἶπε “τίς διαλλάξει με; χρὴ γάρ που καταψευσθέντα ἐκπεπολεμῶσθαι ὑπὲρ τοῦ ψεύδους.” “ἐχέτω οὕτως” ἦ δ' ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “καὶ σπουδῆς ἁπτώμεθα, τουτὶ γὰρ ἡμᾶς διαλλάξει μᾶλλον.” 6.14. ἐρῶν δὲ ὁ Νεῖλος τῆς ἀκροάσεως τοῦ ἀνδρὸς “καὶ μὴν σὲ” ἔφη “προσήκει ἄρξαι τοῦ σπουδάσαι, διελθόντα ἡμῖν τήν τε ἀποδημίαν τὴν γενομένην σοι ἐς τὸ ̓Ινδῶν ἔθνος τάς τε ἐκεῖ σπουδάς, ἃς ὑπὲρ λαμπρῶν δήπου ἐποιεῖσθε.” “ἐγὼ δὲ” ἔφη ὁ Θεσπεσίων “καὶ περὶ τῆς Φραώτου σοφίας ἀκοῦσαι ποθῶ, λέγεσθε γὰρ καὶ τῶν ἐκείνου λόγων ἀγάλματα ἀπὸ ̓Ινδῶν ἄγειν.” ὁ μὲν δὴ ̓Απολλώνιος ἀρχὴν τοῦ λόγου τὰ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ποιησάμενος διῄει πάντα, οἱ δὲ ἄσμενοι ἠκροῶντο ὑποκείμενοι τῷ λόγῳ. μεσημβρία δ' ὡς ἐγένετο, διέλυσαν τὴν σπουδήν, τὸν γὰρ καιρὸν τοῦτον καὶ οἱ Γυμνοὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς γίγνονται. 6.15. δειπνοῦντι δὲ τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ' αὐτὸν ὁ Νεῖλος ἐφίσταται λαχάνοις ἅμα καὶ ἄρτοις καὶ τραγήμασι, τὰ μὲν αὐτὸς φέρων, τὰ δὲ ἕτεροι, καὶ μάλα ἀστείως “οἱ σοφοὶ” ἔφη “ξένια πέμπουσιν ὑμῖν τε κἀμοὶ ταῦτα, κἀγὼ γὰρ ξυσσιτήσω ὑμῖν οὐκ ἄκλητος, ὥς φασιν, ἀλλ' ἐμαυτὸν καλῶν.” “ἡδὺ” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἀπάγεις, ὦ νεανία, ξένιον, σεαυτόν τε καὶ τὸ σεαυτοῦ ἦθος, ὃς ἀδόλως μὲν φιλοσοφοῦντι ἔοικας, ἀσπαζομένῳ δὲ τὰ ̓Ινδῶν τε καὶ Πυθαγόρου. κατακλίνου δὴ ἐνταῦθα καὶ ξυσσίτει.” “κατάκειμαι,” ἔφη “σιτία δὲ οὐκ ἔσται σοι τοσαῦτα, ὡς ἐμπλῆσαί με.” “ἔοικας” εἶπεν “εὔσιτος εἶναι καὶ δεινὸς φαγεῖν.” “δεινότατος μὲν οὖν,” ἔφη “ὃς γὰρ τοσαύτην καὶ οὕτω λαμπρὰν δαῖτά σου παραθέντος οὔπω ἐμπέπλησμαι, διαλιπὼν δὲ ὀλίγον πάλιν ἐπισιτιούμενος ἥκω, τί φήσεις ἀλλ' ἢ ἀκόρεστόν τε εἶναί με καὶ δεινῶς γάστριν;” “ἐμπίπλασο,” εἶπεν “ἀφορμαὶ δ', ὁπόσαι λόγων, τὰς μὲν αὐτὸς παραδίδου, τὰς δὲ ἐγὼ δώσω.” 6.16. ἐπεὶ δ' ἐδείπνησαν, “ἐγὼ” ἦ δ' ὁ Νεῖλος “τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐστρατευόμην ὁμοῦ τοῖς Γυμνοῖς οἷον ψιλοῖς τισιν ἢ σφενδονήταις ἐκείνοις ἐμαυτὸν ξυντάττων, νυνὶ δὲ ὁπλιτεύσω καὶ κοσμήσει με ἡ ἀσπὶς ἡ σή.” “ἀλλ' οἶμαί σε,” εἶπεν “Αἰγύπτιε, παρὰ Θεσπεσίωνί τε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἕξειν αἰτίαν, ἐφ' οἷς οὐδὲ ἐς ἔλεγχον ἡμῶν καταστὰς πλείω σὺ δ' ἑτοιμότερον ἢ ξυγχωρεῖ βίου αἵρεσις ἐς τὰ ἡμέτερα ἤθη ἀφήσεις.” “οἶμαι,” ἔφη “εἰ δ' αἰτία ἑλομένου ἔσται τις, τάχα καὶ μὴ ἑλομένου αἰτία, καὶ ἁλώσονται μᾶλλον ἅπερ ἐγὼ ἑλόμενοι: τὸ γὰρ πρεσβυτέρους ὁμοῦ καὶ σοφωτέρους ὄντας μὴ πάλαι ᾑρῆσθαι, ἅπερ ἐγὼ νῦν, δικαίαν αἰτίαν κατ' ἐκείνων ἔχοι ἂν μᾶλλον οὕτω πλεονεκτοῦντας μὴ ἐς τὸ βέλτιον ἑλέσθαι, ὅ τι χρήσονται.” “οὐκ ἀγεννῆ μέν, ὦ νεανίσκε, λόγον εἴρηκας: ὅρα δέ, μὴ αὐτῷ τῷ οὕτω μὲν σοφίας, οὕτω δὲ ἡλικίας ἔχειν ἐκεῖνά γε ὀρθῶς ᾑρημένοι φαίνονται ταῦτά τε ξὺν εἰκότι λόγῳ παραιτούμενοι, σύ τε θρασυτέρου λόγου δοκῇς ἅπτεσθαι καθιστὰς μᾶλλον αὐτὸς ἢ ἐκείνοις ἑπόμενος.” ὑποστρέψας δὲ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος παρὰ τὴν τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου δόξαν “ἃ μὲν εἰκὸς ἦν” ἔφη “πρεσβυτέροις ὁμαρτεῖν νέον, οὐ παρεῖταί μοι, σοφίαν γὰρ ὁπότ' ᾤμην εἶναι περὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἣν οὐκ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπάρχειν, προσεποίησα ἐμαυτὸν τούτοις, πρόφασις δέ μοι τῆς ὁρμῆς ἥδε ἐγένετο: ἔπλευσέ ποτε ὁ πατὴρ ἐς τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν ἑκών, ἦρχε δὲ ἄρα τῆς νεώς, ἣν Αἰγύπτιοι στέλλουσιν ἐς τὸ ̓Ινδῶν ἔθνος, ἐπιμίξας δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ ̓Ινδοῖς διεκόμισε λόγους περὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ σοφῶν ἀγχοῦ τούτων, οὓς πρὸς ἡμᾶς διῆλθες: ἀκούων δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοιουτονί τινα λόγον, ὡς σοφώτατοι μὲν ἀνθρώπων ̓Ινδοί, ἄποικοι δὲ ̓Ινδῶν Αἰθίοπες, πατρῴζουσι δὲ οὗτοι τὴν σοφίαν καὶ πρὸς τὰ οἴκοι βλέπουσι, μειράκιον γενόμενος τὰ μὲν πατρῷα τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀφῆκα, γυμνὸς δὲ Γυμνοῖς ἐπεφοίτησα τούτοις, ὡς μαθησόμενος τὰ ̓Ινδῶν ἢ ἀδελφά γε ἐκείνων, καί μοι ἐφαίνοντο σοφοὶ μέν, οὐ μὴν ἐκεῖνα, ἐμοῦ δ' αὐτοὺς ἐρομένου, τοῦ χάριν οὐ τὰ ̓Ινδῶν φιλοσοφοῦσιν, ἐκείνων μὲν ἐς διαβολὰς κατέστησαν παραπλησίως ταῖς πρὸς σὲ εἰρημέναις τήμερον, ἐμὲ δὲ νέον ἔτι, ὡς ὁρᾷς, ὄντα κατέλεξαν ἐς τὸ αὑτῶν κοινὸν δείσαντες, οἶμαι, μὴ ἀποπηδήσας αὐτῶν πλεύσαιμι ἐς τὴν ̓Ερυθράν, ὥσπερ ποτὲ ὁ πατήρ, ὃ μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς οὐκ ἂν παρῆκα: προῆλθον γὰρ ἂν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ ὄχθου τῶν σοφῶν, εἰ μή σέ τις ἐνταῦθα θεῶν ἔστειλεν ἐμοὶ ἀρωγόν, ὡς μήτε τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν πλεύσας μήτε πρὸς τοὺς Κολπίτας παραβαλόμενος σοφίας ̓Ινδικῆς γευσαίμην οὐ τήμερον βίου ποιησόμενος αἵρεσιν, ἀλλὰ πάλαι μὲν ᾑρημένος, ἃ δὲ ᾤμην ἕξειν, οὐκ ἔχων. τί γὰρ δεινόν, εἰ ὁτουδὴ ἁμαρτών τις ἐπάνεισιν ἐφ' ὃ ἐθήρευεν; εἰ δὲ κἀκείνους ἐς τουτὶ μεταβιβάζοιμι καὶ γιγνοίμην αὐτοῖς ξύμβουλος ὧν ἐμαυτὸν πέπεικα, τί ἄν, εἰπέ μοι, θρασὺ πράττοιμι; οὔτε γὰρ ἡ νεότης ἀπελατέα τοῦ τι καὶ αὐτὴ βέλτιον ἐνθυμηθῆναι ἂν τοῦ γήρως, σοφίας τε ὅστις ἑτέρῳ γίγνεται ξύμβουλος, ἣν αὐτὸς ᾕρηται, διαφεύγει δήπου τὸ μὴ οὐχ ἃ πέπεισται πείθειν, τοῖς τε ἥκουσιν ἀγαθοῖς παρὰ τῆς τύχης ὅστις ἀπολαβὼν αὐτὰ χρῆται μόνος, ἀδικεῖ τἀγαθά, ἀφαιρεῖται γὰρ αὐτῶν τὸ πλείοσιν ἡδίω φαίνεσθαι.” 6.17. τοιαῦτα εἴραντος τοῦ Νείλου καὶ οὕτω νεανικὰ ὑπολαβὼν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ὑπὲρ μισθοῦ δὲ” εἶπεν “οὐ διαλέξῃ μοι πρότερον σοφίας γε ἐρῶν τῆς ἐμῆς;” “διαλεγώμεθα” ἦ δ' ὁ Νεῖλος “καὶ ὅ τι βούλει, αἴτει.” “αἰτῶ σε,” εἶπεν “ἃ μὲν αὐτὸς εἵλου, ᾑρῆσθαι, τοὺς δὲ Γυμνοὺς μὴ ἐνοχλεῖν ξυμβουλεύοντα ἃ μὴ πείσεις.” “πείσομαι” ἔφη “καὶ ὁμολογείσθω ὁ μισθός.” ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐσπούδασαν, ἐρομένου δ' αὐτὸν μετὰ ταῦτα τοῦ Νείλου, πόσου χρόνου διατρίψοι περὶ τοὺς Γυμνούς, “ὁπόσου” ἔφη “χρόνου ἀξία ἡ τῶνδε σοφία τῷ ξυνεσομένῳ σφίσιν, εἶτα ἐπὶ Καταδούπων τὴν ὁδὸν ποιησόμεθα τῶν πηγῶν ἕνεκα, χαρίεν γὰρ τὸ μὴ μόνον ἰδεῖν τὰς τοῦ Νείλου ἀρχάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κελαδοῦντος αὐτοῦ ἀκοῦσαι.” 6.18. ὧδε διαλεχθέντες καί τινων ̓Ινδικῶν μνημονεύσαντες ἐκάθευδον ἐν τῇ πόᾳ, ἅμα δὲ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ προσευξάμενοι τὰ εἰωθότα εἵποντο τῷ Νείλῳ παρὰ τὸν Θεσπεσίωνα αὐτοὺς ἄγοντι: προσειπόντες οὖν ἀλλήλους καὶ ξυνιζήσαντες ἐν τῷ ἄλσει διαλέξεως ἥπτοντο, ἦρχε δ' αὐτῆς ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος: “ὡς μὲν γὰρ πολλοῦ” ἔφη “ἄξιον τὸ μὴ κρύπτειν σοφίαν, δηλοῦσιν οἱ χθὲς λόγοι: διδαξαμένων γάρ με ̓Ινδῶν, ὁπόσα τῆς ἐκείνων σοφίας ᾤμην προσήκειν ἐμοί, μέμνημαί τε τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ διδασκάλων καὶ περίειμι διδάσκων, ἃ ἐκείνων ἤκουσα, καὶ ὑμῖν δ' ἂν ἐν κέρδει γενοίμην, εἴ με καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν σοφίαν εἰδότα πέμποιτε, οὐ γὰρ ἂν παυσαίμην ̔́Ελλησί τε διιὼν τὰ ὑμέτερα καὶ ̓Ινδοῖς γράφων.” 6.19. “ἐρώτα,” ἔφασαν “ἕπεται γάρ που ἐρωτήσει λόγος.” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “περὶ θεῶν” εἶπεν “ὑμᾶς ἐρήσομαι πρῶτον, τί μαθόντες ἄτοπα καὶ γελοῖα θεῶν εἴδη παραδεδώκατε τοῖς δεῦρο ἀνθρώποις πλὴν ὀλίγων: ὀλίγων γάρ; πάνυ μέντοι ὀλίγων, ἃ σοφῶς καὶ θεοειδῶς ἵδρυται, τὰ λοιπὰ δ' ὑμῶν ἱερὰ ζῴων ἀλόγων καὶ ἀδόξων τιμαὶ μᾶλλον ἢ θεῶν φαίνονται.” δυσχεράνας δὲ ὁ Θεσπεσίων “τὰ δὲ παρ' ὑμῖν” εἶπεν “ἀγάλματα πῶς ἱδρῦσθαι φήσεις;” “ὥς γε” ἔφη “κάλλιστόν τε καὶ θεοφιλέστατον δημιουργεῖν θεούς.” “τὸν Δία που λέγεις” εἶπε “τὸν ἐν τῇ ̓Ολυμπίᾳ καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Αθηνᾶς ἕδος καὶ τὸ τῆς Κνιδίας τε καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Αργείας καὶ ὁπόσα ὧδε καλὰ καὶ μεστὰ ὥρας.” “οὐ μόνον” ἔφη “ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθάπαξ τὴν μὲν παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαλματοποιίαν ἅπτεσθαί φημι τοῦ προσήκοντος, ὑμᾶς δὲ καταγελᾶν τοῦ θείου μᾶλλον ἢ νομίζειν αὐτό.” “οἱ Φειδίαι δὲ” εἶπε:“καὶ οἱ Πραξιτέλεις μῶν ἀνελθόντες ἐς οὐρανὸν καὶ ἀπομαξάμενοι τὰ τῶν θεῶν εἴδη τέχνην αὐτὰ ἐποιοῦντο, ἢ ἕτερόν τι ἦν, ὃ ἐφίστη αὐτοὺς τῷ πλάττειν;” “ἕτερον” ἔφη “καὶ μεστόν γε σοφίας πρᾶγμα.” “ποῖον;” εἶπεν “οὐ γὰρ ἄν τι παρὰ τὴν μίμησιν εἴποις.” “φαντασία” ἔφη “ταῦτα εἰργάσατο σοφωτέρα μιμήσεως δημιουργός: μίμησις μὲν γὰρ δημιουργήσει, ὃ εἶδεν, φαντασία δὲ καὶ ὃ μὴ εἶδεν, ὑποθήσεται γὰρ αὐτὸ πρὸς τὴν ἀναφορὰν τοῦ ὄντος, καὶ μίμησιν μὲν πολλάκις ἐκκρούει ἔκπληξις, φαντασίαν δὲ οὐδέν, χωρεῖ γὰρ ἀνέκπληκτος πρὸς ὃ αὐτὴ ὑπέθετο. δεῖ δέ που Διὸς μὲν ἐνθυμηθέντα εἶδος ὁρᾶν αὐτὸν ξὺν οὐρανῷ καὶ ὥραις καὶ ἄστροις, ὥσπερ ὁ Φειδίας τότε ὥρμησεν, ̓Αθηνᾶν δὲ δημιουργήσειν μέλλοντα στρατόπεδα ἐννοεῖν καὶ μῆτιν καὶ τέχνας καὶ ὡς Διὸς αὐτοῦ ἀνέθορεν. εἰ δὲ ἱέρακα ἢ γλαῦκα ἢ λύκον ἢ κύνα ἐργασάμενος ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ φέροις ἀντὶ ̔Ερμοῦ τε καὶ ̓Αθηνᾶς καὶ ̓Απόλλωνος, τὰ μὲν θηρία καὶ τὰ ὄρνεα ζηλωτὰ δόξει τῶν εἰκόνων, οἱ δὲ θεοὶ παραπολὺ τῆς αὑτῶν δόξης ἑστήξουσιν.” “ἔοικας” εἶπεν “ἀβασανίστως ἐξετάζειν τὰ ἡμέτερα: σοφὸν γάρ, εἴπερ τι Αἰγυπτίων, καὶ τὸ μὴ θρασύνεσθαι ἐς τὰ τῶν θεῶν εἴδη, ξυμβολικὰ δὲ αὐτὰ ποιεῖσθαι καὶ ὑπονοούμενα, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ σεμνότερα οὕτω φαίνοιτο.” γελάσας οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ὦ ἄνθρωποι,” ἔφη “μεγάλα ὑμῖν ἀπολέλαυται τῆς Αἰγυπτίων τε καὶ Αἰθιόπων σοφίας, εἰ σεμνότερον ὑμῶν καὶ θεοειδέστερον κύων δόξει καὶ ἶβις καὶ τράγος, ταῦτα γὰρ Θεσπεσίωνος ἀκούω τοῦ σοφοῦ. σεμνὸν δὲ δὴ ἢ ἔμφοβον τί ἐν τούτοις; τοὺς γὰρ ἐπιόρκους καὶ τοὺς ἱεροσύλους καὶ τὰ βωμολόχα ἔθνη καταφρονεῖν τῶν τοιούτων ἱερῶν εἰκὸς μᾶλλον ἢ δεδιέναι αὐτά, εἰ δὲ σεμνότερα ταῦτα ὑπονοούμενα, πολλῷ σεμνότερον ἂν ἔπραττον οἱ θεοὶ κατ' Αἴγυπτον, εἰ μὴ ἵδρυτό τι αὐτῶν ἄγαλμα, ἀλλ' ἕτερον τρόπον σοφώτερόν τε καὶ ἀπορρητότερον τῇ θεολογίᾳ ἐχρῆσθε: ἦν γάρ που νεὼς μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐξοικοδομῆσαι καὶ βωμοὺς ὁρίζειν καὶ ἃ χρὴ θύειν καὶ ἃ μὴ χρὴ καὶ ὁπηνίκα καὶ ἐφ' ὅσον καὶ ὅ τι λέγοντας ἢ δρῶντας, ἄγαλμα δὲ μὴ ἐσφέρειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ εἴδη τῶν θεῶν καταλείπειν τοῖς τὰ ἱερὰ ἐσφοιτῶσιν, ἀναγράφει γάρ τι ἡ γνώμη καὶ ἀνατυποῦται δημιουργίας κρεῖττον, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἀφῄρησθε τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τὸ ὁρᾶσθαι καλῶς καὶ τὸ ὑπονοεῖσθαι.” πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Θεσπεσίων, “ἐγένετό τις” ἔφη “Σωκράτης ̓Αθηναῖος ἀνόητος, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, γέρων, ὃς τὸν κύνα καὶ τὸν χῆνα καὶ τὴν πλάτανον θεούς τε ἡγεῖτο καὶ ὤμνυ.” “οὐκ ἀνόητος,” εἶπεν “ἀλλὰ θεῖος καὶ ἀτεχνῶς σοφός, ὤμνυ γὰρ ταῦτα οὐχ' ὡς θεούς, ἀλλ' ἵνα μὴ θεοὺς ὀμνύοι.” 6.20. μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Θεσπεσίων ὥσπερ μεθιστάμενος τουτουὶ τοῦ λόγου ἤρετο τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον περὶ τῆς Λακωνικῆς μάστιγος καὶ εἰ δημοσίᾳ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παίονται: “τὰς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων γε,” εἶπεν “ὦ Θεσπεσίων, αὐτοὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἐλευθέριοι τε καὶ εὐδόκιμοι.” “τοὺς δὲ οἰκέτας ἀδικοῦντας τί” ἔφη “ἐργάζονται;” οὐκέτ' ἀποκτείνουσιν, εἶπεν “ὡς ξυνεχώρει ποτὲ ὁ Λυκοῦργος, ἀλλ' ἡ αὐτὴ καὶ ἐπ' ἐκείνους μάστιξ.” “ἡ δὲ ̔Ελλὰς πῶς” ἔφη “περὶ αὐτῶν γιγνώσκει;” “ξυνίασιν,” εἶπεν “ὥσπερ ἐς τὰ ̔Υακίνθια καὶ τὰς Γυμνοπαιδιάς, θεασόμενοι ξὺν ἡδονῇ τε καὶ ὁρμῇ πάσῃ.” “εἶτ' οὐκ αἰσχύνονται” ἔφη “οἱ χρηστοὶ ̔́Ελληνες ἢ τοὺς αὑτῶν ποτε ἄρξαντας ὁρῶντες μαστιγουμένους ἐς τὸ κοινόν, ἢ ἀρχθέντες ὑπ' ἀνθρώπων, οἳ μαστιγοῦνται δημοσίᾳ; σὺ δὲ πῶς οὐ διωρθώσω ταῦτα; φασὶ γάρ σε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιμεληθῆναι.” “ἅ γε” εἶπε “δυνατὸν διορθοῦσθαι, ξυνεβούλευον μὲν ἐγώ, προθύμως δ' ἐκεῖνοι ἔπραττον, ἐλευθεριώτατοι μὲν γὰρ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων εἰσί, μόνοι δ' ὑπήκοοι τοῦ εὖ ξυμβουλεύοντος, τὸ δὲ τῶν μαστίγων ἔθος τῇ ̓Αρτέμιδι τῇ ἀπὸ Σκυθῶν δρᾶται χρησμῶν, φασιν, ἐξηγουμένων ταῦτα: θεοῖς δ' ἀντινομεῖν μανία, οἶμαι.” “οὐ σοφούς, ̓Απολλώνιε,” ἔφη “τοὺς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων θεοὺς εἴρηκας, εἰ μαστίγων ἐγίγνοντο ξύμβουλοι τοῖς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀσκοῦσιν.” “οὐ μαστίγων,” εἶπεν “ἀλλὰ τοῦ αἵματι ἀνθρώπων τὸν βωμὸν ῥαίνειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ παρὰ Σκύθαις τούτων ἠξιοῦτο, σοφισάμενοι δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸ ἀπαραίτητον τῆς θυσίας ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς καρτερίας ἀγῶνα ἥκουσιν, ἀφ' ἧς ἐστι μήτε ἀποθνήσκειν καὶ ἀπάρχεσθαι τῇ θεῷ τοῦ σφῶν αἵματος.” “διὰ τί οὖν” ἔφη “τοὺς ξένους οὐ καταθύουσι τῇ ̓Αρτέμιδι, καθάπερ ἐδικαίουν ποτὲ οἱ Σκύθαι;” “ὅτι” εἶπεν “οὐδενὶ ̔Ελλήνων πρὸς τρόπου βάρβαρα ἐξασκεῖν ἤθη.” “καὶ μὴν καὶ φιλανθρωπότεροι ἐδόκουν ἂν ἕνα που καὶ δύο θύοντες ἢ ξενηλασίᾳ χρώμενοι ἐς πάντας.” “μὴ καθαπτώμεθα,” εἶπεν “ὦ Θεσπεσίων, τοῦ Λυκούργου, χρὴ γὰρ ξυνιέναι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ ὅτι τὸ μὴ ἐνδιατρίβειν ἐᾶν τοὺς ξένους οὐκ ἀμιξίας αὐτῷ νοῦν εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ὑγιαίνειν τὰς ἐπιτηδεύσεις μὴ ἐνομιλούντων τῇ Σπάρτῃ τῶν ἔξωθεν.” “ἐγὼ δὲ ἄνδρας” ἔφη “Σπαρτιάτας ἡγούμην ἄν, οἷοι δοκεῖν ἀξιοῦσιν, εἰ συνδιαιτώμενοι τοῖς ξένοις μὴ μεθίσταντο τῶν οἴκοι, οὐ γὰρ τῷ ἀπόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ παρόντων ὁμοίους ὁρᾶσθαι ἔδει, οἶμαι, τὰς ἀρετὰς κτᾶσθαι. οἱ δὲ καίτοι ξενηλασίαις χρώμενοι διεφθάρησαν τὰς ἐπιτηδεύσεις καὶ οἷς μάλιστα τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀπήχθοντο, τούτοις ὅμοια πράττειν ἔδοξαν. τὰ γοῦν περὶ τὴν θάλατταν καὶ αἱ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπιτάξεις τῶν φόρων ἀττικώτερον αὐτοῖς ἐβουλεύθη, καὶ ὑπὲρ ὧν πολεμητέα πρὸς ̓Αθηναίους ᾤοντο αὐτοῖς εἶναι, ταῦτ' ἐς τὸ καὶ αὐτοὶ δρᾶν κατέστησαν τὰ μὲν πολέμια τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους νικῶντες, ὧν δὲ ἐκείνοις ἐπιτηδεύειν ἔδοξεν ἡττώμενοι. καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ τὴν ἐκ Ταύρων τε καὶ Σκυθῶν ἐσάγεσθαι δαίμονα ξένα ἦν νομιζόντων. εἰ δὲ χρησμῶν ταῦτα, τί ἔδει μάστιγος; τί δὲ καρτερίαν ἀνδραποδώδη πλάττεσθαι; λακωνικώτερον πρὸς θανάτου ῥώμην ἐκεῖνο ἦν, οἶμαι, Σπαρτιάτην ἔφηβον ἑκόντα ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ θύεσθαι. τουτὶ γὰρ ̔ἂν' τὴν μὲν Σπάρτην εὐψυχοτέρους ἐδείκνυε, τὴν δὲ ̔Ελλάδα ἀπῆγε τοῦ μὴ ἐς ἀντίπαλα αὐτοῖς ἀντικαθίστασθαι. εἰ δὲ ἐς τὰ πολέμια φείδεσθαι τῶν νέων εἰκὸς ἦν, ἀλλ' ὅ γε νόμος ὁ παρὰ Σκύθαις ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑξηκοντούταις κείμενος οἰκειότερος ἦν Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιτηδεύειν ἢ Σκύθαις, εἰ τὸν θάνατον ἀτεχνῶς, ἀλλὰ μὴ κόμπου ἕνεκα ἐπαινοῦσι. ταῦτα οὐ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους εἴρηταί μοι, πρὸς δὲ σέ, ̓Απολλώνιε: εἰ γὰρ τὰ παλαιὰ νόμιμα καὶ πολιώτερα ἢ γιγνώσκειν αὐτὰ πικρῶς ἐξετάζοιμεν ἐς ἔλεγχον καθιστάμενοι τοῦ θείου, διότι αὐτοῖς χαίρουσι, πολλοὶ καὶ ἄτοποι λόγοι τῆς τοιᾶσδε φιλοσοφίας ἀναφύσονται, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ τῆς ̓Ελευσῖνι τελετῆς ἐπιλαβοίμεθα, διότι τό, ἀλλὰ μὴ τό, καὶ ὧν Σαμόθρᾳκες τελοῦσιν, ἐπεὶ μὴ τὸ δεῖνα, τὸ δεῖνα δὲ αὐτοῖς δρᾶται, καὶ Διονυσίων καὶ φαλλοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἐν Κυλλήνῃ εἴδους καὶ οὐκ ἂν φθάνοιμεν συκοφαντοῦντες πάντα. ἴωμεν οὖν ἐφ' ὅ τι βούλει ἕτερον, τιμῶντες καὶ τὸν Πυθαγόρου λόγον ἡμεδαπὸν ὄντα: καλὸν γάρ, εἰ καὶ μὴ περὶ πάντων, ἀλλ' ὑπέρ γε τῶν τοιούτων σιωπᾶν.” ὑπολαβὼν δ' ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “εἰ σπουδάσαι,” εἶπεν “ὦ Θεσπεσίων, ἐβούλου τὸν λόγον, πολλὰ ἄν σοι καὶ γενναῖα ἔδοξεν ἡ Λακεδαίμων λέγειν ὑπὲρ ὧν ὑγιῶς τε καὶ παρὰ πάντας ἐπιτηδεύει τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὕτως ἀποσπουδάζεις αὐτόν, ὡς μηδὲ ὅσιον ἡγεῖσθαι τὸ ὑπὲρ τοιούτων λέγειν, ἴωμεν ἐφ' ἕτερον λόγον πολλοῦ ἄξιον, ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω: περὶ δικαιοσύνης γάρ τι ἐρήσομαι.” 6.21. “ἁπτώμεθα” ὁ Θεσπεσίων ἔφη “τοῦ λόγου, προσήκων γὰρ σοφοῖς τε καὶ μὴ σοφοῖς. ἀλλ' ἵνα μὴ τὰς ̓Ινδῶν δόξας ἐνείροντες ξυγχέωμεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπέλθωμεν ἄπρακτοι τοῦ λόγου, πρῶτον εἰπὲ τὰ περὶ δικαιοσύνης ̓Ινδοῖς δόξαντα, εἰκὸς γὰρ βεβασανίσθαι σοι ἐκεῖ ταῦτα, κἄν μὲν ἡ δόξα ὀρθῶς ἔχῃ, ξυνθησόμεθα, εἰ δ' αὐτοί τι σοφώτερον εἴποιμεν, ξυντίθεσθε, δικαιοσύνης γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο.” “ἄριστα,” εἶπεν “ὦ Θεσπεσίων, καὶ ὡς ἐμοὶ ἥδιστα εἴρηκας: ἄκουε δὴ τῶν ἐκεῖ σπουδασθέντων: διῄειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐγώ, κυβερνήτης ὡς γενοίμην μεγάλης νεώς, ὁπόθ' ἡ ψυχὴ σώματος ἑτέρου ἐπεμέλετο, καὶ δικαιότατον ἡγοίμην ἐμαυτόν, ἐπειδὴ λῃσταὶ μὲν ἐμισθοῦντό με προδοῦναι τὴν ναῦν καθορμισάμενον οἷ λοχήσειν αὐτὴν ἔμελλον, δἰ ἃ ἦγεν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπαγγειλαίμην μὲν ταῦτα, ὡς μὴ ἐπίθοιντο ἡμῖν, παραπλεύσαιμι δ' αὐτοὺς καὶ ὑπεράραιμι τοῦ χωρίου.” “ξυνέθεντο δ'” ἦ δ' ὁ Θεσπεσίων “δικαιοσύνην εἶναι ̓Ινδοὶ ταῦτα;” “κατεγέλασαν μὲν οὖν,” εἶπε “μὴ γὰρ εἶναι δικαιοσύνην τὸ μὴ ἀδικεῖν.” “ὑγιῶς” ἔφη “ἀπέδοξε τοῖς ̓Ινδοῖς, οὔτε γὰρ φρόνησις τὸ μὴ ἀνοήτως τι ἐνθυμεῖσθαι, οὔτε ἀνδρεία τὸ μὴ λείπειν τὴν τάξιν, οὔτε σωφροσύνη τὸ μὴ ἐς τὰ τῶν μοιχῶν ἐκπίπτειν, οὔτε ἄξιον ἐπαίνου τὸ μὴ κακὸν φαίνεσθαι: πᾶν γάρ, ὃ τιμῆς τε καὶ τιμωρίας ἴσον ἀφέστηκεν, οὔπω ἀρετή.” “πῶς οὖν, ὦ Θεσπεσίων,” εἶπε “στεφανώσομεν τὸν δίκαιον, ἢ τί πράττοντα;” “ἀνελλιπέστερον” ἔφη “καὶ προσφορώτερον ἂν ὑπὲρ δικαιοσύνης ἐσπουδάσατε, ἢ ὁπότε βασιλεὺς τοσῆσδέ τε καὶ οὕτως εὐδαίμονος χώρας ἄρχων ἐπέστη φιλοσοφοῦσιν ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλεύειν, δικαιοτάτου κτήματος;” “εἰ ὁ Φραώτης” εἶπεν “ὁ ἀφικόμενος ἦν, ὀρθῶς ἂν ἐμέμφου τὸ μὴ ὑπὲρ δικαιοσύνης ἐπ' αὐτοῦ σπουδάσαι, ἐπεὶ δὲ εἶδες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐν οἶς χθὲς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διῄειν μεθύοντα καὶ ἀχθόμενον φιλοσοφίᾳ πάσῃ, τί ἔδει παρέχειν ὄχλον; τί δ' αὐτοὺς ἔχειν φιλοτιμουμένους ἐπ' ἀνθρώπου σύβαριν ἡγουμένου πάντα; ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ σοφοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ὥσπερ ἡμῖν, ἰχνευτέα ἡ δικαιοσύνη μᾶλλον ἢ βασιλεῦσί τε καὶ στρατηγοῖς, ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀτεχνῶς δίκαιον. ὃ γὰρ ἐμαυτόν τε ἡγούμην, ὁπότε ἡ ναῦς, ἑτέρους τε, οἳ μὴ ἀδίκων ἅπτονται, οὔπω δικαίους φατέ, οὐδ' ἀξίους τιμᾶσθαι.” “καὶ εἰκότως” εἶπεν “οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ̓Αθηναίοις ποτὲ ἢ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐγράφη γνώμη τὸν δεῖνα στεφανοῦν, ἐπεὶ μὴ τῶν ἡταιρηκότων ἐστίν, ἢ τὸν δεῖνα ποιεῖσθαι πολίτην, ἐπεὶ μὴ τὰ ἱερὰ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ συλᾶται. τίς οὖν ὁ δίκαιος καὶ ὁ τί πράττων; οὐρὲ γὰρ ἐπὶ δικαιοσύνῃ τινὰ στεφανωθέντα οἶδα, οὐδὲ γνώμην ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ δικαίῳ γραφεῖσαν, ὡς τὸν δεῖνα χρὴ στεφανοῦν, ἐπειδὴ τὸ δεῖνα πράττων δίκαιος φαίνεται, τὰ μὲν γὰρ Παλαμήδους ἐνθυμηθέντι τὰ ἐν Τροίᾳ καὶ τὰ Σωκράτους τὰ ̓Αθήνησιν οὐδ' εὐτυχεῖν ἡ δικαιοσύνη δόξει παρὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἀδικώτατα γὰρ δὴ οἵδε ἔπαθον δικαιότατοι ὄντες. πλὴν ἀλλ' οὗτοι μὲν ἐπὶ δόξῃ ἀδικημάτων ἀπώλοντο ψήφου παρὰ τὸ εὐθὺ ἐνεχθείσης, ̓Αριστείδην δὲ τὸν Λυσιμάχου καὶ αὐτή ποτε ἡ δικαιοσύνη ἀπώλλυ καὶ ἀνὴρ τοιόσδε ἐπὶ τοιᾷδε ἀρετῇ φεύγων ᾤχετο. καὶ ὡς μὲν γελοία ἡ δικαιοσύνη δόξει, γιγνώσκω, τεταγμένη γὰρ ὑπὸ Διός τε καὶ Μοιρῶν ἐς τὸ μὴ ἀδικεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους οὐδαμοῦ ἑαυτὴν ἐς τὸ μὴ αὐτὴ ἀδικεῖσθαι τάττει. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀπόχρη τὰ τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου ἐς τὸ δηλῶσαι, τίς μὲν ὁ μὴ ἄδικος, τίς δὲ ὁ δίκαιος: εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, οὐχ οὗτος ̓Αριστείδης ἐκεῖνος, ὅν φατε ὑμεῖς οἱ ἀπὸ ̔Ελλήνων ἥκοντες πλεύσαντα ἐς τὰς νήσους ὑπὲρ τῶν φόρων ξυμμέτρους τε αὐτοὺς τάξαι καὶ ξὺν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐπανελθεῖν τρίβωνι;” “οὗτος,” εἶπε “δἰ ὃν καὶ πενίας ἔρως ποτὲ ἤνθησεν.” “εἰ οὖν,” ἔφη “δύο ̓Αθήνησι δημαγωγοὶ γενοίσθην ἐπαινοῦντες τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἄρτι ἐκ τῆς ξυμμαχίδος ἥκοντα, καὶ ὁ μὲν γράφοι στεφανοῦν αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ μὴ πλουτῶν ἀφῖκται μηδὲ βίον ἑαυτῷ ξυνειλοχὼς μηδένα, ἀλλὰ πενέστατος μὲν ̓Αθηναίων, πενέστερος δὲ ἑαυτοῦ, ὁ δ' αὖ τοιουτονί τι γράφοι ψήφισμα: ἐπειδὴ ̓Αριστείδης οὐχ' ὑπὲρ τὸ δυνατὸν τῶν ξυμμάχων τάξας τοὺς φόρους, ἀλλ' ὡς ἕκαστοι γῆς ἔχουσι, τῆς τε ὁμονοίας αὐτῶν ἐπεμελήθη τῆς πρὸς ̓Αθηναίους καὶ τοῦ μὴ ἀχθομένους δοκεῖν φέρειν ταῦτα, δεδόχθω στεφανοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ δικαιοσύνῃ, ἆρ' οὐκ ἄν σοι δοκεῖ τῇ μὲν προτέρᾳ γνώμῃ κἂν ἀντειπεῖν αὐτός, ὡς οὐκ ἀξίᾳ τῶν ἑαυτῷ βεβιωμένων, εἰ ἐφ' οἷς οὐκ ἀδικεῖ τιμῷτο, τὴν δ' ἴσως ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπαινέσαι, στοχαζομένην ὧν διενοήθη; βλέψας γάρ που ἐς τὸ ̓Αθηναίων τε καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων ξυμφέρον ἐπεμελήθη τῆς ξυμμετρίας τῶν φόρων καὶ τοῦτο μετὰ τὸν ̓Αριστείδην ἐδείχθη μᾶλλον: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ παραβάντες ̓Αθηναῖοι τοὺς ἐκείνῳ δόξαντας βαρυτέρους ἐπέγραψαν ταῖς νήσοις, διεσπάσθη μὲν αὐτοῖς ἡ ναυτικὴ δύναμις, ᾗ μάλιστα φοβεροὶ ἦσαν, παρῆλθε δὲ ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐς τὴν θάλατταν, ξυνέμεινε δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ἅπαν τὸ ὑπήκοον ἐς νεώτερα ὥρμησε καὶ ἀποστροφῆς ἥψατο. δίκαιος οὖν, ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, κατὰ τὸν εὐθὺν λόγον οὐχ ὁ μὴ ἄδικος, ἀλλ' ὁ δίκαια μὲν αὐτὸς πράττων, καθιστὰς δὲ καὶ ἑτέρους ἐς τὸ μὴ ἀδικεὶν, καὶ φύσονται τῆς τοιαύτης δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἄλλαι μὲν ἀρεταί, μάλιστα δὲ ἡ δικαστική τε καὶ ἡ νομοθετική. δικάσει μὲν γὰρ τοιόσδε πολλῷ δικαιότερον ἢ οἱ κατὰ τῶν τομίων ὀμνύντες, νομοθετήσει δέ, ὥσπερ οἱ Σόλωνές τε καὶ οἱ Λυκοῦργοι, καὶ γὰρ δὴ κἀκείνοις τοῦ γράψαι νόμους δικαιοσύνη ἦρξεν.” 6.22. τοσαῦτα ὁ Δάμις διαλεχθῆναί φησιν αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς δικαίου, καὶ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ξυμφῆσαι τῷ λόγῳ, τοῖς γὰρ ὑγιῶς λεγομένοις ξυμβαίνειν. φιλοσοφήσαντες δὲ καὶ περὶ ψυχῆς, ὡς ἀθάνατος εἴη, καὶ περὶ φύσεως παραπλήσια ταῖς Πλάτωνος ἐν Τιμαίῳ δόξαις, περί τε τῶν παρ' ̔́Ελλησι νόμων πλείω διαλεχθέντες “ἐμοὶ” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ἡ δεῦρο ὁδὸς ὑμῶν τε ἕωεκα καὶ τῶν τοῦ Νείλου πηγῶν ἐγένετο, ἃς μέχρι μὲν Αἰγύπτου προελθόντι ξυγγνώμη ἀγνοῆσαι, προχωρήσαντι δὲ ἐπ' Αἰθιοπίαν, ὃν ἐγὼ τρόπον, κἂν ὄνειδος φέροι τὸ παρελθεῖν αὐτὰς καὶ μὴ ἀρύσασθαί τινας αὐτῶν λόγους.” “ἴθι χαίρων” ἔφη “καὶ ὅ τι σοι φίλον, εὔχου ταῖς πηγαῖς, θεῖαι γάρ. ἡγεμόνα δὲ οἶμαι ποιήσῃ τὸν πάλαι Ναυκρατίτην, νῦν δὲ Μεμφίτην, Τιμασίωνα, τῶν τε γὰρ πηγῶν ἐθὰς οὗτος καὶ οὕτω τι καθαρός, ὡς μὴ δεῖσθαι τοῦ ῥαίνεσθαι. σοὶ δέ, ὦ Νεῖλε, βουλόμεθα ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν διαλεχθῆναί τι.” ὁ μὲν δὴ νοῦς τῶν λόγων οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἦν τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ, ξυνίει γὰρ αὐτῶν δυσχερῶς διακειμένων, ἐπειδὴ ἤρα αὐτοῦ ὁ Νεῖλος, ἐξιστάμενος δὲ αὐτοῖς τῆς διαλέξεως ἀπῄει συσκευασόμενος, ὡς ἐξελῶν ἅμα τῇ ἕῳ, μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἥκων ὁ Νεῖλος, ἀπήγγειλε μὲν οὐδὲν ὧν ἤκουσεν, ἐφ' ἑαυτοῦ δὲ θαμὰ ἐγέλα: ἠρώτα δ' οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ γέλωτος, ἀλλ' ἐφείδοντο τοῦ ἀπορρήτου. | 3.10. FROM this point their road led for four days across a rich and well cultivated country, till they approached the castle of the sages, when their guide bade his camel crouch down, and leapt off it in such an agony of fear that he was bathed in perspiration. Apollonius however quite understood where he was come to, and smiling at the panic of the Indian, said: It seems to me that this fellow, were he a mariner who had reached harbor after a long sea voyage, would worry at being on land and tremble at being in dock. And as he said this he ordered his camel to kneel down, for indeed he was by now well accustomed to do so. And it seems that what scared the guide so much was that he was now close to the sages; for the Indians fear these people more than they do their own king, because the very king to whom the land is subject consults them about everything that he has to say or do, just as people who send to an oracle of a god; and the sages indicate to him what it is expedient for him to do, and what is inexpedient, and dissuade and warn him off with signs from what is inexpedient. 3.11. And they were about to halt in the neighboring village, which is hardly distant a single stade from the eminence occupied by the sages, when they saw a youth run up to them, the blackest Indian they ever saw; and between his eyebrows was a crescent shaped spot which shone brightly. But I learn that at a later time the same feature was remarked in the case of Menon the pupil of Herod the Sophist, who was an Ethiop; it showed while he was a youth, but as he grew up to man's estate its splendor waned and finally disappeared with his youth. But the Indian also wore, they say, a golden anchor, which is affected by Indians as a herald's badge, because it holds all things fast. 3.12. THEN he ran up to Apollonius and addressed him in the Greek tongue; and so far this did not seem so remarkable, because all the inhabitants of the village spoke the Greek tongue. But when he addressed him by name and said Hail so and so, the rest of the party were filled with astonishment, though our sage only felt the more confidence in his mission: for he looked to Damis and said: We have reached men who are unfeignedly wise, for they seem to have the gift of foreknowledge. And he at once asked the Indian what he must do, because he was already eager for an interview: and the Indian replied:Your party must halt here, but you must come on just as you are, for the Masters themselves issue this command. 3.13. Theword Masters at once had a Pythagorean ring for the ears of Apollonius and he gladly followed the messenger.Now the hill the summit of which is inhabited by the sages is, according to the account of our travelers, of about the same height as the Acropolis of Athens; and it rises straight up from the plain, though its natural position equally secures it from attack, for the rock surrounds it on all sides. On many parts of this rock you see traces of cloven feet and outlines of beards and of faces, and here and there impressions of backs as of persons who had slipped and rolled down. For they say that Dionysus, when he was trying to storm the place together with Heracles, ordered the Pans to attack it, thinking that they would be strong enough to stand the shock; but they were thunderstruck by the sages and fell one, one way, and another, another; and the rocks as it were took the print of the various postures in which they fell and failed. And they say that they saw a cloud floating round the eminence on which the Indians live and render themselves visible or invisible at will. Whether there were any other gates to the eminence they say they did not know; for the cloud around it did not anywhere allow them to be seen, whether there was an opening in the rampart, or whether on the other hand it was a close-shut fortress. 3.14. APOLLONIUS says that he himself ascended mostly on the south side of the ridge, following the Indian, and that the first thing he saw was a well four fathoms deep, above the mouth of which there rose a sheen of deep blue light; and at midday when the sun was stationary about it, the sheen of light was always drawn up on high by the rays, and in its ascent assumed the look of a glowing rainbow. But he learnt afterwards that the soil underneath the well was composed of realgar, but that they regarded the water as holy and mysterious, and no one either drank it or drew it up, but it was regarded by the whole land of India all around as binding in oaths. And near this there was a crater, he says, of fire, which sent up a lead-colored flame, though it emitted no smoke or any smell, nor did this crater ever overflow, but emitted just matter enough not to bubble over the edges of the pit. It is here that the Indians purify themselves of involuntary sins, wherefore the sages call the well, the well of testing, and the fire, the fire of pardon. And they say that they saw there two jars of black stone, of the rains and of the winds respectively. The jar of the rains, they say, is opened in case the land of India is suffering from drought, and sends up clouds to moisten the whole country; but if the rains should be in excess they are stopped by the jar being shut up. But the jar of the winds plays, I imagine, the same role as the bag of Aeolus: for when they open this jar ever so little, they let out one of the winds, which creates a seasonable breeze by which the country is refreshed. And they say that they came upon statues of Gods, and they were not nearly so much astonished at finding Indian or Egyptian Gods as they were by finding the most ancient of the Greek Gods, a statue of Athena Polias and of Apollo of Delos and of Dionysus of Limnae and another of him of Amyclae, and others of similar age. These were set up by these Indians and worshipped with Greek rites. And they say that they are inhabiting the heart of India, as they regard the mound as the navel of this hill, and on it they worship fire with mysterious rites, deriving the fire, according to their own account, from the rays of the sun; and to the Sun they sing a hymn every day at midday. 3.15. APOLLONIUS himself describes the character of these sages and of their settlement upon the hill; for in one of his addresses to the Egyptians he says, I saw Indian Brahmans living upon the earth and yet not on it, and fortified without fortifications, and possessing nothing, yet having the riches of all men. He may indeed be thought to have here written with too much subtlety; but we have anyhow the account of Damis to effect that they made a practice of sleeping the ground, and that they strewed the ground with such grass as they might themselves prefer; and, what is more, he says that he saw them levitating themselves two cubits high from the ground, not for the sake of miraculous display, for they disdain any such ambition; but they regard any rites they perform, in thus quitting earth and walking with the Sun, as acts of homage acceptable to the God. Moreover, they neither burn upon an altar nor keep in stoves the fire which they extract from the sun's rays, although it is a material fire; but like the rays of sunlight when they are refracted in water, so this fire is seen raised aloft in the air and dancing in the ether. And further they pray to the Sun who governs the seasons by his might, that the latter may succeed duly in the land, so that India may prosper; but of a night they intreat the ray of light not to take the night amiss, but. to stay with them just as they have brought it down. Such then was the meaning of the phrase of Apollonius, that the Brahmans are upon earth and yet not upon earth. And his phrase fortified without fortifications or walls, refers to the air or vapor under which they bivouac, for though they seem to live in the open air, yet they raise up a shadow and veil themselves in it, so that they are not made wet when it rains and they enjoy the sunlight whenever they choose. And the phrase without possessing anything they had the riches of all men, is thus explained by Damis: All the springs which the Bacchanals see leaping up from the ground under their feet, whenever Dionysus stirs them and earth in a common convulsion, spring up in plenty for these Indians also when they are entertaining or being entertained. Apollonius therefore was right in saying that people provided as they are with all they want offhand and without having prepared anything, possess what they do not possess. And on principle they grow their hair long, as theLacedaemonians did of old and the people of Thurium and Tarentum, as well as the Melians and all who set store by the fashions of Sparta; and they bind a white turban on their heads, and their feet are naked for walking and they cut their garments to resemble the exomis [ 1]. But the material of which they make their raiment is a wool that springs wild from the ground, white like that of the Pamphylians, though it is of softer growth, and a grease like olive oil distills from off it. This is what they make their sacred vesture of, and if anyone else except these Indians tries to pluck it up, the earth refuses to surrender its wool. And they all carry both a ring and a staff of which the peculiar virtues can effect all things, and the one and the other, so we learn, are prized as secrets. 3.16. WHEN Apollonius approached, the rest of the sages welcomed him and shook hands; but Iarchas sat down on a high stool — and this was of black copper and chased with golden figures, while the seats of the others were of copper, but plain and not so high, for they sat lower down than Iarchas — and when he saw Apollonius, Iarchas greeted him in the Greek tongue and asked for the Indian's letter. And as Apollonius showed astonishment at his gift of prescience, he took pains to add that a single letter was missing in the epistle, namely a delta, which had escaped the writer; and this was found to be the case. Then having read the epistle, he said What do you think of us, O Apollonius? Why, replied the latter, how can you ask, when it is sufficiently shown by the fact that I have taken a Jamey to see you which was never till now accomplished by any of the inhabitants of my country. And what do you think we know more than yourself? I, replied the other, consider that your lore is profounder and much more divine than our own; and if I add nothing to my present stock of knowledge while I am with you, I shall at least have learned that I have nothing more to learn. Thereupon the Indian replied and said: Other people ask those who arrive among them, who they are that come, and why, but the first display we make of our wisdom consists in showing that we are not ignorant who it is that comes. And you may test this point to begin with. And to suit his word he forthwith recounted the whole story of Apollonius' family both on his father's and his mother's side, and he related all his life in Aegae, and how Damis had joined him, and any conversations that they had had on the road, and anything they had found out through the conversation of others with them. All this, just as if he had shared their voyage with them, the Indian recounted straight off, quite clearly and without pausing for breath. And when Apollonius was astounded and asked him how he came to know it all, he replied: And you too are come to share in this wisdom, but you are not yet an adept. Will you teach me, then, said the other, all this wisdom? Aye, and gladly, for that is a wiser course than grudging and hiding matters of interest; and moreover, O Apollonius, I perceive that you are well endowed with memory, a goddess whom we love more than any other of the divine beings. Well, said the other, you have certainly discerned by your penetration my exact disposition. We, said the other, O Apollonius, can see all spiritual traits, for we trace and detect them by a thousand signs. But as it is nearly midday, and we must get ready our offerings for the Gods, let us now employ ourselves with that, and afterwards let us converse as much as you like; but you must take part in all our religious rites. By Zeus, said Apollonius, I should be wronging the Caucasus and the Indus, both of which I have crossed in order to reach you, if I did not feast myself on your rites to the full. Do so, said the other, and let us depart. 3.17. ACCORDINGLY they betook themselves to a spring of water, which Damis, who saw it subsequently, says resembles that of Dirce in Boeotia; and first they stripped, and then they anointed their heads with an amber-like drug, which imparted such a warmth to these Indians, that their bodies steamed and the sweat ran off them as profusely as if they were washing themselves with fire; next they threw themselves into the water and, having so taken their bath, they betook themselves to the sanctuary with wreaths upon their heads and full of sacred song. And they stood round in the form of a chorus, and having chosen Iarchas as conductor they struck the earth, uplifting their rods, and the earth arched itself like a billow of the sea and raised them up two cubits high into the air. But they sang a song resembling the paean of Sophocles which they sing at Athens in honor of Asclepius. But when they had alighted upon the ground, Iarchas called the stripling who carried the anchor and said: Do you look after the companions of Apollonius. And he went off swifter than the quickest of the birds, and coming back again said: I have looked after them. Having fulfilled then the most of their religious rites, they sat down to rest upon their seats, but Iarchas said to the stripling: Bring out the throne of Phraotes for the wise Apollonius that he may sit upon it to converse with us. 3.18. And when he had taken his seat, he said: Ask whatever you like, for you find yourself among people who know everything. Apollonius then asked him whether they knew themselves also, thinking that he, like the Greeks, would regard self-knowledge as a difficult matter. But the other, contrary to Apollonius' expectations, corrected him and said: We know everything, just because we begin by knowing ourselves; for no one of us would be admitted to this philosophy unless he first knew himself. And Apollonius remembered what he had heard Phraotes say, and how he who would become a philosopher must examine himself before he undertakes the task; and he therefore acquiesced in this answer, for he was convinced of its truth in his own case also. He accordingly asked a fresh question, namely, who they considered themselves to be; and the other answered We consider ourselves to be Gods. Apollonius asked afresh: Why? Because, said the other, we are good men. This reply struck Apollonius as so instinct with trained good sense that he subsequently mentioned it to Domitian in his defense of himself. 3.19. HE therefore resumed his questions and said: And what view do you take of the soul? That, replied the other, which Pythagoras imparted to you, and which we imparted to the Egyptians. Would you then say, said Apollonius, that as Pythagoras declared himself to be Euphorbus, so you yourself, before you entered your present body, were one of the Trojans or Achaeans or someone else? And the Indian replied: Those Achaean sailors were the ruin of Troy, and your talking so much about it is the ruin of you Greeks. For you imagine that the campaigners against Troy were the only heroes that ever were, and you forget other heroes both more numerous and more divine, whom your own country and that of the Egyptians and that of the Indians have produced. Since then you have asked me about my earlier incarnation, tell me, whom you regard as the most remarkable of the assailants or defenders of Troy. I, replied Apollonius, regard Achilles, the son of Peleus and Thetis, as such, for he and no other is celebrated by Homer as excelling all the Achaeans in personal beauty and size, and he knows of mighty deeds of his. And he also rates very highly such men as Ajax and Nireus, who were only second to him in beauty and courage, and are celebrated as such in his poems. With him, said the other, O Apollonius, I would have you compare my own ancestor, or rather my ancestral body, for that was the light in which Pythagoras regarded Euphorbus. 3.20. There was then, he said, a time when the Ethiopians, an Indian race, dwelt in this country, and when Ethiopia as yet was not; but Egypt stretched its borders beyond Meroe and the cataracts, and on the one side included in itself the fountains of the Nile, and on the other was only bounded by the mouths of the river. Well, at that time of which I speak, the Ethiopians lived here, and were subject to King Ganges, and the land was sufficient for their sustece, and the gods watched over them; but when they slew this king, neither did the rest of the Indians regard them as pure, nor did the land permit them to remain upon it; for it spoiled the seed which they sowed in it before it came into ear, and it inflicted miscarriages on their women, and it gave a miserable feed to their flocks; and wherever they tried to found a city, it would give way sink down under their feet. Nay more, the ghost of Ganges drove them forward on their path, a haunting terror to their multitude, and it did not quit them until they atoned to earth by sacrificing the murderers who had shed the king's blood with their hands. Now this Ganges it seems, was ten cubits high, and in personal beauty excelled any man the world had yet seen, and he was the son of the river Ganges; and when his own father inundated India, he himself turned the flood into the Red Sea, and effected a reconciliation between his father and the land, with the result that the latter brought forth fruits in abundance for him when living, and also avenged him after death. And since Homer brings Achilles to Troy in Helen's behalf, and relates how he took twelve cities by sea and eleven on land, and how he was carried away by wrath because he had been robbed of a woman by the king, on which occasion, in my opinion, he showed himself merciless and cruel, let us contrast the Indian in similar circumstances. He on the contrary set himself to found sixty cities, which are the most considerable of those hereabouts — and I would like to know who would regard the destruction of cities as a better title to fame than the rebuilding of them — and he also repulsed the Scythians who once invaded this land across the Caucasus. Surely it is better to prove yourself a good man by liberating your country than to bring slavery upon a city, and that too on behalf of a woman who probably was never really carried off against her will. And he had formed an alliance with the king of the country, over which Phraotes now rules, although that other had violated every law and principle of morality by carrying of his wife, he yet did not break his oath, and so stable, he said, was his pledged word, that, in spite of the injury he had suffered, he would not do anything to harm that other. 3.21. And I could enumerate many more merits of this great man, if I did not shrink from pronouncing a panegyric upon myself; for I may tell you I am the person in question, as I clearly proved when I was four years old. For this Ganges on one occasion fixed seven swords made of adamant in the earth, to prevent any monster approaching our country; now the gods ordered us to sacrifice if we came where he had implanted these weapons, though without indicating the spot where he had fixed them. I was a mere child, and yet I led the interpreters of their will to a trench, and told them to dig there, for it was there I said that they had been laid. 3.22. And you must not be surprised at my transformation from one Indian to another; for here is one, and he pointed to a stripling of about twenty years of age, who in natural aptitude for philosophy excels everyone, and he enjoys good health as you see, and is furnished with an excellent constitution; moreover he can endure fire and all sorts of cutting and wounding, yet in spite of all these advantages he detests philosophy. What then, said Apollonius, O Iarchas, is the matter with the youth? For it is a terrible thing you tell me, if one so well adapted by nature to the pursuit refuses to embrace philosophy, and has no love for learning, and that although he lives with you. He does not live with us, replied the other, but he has been caught like a lion against his will, and confined here, but he looks askance, at us when we try to domesticate him and caress him. The truth is this stripling was once Palamedes of Troy, and he found his bitterest enemies in Odysseus and Homer; for the one laid an ambush against him of people by whom he was stoned to death, while the other denied him any place in his Epic; and because neither the wisdom with which he was endowed was of any use to him, nor did he meet with any praise from Homer, to whom nevertheless many people of no great importance owe their renown, and because he was outwitted by Odysseus in spite of his innocence, he has conceived an aversion to philosophy, and deplores his ill-luck. And he is Palamedes, for indeed he can write without having learned his letters. 3.23. While they were thus conversing, a messenger approached Iarchas and said: The King will come early in the afternoon to consult you about his own business. And Iarchas replied: Let him come, for he too will go away all the better for making acquaintance of a man from Hellas. And after this, he went on with his former discourse. He accordingly asked Apollonius the question: Will you tell us, he said, about your earlier incarnation, and who you were before the present life? And he replied: Since it was an ignoble episode, I do not remember much of it. Iarchas therefore took him up and said: Then you think it ignoble to have been the pilot of an Egyptian vessel, for I perceive that this is what you were? What you say, said Apollonius, is true, Iarchas; for that is really what I was; but I consider this profession not only inglorious but also detestable, and though of as much value to humanity as that of a prince or the leader of an army, nevertheless it bears an evil repute by the reason of those who follow the sea; at any rate the most noble of the deeds which I performed no one at the time saw fit to praise. Well, and what would you claim for yourself in the way of noble achievement? Is it your having doubled the capes of Malea and Sunium, by checking your ship when it was drifting out of its course, and your having discerned so accurately the quarters from which the winds would blow both fore and aft, or you getting your boat past the reefs in the Hollows of Euboea, where any number of ships' ornamental signs show sticking up? 3.24. But Apollonius replied: Since you tempt me to talk about pilotage, I would have you hear what I consider to have been my soundest exploit at that time. Pirates at one time infested the Phoenician Sea, and were hanging about the cities to pick up information about the cargoes which different people had. The agents of the pirates spied out accordingly a rich cargo which I had on board my ship, and having taken me aside in conversation, asked me what was my share in the freight; and I told them that it was a thousand drachmas, for there were four people in command of the ship. “And,” said they, “have you a house?' “A wretched hut,” I replied, “on the Island of Pharos, where once upon a time Proteus used to live.” “Would you like then,” they went on, “to acquire a landed estate instead of the sea, and a decent house instead of your hut, and ten times as much for the cargo as you are going to get now? And to get rid of a thousand misfortunes which beset pilots owing to the roughness of the sea?' I replied that I would gladly do so, but that I did not aspire to become a pirate just at a time when I had made myself more expert than I ever had been, and had won crowns for my skill in my profession. However they persevered and promised to give me a purse of ten thousand drachmas, if I would be their man and do what they wanted. Accordingly I egged them on to talk by promising not to fail them, but to assist them in every way. Then they admitted that they were agents of the pirates, and besought me not to deprive them of a chance of capturing the ship, and instead of sailing away to the city whenever I weighed anchor thence, they arranged that I should cast anchor under the promontory, under the lee of which the pirate ships were riding; and they were willing to swear that they would not only not kill myself, but spare the life of any for whom I interceded. I for my part did not consider it safe to reprehend them, for I was afraid that if they were driven to despair, they would attack my ship on the high seas and then we would all be lost somewhere at sea; accordingly I promised to assist their enterprise, but I insisted upon their taking oath to keep their promise truly. They accordingly made oath, for our interview took place in a sanctuary, and then I said: “You betake yourselves to the ships of the pirates at once, for we will sail away by night.” And they found me all the more plausible from the way I bargained about the money, for I stipulated that it must all be paid me in current cash, though not before they had captured the ship. They therefore went off, but I put straight out to sea after doubling the promontory. This then, said Iarchas, O Apollonius, you consider the behavior of a just man? Why yes, said Apollonius, and of a humane one too! for I consider it was a rare combination of virtues for one who was a mere sailor to refuse to sacrifice men's lives, or to betray the interests of merchants, so rising superior to all bribes of money. 3.25. ThereUPON the Indian smiled and said: You seem to think that mere abstention from injustice constitutes justice, and I am of opinion that all Greeks do the same. For as I once learned from the Egyptians that come hither, governors from Rome are in the habit of visiting your country, brandishing their axes naked over your heads, before they know they have bad men to rule or not; but you acknowledge them to be just if they merely do not sell justice. And I have heard that the slave merchants yonder do exactly the same; for when they come to you with convoys of Carian slaves and are anxious to recommend their characters to you, they make it a great merit of the slaves that they do not steal. In the same way do you recommend on such grounds the rulers whose sway you acknowledge, and after decorating them with such praises as you lavish upon slaves, you send them away, objects, as you imagine, of universal admiration. Nay more, your cleverest poets will not give you leave to be just and good, even if you want to. For here was Minos, a man who exceeded all men in cruelty, and who enslaved with his navies the inhabitants of continent and islands alike, and yet they honor him by placing in his hand a scepter of justice and give him a throne in Hades to be umpire of spirits; while at the same time they deny food and drink to Tantalus, merely because he was a good man and inclined to share with his friends the immortality bestowed upon them by the Gods. And some of them hang stones over him, and rain insults of a terrible kind upon this divine and good man; and I would much rather that they had represented him as swimming in a lake of nectar, for he regaled men with that drink humanely and ungrudgingly. And as he spoke he pointed out a statue which stood upon his left hand, on which was inscribed the name Tantalus. Now this statue was four cubits high, and represented a man of fifty years who was clad in the fashion of Argolis, though he differed in his cloak, that being like a Thessalian's, and he held a cup sufficient at least for one thirsty man and drank your health therefrom, and in the goblet was a liquor, an unmixed draught which frothed and foamed, though without bubbling over the edge of the cup. Now I will presently explain what they consider this cup to be, and for what reason they drink from it. In any case, however, we must suppose that Tantalus was assailed by the poets for not giving rein to his tongue, but because he shared the nectar with mankind; but we must not suppose that he was really the victim of the gods' dislike, for, had he been hateful to them, he would never have been judged by the Indians to be a good man, for they are most religious people and never transgress any divine command. 3.26. While they were still discussing this topic, a hubbub down below in the village struck their ears, for it seems the king had arrived equipped in the height of Median fashion and full of pomp. Iarchas then, not too well pleased, remarked: If it were Phraotes who was halting here, you would find a dead silence prevailing everywhere as if you were attending a mystery. From this remark Apollonius realized that the king in question was not only inferior to Phraotes in a few details, but in the whole of philosophy; and as he saw that the sages did not bestir themselves to make any preparations or provide for the king's wants, though he was come at midday, he said: Where is the king going to stay? Here, they replied, for we shall discuss by night the objects for which he is come, since that is the best time for taking counsel. And will a table be laid for him when he comes, said Apollonius. Why, of course, they answered, a rich table too, furnished with everything which this place provides. Then, said he, you live richly? We, they answered, live in a slender manner, for although we might eat as much as we like, we are contented with little; but the king requires a great deal, for that is his pleasure. But he will not eat any living creature, for it is wrong to do here, but only dried fruits and roots and the seasonable produce of the Indian land at this time of year, and whatever else the new year's seasons will provide. 3.27. But see, said he, here he is. And just then the king advanced together with his brother and his son, ablaze with gold and jewels. And Apollonius was about to rise and retire, when Iarchas checked him from leaving his throne, and explained to him that it was not their custom for him to do so. Damis himself says that he was not present on this occasion, because on that day he was staying in the village, but he heard from Apollonius what happened and wrote it in his book. He says then that when they had sat down, the king extended his hand as if in prayer to the sages and they nodded their assent as if they were conceding his request; and he was transported with joy at the promise, just as if he had come to the oracle of a God. But the brother of the king and his son, who was a very pretty boy, were not more considered than if they had been the slaves of the others, that were mere retainers. After that the Indian rose from his place, and in a formal speech bade the king take food, and he accepted the invitation and that most cordially. Thereupon four tripods stepped forth like those of the Pythian Temple, but of their own accord, like those which advanced in Homer's poem, and upon them were cup-bearers of black brass resembling the figures ofGanymede and of Pelops among the Greeks. And the earth strewed beneath them grass softer than any mattress. And dried fruits and bread and vegetables and the dessert of the season all came in, served in order, and set before them more agreeably that if cooks and waiters had provided it; now two of the tripods flowed with wine, but the other two supplied, the one of them a jet of warm water and the other of cold. Now the precious stones imported from India are employed in Greece for necklaces and rings because they are so small, but among the Indians they are turned into decanters and wine coolers, because they are so large, and into goblets of such size that from a single one of them four persons can slake their thirst at midsummer. But the cup-bearers of bronze drew a mixture, he says, of wine and water made in due proportions; and they pushed cups round, just as they do in drinking bouts. The sages, however, reclined as we do in a common banquet, not that any special honor was paid to the king, although great importance would be attached to him among Greeks and Romans, but each took the first place that he chanced to reach. 3.28. And when the wine had circulated, Iarchas said: I pledge you to drink the health, O king, of a Hellene, and he pointed to Apollonius, who was reclining just below him, and he made a gesture with his hand to indicate that he was a noble man and divine. But the king said: I have heard that he and the persons who are halting in the village belong to Phraotes.Quite, right, he answered, and true is what you heard: for it is Phraotes who entertains him here also. What, asked the king, is his mode of life and pursuit? Why, what else, replied Iarchas, except that of that king himself? It is no great compliment you have paid him, answered the king, by saying that he has embraced a mode of life which has denied even to Phraotes the chance of being a noble man. Thereupon Iarchas remarked: You must judge more reasonably, O king, both about philosophy and about Phraotes: for as long as you were a stripling, your youth excused in you such extravagances. But now that you have already reached man's estate, let us avoid foolish and facile utterances. But Apollonius, who found an interpreter in Iarchas said: And what have you gained, O king, by refusing to be a philosopher? What have I gained? Why, the whole of virtue and the identification of myself with the Sun. Then the other, by way of checking his pride and muzzling him, said: If you were a philosopher, you would not entertain such fancies. And you, replied the king, since you are a philosopher, what is your fancy about yourself, my fine fellow? That I may pass, replied Apollonius, for being a good man, if only I can be a philosopher. Thereupon the king stretched out his hand to heaven and exclaimed: By the Sun, you come here full of Phraotes. But the other hailed this remark as a godsend, and catching him up said: I have not taken this long journey in vain, if I am become full of Phraotes. But if you should meet him presently, you will certainly say that he is full of me; and he wished to write to you in my behalf, but since he declared that you were a good man, I begged him not to take the trouble of writing, seeing that in his case no one sent a letter commending me. 3.29. THIS put a stop to the incipient folly of the king for having heard that he himself was praised by Phraotes, he not only dropped his suspicions, but lowering his tone he said: Welcome, goodly stranger. But Apollonius answered: And my welcome to you also, O king, for you appear to have only just arrived. And who, asked the other, attracted you to us? These gentlemen here, who are both Gods and wise men. And about myself, O stranger; said the king, what is said among Hellenes? Why, as much, said Apollonius, as is said about the Hellenes here. As for myself, I find nothing in the Hellenes, said the other, that is worth speaking of. I will tell them that, said Apollonius, and they will crown you at Olympia. 3.30. And stooping towards Iarchas he said: Let him go on like a drunkard, but do you tell me why do you not invite to the same table as yourself, nor hold worthy of other recognition those who accompany this man, though they are his brother and son, as you tell me? Because, said Iarchas, they reckon to be kings one day themselves, and by being made themselves to suffer disdain they must be taught not to disdain others. And remarking that the sages were eighteen in number, he again asked Iarchas, what was the meaning of their being just so many and no more. For, he said, the number eighteen is not a square number, nor is it one of the numbers held in esteem and honor, as are the numbers ten and twelve and sixteen and so forth. Thereupon the Indian took him up and said: Neither are we beholden to number nor number to us, but we owe our superior honor to wisdom and virtue; and sometimes we are more in number than we now are, and sometimes fewer. And indeed I have heard that when my grandfather was enrolled among these wise men, the youngest of them all, they were seventy in number but when he reached his 130th year, he was left here all alone, because not one of them survived him at that time, nor was there to be found anywhere in India a nature that was either philosophic or noble. The Egyptians accordingly wrote and congratulated him warmly on being left alone for four years in his tenure of this throne, but he begged them to cease reproaching the Indians for the paucity of their sages. Now we, O Apollonius, have heard from the Egyptians of the custom of the Eleans, and that the Hellanodicae, who preside over the Olympic games, are ten in number; but we do not approve of the rule imposed in the case of these men; for they leave the choice of them to the lot, and the lot has no discernment, for a worse man might be as easily chosen by lot as a better one. On the other hand would they not make a mistake; if they had made merit the qualification and chosen them by vote? Yes, a parallel one, for if you are on no account to exceed the number ten, there may more than ten just men, and you will deprive some of the rank which their merits entitle them to, while if on the other hand there are not so many as ten, then none will be thought to be really qualified. Wherefore the Eleans would be much wiser-minded if they allowed the number to fluctuate, merely preserving the same standard of justice. 3.31. While they were thus conversing, the king kept trying to interrupt them, constantly breaking off their every sentence by his silly and ignorant remarks. He accordingly again asked them what they were conversing about, and Apollonius replied: We are discussing matters important and held in great repute among the Hellenes; though you would think of them but slightly, for you say that you detest everything Hellenic. I do certainly detest them, he said, but nevertheless I want to hear; for I imagine you are talking about those Athenians the slaves of Xerxes. But Apollonius replied: Nay we are discussing other things; but since you have alluded to the Athenians in a manner both absurd and false, answer me this question: Have you, O King, any slaves? Twenty thousand, said the other, and not a single one of them did I buy myself, but they were all born in my household. Thereupon Apollonius, using Iarchas as his interpreter, asked him afresh whether he was in the habit of running away from his slaves or his slaves from him. And the king by way of insult answered him: Your very question is worthy of a slave, nevertheless I will answer it: a man who runs away is not only a slave but a bad one to boot, and his master would never run away from him, when he can if he likes both torture and card him. In that case, said Apollonius, O king, Xerxes has been proved out of your mouth to have been a slave of the Athenians, and like a bad slave to have run away from them; for when he was defeated by them in the naval action in the Straits, he was so anxious about his bridge of boats over the Hellespont that he fled in a single ship. Yes, but he anyhow burned Athens with his own hands, said the king. And Apollonius answered: And for that act of audacity, O king, he was punished as never yet was any other man. For he had to run away from those whom he imagined he had destroyed; and when I contemplate the ambitions with which Xerxes set out on his campaign I can conceive that some were justified in exalting him and saying that he was Zeus; but when I contemplate his flight, I arrive at the conviction that he was the most ill-starred of men. For if he had fallen at the hands of the Hellenes, no one would have earned a brighter fame than he. For to whom would the Hellenes have raised and dedicated a loftier tomb? What jousts of armed men, what contests of musicians would not have been instituted in honor of him? For, if men like Melicertes and Palaemon and Pelops of Lydian immigrant, the former of whom died in childhood at the breast, while Pelops enslaved Arcadia and Argolis and the land within the Isthmus, — if these were commemorated by the Greeks as Gods, what would not have been done for Xerxes by men who are by nature more enthusiastic admirers of the virtues, and who consider that they praise themselves in praising those whom they have defeated? 3.32. THESE words of Apollonius caused the king to burst into tears, and he said: Dearest friend, in what an heroic light do you represent these Hellenes to me. Why then, O king, were you so hard upon them? The visitors who come hither from Egypt, O guest, replied the king, malign the race of Hellenes, and while declaring that they themselves are holy men and wise, and the true law-givers who fixed all the sacrifices and rites of initiation which are in vogue among the Greeks, they deny to the latter any and every sort of good quality, declaring them to be ruffians, and a mixed herd addicted to every sort of anarchy, and lovers of legend and miracle mongers, and though indeed poor, yet making their poverty not a title of dignity, but a mere excuse for stealing. But now that I have heard this from you and understand how fond of honor and how worthy the Hellenes are, I am reconciled for the future to them and I engage both that they shall have my praise and that I will pray all I can for them, and will never set trust in another Egyptian. But Iarchas remarked: I too, O king, was aware that your mind had been poisoned by these Egyptians; but I would not take the part of the Hellenes until you met some such counselor as this. But since you have been put right by a wise man, let us now proceed to quaff the good cheer provided by Tantalus, and let us sleep over the serious issues which we have to discuss tonight. But at another time I will fill you full with Hellenic arguments, and no other race is so rich in them; and you will delight in them whenever you come hither. And forthwith he set an example to this fellow guests, by stooping the first of them all to the goblet which indeed furnished an ample draught for all; for the stream refilled itself plenteously, as if with spring waters welling up from the ground; and Apollonius also drank, for this cup is instituted by the Indians as a cup of friendship; and they feign that Tantalus is the wine-bearer who supplies it, because he is considered to have been the most friendly of men. 3.33. And when they had drunk, the earth received them on the couches which she had spread for them; but when it was midnight they rose up and first they sang a hymn to the ray of light, suspended aloft in the air as they had been at midday; and then they attended the king, as much as he desired. Damis, however, says that Apollonius was not present at the king's conversation with them, because he thought that the interview had to do with secrets of state. Having then at daybreak offered his sacrifice, the king approached Apollonius and offered him the hospitality of his palace, declaring that he would send him back to Greece an object of envy to all. But he commended him for his kindness, nevertheless he excused himself from inflicting himself upon one with whom he was on no sort of equality; moreover, he said that he had been longer abroad than he liked, and that he scrupled to give his friends at home cause to think they were being neglected. The king thereupon said that he entreated him, and assumed such an undignified attitude in urging his request, that Apollonius said: A king who insists upon his request in such terms at the expense of his dignity, is laying a trap. Thereupon Iarchas intervened and said: You wrong, O king, this sacred abode by trying to drag away from it a man against his will; and moreover, being one of those who can read the future, he is aware that his staying with you would not conduce to his own good, and would probably not be in any way profitable to yourself. 3.34. Theking accordingly went down into the village, for the law of the sages did not allow a king to be with them more than one day; but Iarchas said to the messenger: We admit Damis also hither to our mysteries; so let him come, but do you look after the rest of them in the village. And when Damis arrived, they sat down together, as they were wont to do, and they allowed Apollonius to ask questions; and he asked them of what they thought the cosmos was composed; but they replied: of elements. Are there then four? he asked. Not four, said Iarchas, but five. And how can there be a fifth, said Apollonius, alongside of water and air and earth and fire? There is the ether, replied the other, which we must regard as the stuff of which gods are made; for just as all mortal creatures inhale the air, so do immortal and divine natures inhale the ether. Apollonius again asked which of the elements came first into being, and Iarchas answered: All are simultaneous, for a living creature is not born bit by bit. Am I, said Apollonius, to regard the universe as a living creature? Yes, said the other, if you have a sound knowledge of it, for it engenders all living things. Shall I then, said Apollonius, call the universe female, or of both the male and the opposite gender? of both genders, said the other, for by commerce with itself it fulfills the role both of mother and father in bringing forth living creatures; and it is possessed by a love for itself more intense than any separate being has for its fellow, a passion which knits it together into harmony. And it is not illogical to suppose that it cleaves unto itself; for as the movement of an animal dictates the function of its hands and feet, in co-operation with a soul in it by which it is set in motion, so we must regard the parts of the universe also as adapting themselves through its inherent soul to all creatures which are brought forth or conceived. For example, the sufferings so often caused by drought are visited on us in accordance with the soul of the universe, whenever justice has fallen into disrepute and is disowned by men; and this animal shepherds itself not with a single hand only, but with many mysterious ones, which it has at its disposal; and though from its immense size it is controlled by no other, yet it moves obediently to the rein and is easily guided. 3.35. And the subject is so vast and so far transcends our mental powers, that I do not know any example adequate to illustrate it; but we will take that of a ship, such as the Egyptians construct for our seas and launch for the exchange of Egyptian goods against Indian wares. For there is an ancient law in regard to the Red Sea, which the king Erythras laid down, when he held sway over that sea, to the effect that the Egyptians should not enter it with a vessel of war, and indeed should employ only a single merchant ship. This regulation obliged the Egyptians to contrive a ship equivalent to several at once of those which other races have; and they ribbed the sides of this ship with bolts such as hold a ship together, and they raised its bulwarks and its mast to a great height, and they constructed several compartments, such as are built upon the timber balks which run athwart a ship, and they set several pilots in this boat and subordinated them to the oldest and wisest of their number, to conduct the voyage; and there were several officers on the prow and excellent and handy sailors to man the sails; and in the crew of this ship there was a detachment of armed men, for it is necessary to equip the ship and protect it against the savages of the Gulf that live on the right hand as you enter it, in case they should ever attack and plunder it on the high seas. Let us apply this imagery to the universe, and regard it in the light of a naval construction; for then you must apportion the first and supreme position to God the begetter of this animal, and subordinate posts to the gods who govern its parts; and we may well assent to the statements of the poets, when they say that there are many gods in heaven and many in the sea, and many in the fountains and streams, and many round about the earth, and that there are some even under the earth. But we shall do well to separate from the universe the region under the earth, if there is one, because the poets represent it as an abode of terror and corruption. 3.36. AS the Indian concluded this discourse, Damis says that he was transported with admiration and applauded loudly; for he could never have thought that a native of India could show such mastery of the Greek tongue, nor even that, supposing he understood that language, he could have used it with so much ease and elegance. And he praises the look and smile of Iarchas, and the inspired air with which he expressed his ideas, admitting that Apollonius, although he had a delivery as graceful as it was free from bombast, nevertheless gained a great deal by contact with this Indian, and he says that whenever he sat down to discuss a theme, as he very often did, he resembled Iarchas. 3.37. AS the rest of the company praised, no less, the contents of Iarchas' speech than the tone in which he spoke, Apollonius resumed by asking him which they considered the bigger, the sea or the land; andIarchas replied: If the land be compared with the sea it will be found to be bigger, for it includes the sea in itself; but if it be considered in relation to the entire mass of water, we can show that the earth is the lesser of the two, for it is upheld by the water. 3.38. THIS discussion was interrupted by the appearance among the sages of the messenger bringing in certain Indians who were in want of succor. And he brought forward a poor woman who interceded in behalf of her child, who was, she said, a boy of sixteen years of age, but had been for two years possessed by a devil. Now the character of the devil was that of a mocker and a liar. Here one of the sages asked, why she said this, and she replied: This child of mine is extremely good-looking, and therefore the devil is amorous of him and will not allow him to retain his reason, nor will he permit him to go to school, or to learn archery, nor even to remain at home, but drives him out into desert places. And the boy does not even retain his own voice, but speaks in a deep hollow tone, as men do; and he looks at you with other eyes rather than with his own. As for myself I weep over all this and I tear my cheeks, and I rebuke my son so far as I well may; but he does not know me. And I made my mind to repair hither, indeed I planned to do so a year ago; only the demon discovered himself using my child as a mask, and what he told me was this, that he was the ghost of man, who fell long ago in battle, but that at death he was passionately attached to his wife. Now he had been dead for only three days when his wife insulted their union by marrying another man, and the consequence was that he had come to detest the love of women, and had transferred himself wholly into this boy. But he promised, if I would only not denounce him to yourselves, to endow the child with many noble blessings. As for myself, I was influenced by these promises; but he has put me off and off for such a long time now, that he has got sole control of my household, yet has no honest or true intentions. Here the sage asked afresh, if the boy was at hand; and she said not, for, although she had done all she could to get him to come with her, the demon had threatened her with steep places and precipices and declared that he would kill her son, in case, she added, I haled him hither for trial. Take courage, said the sage, for he will not slay him when he has read this. And so saying he drew a letter out of his bosom and gave it to the woman; and the letter, it appears, was addressed to the ghost and contained threats of an alarming kind. 3.39. There also arrived a man who was lame. He already thirty years old and was a keen hunter of lions; but a lion had sprung upon him and dislocated his hip so that he limped with one leg. However when they massaged with their hands his hip, the youth immediately recovered his upright gait. And another man had had his eyes put out, and he went away having recovered the sight of both of them.Yet another man had his hand paralyzed; but left their presence in full possession of the limb. And a certain woman had suffered in labor already seven times, but was healed in the following way through the intercession of her husband. He bade the man, whenever his wife should be about to bring forth her next child, to enter her chamber carrying in his bosom a live hare; then he was to walk once round her and at the same moment to release the hare; for that the womb would be extruded together with the fetus, unless the hare was at once driven out. 3.40. And again a certain man who was a father said that he had had several sons, but that they had died the moment they began to drink wine. Iarchas took him up and said: Yes, and it is just as well they did die; for they would inevitably have gone mad, having inherited, as it appears, from their parents too warm a temperament. Your children, he added, must therefore abstain from wine, but in order that they may be never led even to desire wine, supposing you should have another boy, and I perceive you had one only six days ago, you must carefully watch the hen owl and find where it builds its nest; then you must snatch its eggs and give them to the child to chew after boiling them properly; for if it is fed upon these, before it tastes wine, a distaste for wine will be bred in it, and it will keep sober by your excluding from its temperament any but natural warmth.With such lore as this then they surfeited themselves, and they were astonished at the many-sided wisdom of the company, and day after day they asked all sorts of questions, and were themselves asked many in turn. 3.41. BOTH Apollonius and Damis then took part in the interviews devoted to abstract discussions; not so with the conversations devoted to occult themes, in which they pondered the nature of astronomy or divination, and considered the problem of foreknowledge, and handled the problems of sacrifice and of the invocations in which the gods take pleasure. In these Damis says that Apollonius alone partook of the philosophic discussion together with Iarchas, and that Apollonius embodied the results in four books concerning the divination by the stars, a work which Moeragenes has mentioned. And Damis says that he composed a work on the way to offer sacrifice to the several gods in a manner pleasing to them. Not only then do I regard the work on the science of the stars and the whole subject of such divination as transcending human nature, but I do not even know if anyone has these gifts; but I found the treatise on sacrifices in several cities, and in the houses of several learned men; moreover, if anyone should translate [ 1] it, he would find it to be a grave and dignified composition, and one that rings of the author's personality. And Damis says thatIarchas gave seven rings to Apollonius named after the seven stars, and that Apollonius wore each of these in turn on the day of the week which bore its name. 3.42. AS to the subject of foreknowledge, they presently had a talk about it, for Apollonius was devoted to this kind of lore, and turned most of their conversations on to it. For this Iarchas praised him and said: My good friend Apollonius, those who take pleasure in divination, are rendered divine thereby and contribute to the salvation of mankind. For here we have discoveries which we must go to a divine oracle in order to make; yet these, my good friend, we foresee of our unaided selves and foretell to others things which they know not yet. This I regard as the gift of one thoroughly blessed and endowed with the same mysterious power as the Delphic Apollo. Now the ritual insists that those who visit a shrine with a view to obtaining a response, must purify themselves first, otherwise they will be told to depart from the temple. Consequently I consider that one who would foresee events must be healthy in himself, and must not have his soul stained with any sort of defilement nor his character scarred with the wounds of any sins; so he will pronounce his predictions with purity, because he will understand himself and the sacred tripod in his breast, and with ever louder and clearer tone and truer import will he utter his oracles. Therefore you need not be surprised, if you comprehend the science, seeing that you carry in your soul so much ether. 3.43. And with these words he turned to Damis and said playfully: And you, O Assyrian, have you no foreknowledge of anything, especially as you associate with such a man as this? Yes, by Zeus, answered Damis, at any rate of the things that are necessary for myself; for when I first met with Apollonius here, he at once struck me as full of wisdom and cleverness and sobriety and of true endurance; but when I saw that he also had a good memory, and that he was very learned and entirely devoted to the love of learning, he became to me something superhuman; and I came to the conclusion that if I stuck to him I should be held a wise man instead of an ignoramus and a dullard, and an educated man instead of a savage; and I saw that, if I followed him and shared his pursuits, I should visit the Indians and visit you, and that I should be turned into a Hellene by him and be able to mix with the Hellenes. Now of course you set your oracles, as they concern important issues, on a level with those of Delphi and Dodona and of any other shrine you like; as for my own premonitions, since Damis is the person who has them, and since his foreknowledge concerns himself alone, we will suppose that they resemble the guesses of an old beggar wife foretelling what will happen to sheep and such like. 3.44. ALL the sages laughed of course at this sally, and when their laughter had subsided, Iarchas led back the argument to the subject of divination, and among the many blessings which that art had conferred upon mankind, he declared the gift of healing to be the most important. For, said he, the wise sons of Asclepius would have never attained to this branch of science, if Asclepius had not been the son of Apollo; and as such had not in accordance with the latter's responses and oracles concocted and adapted different drugs to different diseases; these he not only handed on to his own sons, but he taught his companions what herbs must be applied to running wounds, and what to parched and dry wounds, and in what doses to administer liquid drugs for drinking, by means of which dropsical patients are drained and bleeding is checked, and diseases of decay and the cavities due to their ravages are put an end to. And who, he said, can deprive the art of divination of the credit of discovering simples which heal the bites of venomous creatures, and in particular of using the virus itself as a cure for many diseases? For I do not think that men without the forecasts of a prophetic wisdom would ever have ventured to mingle with medicines that save life these most deadly of poisons. 3.45. And inasmuch as the following conversation also has been recorded by Damis as having been held upon this occasion with regard to the mythological animals and fountains and men met with in India, I must not leave it out, for there is much to be gained by neither believing nor yet disbelieving everything. Accordingly Apollonius asked the question, whether there was there an animal called the man-eater (martichoras); and Iarchas replied: And what have you heard about the make of this animal? For it is probable that there is some account given of its shape.There are, replied Apollonius, tall stories current which I cannot believe; for they say that the creature has four feet, and that his head resembles that of a man, but that in size it is comparable to a lion; while the tail of this animal puts out hairs a cubit long and sharp as thorns, which it shoots like arrows at those who hunt it.And he further asked about the golden water which they say bubbles up from a spring, and about the stone which behaves like a magnet, and about the men who live underground and the pigmies also and the shadow-footed men; and Iarchas answered his questions thus: What have I to tell you about animals or plants or fountains which you have seen yourself on coming here? For by this time you are as competent to describe these to other people as I am; but I never yet heard in this country of an animal that shoots arrows or of springs of golden water. 3.46. However about the stone which attracts and binds to itself other stones you must not be skeptical; for you can see the stone yourself if you like, and admire its properties. For the greatest specimen is exactly of the size of this finger nail, and here he pointed to his own thumb, and it is conceived in a hollow in the earth at a depth of four fathoms; but it is so highly endowed with spirit, that the earth swells and breaks open in many places when the stone is conceived in it. But no one can get hold of it, for it runs away, unless it is scientifically attracted; but we alone can secure, partly by performance of certain rites and partly by certain forms of words, this pantarbe, for such is the name given to it.Now in the night-time it glows like the day just as fire might, for it is red and gives out rays; and if you look at it in the daytime it smites your eyes with a thousand glints and gleams. And the light within it is a spirit of mysterious power, for it absorbs to itself everything in its neighborhood. And why do I say in its neighborhood? Why you can sink anywhere in river or in sea as many stones as you like, and these not even near to one another, but here there; and everywhere; and then if you let down this stone among them by a string it gathers them all together by the diffusion of its spirit, and the stones yield to its influence and cling to it in bunch, like a swarm of bees. 3.47. And having said this he showed the stone itself and all that it was capable of effecting.And as to the pigmies, he said that they lived underground, and that they lay on the other side of the Ganges and lived in the manner which is related by all. As to men that are shadow-footed or have long heads, and as to the other poetical fancies which the treatise of Scylax recounts about them, he said that they didn't live anywhere on the earth, and least of all in India. 3.48. As to the gold which the griffins dig up, there are rocks which are spotted with drops of gold as with sparks, which this creature can quarry because of the strength of its beak. For these animals do exist in India, he said, and are held in veneration as being sacred to the Sun; and the Indian artists, when they represent the Sun, yoke four of them abreast to draw the imaged car; and in size and strength they resemble lions but having this advantage over them that they have wings, they will attack them, and they get the better of elephants and of dragons. But they have no great power of flying, not more than have birds of short flight; for they are not winged as is proper with birds, but the palms of their feet are webbed with red membranes, such that they are able to revolve them, and make a flight and fight in the air; and the tiger alone is beyond their powers of attack, because in swiftness it rivals the winds. 3.49. And the phoenix, he said, is the bird which visits Egypt every five hundred years, but the rest of that time it flies about in India; and it is unique in that it gives out rays of sunlight and shines with gold, in size and appearance like an eagle; and it sits upon the nest; which is made by it at the springs of the Nile out of spices. The story of the Egyptians about it, that it comes to Egypt, is testified to by the Indians also, but the latter add this touch to the story, that the phoenix which is being consumed in its nest sings funeral strains for itself. And this is also done by the swans according to the account of those who have the wit to hear them. 3.50. In such conversations with the sages Apollonius spent the four months which he passed there, and he acquired all sorts of lore both profane and mysterious. But when he was minded to go on his way they persuaded him to send back to Phraotes with a letter his guide and the camels; and they themselves gave him another guide and camels, and sent him forth on his way, congratulating both themselves and him. And having embraced Apollonius and declared that he would be esteemed a god by the many, not merely after his death, but while he was still alive, they turned back to their place of meditation, though ever and anon they turned towards him, and showed by their action that they parted from him against their will. And Apollonius keeping the Ganges on his right hand, but the Hyphasis on his left, went down towards the sea a journey of ten days from the sacred ridge. And as they went down they saw a great many ostriches, and many wild bulls, and many asses and lions and pards and tigers, and another kind of apes than those which inhabit the pepper trees, for these were black and bushy-haired and were dog-like in features and as big as small men. And in the usual discussion of what they saw they reached the sea, where small factories had been built, and passenger ships rode in them resembling those of the Tyrrhenes. And they say that the sea called Erythra or red is of a deep blue color, but that it was so named from a king Erythras, who gave his own name to the sea in question. 6.6. Thence they rode out at sunrise, and arrived before midday at the academy of the naked sages, who dwell, they relate, upon a moderate-sized hill a little way from the bank of the Nile; and in point of wisdom they fall short of the Indians rather more than they excel the Egyptians. And they wear next to no clothes in the same way as people do at Athens in the heat of summer. And in their district there are few trees, and a certain grove of no great size to which they resort when they meet for the transaction of common affairs; but they do not build their shrines in one and the same place, as Indian shrines are built, but one is in one part of the hill and another in another, all worthy of observation, according to the accounts of the Egyptians. The Nile is the chief object of their worship, for they regard this river as land and water at once. They have no need, however, of hut or dwelling, because they live in the open air directly under the heaven itself, but they have built an hospice to accommodate strangers, and it is a portico of no great size, about equal in length to those of Elis, beneath which the athletes await the sound of the midday trumpet. 6.7. At this place Damis records an action of Euphrates, which if we do not regard it as juvenile, was anyhow unworthy of the dignity of a philosopher. Euphrates had heard Apollonius often say that he wished to compare the wisdom of India with that of Egypt, so he sent up to the naked sages one Thrasybulus, a native of Naucratis, to take away our sage's character. Thrasybulus at the same time that he pretended to have come there in order to enjoy their society, told them that the sage of Tyana would presently arrive, and that they would have no little trouble with him, because he esteemed himself more highly than the sages of India did themselves, though he extolled the latter whenever he opened his mouth; and he added that Apollonius had contrived a thousand pitfalls for them, and that he would not allow any sort of influence either to the sun, or to the sky, or to the earth, but pretended to move and juggle and rearrange these forces for whatever end he chose. 6.8. Having concocted these stories the man of Naucratis went away; and they, imagining they were true, did not indeed decline to meet Apollonius when he arrived, but pretended that they were occupied with important business and were so intent upon it, that they could only arrange an interview with him if they had time, and if they were informed first of what he wanted and of what attracted him thither.And a messenger from the bade them stay and lodge in the portico, but Apollonius remarked: We do not want to hear about a house for ourselves, for the climate here is such that anyone can live naked, — an unkind reference this to them, as it implied that they went without clothes not to show their endurance, but because it was too to wear any. And he added: I am not surprised indeed at their nor yet knowing what I want, and what I am come here for, though the Indians never asked me these questions. 6.9. Accordingly Apollonius lay down under one of the trees, and let his companions who were there with him ask whatever question they pleased. Damis took Timasion apart and asked him the question in private: About these naked sages, my good fellow, as you have lived with them, and in all probability know, tell me what their wisdom comes to? It is, answered the other, manifold an profound. And yet, said Damis, their demeanor towards us does not evince any wisdom, my fine fellow; for when they refuse to converse about wisdom with so great a man as our master, and assume all sorts of airs against him, what can I say of them except that they are too vain and proud. Pride and vanity! said the other, I have already come among them twice, and I never saw any such thing about them; for they were always very modest and courteous towards those who came to visit them. At any rate a little time ago, perhaps a matter of fifty days, one Thrasybulus was staying here who achieved nothing remarkable in philosophy, and they received him with open arms merely because he said he was a disciple of Euphrates. Then Damis cried: What's that you say, my boy? Then you saw Thrasybulus of Naucratis in this academy of theirs? Yes, and what's more, answered the other, I conveyed him hence, when he went down the river, in my own boat. Now I have it, by Athena, cried Damis, in a loud tone of indignation. I warrant he has played us some dirty trick. Timasion then replied: Your master, when I asked him yesterday who he was, would not answer me at once, but kept his name a secret; but do you, unless this is a mystery, tell me who he is, for then I could probably help you to find what you seek. And when he heard from Damis, that it was the sage of Tyana, You have put the matter, he said, in a nutshell. For Thrasybulus, as he descended the Nile with me, in answer to my question what he had gone up there for, explained to me that his love for wisdom was not genuine, and said that he had filled these naked sages with suspicion of Apollonius, to the end that whenever he came here they might flout him; and what his quarrel is with him I know not, but anyhow, it is, I think, worthy of a woman or of a vulgar person to backbite him as he has done. But I will address myself to these people and ascertain their real disposition; for they are friendly to me. And about eventide Timasion returned, though without telling Apollonius any more than that he had interchanged words with them; however he told Damis in private that they meant to come the next morning primed with all that they had heard from Thrasybulus. 6.10. They spent that evening conversing about trifles which are not worth recording, and then they lay down to sleep on the spot where they had supped; but at daybreak Apollonius, after adoring the sun according to his custom, had set himself to meditate upon some problem, when Nilus, who was the youngest of the naked philosophers, running up to him, exclaimed: We are coming to you. Quite right, said Apollonius, for to get to you I have made this long journey from the sea all the way here. And with these words he followed Nilus. So after exchanging greetings with the sages, and they met him close to the portico. Where, said Apollonius, shall we hold our interview? Here, said Thespesion, pointing to the grove. Now Thespesion was the eldest of the sect, and led them in procession; and they followed him with an orderly and leisurely step, just as the jury of the athletic sports at Olympia follow the eldest of their number. And when they had sat down, which they did anyhow, and without the observing their previous order, they all fixed their eyes on Thespesion as the one who should regale them with a discourse, which he proceeded as follows: They say, Apollonius, that you have visited the Pythian and Olympian festivals; for this was reported of you here by Stratocles of Pharos, who says he met you there. Now those who come to the Pythian festival are, they say, escorted with the sound of pipe and song and lyre, and are honored with shows of comedies and tragedies; and then last of all they are presented with an exhibition of games and races run by naked athletes. At the Olympic festival, however, these superfluities are omitted as inappropriate and unworthy of the place; and those who go to the festival are only provided with the show of naked athletes originally instituted by Heracles. You may see the same contrast between the wisdom of the Indians and our own. For they, like those who invite others to the Pythian festival, appeal to the crowd with all sorts of charms and wizardry; but we, like the athletes of Olympia, go naked. Here earth strews for us no couches, nor does it yield us milk or wine as if we were bacchants, nor does the air uplift us and sustain us aloft. But the earth beneath us is our only couch, and we live by partaking of its natural fruits, which we would have it yield to us gladly and without being tortured against its will. But you shall see that we are not unable to work tricks if we like. Heigh! you tree yonder, he cried, pointing to an elm tree, the third in the row from that under which they were talking, just salute the wise Apollonius, will you? And forthwith the tree saluted him, as it was bidden to do, in accents which were articulate and like those of a woman. Now he wrought this sign to discredit the Indians, and in the belief that by doing so he would wean Apollonius of his excessive estimate of their powers; for he was always recounting to everybody what the Indians said and did.Then the Egyptian added these precepts: he said that it is sufficient for the sage to abstain from eating all flesh of living animals, and from the roving desires which mount up in the soul through the eyes, and from envy which ends by teaching injustice to hand and will, and that truth stands not in need of miracle-mongering and sinister arts. For look, he said, at the Apollo of Delphi, who keeps the center of Hellas for the utterance of his oracles. There then, as you probably know yourself, a person who desires a response, puts his question briefly, and Apollo tells what he knows without any miraculous display. And yet it would be just as easy for him to convulse the whole mountain of Parnassus, and to alter the springs of the Castalian fountain so that it should run with wine, and to check the river Cephisus and stay its stream; but he reveals the bare truth without any of this show of ostentation. Nor must we suppose that it is by his will, that so much gold and showy offerings enter his treasury, nor that he would care for his temple even if it were made twice as large as it already is. For once on a time this god Apollo dwelt in quite a humble habitation; and a little hut was constructed for him to which the bees are said to have contributed their honeycomb and wax, and the birds their feathers. For simplicity is the teacher of wisdom and the teacher of truth; and you must embrace it, if you would have men think you really wise, and forget all your legendary tales that you have acquired among the Indians. For what need is there to beat the drum over such simple matters as: “Do this, or do not do it,” or “I know it, or I do not know it,” or “It is this and not that'? What do you want with thunder, nay, I would say, What do you want to be thunder-struck for?You have seen in picture-books the representation of Heracles by Prodicus; in it Heracles is represented as a youth, who has not yet chosen the life he will lead; and vice and virtue stand in each side of him plucking his garments and trying to draw him to themselves. Vice is adorned with gold and necklaces and with purple raiment, and her cheeks are painted and her hair delicately plaited and her eyes underlined with henna; and she also wears golden slippers, for she is pictured strutting about in these; but virtue in the picture resembles a woman worn out with toil, with a pinched look; and she has chosen for her adornment rough squalor, and she goes without shoes and in the plainest of raiment, and she would have appeared naked if she had not too much regard for her feminine decency. Now figure yourself, Apollonius, as standing between Indian wisdom on one side, and our humble wisdom on the other; imagine that you hear the one telling you how she will strew flowers under you when you lie down to sleep, yes, and by Heaven, how she will regale you upon milk and nourish you on honey-comb, and how she will supply you with nectar and wings, whenever you want them; and how she will wheel in tripods, whenever you drink, and golden thrones; and you shall have no hard work to do, but everything will be flung unsought into your lap. But the other discipline insists that you must lie on the bare ground in squalor, and be seen to toil naked like ourselves; and that you must not find dear or sweet anything which you have not won by hard work; and that you must not be boastful, not hunt after vanities and pursue pride; and that you must be on your guard against all dreams and visions which lift you off the earth. If then you really make the choice of Heracles, and steel your will resolutely, neither to dishonor truth, nor to decline the simplicity of nature, then you may say that you have overcome many lions and have cut off the heads of many hydras and of monsters like Geryon and Nessus, and have accomplished all his other labors, but if you embrace the life of a strolling juggler, you will flatter men's eyes and ears, but they will think you no wiser than anybody else, and you will become the vanquished of any naked philosopher of Egypt. 6.11. When he ended, all turned their eyes upon Apollonius; his own followers knowing well that he would reply, while Thespesion's friends wondered what he could say in answer. But he, after praising the fluency and vigor of the Egyptian, merely said: Have you anything more to say? No, by Zeus, said the other, for I have said all I have to say. Then he asked afresh: And has not any one of the rest of the Egyptians anything to say? I am their spokesman, answered his antagonist, and you have heard them all. Apollonius accordingly paused for a minute and then, fixing his eyes, as it were, on the discourse he had heard, he spoke as follows: You have very well described and in a sound philosophic spirit the choice which Prodicus declares Heracles to have made as a young man; but, ye wise men of the Egyptians, it does not apply in the least to myself. For I am not come here to ask your advice about how to live, insomuch as I long ago made choice of the life which seemed best to myself; and as I am older than any of you, except Thespesion, I myself am better qualified, now I have got here, to advise you how to choose wisdom, if I did not find that you had already made the choice. Being, however, as old as I am, and so far advanced in wisdom as I am, I shall not hesitate as it were to make you the auditors of my life and motives, and teach you that I rightly chose this life of mine, than which no better one has ever suggested itself to me. For I discerned a certain sublimity in the discipline of Pythagoras, and how a certain secret wisdom enabled him to know, not only who he was himself, but also who he had been; and I saw that he approached the altars in purity, and suffered not his belly to be polluted by partaking of the flesh of animals and that he kept his body pure of all garments woven of dead animal refuse; and that he was the first of mankind to restrain his tongue, inventing a discipline of silence described in the proverbial phrase, An ox sits upon it. I also saw that his philosophical system was in other respects oracular and true. So I ran to embrace his teachings, not choosing one form of wisdom rather than another of two presented me, as you, my excellent Thespesion, advise me to do. For philosophy marshaled before me her various points of view, investing them with the adornment proper to each and she commanded me to look upon them and make a sound choice. Now they were all possessed of an august and divine beauty; and some of them were of such dazzling brightness that you might well have closed your eyes. However I fixed my eyes firmly upon all of them, for they themselves encouraged me to do so by moving towards me, and telling me beforehand how much they would give me. Well, one of them professed that she would shower upon me a swarm of pleasures without any toil on my part and another that she would give me rest after toil; and a third that she would mingle mirth and merriment in my toil; and everywhere I had glimpses of pleasures and of unrestrained indulgence in the pleasures of the table; and it seemed that I had only to stretch out my hand to be rich, and that I needed not to set any bridle upon my eyes, but love and loose desire and such-like feelings were freely allowed me. One of them, however, boasted that she would restrain me from such things, but she was bold and abusive and in an unabashed manner elbowed all others aside; and I beheld the ineffable form of wisdom 6.12. Damis says that he breathed afresh when he heard this address; for that the Egyptians were so impressed by Apollonius' words, that Thespesion, in spite of the blackness of his complexion, visibly blushed, while the rest of them seemed in some way stunned by the vigorous and fluent discourse which they listened to; but the youngest of them, whose name was Nilus, leapt up from the ground, he says, in admiration, and passing over to Apollonius shook hands with him, and besought him to tell him about the interviews which he had had with the Indians. And Apollonius, he says, replied: I should not grudge you anything, for you are ready to listen, as I see, and are ready to welcome wisdom of every kind; but I should not care to pour out the teachings I gathered there upon Thespesion or on anyone else who regards the lore of the Indians as so much nonsense. Whereupon Thespesion said: But if you were a merchant or a seafarer, and you brought to us some cargo or other from over there, would you claim, merely because it came from India, to dispose of it untested and unexamined, refusing us either the liberty of looking at it or tasting it? But Apollonius repled as follows: I should furnish it to those who asked for it; but if the moment my ship had reached the harbor, someone came down the beach and began to run down my cargo and abuse myself, and say that I came from a country which produces nothing worth having, and if he reproached me for sailing with a cargo of shoddy goods, and tried to persuade the rest to think like himself, do you suppose that one would, after entering such a harbor, cast anchor or make his cables fast, and not rather hoist his sails and put to sea afresh, entrusting his goods more gladly to the winds than to such undiscerning and inhospitable people? Well, I anyhow, said Nilus, lay hold on your cables, and entreat you, my skipper, to let me share your goods that you bring hither; and I would gladly embark with you in your ship as a super-cargo and a clerk to check your merchandise. 6.13. Thespesion, however, was anxious to put a stop to such propositions, so he said: I am glad, Apollonius, that you are annoyed at what we said to you; for you can the more readily condone our annoyance at the misrepresentation you made of our local wisdom, long before you had gained any experience of its quality. Apollonius was for a moment astonished at these words, for he had heard nothing as yet of the intrigues of Thrasybulus and Euphrates; but as was his wont, he guessed the truth and said: The Indians, O Thespesion, would never have behaved as you have, nor have given ear to these insinuation dropped by Euphrates, for they have a gift of prescience. Now I never have had any quarrel of my own with Euphrates; I only tried to wean him of his passion for money and cure his propensity to value everything by what he could make out of it; but I found that my advice was not congenial to him, nor in his case practicable; nay he merely takes it as a tacit reproach, and never loses any opportunity of intriguing against me. But since you have found his attacks upon my character so plausible, I may as well tell you that it is you, rather than myself, that he has calumniated. For though, as is clear to me, the victims of calumny incur considerable dangers, since they are, I suppose, sure to be disliked without having done any wrong, yet neither are those who incline to listen to the calumnies free from danger; for in the first place they will be convicted of paying respect to lies and giving them as much attention as they would to the truth, and secondly they are convicted of levity and credulity, faults which it is disgraceful even for a stripling to fall into. And they will be thought envious, because they allow envy to teach them to listen to unjust tittle-tattle; and they expose themselves all the more to calumny, because they think it true of others. For man is by nature inclined to commit a fault which he does not discredit when he hears it related to others. Heaven forbid that a man of these inclinations should become a tyrant, or even president of a popular state; for in his hands even a democracy would become a tyranny; nor let him be made a judge, for surely he will not ever discern the truth. Nor let him be captain of a ship, for the crew would mutiny, nor general of an army, for that would bring luck to the adversary; nor let one of his disposition attempt philosophy, for he would not consider the truth in forming his opinions. But Euphrates has deprived you of even the quality of wisdom; for how can those on whom he has imposed with his falsehoods claim wisdom for themselves? have they not deserted from it to take sides with one who has persuaded them of improbabilities? Here Thespesion tried to calm him, and remarked: Enough of Euphrates and of his small-minded affairs; for we are quite ready even to reconcile you with him, since we consider it the proper work of a sage to be umpire in the disputes of other sages. But, said Apollonius, who shall reconcile me with you? For the victim of lies must surely be driven into hostility by the falsehood. ... Be it so, said Apollonius, and let us hold a conversation, for that will be the best way of reconciling us. 6.14. And Nilus, as he was passionately anxious to listen to Apollonius, said: And what's more, it behoves you to begin the conversation, and to tell us all about the journey which you made to the people of India, and about the conversations which you held there, I have no doubt, on the most brilliant topics. And I too, said Thespesion, long to hear about the wisdom of Phraotes, for you are said to have brought from India some examples of his arguments. Apollonius accordingly began by telling them about the events which occurred in Babylon, and told them everything, and they gladly listened to him, spellbound by his words. But when it was midday, they broke of the conversations, for at this time of day the naked sages, like others, attend to the ceremonies of religion. 6.15. Apollonius and his comrades were about to dine, when Nilus presented himself with vegetables and bread and dried fruits, some of which he carried himself, while his friends carried the rest; and very politely he said: The sages send these gifts of hospitality, not only to yourselves but to me; for I mean to share in your repast, not uninvited, as they say, but inviting myself. It is a delightful gift of hospitality, said Apollonius, which you bring to us, O youth, in the shape of yourself and your disposition, for you are evidently a philosopher without guile, and an enthusiastic lover of the doctrines of the Indians and of Pythagoras. So lie down here and eat with us. I will do so, said the other, but your dishes will not be ample enough to satisfy me. It seems to me, said the other, that you are a gourmand and an appalling eater. None like me, said the other, for although you have set before me so ample and so brilliant a repast, I am not sated; and after a little time I am come back again to eat afresh. What then can you call me but an insatiable cormorant? Eat your fill, said Apollonius, and as for topics of conversation, some you must yourself supply, and I will give you others. 6.16. So when they had dined, I, said Nilus, until now have been camping together with the naked sages, and joined my forces with them as with certain light armed troops or slingers. But now I intend to put on my heavy armor, and it is your shield that shall adorn me. But, said Apollonius, I think, my good Egyptian, that you will incur the censure of Thespesion and his society for two reasons; firstly, that after no further examination and testing of ourselves you have left them, and secondly that you give the preference to our manners and discipline with more precipitancy than is admissible where a man is making choice of how he shall live. I agree with you, said the young man, but if I am to blame for making this choice, I might also be to blame if I did not make it; and anyhow they will be most open to rebuke, if they make the same choice as myself. For it will be more justly reprehensible in them, as they are both older and wiser than myself, not to have made the choice long ago which I make now; for with all their advantages they will have failed to choose what in practice would so much redound to their advantage. A very generous sentiment indeed, my good youth, is this which you have expressed, said Apollonius; but beware lest the mere fact of their being so wise and aged should give them an appearance, at any rate, of being right in choosing as they have done, and of having good reason for rejecting my doctrine; and lest you should seem to take up a very bold position in setting them to rights rather than in following them. But the Egyptian turned short round upon Apollonius and countering his opinion said: So far as it was right for a young man to agree with his elders, I have been careful to do so; for so long as I thought that these gentlemen were possessed of a wisdom which belonged to no other set of men, I attached myself to them; and the motive which actuated me to do so was the following: My father once made a voyage on his own initiative to the Red Sea, for he was, I may tell you, captain of the ship which the Egyptians send to the Indies. And after he had had intercourse with the Indians of the seaboard, he brought home stories of the wise men of that region, closely similar to those which you have told us. And his account which I heard was somewhat as follows, namely that the Indians are the wisest of mankind, but that the Ethiopians are colonists sent from India, who follow their forefathers in matters of wisdom, and fix their eyes on the institutions of their home. Well, I, having reached my teens, surrendered my patrimony to those who wanted it more than myself, and frequented the society of these naked sages, naked myself as they, in the hope of picking up the teaching of the Indians, or at any rate teaching allied to theirs. And they certainly appeared to me to be wise, though not after the manner of India; but when I asked them point blank why they did not teach the philosophy of India, they plunged into abuse of the natives of that country very much as you have heard them do in their speeches this very day. Now I was still young, as you see, so they made me a member of their society, because I imagine they were afraid I might hastily quit them and undertake a voyage to the Red Sea, as my father did before me. And I should certainly have done so, yes, by Heaven, I would have pushed on until I reached the hill of the sages, unless someone of the gods had sent you hither to help me and enabled me without either making any voyage over the Red Sea or adventuring to the inhabitants of the Gulf, to taste the wisdom of India. It is not today therefore for the first time that I shall make my choice, but I made it long ago, though I did not obtain what I hoped to obtain. For what is there to wonder at if a man who has missed what he was looking for, returns to the search? And if I should convert my friends yonder to this point of view, and persuade them to adopt the convictions which I have adopted myself, should I, tell me, be guilty of any hardihood? For you must not reject the claim that youth makes, that in some way it assimilates an idea more easily than old age; and anyone who counsels another to adopt the wisdom and teaching which he himself has chosen, anyhow escapes the imputation of trying to persuade others of things he does not believe himself. And anyone who takes the blessings bestowed upon him by fortune into a corner and there enjoys them by himself, violates their character as blessings, for he prevents their sweetness from being enjoyed by as many as possible. 6.17. When Nilus had finished these arguments, and juvenile enough they were, Apollonius took him up and said: If you were in love with my wisdom, had you not better, before I begin, discuss with me the question of my reward? Let us discuss it, answered Nilus, and do you ask whatever you like. I ask you, he said, to be content with the choice you have made, and not to annoy the naked sages by giving them advice which they will not take. I consent, he said, and let this be agreed upon as your reward. This then was the substance of their conversation, and when Nilus at its close asked him how long a time he would stay among the naked sages he replied: So long as the quality of their wisdom justifies anyone in remaining in their company; and after that I shall take my way to the cataracts, in order to see the springs of the Nile, for it will be delightful not only to behold the sources of the Nile, but also to listen to the roar of its waterfalls. 6.18. After they had held this discussion and listened to some recollections of India, they lay down to sleep upon the grass; but at daybreak, having offered their accustomed prayers, they followed Nilus, who led them into the presence of Thespesion. They accordingly greeted one another, and sitting down together in the grove they began a conversation in which Apollonius led as follows: How important it is, said he, not to conceal wisdom, is proved by our conversation of yesterday; for because the Indians taught me as much of their wisdom as I thought it proper for me to know, I not only remember my teachers, but I go about instilling into others what I heard from them. And you too will be richly rewarded by me, if you send me away with a knowledge of your wisdom as well; for I shall not cease to go about and repeat your teachings to the Greeks, while to the Indians I shall write them. 6.19. Ask, they said, for you know question comes first and argument follows on it. It is about the gods that I would like to ask you a question first, namely, what induced you to impart, as your tradition, to the people of this country forms of the gods that are absurd and grotesque in all but a few cases? In a few cases, do I say? I would rather say that in very few are the gods' images fashioned in a wise and god-like manner, for the mass of your shrines seem to have been erected in honor rather of irrational and ignoble animals than of gods. Thespesion, resenting these remarks, said: And your own images in Greece, how are they fashioned? In the way, he replied, in which it is best and most reverent to construct images of the gods. I suppose you allude, said the other, to the statue of Zeus in Olympia, and to the image of Athena and to that of the Cnidian goddess and to that of the Argive goddess and to other images equally beautiful and full of charm? Not only to these, replied Apollonius, but without exception I maintain, that whereas in other lands statuary has scrupulously observed decency and fitness, you rather make ridicule of the gods than really believe in them. Your artists, then, like Phidias, said the other, and like Praxiteles, went up, I suppose, to heaven and took a copy of the forms of the gods, and then reproduced these by their art or was there any other influence which presided over and guided their molding? There was, said Apollonius, and an influence pregt with wisdom and genius. What was that? said the other, for I do not think you can adduce any except imitation. Imagination, said Apollonius, wrought these works, a wiser and subtler artist by far than imitation; for imitation can only create as its handiwork what it has seen, but imagination equally what it has not seen; for it will conceive of its ideal with reference to the reality, and imitation is often baffled by terror, but imagination by nothing; for it marches undismayed to the goal which it has itself laid down. When you entertain a notion of Zeus you must, I suppose, envisage him along with heaven and seasons and stars, as Phidias in his day endeavoured to do, and if you would fashion an image of Athena you must imagine in your mind armies and cunning, and handicrafts, and how she leapt out of Zeus himself. But if you make a hawk or an owl or a wolf or a dog, and put it in your temples instead of Hermes or Athena or Apollo, your animals and your birds may be esteemed and of much price as likenesses, but the gods will be very much lowered in their dignity. I think, said the other, that you criticize our religion very superficially; for if the Egyptians have any wisdom, they show it by their deep respect and reverence in the representation of the gods, and by the circumstance that they fashion their forms as symbols of a profound inner meaning, so as to enhance their solemnity and august character. Apollonius thereon merely laughed and said: My good friends, you have indeed greatly profited by the wisdom of Egypt and Ethiopia, if your dog and your ibis and your goat seem particularly august and god-like, for this is what I learn from Thespesion the sage.But what is there that is august or awe-inspiring in these images? Is it not likely that perjurers and temple-thieves and all the rabble of low jesters will despise such holy objects rather than dread them; and if they are to be held for the hidden meanings which they convey, surely the gods in Egypt would have met with much greater reverence, if no images of them had ever been set up at all, and if you had planned your theology along other lines wiser and more mysterious. For I imagine you might have built temples for them, and have fixed the altars and laid down rules about what to sacrifice and what not, and when and on what scale, and with what liturgies and rites, without introducing any image at all, but leaving it to those who frequented the temples to imagine the images of the gods; for the mind can more or less delineate and figure them to itself better than can any artist; but you have denied to the gods the privilege of beauty both of the outer eye and of an inner suggestion. Thespesion replied and said: There was a certain Athenian, called Socrates, a foolish old man like ourselves, who thought that the dog and the goose and the plane tree were gods and used to swear by them. He was not foolish, said Apollonius, but a divine and unfeignedly wise man; for he did not swear by these objects on the understanding that they were gods, but to save himself from swearing by the gods. 6.20. Thereupon Thespesion as if anxious to drop the subject, put some questions to Apollonius, about the scourging in Sparta, and asked if the Lacedaemonians were smitten with rods in public. Yes, answered the other, as hard, O Thespesion, as men can smite them; and it is especially men of noble birth among them that are so treated. Then what do they do to menials, he asked, when they do wrong? They do not kill them nowadays, said Apollonius, as Lycurgus formerly allowed, but the same whip is used to them too. And what judgment does Hellas pass upon the matter? They flock, he answered, to see the spectacle with pleasure and utmost enthusiasm, as if to the festival of Hyacinthus, or to that of the naked boys. Then these excellent Hellenes are not ashamed, either to behold those publicly whipped who erewhile governed them or to reflect that they were governed by men who are whipped by men who are whipped before the eyes of all? And how is it that you did not reform this abuse? For they say that you interested yourself in the affairs of the Lacedaemonians, as of other people. So far as anything could be reformed, I gave them my advice, and they readily adopted it; for they are the freest of the Hellenes; but at the same time they will only listen to one who gives them good advice. Now the custom of scourging is a ceremony in honor of the Scythian Artemis, so they say, and was prescribed by oracles, and to oppose the regulations of the gods is in my opinion utter madness. 'Tis a poor wisdom, Apollonius, he replied, which you attribute to the gods of the Hellenes, if they countece scourging as a part of the discipline of freedom. It's not the scourging, he said, but the sprinkling of the altar with human blood that is important, for the Scythians too held the altar to be worthy thereof; but the Lacedaemonians modified the ceremony of sacrifice because of its implacable cruelty, and turned it into a contest of endurance, undergone without any loss of life, and yet securing to the goddess as first fruits an offering of their own blood. Why then, said the other, do they not sacrifice strangers right out to Artemis, as the Scythians formerly considered right to do? Because, he answered, it is not congenial to any of the Greeks to adopt in full rigor the manners and customs of barbarians. And yet, said the other, it seems to me that it would be more humane to sacrifice one or two of them than to enforce as they do a policy of exclusion against all foreigners.Let us not assail, said the other, O Thespesion, the law-giver Lycurgus; but we must understand him, and then we shall see that his prohibition to strangers to settle in Sparta and live there was not inspired on his part by mere boorish exclusiveness, but by a desire to keep the institutions of Sparta in their original purity by preventing outsiders from mingling in her life. Well, said the other, I should allow the men of Sparta to be what they claim to be, if they had ever lived with strangers, and yet had faithfully adhered to their home principles; for it was not by keeping true to themselves in the absence of strangers, but by doing so in spite of their presence, that they needed to show their superiority. But they, although they enforced his policy of excluding strangers, corrupted their institutions, and were found doing exactly the same as did those of the Greeks whom they most detested. Anyhow, their subsequent naval program and policy of imposing tribute was modelled entirely upon that of Athens, and they themselves ended by committing acts which they had themselves regarded as a just casus belli against the Athenians, whom they had no sooner beaten in the field than they humbly adopted, as if they were the beaten party, their pet institution. And the very fact that the goddess was introduced from Taurus and Scythia was the action of men who embraced alien customs. But if an oracle prescribed this, what want was there of the scourge? What need to feign an endurance fit for slaves? Had they wanted to prove the disdain that Lacedaemonians felt for death, they had I think done better to sacrifice a youth of Sparta with his own consent upon the altar. For this would have been a real proof of the superior courage of the Spartans, and would have disinclined Hellas from ranging herself in the opposite camp to them. But you will say that they had to save their young men for the battlefield; well, in that case the law which prevails among the Scythians, and sentences all men of sixty years of age to death, would have been more suitably introduced and followed among the Lacedaemonians then among the Scythians, supposing that they embrace death in its grim reality and not as a mere parade. These remarks of mine are directed not so much against the Lacedaemonians, as against yourself, O Apollonius. For if ancient institutions, whose hoary age defies our understanding of their origins, are to be examined in an unsympathetic spirit, and the reason why they are pleasing to heaven subjected to cold criticism, such a line of speculation will produce a crop of odd conclusions; for we could attack the mystery rite of Eleusis in the same way and ask, why it is this and not that; and the same with the rites of the Samothracians, for in their ritual they avoid one thing and insist on another; and the same with the Dionysiac ceremonies and the phallic symbol, and the figure erected in Cyllene, and before we know where we are we shall be picking holes in everything. Let us choose, therefore, any other topic you like, but respect the sentiment of Pythagoras, which is also our own; for it is better, if we can't hold our tongues about everything, at any rate to preserve silence about such matters as these. Apollonius replied and said, If, O Thespesion, you had wished to discuss the topic seriously, you would have found that the Lacedaemonians have many excellent arguments to advance in favor of their institutions, proving that they are sound and superior to those of other Hellenes; but since you are so averse to continue the discussion, and even regard it as impious to talk about such things, let us proceed to another subject, of great importance, as I am convinced, for it is about justice that I shall now put a question. 6.21. Let us, said Thespesion, tackle the subject; for it is one very suitable to men, whether they are wise or not wise. But lest we should drag in the opinions of Indians, and so confuse our discussion, and go off without having formed any conclusions, do you first impart to us the views held by the Indians concerning justice, for you probably examined their views on the spot; and if their opinion is proved to be correct we will adopt it; but if we have something wiser to put in its place, you must adopt our view, for that too is plain justice. Said Apollonius: Your plan is excellent and most satisfactory to me; so do listen to the conversation which I held there. For I related to them how I had once been captain of a large ship, in the period when my soul was in command of another body, and how I thought myself extremely just because, when robbers offered me a reward, if I would betray my ship by running it into roads where they were going to lie in wait for it, in order to seize its cargo, I agreed and made the promise, just to save them from attacking us, but intending to slip by them and get beyond the place agreed upon. And, said Thespesion, did the Indians agree that this was justice? No, they laughed at the idea, he said, for they said that justice was something more than not being unjust. It was very sensible, said the other, of the Indians to reject such a view; for good sense is something more than not entertaining nonsense, just as courage is something more than not running away from the ranks; and so temperance is something more than the avoidance of adultery, and no one reserves his praise for a man who has simply shown himself to be not bad. For because a thing, no matter what, is equidistant between praise and punishment, it is not on that account to be reckoned off-hand to be virtue How then. O Thespesion, said Apollonius, are we to crown the just man and for what actions? Could you have discussed justice more completely and more opportunely, said the other, than when the sovereign of so large and flourishing a country intervened in your philosophic discussion of the art of kingship, a thing intimately connected with justice? If it had been Phraotes, said Apollonius, who turned up on that occasion, you might rightly blame me for not gravely discussing the subject of justice in his presence. But you from the account which I gave of him yesterday that the man is a drunkard and an enemy of all philosophy. What need therefore was there to inflict on him the trouble? Why should we try to win credit for ourselves in the presence of a sybarite who thinks of nothing but his own pleasures? But inasmuch as it is incumbent upon wise men like ourselves to explore and trace out justice, more so than on kings and generals, let us proceed to examine the absolutely just man. For though I thought myself just in the affair of the ship, and thought others just too because they do not practice injustice, you deny that this in itself constitutes them just or worthy of honor. And rightly so, said the other, for whoever heard of a decree drafted by Athenians or Lacedaemonians in favor of crowning so and so, because he is not a libertine, or of granting the freedom of the city to so and so, because the temples have not been robbed by him? Who then is the just man and what are is actions? For neither did I ever hear of anyone being crowned merely for his justice, nor of a decree being proposed over a just man to the effect that so and so shall be crowned, because such and such actions of his show him to be just. For anyone who considers the fate of Palamedes in Troy or Socrates in Athens, will discover that even justice is not sure of success among men, for assuredly these men suffered most unjustly being themselves most just. Still they at least were put to death on the score of acts of injustice imputed on them, and the verdict was a distortion of the truth; whereas in the case of Aristides the son of Lysimachus, it was very justice that was the undoing of him, for he in spite of his integrity was banished merely because of his reputation for this very virtue. And I am sure that justice will appear in a very ridiculous light; for having been appointed by Zeus and by the Fates to prevent men being unjust to one another, she has never been able to defend herself against injustice.And the history of Aristides is sufficient to me to show the difference between one who is nor unjust and one who is really just. For, tell me, is not this the same Aristides of whom your Hellenic compatriots when they come here tell us that he undertook a voyage to the islands to fix the tribute of the allies, and after settling it on a fair basis, returned again to his country still wearing the same cloak in which he left it? It is he, answered Apollonius, who made the love of poverty once to flourish. Now, said the other, let us suppose that there were at Athens two public orators passing an encomium upon Aristides, just after he had returned from the allies; one of the proposes that he shall be crowned, because he has come back again without enriching himself or amassing any fortune, but the poorest of the Athenians, poorer than he was before; and the other orator, we will suppose, drafts his motion somewhat as follows: “Whereas Aristides has fixed the tribute of the allies according to their ability to pay, and not in excess of the resources of their respective countries; and whereas he has endeavored to keep them loyal to the Athenians, and to see that they shall feel it no grievance to pay upon this scale, it is hereby resolved to crown him for justice.” Do you not suppose that Aristides himself would have opposed the first of these resolutions, as an indignity to his entire life, seeing that it only honored him for not doing injustice; whereas, he might perhaps have supported the other resolution as a fair attempt to express his intentions and policy? For I imagine it was with an eye to the interest of Athenians and subject states alike, that he took care to fix the tribute on a fair and moderate basis, and in fact his wisdom in this matter was conclusively proved after his death. For when the Athenians exceeded his valuations and imposed heavier tributes upon the islands, their naval supremacy at once went to pieces, though it more than anything else had made them formidable; on the other hand the prowess of the Lacedaemonians passed on to the sea itself; and nothing was left of Athenian supremacy, for the whole of the subject states rushed into revolution and made good their escape. It follows then, O Apollonius, that rightly judged, it is not the man who abstains from injustice that is just, but the man who himself does what is just, and also influences others not to be unjust; and from such justice as his there will spring up a crop of other virtues, especially those of the law-court and of the legislative chamber. For such a man as he will make a much fairer judge than people who take their oaths upon the dissected parts of victims, and his legislation will be similar to that of Solon and of Lycurgus; for assuredly these great legislators were inspired by justice to undertake their work. 6.22. Such, according to Damis, was the discussion held by them with regard to the just man, and Apollonius, he says, assented to their argument, for he always agreed with what was reasonably put. They also had a philosophic talk about the soul, proving its immortality, and about nature, along much the same lines which Plato follows in his Timaeus; and after some further remarks and discussions of the laws of the Hellenes, Apollonius said: For myself I have come all this way to see yourselves and visit the springs of the Nile; for a person who only comes as far as Egypt may be excused if he ignores the latter, but if he advances as far as Ethiopia, as I have done, he will be rightly reproached if he neglects to visit them, and to draw as it were from their well-springs some arguments of his own. Farewell then, said the other, and pray to the springs for whatever you desire, for they are divine. But I imagine you will take as your guide Timasion, who formerly lived at Naucratis, but is now of Memphis; for he is well acquainted with the springs of the Nile and he is not so impure as to stand in need of further lustrations. But as for you, O Nilus, we would like to have a talk to you by ourselves. The meaning of this sally was clear enough to Apollonius, for he well understood their annoyance at Nilus' preference for himself; but to give them an opportunity of speaking him apart, he left them to prepare and pack up for his journey, for he meant to start at daybreak. And after a little time Nilus returned, but did not tell them anything of what they had said to him, though he laughed a good deal to himself. And no one asked him what he was laughing about, but they respected his secret. |
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| 82. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Homilies, 4.3, 5.1, 6.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 179 |
| 83. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 76 |
84. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 1.45, 4.2, 4.11-4.13, 4.12.3, 4.123 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 107, 108, 115, 199; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 59 | 1.45. 45.Hence, to worthy men, abstinence in food, and in corporeal enjoyments and actions, is more appropriate than abstinence in what pertains to the touch; because though, while we touch bodies, it is necessary we should descend from our proper manners to the instruction of that which is most irrational in us; yet this is still more necessary in the assumption of food. For the irrational nature is incapable of considering what will be the effect of it, because this part of the soul is essentially ignorant of that which is absent. But, with respect to food, if it were possible to be liberated from it, in the same manner as from visible objects, when they are removed from the view; for we can attend to other things when the imagination is withdrawn from them; --- if this were possible, it would be no great undertaking to be immediately emancipated from the necessity of the mortal nature, by yielding, in a small degree, to it. Since, however, a prolongation of time in cooking and digesting food, and together with this the co-operation of sleep and rest, are requisite, and, after these, a certain temperament from digestion, and a separation of excrements, it is necessary that the tutor of the boy within us should be present, who, selecting things of a light nature, and which will be no impediment to him, may concede these to nature, in consequence of foreseeing the future, and the impediment which will be produced by his permitting the desires to introduce to us a burden not easily to be borne, through the trifling pleasure arising from the deglutition of food. SPAN 4.2. 2.But we shall begin from the abstinence of certain nations, in the narration of which, what is asserted of the Greeks will first claim our attention, as being the most allied to us, and the most appropriate of all the witnesses that can be adduced. Among those, therefore, that have concisely, and at the same time accurately collected an account of the affairs of the Greeks, is the Peripatetic Dicaearchus 1, who, in narrating the pristine life of the Greeks, says, the ancients, being generated with an alliance to the Gods, were naturally most excellent, and led the best life; so that, when compared to us of the present day, who consist of an adulterated and most vile matter, they were thought to be a golden race; and they slew no animal whatever. The truth of this, he also says, is testified by the poets, who denominate these ancients the golden race, and assert that every good was present with them. The fertile earth for them spontaneous bore of fruits a copious and unenvy'd store; In blissful quiet then, unknown to strife, The worthy with the worthy passed their life 2. |111 Which assertions, indeed Dicaearchus explaining, says, that a life of this kind was under Saturn; if it is proper to consider it as a thing that once existed, and that it is a life which has not been celebrated in vain, and if, laying aside what is extremely fabulous, we may refer it to a physical narration. All things, therefore, are very properly said to have been then spontaneously produced; for men did not procure any thing by labour, because they were unacquainted with the agricultural art, and, in short, had no knowledge of any other art. This very thing, likewise, was the cause of their leading a life of leisure, free from labours and care; and if it is proper to assent to the decision of the most skilful and elegant of physicians, it was also the cause of their being liberated from disease. For there is not any precept of physicians which more contributes to health, than that which exhorts us not to make an abundance of excrement, from which those pristine Greeks always preserved their bodies pure. For they neither assumed such food as was stronger than the nature of the body could bear, but such as could be vanquished by the corporeal nature, nor more than was moderate, on account of the facility of procuring it, but for the most part less than was sufficient, on account of its paucity. Moreover, there were neither any wars among them, nor seditions with each other. For no reward of contention worth mentioning was proposed as an incentive, for the sake of which some one might be induced to engage in such dissensions. So that the principal thing in that life was leisure and rest from necessary occupations, together with health, peace, and friendship. But to those in after times, who, through aspiring after things which greatly exceeded mediocrity, fell into many evils, this pristine life became, as it was reasonable to suppose it would, desirable. The slender and extemporaneous food, however, of these first men, is manifested by the saying which was afterwards proverbially used, enough of the oak; this adage being probably introduced by him who first changed the ancient mode of living. A pastoral life succeeded to this, in which men procured for themselves superfluous possessions, and meddled with animals. For, perceiving that some of them were innoxious, but others malefic and savage, they tamed the former, but attacked the latter. At the same time, together with this life, war was introduced. And these things, says Dicaearchus, are not asserted by us, but by those who have historically discussed a multitude of particulars. For, as possessions were now of such a magnitude as to merit attention, some ambitiously endeavoured to obtain them, by collecting them [for their own use], and calling on others to do the same, but others directed their attention to the preservation of them when collected. Time, therefore, thus gradually proceeding, and men always directing their attention to what |112 appeared to be useful, they at length became conversant with the third, and agricultural form of life. And this is what is said by Dicaearchus, in his narration of the manners of the ancient Greeks, and the blessed life which they then led, to which abstinence from animal food contributed, no less than other things. Hence, at that period there was no war, because injustice was exterminated. But afterwards, together with injustice towards animals, war was introduced among men, and the endeavour to surpass each other in amplitude of possessions. On which account also, the audacity of those is wonderful, who say that abstinence from animals is the mother of injustice, since both history and experience testify, that together with the slaughter of animals, war and injustice were introduced. SPAN 4.11. 11.But among those who are known by us, the Jews, before they first suffered the subversion of their legal institutes under Antiochus, and afterwards under the Romans, when also the temple in Jerusalem was captured, and became accessible to all men to whom, prior to this event, it was inaccessible, and the city itself was destroyed; - before this took place, the Jews always abstained from many animals, but peculiarly, which they even now do, from swine. At that period, therefore, there were three kinds of philosophers among them. And of one kind, |122 indeed, the Pharisees were the leaders, but of another, the Sadducees, and of the third, which appears to have been the most venerable, the Essenes. The mode of life, therefore, of these third was as follows, as Josephus frequently testifies in many of his writings. For in the second book of his Judaic History, which he has completed in seven books, and in the eighteenth of his Antiquities, which consists of twenty books, and likewise in the second of the two books which he wrote against the Greeks, he speaks of these Essenes, and says, that they are of the race of the Jews, and are in a greater degree than others friendly to one another. They are averse to pleasures, conceiving them to be vicious, but they are of opinion that continence and the not yielding to the passions, constitute virtue. And they despise, indeed, wedlock, but receiving the children of other persons, and instructing them in disciplines while they are yet of a tender age, they consider them as their kindred, and form them to their own manners. And they act in this manner, not for the purpose of subverting marriage, and the succession arising from it, but in order to avoid the lasciviousness of women. They are likewise, despisers of wealth, and the participation of external possessions among them in common is wonderful; nor is any one to be found among them who is richer than the rest. For it is a law with them, that those who wish to belong to their sect, must give up their property to it in common; so that among all of them, there is not to be seen either the abjectness of poverty, or the insolence of wealth; but the possessions of each being mingled with those of the rest, there was one property with all of them, as if they had been brothers. They likewise conceived oil to be a stain to the body, and that if any one, though unwillingly, was anointed, he should [immediately] wipe his body. For it was considered by them as beautiful to be squalid 13, and to be always clothed in white garments. But curators of the common property were elected by votes, indistinctly for the use of all. They have not, however, one city, but in each city many of them dwell together, and those who come among them from other places, if they are of their sect, equally partake with them of their possessions, as if they were their own. Those, likewise, who first perceive these strangers, behave to them as if they were their intimate acquaintance. Hence, when they travel, they take nothing with them for the sake of expenditure. But they neither |123 change their garments nor their shoes, till they are entirely torn, or destroyed by time. They neither buy nor sell anything, but each of them giving what he possesses to him that is in want, receives in return for it what will be useful to him. Nevertheless, each of them freely imparts to others of their sect what they may be in want of, without any remuneration. SPAN 4.12. 12.Moreover, they are peculiarly pious to divinity. For before the sun rises they speak nothing profane, but they pour forth certain prayers to him which they had received from their ancestors, as if beseeching him to rise. Afterwards, they are sent by their curators to the exercise of the several arts in which they are skilled, and having till the fifth hour strenuously laboured in these arts, they are afterwards collected together in one place; and there, being begirt with linen teguments, they wash their bodies with cold water. After this purification, they enter into their own proper habitation, into which no heterodox person is permitted to enter. But they being pure, betake themselves to the dining room, as into a certain sacred fane. In this place, when all of them are seated in silence, the baker places the bread in order, and the cook distributes to each of them one vessel containing one kind of eatables. Prior, however, to their taking the food which is pure and sacred, a priest prays, and it is unlawful for any one prior to the prayer to taste of the food. After dinner, likewise, the priest again prays; so that both when they begin, and when they cease to eat, they venerate divinity. Afterwards, divesting themselves of these garments as sacred, they again betake themselves to their work till the evening; and, returning from thence, they eat and drink in the same manner as before, strangers sitting with them, if they should happen at that time to be present. No clamour or tumult ever defiles the house in which they dwell; but their conversation with each other is performed in an orderly manner; and to those that are out of the house, the silence of those within it appears as if it was some terrific mystery. The cause, however, of this quietness is their constant sobriety, and that with them their meat and drink is measured by what is sufficient [to the wants of nature]. But those who are very desirous of belonging to their sect, are not immediately admitted into it, but they must remain out of it for a year, adopting the same diet, the Essenes giving them a rake, a girdle, and a white garment. And if, during that time, they have given a sufficient proof of their continence, they proceed to a still greater conformity to the institutes of the sect, and use purer water for the purpose of sanctity; though they are not yet permitted to live with the Essenes. For after this exhibition of endurance, their manners are tried for two years more, and he who |124 after this period appears to deserve to associate with them, is admitted into their society. SPAN 4.13. 13.Before, however, he who is admitted touches his common food, he takes a terrible oath, in the first place, that he will piously worship divinity; in the next place, that he will preserve justice towards men, and that he will neither designedly, nor when commanded, injure any one; in the third place; that he will always hate the unjust, but strenuously assist the just; and in the fourth place, that he will act faithfully towards all men, but especially towards the rulers of the land, since no one becomes a ruler without the permission of God; in the fifth place, that if he should be a ruler, he will never employ his power to insolently iniquitous purposes, nor will surpass those that are in subjection to him in his dress, or any other more splendid ornament; in the sixth place, that he will always love the truth, and be hostile to liars; in the seventh place, that he will preserve his hands from theft, and his soul pure from unholy gain 14; and, in the eighth place, that he will conceal nothing from those of his sect, nor divulge any thing to others pertaining to the sect, though some one, in order to compel him, should threaten him with death. In addition to these things, also, they swear, that they will not impart the dogmas of the sect to any one in any other way than that in which they received them; that they will likewise abstain from robbery 15, and preserve the books of their sect with the same care as the names of the angels. Such, therefore, are their oaths. But those among them that act criminally, and are ejected, perish by an evil destiny. For, being bound by their oaths and their customs, they are not capable of receiving food from others; but feeding on herbs, and having their body emaciated by hunger, they perish. Hence the Essenes, commiserating many of these unfortunate men, receive them in their last extremities into their society, thinking that they have suffered sufficiently for their offences in having been punished for them till they were on the brink of the grave. But they give a rake to those who intend to belong to their sect, in order that, when they sit for the purpose of exonerating the belly, they make a trench a foot in depth, and completely cover themselves by their garment, in order that they |125 may not act contumeliously towards the sun by polluting the rays of the God. And so great, indeed, is their simplicity and frugality with respect to diet, that they do not require evacuation till the seventh day after the assumption of food, which day they spend in singing hymns to God, and in resting from labour. But from this exercise they acquire the power of such great endurance, that even when tortured and burnt, and suffering every kind of excruciating pain, they cannot be induced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what they have not been accustomed to. And the truth of this was demonstrated in their war with the Romans. For then they neither flattered their tormentors, nor shed any tears, but smiled in the midst of their torments, and derided those that inflicted them, and cheerfully emitted their souls, as knowing that they should possess them again. For this opinion was firmly established among them, that their bodies were indeed corruptible, and that the matter of which they consisted was not stable, but that their souls were immortal, and would endure for ever, and that, proceeding from the most subtle ether, they were drawn down by a natural flux, and complicated with bodies; but that, when they are no longer detained by the bonds of the flesh, then, as if liberated from a long slavery, they will rejoice, and ascend to the celestial regions. But from this mode of living, and from being thus exercised in truth and piety, there were many among them, as it is reasonable to suppose there would be, who had aforeknowledge of future events, as being conversant from their youth with sacred books, different purifications, and the declarations of the prophets. And such is the order [or sect] of the Essenes among the Jews. SPAN |
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85. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 172| 17b. אין פרץ שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של דוד שיצא ממנו אחיתופל ואין יוצאת שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של שאול שיצא ממנו דואג האדומי ואין צוחה שלא תהא סיעתנו כסיעתו של אלישע שיצא ממנו גחזי ברחובותינו שלא יהא לנו בן או תלמיד שמקדיח תבשילו ברבים: (ישעיהו מו, יב),שמעו אלי אבירי לב הרחוקים מצדקה רב ושמואל ואמרי לה רבי יוחנן ורבי אלעזר חד אמר כל העולם כולו נזונין בצדקה והם נזונין בזרוע וחד אמר כל העולם כולו נזונין בזכותם והם אפילו בזכות עצמן אין נזונין כדרב יהודה אמר רב,דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב בכל יום ויום בת קול יוצאת מהר חורב ואומרת כל העולם כולו נזונין בשביל חנינא בני וחנינא בני די לו בקב חרובין מערב שבת לערב שבת,ופליגא דרב יהודה דאמר רב יהודה מאן אבירי לב גובאי טפשאי אמר רב יוסף תדע דהא לא איגייר גיורא מינייהו,אמר רב אשי בני מתא מחסיא אבירי לב נינהו דקא חזו יקרא דאורייתא תרי זמני בשתא ולא קמגייר גיורא מינייהו:,חתן אם רוצה לקרות וכו':,למימרא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל חייש ליוהרא ורבנן לא חיישי ליוהרא והא איפכא שמעינן להו דתנן מקום שנהגו לעשות מלאכה בתשעה באב עושין מקום שנהגו שלא לעשות אין עושין וכל מקום תלמידי חכמים בטלים רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר לעולם יעשה כל אדם את עצמו כתלמיד חכם,קשיא דרבנן אדרבנן קשיא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל אדרבן שמעון בן גמליאל,אמר רבי יוחנן מוחלפת השיטה רב שישא בריה דרב אידי אמר לעולם לא תחליף דרבנן אדרבנן לא קשיא ק"ש כיון דכ"ע קא קרו ואיהו נמי קרי לא מיחזי כיוהרא הכא כיון דכולי עלמא עבדי מלאכה ואיהו לא קא עביד מיחזי כיוהרא,דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל אדרבן שמעון בן גמליאל לא קשיא התם בכונה תליא מילתא ואנן סהדי דלא מצי לכווני דעתיה אבל הכא הרואה אומר מלאכה הוא דאין לו פוק חזי כמה בטלני איכא בשוקא:, br br big strongהדרן עלך היה קורא /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongמי /strong /big שמתו מוטל לפניו פטור מק"ש ומן התפלה ומן התפילין ומכל מצות האמורות בתורה,נושאי המטה וחלופיהן וחלופי חלופיהן את שלפני המטה ואת שלאחר המטה את שלפני המטה צורך בהם פטורים ואת שלאחר המטה צורך בהם חייבין ואלו ואלו פטורים מן התפלה,קברו את המת וחזרו אם יכולין להתחיל ולגמור עד שלא יגיעו לשורה יתחילו ואם לאו לא יתחילו,העומדים בשורה הפנימיים פטורים והחיצונים חייבים (נשים ועבדים וקטנים פטורים מק"ש ומן התפילין וחייבין בתפלה ובמזוזה ובברכת המזון):, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מוטל לפניו אין ושאינו מוטל לפניו לא,ורמינהי מי שמתו מוטל לפניו אוכל בבית אחר ואם אין לו בית אחר אוכל בבית חבירו ואם אין לו בית חבירו עושה מחיצה ואוכל ואם אין לו דבר לעשות מחיצה מחזיר פניו ואוכל ואינו מיסב ואוכל ואינו אוכל בשר ואינו שותה יין ואינו מברך ואינו מזמן | 17b. b “There is no breach”; that our faction /b of Sages b should not be like the faction of David, from which Ahitophel emerged, /b who caused a breach in the kingdom of David. br b “And no going forth”; that our faction should not be like the faction of Saul, from which Doeg the Edomite emerged, /b who set forth on an evil path. br b “And no outcry”; that our faction should not be like the faction of Elisha, from which Geihazi emerged. /b br b “In our open places”; that we should not have a child or student who overcooks his food in public, /b i.e., who sins in public and causes others to sin, b as /b in the well-known case of b Jesus the Nazarene. /b ,Having cited a dispute with regard to the interpretation of a verse where we are uncertain whether the dispute is between Rav and Shmuel or Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar, the Gemara cites another verse with regard to which there is a similar dispute. It is said: b “Hear Me, stubborn-hearted who are far from charity” /b (Isaiah 46:12). While both agree that the verse refers to the righteous, b Rav and Shmuel, and some say Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar, /b disagreed as to how to interpret the verse. b One said: The entire world is sustained by /b God’s b charity, /b not because it deserves to exist, b while /b the righteous who are far from God’s charity b are sustained by force, /b as due to their own good deeds they have the right to demand their sustece. b And one said: The entire world is sustained by the merit /b of b their /b righteousness, b while they are not sustained /b at all, b not even by their own merit, in accordance with /b the statement that b Rav Yehuda /b said that b Rav said. /b , b As Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav said: Every day a Divine Voice emerges from Mount Horeb and says: The entire world is sustained by /b the merit of b Ḥanina /b ben Dosa, b my son, and /b for b Ḥanina, my son, a i kav /i of carobs is sufficient /b to sustain him for an entire week, b from /b one b Shabbat eve to /b the next b Shabbat eve. /b , b And /b this exegesis b disagrees with /b the opinion of b Rav Yehuda, as Rav Yehuda said, who are the stubborn-hearted? /b They are the b foolish /b heathens b of Gova’ei. Rav Yosef said: Know /b that this is so, b as no convert has ever converted from their /b ranks.,Similarly, b Rav Ashi said: /b The heathen residents b of /b the city b Mata Meḥasya are the stubborn-hearted, as they witness the glory of the Torah twice a year /b at the i kalla /i gatherings in Adar and Elul, when thousands of people congregate and study Torah i en masse /i , b yet no convert has ever converted from their /b ranks.,We learned in our mishna that b if a groom wishes to recite /b i Shema /i on the first night of his marriage, he may do so, and Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel prohibited doing so because of the appearance of presumptuousness.,The Gemara asks: b Is that to say that Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel is concerned about presumptuousness and the Rabbis are not concerned about presumptuousness? Didn’t we learn /b that b they /b say b the opposite? As we learned /b in a mishna: b A place where they were accustomed to perform labor on Ninth of Av, one /b may b perform /b labor. b A place where they were accustomed not to perform /b labor on Ninth of Av, b one /b may b not perform /b labor. b And everywhere, Torah scholars are idle /b and do not perform labor. b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: /b With regard to performing labor on the Ninth of Av, b one should always conduct himself as a Torah scholar. /b ,If so, b there is a contradiction between /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b here b and /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b there. And, b there is a contradiction between /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b here b and /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b there., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: The attribution /b of the opinions b is reversed /b in one of the sources in the interest of avoiding contradiction. b Rav Sheisha, son of Rav Idi, said: Actually, /b you need b not reverse /b the opinions, as the contradiction between the statement of b the Rabbis /b here b and /b the statement of b the Rabbis /b there b is not difficult. /b In the case of b the recitation of i Shema /i /b on his wedding night, b since everyone is reciting /b i Shema /i b and he is also reciting /b i Shema /i , he is not conspicuous and b it does not appear as presumptuousness. Here, /b in the case of the Ninth of Av, however, b since everyone is performing labor and he is not performing labor, /b his idleness is conspicuous and b appears as presumptuousness. /b ,So too, the contradiction b between /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b here b and /b the statement of b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel /b there b is not difficult. There, /b in the case of the recitation of i Shema /i on his wedding night, b the matter is dependent upon his /b capacity to b concentrate, /b and b it is clear to all /b that b he is unable to concentrate. /b Reciting i Shema /i under those circumstances is a display of presumptuousness. b But here, /b in the case of the Ninth of Av, b one who sees /b him idle b says: It is /b because b he has no labor /b to perform. b Go out and see how many idle people there are in the marketplace, /b even on days when one is permitted to work. Consequently, his idleness is not conspicuous.,, strong MISHNA: /strong b One whose deceased /b relative b is laid out /b unburied b before him is exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i , from /b the i Amida /i b prayer, and from /b the mitzva to don b phylacteries, as well as all /b positive b mitzvot mentioned in the Torah, /b until the deceased has been buried.,With regard to b the pallbearers and their replacements and the replacements of their replacements, those /b located b before the bier /b who have not yet carried the deceased b and those /b located b after the bier. Those before the bier who are needed /b to carry the bier b are exempt /b from reciting i Shema /i ; b while those after the bier, /b even if b they are /b still b needed /b to carry it, since they have already carried the deceased, they are b obligated /b to recite i Shema /i . However, both b these and those are exempt from /b reciting the i Amida /i b prayer, /b since they are preoccupied and are unable to focus and pray with the appropriate intent.,After b they buried the deceased and returned, if they /b have sufficient time to b begin /b to recite i Shema /i b and conclude before they arrive at the row, /b formed by those who attended the burial, through which the bereaved family will pass in order to receive consolation, b they should begin. If /b they do b not /b have sufficient time to conclude reciting the entire i Shema /i , then b they should not begin. /b ,And b those standing in the row, those /b in the b interior /b row, directly before whom the mourners will pass and who will console them, b are exempt /b from reciting i Shema /i , while b those /b in the b exterior /b row, who stand there only to show their respect, b are obligated /b to recite i Shema /i . b Women, slaves and minors are exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i and from phylacteries, but are obligated in prayer, i mezuza /i and Grace after Meals. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong We learned in the mishna that one whose deceased relative is laid out before him is exempt from the recitation of i Shema /i and other positive mitzvot. The Gemara deduces: When the corpse is b laid out before him, yes, /b he is exempt, but when the corpse is b not /b physically b laid out before him, no, /b he is not exempt from these mitzvot.,The Gemara b raises a contradiction /b from a i baraita /i : b One whose deceased /b relative b is laid out before him eats in another room. If he does not have another room, he eats in the house of a friend. If he does not have a friend’s house /b available, b he makes a partition /b between him and the deceased b and eats. If he does not have material /b with which b to make a partition, he averts his face /b from the dead and b eats. And /b in any case, b he does not recline while he eats, /b as reclining is characteristic of a festive meal. b Furthermore, he neither eats meat nor drinks wine, and does not recite /b a b blessing /b before eating, b and does not /b recite the formula to b invite /b the participants in the meal to join together in the Grace after Meals [ i zimmun /i ], i.e., he is exempt from the obligation of Grace after Meals. |
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86. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 172| 57a. במאי דפסיק אנפשיה כל יומא מכנשי ליה לקיטמיה ודייני ליה וקלו ליה ומבדרו אשב ימי,אזל אסקיה לבלעם בנגידא אמר ליה מאן חשיב בההוא עלמא א"ל ישראל מהו לאידבוקי בהו א"ל (דברים כג, ז) לא תדרוש שלומם וטובתם כל הימים א"ל דיניה דההוא גברא במאי א"ל בשכבת זרע רותחת,אזל אסקיה [ליש"ו] בנגידא (לפושעי ישראל) א"ל מאן חשיב בההוא עלמא א"ל ישראל מהו לאדבוקי בהו א"ל טובתם דרוש רעתם לא תדרוש כל הנוגע בהן כאילו נוגע בבבת עינו,א"ל דיניה דההוא גברא במאי א"ל בצואה רותחת דאמר מר כל המלעיג על דברי חכמים נידון בצואה רותחת תא חזי מה בין פושעי ישראל לנביאי אומות העולם עובדי ע"ז,תניא אמר רבי אלעזר בא וראה כמה גדולה כחה של בושה שהרי סייע הקב"ה את בר קמצא והחריב את ביתו ושרף את היכלו:,אתרנגולא ואתרנגולתא חריב טור מלכא דהוו נהיגי כי הוו מפקי חתנא וכלתא מפקי קמייהו תרנגולא ותרנגולתא כלומר פרו ורבו כתרנגולים,יומא חד הוה קא חליף גונדא דרומאי שקלינהו מינייהו נפלו עלייהו מחונהו אתו אמרו ליה לקיסר מרדו בך יהודאי אתא עלייהו הוה בהו ההוא בר דרומא דהוה קפיץ מילא וקטיל בהו שקליה קיסר לתאגיה ואותביה אארעא אמר ריבוניה דעלמא כוליה אי ניחא לך לא תמסריה לההוא גברא לדידיה ולמלכותיה בידיה דחד גברא,אכשליה פומיה לבר דרומא ואמר (תהלים ס, יב) הלא אתה אלהים זנחתנו ולא תצא אלהים בצבאותינו דוד נמי אמר הכי דוד אתמוהי קא מתמה,על לבית הכסא אתא דרקונא שמטיה לכרכשיה ונח נפשיה אמר הואיל ואיתרחיש לי ניסא הא זימנא אישבקינהו שבקינהו ואזל איזדקור ואכלו ושתו ואדליקו שרגי עד דאיתחזי בליונא דגושפנקא ברחוק מילא אמר מיחדא קא חדו בי יהודאי הדר אתא עלייהו,א"ר אסי תלת מאה אלפי שליפי סייפא עיילו לטור. מלכא וקטלו בה תלתא יומי ותלתא לילוותא ובהך גיסא הלולי וחנגי ולא הוו ידעי הני בהני,(איכה ב, ב) בלע ה' ולא חמל את כל נאות יעקב כי אתא רבין אמר רבי יוחנן אלו ששים רבוא עיירות שהיו לו לינאי המלך בהר המלך דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב אסי ששים רבוא עיירות היו לו לינאי המלך בהר המלך וכל אחת ואחת היו בה כיוצאי מצרים חוץ משלש שהיו בהן כפלים כיוצאי מצרים,אלו הן כפר ביש כפר שיחליים כפר דכריא כפר ביש דלא יהבי ביתא לאושפיזא כפר שיחליים שהיתה פרנסתן מן שחליים כפר דכריא אמר רבי יוחנן שהיו נשותיהן יולדות זכרים תחלה ויולדות נקבה באחרונה ופוסקות,אמר עולא לדידי חזי לי ההוא אתרא ואפילו שיתין ריבוותא קני לא מחזיק אמר ליה ההוא צדוקי לרבי חנינא שקורי משקריתו אמר ליה (ירמיהו ג, יט) ארץ צבי כתיב בה מה צבי זה אין עורו מחזיק את בשרו אף ארץ ישראל בזמן שיושבין עליה רווחא ובזמן שאין יושבין עליה גמדא,רב מניומי בר חלקיה ורב חלקיה בר טוביה ורב הונא בר חייא הוו יתבי גבי הדדי אמרי אי איכא דשמיע ליה מילתא מכפר סכניא של מצרים לימא,פתח חד מינייהו ואמר מעשה בארוס וארוסתו שנשבו לבין העובדי כוכבים והשיאום זה לזה אמרה לו בבקשה ממך אל תגע בי שאין לי כתובה ממך ולא נגע בה עד יום מותו,וכשמת אמרה להן סיפדו לזה שפטפט ביצרו יותר מיוסף דאילו ביוסף לא הוה אלא חדא שעתא והאי כל יומא ויומא ואילו יוסף לאו בחדא מטה והאי בחדא מטה ואילו יוסף לאו אשתו והא אשתו,פתח אידך ואמר מעשה ועמדו ארבעים מודיות בדינר נחסר השער מודיא אחת ובדקו ומצאו אב ובנו שבאו על נערה מאורסה ביום הכפורים והביאום לבית דין וסקלום וחזר השער למקומו,פתח אידך ואמר מעשה באדם אחד שנתן עיניו באשתו לגרשה והיתה כתובתה מרובה מה עשה הלך וזימן את שושביניו והאכילן והשקן שיכרן והשכיבן על מיטה אחת והביא לובן ביצה והטיל ביניהן והעמיד להן עדים ובא לבית דין,היה שם זקן אחד מתלמידי שמאי הזקן ובבא בן בוטא שמו אמר להן כך מקובלני משמאי הזקן לובן ביצה סולד מן האור ושכבת זרע דוחה מן האור בדקו ומצאו כדבריו והביאוהו לב"ד והלקוהו והגבוהו כתובתה ממנו,א"ל אביי לרב יוסף ומאחר דהוו צדיקים כולי האי מאי טעמא איענוש א"ל משום דלא איאבול על ירושלים דכתיב (ישעיהו סו, י) שמחו את ירושלם וגילו בה כל אוהביה שישו אתה משוש כל המתאבלים עליה:,אשקא דריספק חריב ביתר דהוו נהיגי כי הוה מתיליד ינוקא שתלי ארזא ינוקתא שתלי תורניתא וכי הוו מינסבי קייצי להו ועבדו גננא יומא חד הוה קא חלפא ברתיה דקיסר אתבר שקא דריספק קצו ארזא ועיילו לה אתו נפול עלייהו מחונהו אתו אמרו ליה לקיסר מרדו בך יהודאי אתא עלייהו:,(איכה ב, ג) גדע בחרי אף כל קרן ישראל א"ר זירא א"ר אבהו א"ר יוחנן אלו שמונים [אלף] קרני מלחמה שנכנסו לכרך ביתר בשעה שלכדוה והרגו בה אנשים ונשים וטף עד שהלך דמן ונפל לים הגדול שמא תאמר קרובה היתה רחוקה היתה מיל,תניא רבי אליעזר הגדול אומר שני נחלים יש בבקעת ידים אחד מושך אילך ואחד מושך אילך ושיערו חכמים שני חלקים מים ואחד דם במתניתא תנא שבע שנים בצרו עובדי כוכבים את כרמיהן מדמן של ישראל בלא זבל | 57a. b That which he decreed against himself, /b as he undergoes the following: b Every day his ashes are gathered, and they judge him, and they burn him, and they scatter him over the seven seas. /b ,Onkelos then b went and raised Balaam /b from the grave b through necromancy. He said to him: Who is /b most b important in that world /b where you are now? Balaam b said to him: The Jewish people. /b Onkelos asked him: b Should I /b then b attach /b myself b to them /b here in this world? Balaam b said to him: You shall not seek their peace or their welfare all the days /b (see Deuteronomy 23:7). Onkelos b said to him: What is the punishment of that man, /b a euphemism for Balaam himself, in the next world? Balaam b said to him: /b He is cooked b in boiling semen, /b as he caused Israel to engage in licentious behavior with the daughters of Moab.,Onkelos then b went /b and b raised Jesus the Nazarene /b from the grave b through necromancy. /b Onkelos b said to him: Who is /b most b important in that world /b where you are now? Jesus b said to him: The Jewish people. /b Onkelos asked him: b Should I /b then b attach /b myself b to them /b in this world? Jesus b said to him: Their welfare you shall seek, their misfortune you shall not seek, /b for b anyone who touches them is /b regarded b as if he were touching the apple of his eye /b (see Zechariah 2:12).,Onkelos b said to him: What is the punishment of that man, /b a euphemism for Jesus himself, in the next world? Jesus b said to him: /b He is punished b with boiling excrement. As the Master said: Anyone who mocks the words of the Sages will be sentenced to boiling excrement. /b And this was his sin, as he mocked the words of the Sages. The Gemara comments: b Come /b and b see the difference between the sinners of Israel and the prophets of the nations of the world. /b As Balaam, who was a prophet, wished Israel harm, whereas Jesus the Nazarene, who was a Jewish sinner, sought their well-being.,To conclude the story of Kamtza and bar Kamtza and the destruction of Jerusalem, the Gemara cites a i baraita /i . It b is taught: Rabbi Elazar says: Come and see how great is the power of shame, for the Holy One, Blessed be He, assisted bar Kamtza, /b who had been humiliated, b and /b due to this humiliation and shame b He destroyed His Temple and burned His Sanctuary. /b ,§ It was previously mentioned (55b) that the place known as b the King’s Mountain [ i Tur Malka /i ] was destroyed on account of a rooster and a hen. /b The details of what happened are as follows: b It was customary /b in that place b that when they would lead a bride and groom /b to their wedding, b they would take out a rooster and a hen before them, /b as if b to say /b in the manner of a good omen: b Be fruitful and multiply like chickens. /b , b One day a troop [ i gunda /i ] of Roman /b soldiers b passed by /b there while a wedding was taking place b and took /b the rooster and hen b from them. /b The residents of the city b fell upon them and beat them. /b The soldiers b came and said to the emperor: The Jews have rebelled against you. /b The emperor then b came against them /b in war. Among the residents of the King’s Mountain b there was a certain man /b named b bar Deroma who could jump /b the distance of b a i mil /i , and he killed /b many of the Romans, who were powerless to stand up against him. b The emperor /b then b took his crown and set it on the ground /b as a sign of mourning. b He said: Master of the Universe, if it is pleasing to You, do not give over that man, /b a euphemism for himself, b and his kingdom into the hands of /b only b one man. /b ,In the end it was the words issuing from b his /b own b mouth /b that b caused bar Deroma to stumble, as he uttered /b this verse in complaint against God: b “Have You not rejected us, O God, so that You go not forth, O God, with our hosts?” /b (Psalms 60:12). The Gemara asks: But did not b David also say this? /b The Gemara answers: b David uttered /b these words b as a question, /b wondering whether they were true, whereas bar Deroma pronounced them as a statement of fact.,The Gemara recounts what happened to bar Deroma: b He entered an outhouse, a snake came /b and b eviscerated him, and he died. /b The emperor b said: Since a miracle was performed for me, /b as I had no part in bar Deroma’s death, b I will let /b the rest of the people b be this time /b and take no further action against them. b He let them be and went /b on his way. b They leapt /b about, b ate, drank, and lit /b so many b candles /b in celebration b that the image [ i bilyona /i ] /b imprinted b on a seal [ i gushpanka /i ] was visible from a distance of a i mil /i . /b The emperor then b said: The Jews are rejoicing over me. /b So b he went back /b and b came against them. /b , b Rav Asi says: Three hundred thousand men with drawn swords entered the King’s Mountain and massacred /b its inhabitants b for three days and three nights. And /b at the same time b on /b the other b side /b of the mountain, b weddings and /b other b festivities /b continued to be celebrated, b and they did not know about each other, /b owing to the enormous size of the place.,§ Concerning the verse: b “The Lord has swallowed up without pity all the habitations of Jacob” /b (Lamentations 2:2), it is related that b when Ravin came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia b he /b said that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: This /b is referring to the b six hundred thousand cities /b that b King Yannai had in the King’s Mountain. /b As b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav Asi says: King Yannai had six hundred thousand cities in the King’s Mountain, and each of them /b had a population as great b as /b the number of b those who left Egypt, except for three /b of those cities, the population of which b was double /b the number of b those who left Egypt. /b , b These /b are b those /b three cities: b Kefar Bish, Kefar Shiḥalayim, and Kefar Dikhrayya. /b The Gemara explains the meaning of these place-names. b Kefar Bish, /b Evil Town, was called by that name because its inhabitants b would not open /b their b houses to guests. Kefar Shiḥalayim /b was referred to by that name because b their livelihood was /b derived b from /b the cultivation of b cress [ i shaḥalayim /i ]. /b As for b Kefar Dikhrayya, /b Town of Males, b Rabbi Yoḥa says: Their women would first give birth to boys, and afterward give birth to girls, and /b then b they would stop /b having children., b Ulla said: I myself saw that place, and it could not hold even six hundred thousand reeds, /b all the more so that number of people. b A certain heretic said to Rabbi Ḥanina: You lie /b with your exorbitant exaggerations. Rabbi Ḥanina b said to him: With regard to /b Eretz Yisrael b it is written: Land of the deer /b (see Jeremiah 3:19). b Just as the skin of a deer cannot hold its flesh, /b for after the animal is skinned, its hide shrinks, b so too, /b with regard to b Eretz Yisrael, when it is settled, it expands, but when it is not settled, it contracts. /b This explains how a place that is so small today could have been so highly populated prior to the Temple’s destruction.,§ The Gemara relates that b Rav Minyumi bar Ḥilkiya, Rav Ḥilkiya bar Toviya, and Rav Huna bar Ḥiyya were /b once b sitting together. They said: If there is someone who has heard anything about Kefar Sekhanya of Egypt, /b which was in that region, b let him relate /b it., b One of them began /b the discussion b and said: /b There was b an incident involving a betrothed man and woman /b from there b who were taken captive by gentiles and /b the latter b married them off to each other. /b The woman b said to /b the man: b Please do not touch me, as I do not have a marriage contract from you, /b and it is prohibited for us to live together without one. b And until /b the day of b his death /b the man b did not touch /b the woman., b And when he died /b without having touched her, the woman b said to /b the Sages: b Eulogize this /b man b who conquered [ i shepitpet /i ] his passion [ i beyitzro /i ] more than Joseph. As /b in the case of b Joseph it was only for a short time /b that he had to overpower his inclination and resist Potiphar’s wife (see Genesis, chapter 39), b whereas this /b man struggled with his passion b each and every day. /b Furthermore, b Joseph /b was b not in one bed /b with Potiphar’s wife, b whereas this /b man was b in one bed /b with his wife. In addition, with b Joseph /b the woman was b not his wife, whereas /b with b this /b man she was b his wife, /b as she was already betrothed to him., b Another /b Sage b began /b his remarks b and said: It once happened that /b the market price of b forty i se’a /i /b of grain b stood at one dinar. /b And then b the rate went down one i se’a /i [ i modeya /i ], /b so that only thirty-nine i se’a /i were sold for a dinar. b And they checked /b to see what sin had caused this, b and they found a father and son who had engaged in sexual intercourse with a betrothed young woman on Yom Kippur. They brought /b the offenders b to court and stoned them, and the rate returned to its /b former b level. /b ,Yet b another /b Sage b began /b his remarks b and said: /b There was b an incident /b there b involving a man who set his eyes upon his wife to divorce her, but her marriage contract was large /b and he wished to avoid having to pay it. b What did he do? He went and invited his friends, gave them food and drink, made them drunk, and lay /b his friends and his wife b in one bed. He /b then b brought the white of an egg, /b which has the appearance of semen, b and placed it /b on the sheet b between them. He /b then b stood witnesses over them /b so that they could offer testimony, b and went to court /b claiming that his wife had committed adultery., b A certain Elder of the disciples of Shammai the Elder was there, and Bava ben Buta /b was b his name. He said to them: This is /b the tradition that b I received from Shammai the Elder: Egg white /b on a bedsheet b contracts /b and hardens when heated b by fire, whereas semen is absorbed /b into the sheet b by the fire. They checked /b the matter b and found in accordance with his statement /b that the substance on the sheet was not semen but egg white. b They /b then b brought /b the husband b to court, administered lashes to him, and made him pay /b his wife’s b marriage contract /b in full., b Abaye said to Rav Yosef: But since /b those in the city b were so righteous, what is the reason that they were punished /b and destroyed? Rav Yosef b said to him: /b It is b because they did not mourn for Jerusalem, as it is written: “Rejoice with Jerusalem, and be glad with her, all you that love her, rejoice with joy with her, all you that did mourn for her” /b (Isaiah 66:10). The verse teaches that one who mourns for Jerusalem will rejoice in its rebuilding, and one who fails to mourn for Jerusalem is destroyed.,§ It was stated earlier that the city of b Beitar was destroyed on account of a shaft from a carriage. /b The Gemara explains that b it was customary /b in Beitar that b when a boy was born they would plant a cedar /b tree and when b a girl /b was born they b would plant a cypress [ i tornita /i ]. And when they would /b later b marry /b each other b they would cut /b down these trees b and construct /b a wedding b canopy /b for them with their branches. b One day the emperor’s daughter passed by /b there and b the shaft of the carriage /b in which she was riding b broke. /b Her attendants b chopped down a cedar /b from among those trees b and brought it to her. /b Owing to the importance that they attached to their custom, the residents of Beitar b came /b and b fell upon them and beat them. /b The attendants b came /b and b said to the emperor: The Jews have rebelled against you. /b The emperor then b came against them /b in war.,It was in connection with the war that ensued that the Sages expounded the following verse: b “He has cut off in His fierce anger all the horn of Israel” /b (Lamentations 2:3). b Rabbi Zeira says /b that b Rabbi Abbahu says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: These are the eighty thousand /b officers bearing b battle trumpets /b in their hands, b who entered the city of Beitar when /b the enemy b took it and killed men, women, and children until their blood flowed into the Great Sea. Lest you say /b that the city b was close /b to the sea, know that b it was a i mil /i away. /b , b It is /b similarly b taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer the Great says: There are two rivers in the Yadayim Valley /b in that region, b one flowing one way and one flowing the other way. And the Sages estimated /b that in the aftermath of this war these rivers were filled with b two parts water to one part blood. /b Likewise, b it was taught in a i baraita /i : For seven years the gentiles harvested their vineyards /b that had been soaked b with the blood of Israel without /b requiring any additional b fertilizer. /b |
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87. Babylonian Talmud, Hagigah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, dacians, linkage with •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and menahems prediction •josephus essenes, and clothing •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 192, 193| 16b. הראשונים היו נשיאים ושניים להם אב ב"ד:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר שלשה מזוגות הראשונים שאמרו שלא לסמוך ושנים מזוגות האחרונים שאמרו לסמוך (הראשונים) היו נשיאים ושניים להם אבות ב"ד דברי רבי מאיר וחכמים אומרים יהודה בן טבאי אב ב"ד ושמעון בן שטח נשיא,מאן תנא להא דתנו רבנן אמר רבי יהודה בן טבאי אראה בנחמה אם לא הרגתי עד זומם להוציא מלבן של צדוקין שהיו אומרים אין עדים זוממין נהרגין עד שיהרג הנידון,אמר לו שמעון בן שטח אראה בנחמה אם לא שפכת דם נקי שהרי אמרו חכמים אין עדים זוממין נהרגין עד שיזומו שניהם ואין לוקין עד שיזומו שניהם ואין משלמין ממון עד שיזומו שניהם,מיד קבל עליו יהודה בן טבאי שאינו מורה הלכה אלא בפני שמעון בן שטח,כל ימיו של יהודה בן טבאי היה משתטח על קברו של אותו הרוג והיה קולו נשמע כסבורין העם לומר שקולו של הרוג הוא אמר להם קולי הוא תדעו שלמחר הוא מת ואין קולו נשמע,אמר ליה רב אחא בריה דרבא לרב אשי ודלמא פיוסי פייסיה או בדינא תבעי',מני הא אי אמרת בשלמא רבי מאיר דאמר שמעון בן שטח אב ב"ד ר"י בן טבאי נשיא היינו דקא מורי הלכה בפני שמעון בן שטח אלא אי אמרת רבנן דאמרי יהודה בן טבאי אב ב"ד שמעון בן שטח נשיא אב ב"ד בפני נשיא מי מורה הלכה,לא מאי קבל עליו דקאמר לאצטרופי דאפי' אצטרופי נמי לא מצטריפנא:,יצא מנחם ונכנס שמאי כו': להיכן יצא אביי אמר יצא לתרבות רעה רבא אמר יצא לעבודת המלך תניא נמי הכי יצא מנחם לעבודת המלך ויצאו עמו שמונים זוגות תלמידים לבושין סיריקון,אמר רב שמן בר אבא א"ר יוחנן לעולם אל תהא שבות קלה בעיניך שהרי סמיכה אינה אלא משום שבות ונחלקו בה גדולי הדור,פשיטא שבות מצוה אצטריכא ליה,הא נמי פשיטא לאפוקי ממאן דאמר בסמיכה גופה פליגי קא משמע לן בשבות הוא דפליגי,אמר רמי בר חמא שמע מינה סמיכה בכל כחו בעינן דאי ס"ד לא בעינן בכל כחו מאי קא עביד ליסמוך,מיתיבי (ויקרא א, ב) דבר אל בני ישראל וסמך בני ישראל סומכין ואין בנות ישראל סומכות רבי יוסי ור' (ישמעאל) [שמעון] אומרים בנות ישראל סומכות רשות,אמר רבי יוסי סח לי אבא אלעזר פעם אחת היה לנו עגל של זבחי שלמים והביאנוהו לעזרת נשים וסמכו עליו נשים לא מפני שסמיכה בנשים אלא כדי לעשות נחת רוח לנשים ואי ס"ד סמיכה בכל כחו בעינן משום נחת רוח דנשים עבדינן עבודה בקדשים אלא לאו ש"מ לא בעינן בכל כחו,לעולם אימא לך בעינן בכל כחו דאמר להו אקפו ידייכו אי הכי לא מפני שסמיכה בנשים תיפוק ליה דאינה לסמיכה כלל,א"ר אמי חדא ועוד קאמר חדא דליתא לסמיכה כלל ועוד כדי לעשות נחת רוח לנשים,אמר רב פפא שמע מינה צדדין אסורין דאי ס"ד צדדין מותרין לסמוך לצדדין אלא לאו שמע מינה צדדין אסורין | 16b. b The first /b members of each pair b served as i Nasi /i , and their counterparts /b served as b deputy i Nasi /i . /b , strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught: Three of the first pairs who say not to place hands and two of the last pairs who say to place hands served as i Nasi /i , and their counterparts /b served as b deputy i Nasi /i ; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say /b the opposite: b Yehuda ben Tabbai /b was b deputy i Nasi /i and Shimon ben Shataḥ /b was the b i Nasi /i . /b ,The Gemara asks: b Who is the i tanna /i /b who taught b that which the Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai said: /b I swear that b I will /b not b see the consolation /b of Israel b if I did not kill a conspiring witness. /b This means that Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai sentenced a conspiring witness to death, in order b to counter the views of the Sadducees, who would say: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless the sentenced one has been executed. /b Their views opposed the traditional view, which maintains that conspiring witnesses are executed only if the one sentenced by their testimony has not yet been executed., b Shimon ben Shataḥ said to him: /b I swear that b I will /b not b see the consolation /b of Israel b if you did not shed innocent blood, as the Sages said: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless they are both found to be conspirators; /b if only one is found to be a conspirator, he is not executed. b And they are not flogged /b if they are liable to such a penalty, b unless they are both found to be conspirators. And /b if they testified falsely that someone owed money, b they do not pay money unless they are both found to be conspirators. /b ,Hearing this, b Yehuda ben Tabbai immediately accepted upon himself not to rule /b on any matter of b law unless he was in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ, /b as he realized he could not rely on his own judgment.,The i baraita /i further relates: b All of Yehuda ben Tabbai’s days, he would prostrate himself on the grave of that executed /b individual, to request forgiveness, b and his voice was heard /b weeping. b The people thought that it was the voice of that executed /b person, rising from his grave. Yehuda ben Tabbai b said to them: It is my voice, /b and b you /b shall b know /b that it is so, b for tomorrow, /b i.e., sometime in the future, b he will die, and his voice will no /b longer b be heard. /b Yehuda ben Tabbai was referring to himself, but he did not want to mention something negative about himself in direct terms., b Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, said to Rav Ashi: /b This provides no conclusive proof that the voice was not that of the executed man, as b perhaps /b ben Tabbai b appeased /b the executed individual in the World-to-Come. b Or, /b alternatively, the latter may have b prosecuted him by the law /b of Heaven, and that is why his voice can no longer be heard.,The Gemara returns to its original question: b Whose /b opinion does b this /b i baraita /i follow? b Granted, if you say /b it is in accordance b with /b that of b Rabbi Meir, /b who b said /b that b Shimon ben Shataḥ was deputy i Nasi /i /b while b Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai was i Nasi /i , that /b explains why b he /b had previously b issued a halakhic ruling in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ /b to execute the conspiring witness, and only after that unfortunate incident did he undertake to issue rulings only in the presence of his colleague. b But if you say /b that the i baraita /i is in accordance with b the Sages, who said: Yehuda ben Tabbai /b was b deputy i Nasi /i /b and b Shimon ben Shataḥ /b the b i Nasi /i , /b why did he need to make such a commitment? b May /b the b deputy i Nasi /i issue a halakhic ruling in the presence of /b the b i Nasi /i ? /b ,The Gemara refutes this: b No; what /b did he mean by b accepting upon himself /b not to rule on his own? b He spoke /b with regard b to joining /b the ruling of others: b Even /b with regard to b joining /b the ruling of others, b I will also not join /b until I have first heard the view of Shimon ben Shataḥ.,§ It is taught in the mishna: b Menaḥem departed and Shammai entered. /b The Gemara asks: b To where did /b Menaḥem b depart? Abaye said: He departed and went astray. /b Therefore, the mishna did not wish to delve into the details of his case. b Rava said: He departed for the king’s service. /b He received a post from the king and had to leave the court. b This is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Menaḥem departed for the king’s service, and eighty pairs of students dressed in silk robes left with him /b to work for the king, and that they no longer studied Torah.,§ b Rav Shemen bar Abba said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: A rabbinic decree [ i shevut /i ] should never be taken lightly in your eyes, since placing hands /b on the head of an offering on a Festival b is prohibited only as a rabbinic decree /b because it is considered making use of an animal, which is not considered a prohibited labor but merely resembles one, and yet b the greatest /b scholars b of each generation disputed it. /b ,The Gemara is puzzled by this statement: This b is obvious. /b Since it is an accepted rabbinic decree, why should people take it lightly? The Gemara answers: It was b necessary for him /b to state it because it is b a rabbinic decree related to a mitzva. /b In other words, although this rabbinic decree of placing the hands on an animal is not performed for one’s own sake but for the purpose of a mitzva, it was nevertheless a serious matter in the eyes of the Sages.,The Gemara remains puzzled: b This too is obvious. /b In that case as well, the act is prohibited by the Sages. The Gemara responds: Rabbi Yoḥa’s statement comes b to exclude /b the opinion b of the one who said /b that b they disagree with regard to the actual /b obligation of b placing hands, /b i.e., whether or not obligatory peace-offerings require placing the hands. b He /b therefore b teaches us /b that b it is a rabbinic decree /b that is the subject b of their dispute, /b not the requirement itself., b Rami bar Ḥama said: /b You can b learn from here, /b from this dispute, that the mitzva of b placing hands /b requires not only placing one’s hands on the animal’s head, but b we also require /b that one places his hands b with all his strength. For if it enters your mind /b that b we do not require all his strength, what /b prohibition b does one violate /b by placing his hands? b Let him place /b them on a Festival as well, as this does not resemble a prohibited action at all., b The Gemara raises an objection /b to this from a i baraita /i : b “Speak to the children of [ i benei /i ] Israel” /b (Leviticus 1:2). The word i benei /i literally means: Sons of. And it states nearby: b “And he shall place /b his hand on the head of the burnt-offering” (Leviticus 1:4), from which we learn that b the sons of Israel place /b their hands, b but the daughters of Israel do not place /b them. b Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Yishmael say: It is optional for the daughters of Israel to place /b their hands. They may place their hands if they so choose, although they are not obligated to do so., b Rabbi Yosei said: /b The Sage b Abba Elazar related to me /b the following incident: b On one occasion, we had a calf for a peace-offering, and we brought it to the Women’s Courtyard, and women placed /b their hands b on it. /b We did this b not because there /b is an obligation of b placing hands in /b the case of b women, but in order to please the women, /b by allowing them to sacrifice an offering, in all of its particulars, as men do. Now, b if it enters your mind /b that b we require /b placing hands b with all one’s strength, /b would b we perform work with consecrated /b offerings b in order to please /b the b women? /b Placing one’s hands forcefully on an animal is considered performing work with it, and if one does it without being obligated to do so, he has thereby performed work with an offering. b Rather, isn’t it /b correct to b conclude from this /b that b we do not require /b placing hands b with all one’s strength? /b ,The Gemara rejects this: b Actually, I /b could b say to you /b that b we do require /b placing hands b with all one’s strength, /b but here they allowed women to place their hands b by saying to them: Ease your hands /b and do not press forcefully, so that their hand placing should not constitute work. The Gemara retorts: b If so, /b then the reason formulated as: b Not because there /b is an obligation to b place hands in /b the case of b women, /b is irrelevant to this law. b Let him derive /b the permission for women to do so from the reason that b it is not /b considered b placing hands at all. /b If placing hands must be performed with all one’s strength, this action the women are performing does not constitute placing hands., b Rabbi Ami said: He stated one /b reason b and another. One /b reason is b that it is not /b considered b placing hands at all, /b as it is not performed with all of one’s strength; b and another /b reason is that they allowed it b in order to please the women. /b , b Rav Pappa said: Learn from this /b that anything upon which one may not place objects or upon which one may not sit on Shabbat, its b sides are /b likewise b prohibited, for if it enters your mind /b to say that the b sides are permitted, /b they could have told the women b to place /b their hands b on the sides, /b i.e., on the head of the animal rather than on its back, as the head of the animal is considered as if it were one of its sides. b Rather, /b must one b not conclude from this /b that the b sides are prohibited? /b |
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88. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and menahems prediction •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 192 | 31a. b she persuades him with /b many b statements /b of encouragement and does not treat him harshly. b Therefore, /b in the mitzva of: “Honor your father and your mother” (Exodus 20:11), b the Holy One, Blessed be He, preceded /b the mention of b the honor /b due one’s b father before /b mentioning the b honor /b due one’s b mother. /b The verse emphasizes the duty that does not come naturally. Similarly, b it is revealed and known before the One Who spoke and the world came into being that a son fears his father more than his mother, because /b his father b teaches him Torah, /b and consequently he is strict with him. b Therefore, /b in the verse: “A man shall fear his mother and his father” (Leviticus 19:3), b the Holy One, Blessed be He, preceded /b the mention of b fear of the mother before /b the mention of b fear of the father. /b , b A i tanna /i taught /b a i baraita /i b before Rav Naḥman: When a person causes his father and mother suffering, the Holy One, Blessed be He, says: I did well in not dwelling among them, for if I had dwelled among them they would have caused Me suffering /b as well, as it were. b Rabbi Yitzḥak says: Anyone who transgresses in private, it is /b considered b as though he is pushing away the feet of the Divine Presence, /b i.e., he distances God from him, so to speak. b As it is stated: “So says the Lord: The heaven is My throne and the earth is My footstool” /b (Isaiah 66:1). When someone sins in secret, he demonstrates that he thinks God is absent from that place, and it is as though he pushes His feet away from the earth.,With regard to the same issue, b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: /b It is b prohibited for a person to walk /b even b four cubits with an upright posture, /b which is considered an arrogant manner, b as it is stated: “The entire world is full of His glory” /b (Isaiah 6:3). One who walks in an arrogant manner indicates a lack of regard for the glory and honor of God that is surrounding him, and thereby chases God from that place, as it were. The Gemara relates: b Rav Huna, son of Rav Yehoshua, would not walk four cubits with an uncovered head. He said: The Divine Presence is above my head, /b and I must act respectfully., b The son of one widow asked Rabbi Eliezer: /b If my b father says /b to me: b Give me water to drink, and /b my b mother /b also b says /b to me: b Give me water to drink, which of them /b should I honor b first? /b Rabbi Eliezer b said to him: Set /b aside b the honor of your mother, and perform the honor of your father, as you and your mother are /b both b obligated in the honor of your father. He came before Rabbi Yehoshua and /b asked him the same question, and Rabbi Yehoshua b said this /b same answer b to him. /b ,The man b said to him: My teacher, /b if one’s mother b is divorced, what is /b the i halakha /i ? Rabbi Yehoshua b said to him: From your eyelashes, /b which are filled with tears, b it is evident that you are the son of a widow, /b and you have no father. Why, then, are you asking this question as though it were relevant for you? Consequently, Rabbi Yehoshua answered him sarcastically: b Pour water for them into a pitcher and squawk at them as /b one does to summon b chickens. /b In other words, if one’s mother is divorced, the same honor is due to both parents, and neither takes precedence.,§ b Ulla the Great interpreted /b a verse b homiletically at the entrance to the house of the i Nasi /i . What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “All the kings of the earth shall give You thanks, O Lord, for they have heard the words of Your mouth” /b (Psalms 138:4)? It b is not stated: The word of Your mouth, /b in the singular. b Rather, /b the verse uses the expression: b “The words of Your mouth,” /b in the plural. To what is this phrase referring? b When the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: “I am /b the Lord your God” (Exodus 20:2), b and, /b in the same verse: b “You shall have no /b other gods before Me,” b the nations of the world said: He teaches /b this b for His own honor, /b as both statements entail respect for God., b Once He said: “Honor your father and your mother” /b (Exodus 20:11), b they returned and conceded /b the truth b of the first statements, /b which is why the verse uses the plural expression: “Words of Your mouth,” i.e., all the words of God’s mouth. b Rava said: /b This can be derived b from here: “The beginning of Your word is truth” /b (Psalms 119:160). Is b the beginning of Your word /b truth b but not the end of Your word? Rather, from the end of Your word it is apparent /b to everyone b that the beginning of Your word is truth. /b ,The Sages b raised a dilemma before Rav Ulla: How far /b must one go to fulfill the mitzva of b honoring one’s father and mother? /b Rav Ulla b said to them: Go and see what one gentile did in Ashkelon, and his name was Dama ben Netina. Once the Sages sought /b to purchase b merchandise [ i perakmatya /i ] /b from him b for six hundred thousand /b gold dinars’ b profit, but the key /b for the container in which the merchandise was kept b was placed under his father’s head, /b and he was sleeping at the time. b And /b Dama ben Netina would b not disturb /b his father by waking him, although he could have made a substantial profit., b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Shmuel says: They asked Rabbi Eliezer: How far /b must one go to fulfill the mitzva b of honoring one’s father and mother? /b Rabbi Eliezer b said to them: Go and see what one gentile did for his father in Ashkelon, and /b the b name /b of the son b was Dama ben Netina. /b Once b the Sages wished /b to purchase precious b stones from him for the ephod /b of the High Priest b for six hundred thousand /b gold dinars’ b profit, and Rav Kahana taught /b that it was b eight hundred thousand /b gold dinars’ profit. b And the key /b to the chest holding the jewels b was placed under his father’s head, and he /b would b not disturb him. /b , b The next year the Holy One, Blessed be He, gave /b Dama ben Netina b his reward, as a red heifer was born in his herd, /b and the Jews needed it. When b the Sages of Israel came to him he said to them: I know, /b concerning b you, that if I /b were to b ask for all the money in the world you /b would b give /b it b to me. But I ask only that money that I lost due to /b the b honor of Father. /b , b And Rabbi Ḥanina says: And if /b this is related about b one who is not commanded /b by the Torah to honor his father, as Dama was a gentile, b and /b nevertheless when b he performs /b the mitzva he is given b this /b great reward, b all the more so /b is one rewarded who is b commanded /b to fulfill a mitzva b and performs /b it. b As Rabbi Ḥanina says: Greater /b is one who b is commanded /b to do a mitzva b and performs /b it b than one who is not commanded /b to do a mitzva b and performs /b it., b Rav Yosef, /b who was blind, b said: At first I would say: /b If b someone would tell me /b that the b i halakha /i /b is b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, who says: A blind person is exempt from /b fulfilling b the mitzvot, I would make a festive day for the rabbis, as I am not commanded and yet I perform /b the mitzvot. This means my reward is very great. b Now that I have heard that which Rabbi Ḥanina says: Greater /b is one who b is commanded /b to do a mitzva b and performs /b it b than one who is not commanded /b to do a mitzva b and performs /b it, b on the contrary: /b If b someone would tell me /b that the b i halakha /i /b is b not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, /b and a blind person is obligated in mitzvot, b I would make a festive day for the rabbis. /b , b When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he said: Once /b Dama ben Netina b was wearing a fine cloak [ i sirkon /i ] of gold, and was sitting among the nobles /b of b Rome. And his mother came to him and tore /b his garment b from him and smacked him on the head and spat in his face, and /b yet b he did not embarrass her. /b , b Avimi, son of Rabbi Abbahu, taught: There is /b a type of son b who feeds his father pheasant [ i pasyonei /i ] and /b yet this behavior b causes him to be removed from the World, /b i.e., the World-to-Come; b and there is /b one b who makes him grind with a millstone, /b which is difficult work, |
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89. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, sabbath observance of •josephus essenes, and majority opinion •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 80| 23b. כנגדו נמי לא בעי,מתקיף לה רבא והרי (ירמיהו ז, כא) עולותיכם ספו דלא הויין עשרין וחד וקרינן שאני התם דסליק עניינא,והיכא דלא סליק עניינא לא והאמר רב שמואל בר אבא זמנין סגיאין הוה קאימנא קמיה דר' יוחנן וכי הוה קרינן עשרה פסוקי אמר לן אפסיקו מקום שיש תורגמן שאני דתני רב תחליפא בר שמואל לא שנו אלא במקום שאין תורגמן אבל מקום שיש תורגמן פוסק:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פורסין על שמע ואין עוברין לפני התיבה ואין נושאין את כפיהם ואין קורין בתורה ואין מפטירין בנביא,ואין עושין מעמד ומושב ואין אומרים ברכת אבלים ותנחומי אבלים וברכת חתנים ואין מזמנין בשם פחות מעשרה ובקרקעות תשעה וכהן ואדם כיוצא בהן:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מה"מ אמר ר' חייא בר אבא א"ר יוחנן דאמר קרא (ויקרא כב, לב) ונקדשתי בתוך בני ישראל כל דבר שבקדושה לא יהא פחות מעשרה,מאי משמע דתני ר' חייא אתיא תוך תוך כתיב הכא ונקדשתי בתוך בני ישראל וכתיב התם (במדבר טז, כא) הבדלו מתוך העדה,ואתיא עדה עדה דכתיב התם (במדבר יד, כז) עד מתי לעדה הרעה הזאת מה להלן עשרה אף כאן עשרה:,ואין עושין מעמד ומושב פחות מעשרה: כיון דבעי למימר עמדו יקרים עמודו שבו יקרים שבו בציר מעשרה לאו אורח ארעא:,ואין אומרים ברכת אבלים וברכת חתנים (וכו'): מאי ברכת אבלים ברכת רחבה דא"ר יצחק א"ר יוחנן ברכת אבלים בעשרה ואין אבלים מן המנין ברכת חתנים בעשרה וחתנים מן המנין:,ואין מזמנין על המזון בשם פחות מעשרה (וכו'): כיון דבעי למימר נברך לאלהינו בציר מעשרה לאו אורח ארעא:,והקרקעות תשעה וכהן ואדם כיוצא בהן (וכו'): מנה"מ,אמר שמואל עשרה כהנים כתובים בפרשה חד לגופיה (וחד למעוטי) ואידך הוי מיעוט אחר מיעוט ואין מיעוט אחר מיעוט אלא לרבות תשעה ישראלים וחד כהן,ואימא חמשה כהנים וחמשה ישראלים קשיא:,ואדם כיוצא בהן: אדם מי קדוש,אמר רבי אבהו באומר דמי עלי דתניא האומר דמי עלי שמין אותו כעבד ועבד איתקש לקרקעות דכתיב (ויקרא כה, מו) והתנחלתם אותם לבניכם אחריכם לרשת אחוזה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big הקורא בתורה לא יפחות משלשה פסוקים ולא יקרא למתורגמן יותר מפסוק אחד | 23b. b it is not necessary /b to b also /b add corresponding verses in the i haftara /i ., b Rava strongly objects to this /b i baraita /i : b But /b there is the i haftara /i that begins with the words: b “Add your burnt offerings” /b (Jeremiah 7:21–28), b which does not have twenty-one verses, and /b nevertheless b we read it. /b The Gemara answers: b There it is different, as the topic is completed /b in fewer than twenty-one verses, and it is not necessary to begin another topic merely to complete the number of verses.,The Gemara asks: b But /b is it true that b where the topic is not completed, /b we do b not /b read fewer than twenty-one verses? b Didn’t Rav Shmuel bar Abba say: Many times I stood before Rabbi Yoḥa /b as a translator, b and when we had read ten verses he would say to us: Stop. /b This indicates that a i haftara /i need not be twenty-one verses. The Gemara answers: b In a place where there is a translator, /b who translates each verse into Aramaic and adds additional explanation, b it is different. /b In that case, it is not necessary for the i haftara /i to consist of twenty-one verses, so as not to overburden the congregation, b as Rav Taḥalifa bar Shmuel taught: They taught /b that twenty-one verses must be read from the i haftara /i b only /b in b a place where there is no translator; but in a place where there is a translator, one may stop /b even before that., strong MISHNA: /strong b One does not recite the /b introductory prayers and b blessing [ i poresin /i ] /b before b i Shema /i ; nor does one pass before the ark /b to repeat the i Amida /i prayer; b nor do the /b priests b lift their hands /b to recite the Priestly Benediction; b nor is the Torah read /b in public; b nor does one conclude with /b a reading from b the Prophets /b [ i haftara /i ] in the presence of fewer than ten men., b And one does not observe /b the practice of b standing up and sitting down /b for the delivery of eulogies at a funeral service; b nor does one recite the mourners’ blessing or comfort mourners /b in two lines after the funeral; b or /b recite the b bridegrooms’ blessing; and one does not invite /b others to recite Grace after Meals, i.e., conduct a i zimmun /i , b with the name /b of God, b with fewer than ten /b men present. If one consecrated b land /b and now wishes to redeem it, the land must be assessed by b nine /b men b and one priest, /b for a total of ten. b And similarly, /b assessing the value of b a person /b who has pledged his own value to the Temple must be undertaken by ten people, one of whom must be a priest., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: b From where are these matters, /b i.e., that ten people are needed in each of these cases, derived? b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b It is b as the verse states: “And I shall be hallowed among the children of Israel” /b (Leviticus 22:32), which indicates that b any expression of sanctity may not be /b recited in a quorum of b fewer than ten /b men.,The Gemara asks: b From where /b in the verse may this b be inferred? /b The Gemara responds that it must be understood b as Rabbi Ḥiyya taught: It is inferred /b by means of a verbal analogy [ i gezera shava /i ] between the words b “among,” “among.” Here, it is written: “And I shall be hallowed among the children of Israel,” and there, /b with regard to Korah’s congregation, b it is written “Separate yourselves from among this congregation” /b (Numbers 16:21). Just as with regard to Korah the reference is to ten men, so too, the name of God is to be hallowed in a quorum of ten men.,The connotation of ten associated with the word “among” in the portion of Korah is, in turn, b inferred /b by means of another verbal analogy between the word b “congregation” /b written there and the word b “congregation” /b written in reference to the ten spies who slandered Eretz Yisrael, b as it is written there: “How long shall I bear with this evil congregation?” /b (Numbers 14:27). Consequently, b just as there, /b in the case of the spies, it was a congregation of b ten /b people, as there were twelve spies altogether, and Joshua and Caleb were not included in the evil congregation, b so too, here, /b in the case of Korah, the reference is to a congregation of b ten /b people. The first several items mentioned in the mishna are expressions of sanctity, and they consequently require a quorum of ten.,§ We learned in the mishna: b And one does not observe /b the practice of b standing up and sitting down /b for the delivery of eulogies at a funeral service b with fewer than ten /b men present. As this is not an expression of sanctity, it is therefore necessary to explain why a quorum is required. The Gemara explains: b Since /b the leader of the funeral procession b is required to say: Stand, dear /b friends, b stand; sit down, dear /b friends, b sit down, /b when there are b fewer than ten it is not proper conduct /b to speak in such a dignified style.,We also learned in the mishna that b one does not recite the mourners’ blessing and the bridegrooms’ blessing /b with fewer than ten men present. The Gemara asks: b What is the mourners’ blessing? The blessing /b recited b in the square /b next to the cemetery. Following the burial, those who participated in the funeral would assemble in the square and bless the mourners that God should comfort them, b as Rabbi Yitzḥak said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: The mourners’ blessing /b is recited only b with ten /b men present, b and mourners /b themselves b are not included in the count. The bridegrooms’ blessing /b is also recited only b with ten /b men present, b and bridegrooms /b themselves b are included in the count. /b Consequently, only nine other men are needed.,We learned further in the mishna: b And one does not invite /b others to recite Grace after Meals, i.e., conduct a i zimmun /i , in order to thank God b for /b one’s b nourishment, with the name /b of God, b with fewer than ten /b men present. b Since one is required to say: Let us bless our Lord, /b in the presence of b fewer than ten /b it is b not proper conduct /b to mention the name of God.,§ If one consecrated b land /b and now wishes to redeem it, the land must be assessed by b nine /b Israelites b and one priest, /b for a total of ten. b And similarly, /b assessing the value of b a person /b who has pledged his own value to the Temple must be undertaken by ten people, one of whom must be a priest. The Gemara asks: b From where are these matters, /b that consecrated land must be assessed by ten people, one of whom is a priest, derived?, b Shmuel said: /b The word b priest /b is b written ten /b times b in the /b Torah b portion /b that addresses the redemption of consecrated property, indicating that ten people are required to assess the value of such property (Leviticus, chapter 27). b One /b instance of the word is needed b for itself, /b to indicate that a priest must participate in the assessment. b And one /b instance is needed b to exclude /b all non-priests from fulfilling that role. b And /b all b the other /b instances of the word b are restrictions following /b other b restrictions, /b and there is a general hermeneutical principle that b one restriction after another /b serves b only to amplify. /b Therefore, each additional time the word priest is repeated, it extends the criteria applied to appraisers, so as to allow non-priests to participate. Consequently, the assessment may be carried out by b nine /b ordinary b Israelites and one priest. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And /b on the basis of this principle, b say /b that the first usage of the term is restrictive and requires a priest for the assessment; the second usage amplifies and allows for a non-priest; the third usage again requires a priest; the fourth usage allows for a non-priest; and so on. Consequently, the assessment must be carried out by b five priests and five /b ordinary b Israelites. /b The Gemara concludes: Indeed, it is b difficult, /b as the derivation has not been sufficiently explained.,We learned in the mishna: b And similarly, /b assessing the value of b a person /b who has pledged his own value to the Temple must be undertaken by ten people, one of whom must be a priest. The Gemara asks: b Can a person become consecrated /b and thereby require redemption?, b Rabbi Abbahu said: /b The mishna is referring b to one who says: My assessment /b is incumbent b upon me, /b and thereby pledges to donate a sum of money equivalent to his own monetary value to the Temple treasury, b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who says: My assessment /b is incumbent b upon me, /b the court b assesses him as /b though he were b a slave /b in order to determine the amount he is obligated to donate to the Temple treasury. b And a slave is compared to land, as it is written /b with regard to slaves: b “And you shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession” /b (Leviticus 25:46). Consequently, the same criteria that apply to assessing consecrated land apply to assessing the monetary value of an individual., strong MISHNA: /strong b One who reads from the Torah /b in the synagogue b should not read fewer than three verses. And /b when it is being translated, b he should not read to the translator more than one verse /b at a time, so that the translator will not become confused. |
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90. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 171 | 65a. b And this is as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Shekalim /i 13b): b Petaḥya /b was responsible b for the nests /b of birds, i.e., the doves or pigeons brought by a i zav /i , a i zava /i , a woman after childbirth, and a leper. These individuals would place the appropriate sum of money into the horn designated for this purpose, and each day Petaḥya oversaw the purchase of birds from that money and their sacrifice in the proper manner. b This /b Sage b is Mordekhai; /b and b why was he called Petaḥya, /b which resembles the word for opening [ i petaḥ /i ]? The reason is b that he would open, /b i.e., elucidate, difficult b topics and interpret them /b to the people, b and /b because b he knew /b all b seventy languages /b known in that region at the time.,The Gemara asks: What was unique about Petaḥya? b All /b of the members of the b Sanhedrin also know /b all b seventy languages. As Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b They b place on the /b Great b Sanhedrin only /b men b of wisdom, and of /b pleasant b appearance, and of /b high b stature, and of /b suitable b age /b so that they will be respected. b And /b they must also be b masters of sorcery, /b i.e., they know the nature of sorcery, so that they can judge sorcerers, b and /b they must b know /b all b seventy languages /b in order b that the Sanhedrin will not /b need to b hear /b testimony b from the mouth of a translator /b in a case where a witness speaks a different language.,The Gemara answers: b Rather, /b Petaḥya was unique b as /b he not only knew all seventy languages, but also had the ability to b combine /b various b languages and interpret /b them. b This is /b the meaning of that b which is written with regard to Mordekhai: “Bilshan” /b (Nehemiah 7:7). Bilshan is interpreted as another name for Mordekhai, as he would combine [ i balil /i ] languages [ i lashon /i ]., strong MISHNA: /strong b How would they perform /b the rite of the harvest of the i omer /i ? b Emissaries of the court /b would b emerge on the eve of the festival /b of Passover b and fashion /b the stalks of barley into b sheaves while /b the stalks were still b attached to the ground, so that it would be convenient to reap /b them. The residents of b all the towns adjacent to /b the site of the harvest b would assemble there, so that it would be harvested with great fanfare. /b , b Once it grew dark, /b the court emissary b says to /b those assembled: b Did the sun set? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: b Did the sun set? /b They again b say: Yes. /b The court emissary next says to those assembled: Shall I reap the sheaves with b this sickle? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: With b this sickle? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b The court emissary then says to those assembled: Shall I place the gathered sheaves in b this basket? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: In b this basket? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b ,If the sixteenth of Nisan occurs b on Shabbat, /b the court emissary b says to /b the assembled: Shall I cut the sheaves on b this Shabbat? /b The assembly b says /b in response: b Yes. /b The emissary repeats: On b this Shabbat? /b The assembly b says: Yes. /b The court emissary says to those assembled: b Shall I cut /b the sheaves? b And they say to him /b in response: b Cut. /b The emissary repeats: b Shall I cut /b the sheaves? b And they say /b to him: b Cut. /b ,The emissary asks b three times with regard to each and every matter, and /b the assembly b says to him: Yes, yes, yes. /b The mishna asks: b Why do I /b need those involved to publicize each stage of the rite b to that extent? /b The mishna answers: It is b due to the Boethusians, as they /b deny the validity of the Oral Law and b would say: There is no harvest of the i omer /i at the conclusion of the /b first b Festival /b day of Passover unless it occurs at the conclusion of Shabbat. The publicity was to underscore that the sixteenth of Nisan was the proper time for the i omer /i harvest., strong GEMARA: /strong b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b These are the days on which fasting is prohibited, and on some of them eulogizing is prohibited /b as well: b From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of /b the month, the proper sacrifice of b the daily offering was established, /b and therefore it was decreed b not to eulogize /b on these dates. b And /b furthermore, b from the eighth of /b Nisan b until the end of the festival /b of Passover, the correct date for the b festival of i Shavuot /i was restored, /b and it was similarly decreed b not to eulogize /b during this period.,The Gemara discusses the i baraita /i : b From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of /b the month the proper sacrifice of b the daily offering was established, /b and therefore it was decreed b not to eulogize /b on these dates. The Gemara explains b that the Sadducees would say: An individual may donate and bring /b the b daily offering, /b in opposition to the accepted tradition that the daily offering must be brought from communal funds. b What /b verse did the Sadducees b expound? “The one lamb shall you offer [ i ta’aseh /i ] in the morning, and the other lamb shall you offer in the afternoon” /b (Numbers 28:4). Since the verse is in the singular form, the Sadducees maintained that even an individual may donate the daily offering.,The Gemara asks: b What /b did the Sages b reply /b to refute the argument of the Sadducees? They cited the verse: “Command the children of Israel, and say to them: b My food that is presented to Me for offerings made by fire, /b of a pleasing aroma unto Me, b you shall observe [ i tishmeru /i ] /b to offer to Me in its due season” (Numbers 28:2). The term: “You shall observe” is in the plural form, which indicates that b all of the /b daily offerings b should come from collection of the /b Temple treasury b chamber. /b Since during that period, between the New Moon of Nisan and the eighth of Nisan, the Sages overruled the Sadducees, it was established as a period of rejoicing, and it was prohibited to eulogize on those dates.,The Gemara discusses the next period listed in the i baraita /i : b From the eighth of /b Nisan b until the end of the festival /b of Passover, the correct date for the b festival of i Shavuot /i was restored, /b and it was similarly decreed b not to eulogize /b during this period. b As the Boethusians would say /b that the festival of b i Shavuot /i /b always occurs b after Shabbat, /b on a Sunday. Their reasoning was that the verse states, with regard to the i omer /i offering and the festival of i Shavuot /i that follows seven weeks later: “And you shall count for you from the morrow after the day of rest [ i hashabbat /i ], from the day that you brought the sheaf [ i omer /i ] of the waving; seven weeks shall there be complete” (Leviticus 23:15). Disregarding the oral tradition, the Boethusians interpreted the phrase “from the morrow after the day of rest [ i hashabbat /i ]” literally, as referring to Shabbat, not the Festival day.,At the time, b Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai joined /b the discussion with the Boethusians b and said to them: Fools! From where /b have b you /b derived this? b And there was no man who answered him, except for one elderly man who was prattling [ i mefatpet /i ] at him, and he said: Moses, our teacher, was a lover of the Jewish people and he knew that i Shavuot /i is /b only b one day. /b Therefore, b he arose and established it after Shabbat, in order that the Jewish people would enjoy themselves for two days. /b Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai b recited this verse /b in response b to /b that old man: b “It is eleven days’ journey from Horeb to Kadesh Barnea by the way of Mount Seir” /b (Deuteronomy 1:2). |
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91. Babylonian Talmud, Nedarim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 71| 20a. big strongמתני׳ /strong /big נדר בחרם ואמר לא נדרתי אלא בחרמו של ים בקרבן ואמר לא נדרתי אלא בקרבנות של מלכים,הרי עצמי קרבן ואמר לא נדרתי אלא בעצם שהנחתי לי להיות נודר בו: קונם אשתי נהנית לי ואמר לא נדרתי אלא באשתי הראשונה שגירשתי,על כולן אין נשאלין להם ואם נשאלו עונשין אותן ומחמירין עליהן דברי רבי מאיר,וחכמים אומרים פותחין להן פתח ממקום אחר ומלמדין אותן כדי שלא ינהגו קלות ראש בנדרים:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big הא גופא קשיא אמרת אין נשאלין להן והדר תני אם נשאלו עונשין אותן ומחמירין עליהן,אמר רב יהודה הכי קתני וכולן אין צריכין שאלה במה דברים אמורים בתלמיד חכם אבל בעם הארץ שבא לישאל עונשין אותו ומחמירין עליו,בשלמא מחמירין דלא פתחינן ליה בחרטה אלא עונשין היכי דמי,כדתניא מי שנזר ועבר על נזירותו אין נזקקין לו עד שינהוג בו איסור כימים שנהג בהן היתר דברי רבי יהודה אמר רבי יוסי במה דברים אמורים בנזירות מועטת אבל בנזירות מרובה דיו שלושים יום,אמר רב יוסף הואיל ואמרי רבנן אין נזקקים לו בי דינא דמזדקקי לא עביד שפיר רב אחא בר יעקב אומר משמתינן ליה:,וחכמים אומרים פותחין לו פתח כו': תנא לעולם אל תהי רגיל בנדרים שסופך למעול בשבועות ואל תהי רגיל אצל עם הארץ שסופך להאכילך טבלים אל תהי רגיל אצל כהן עם הארץ שסופך להאכילך תרומה ואל תרבה שיחה עם האשה שסופך לבוא לידי ניאוף,רבי אחא ברבי יאשיה אומר כל הצופה בנשים סופו בא לידי עבירה וכל המסתכל בעקבה של אשה הויין לו בנים שאינן מהוגנין אמר רב יוסף ובאשתו נדה אמר רבי שמעון בן לקיש עקבה דקתני במקום הטינופת שהוא מכוון כנגד העקב,תניא בעבור תהיה יראתו על פניכם זו בושה לבלתי תחטאו מלמד שהבושה מביאה לידי יראת חטא מיכן אמרו סימן יפה באדם שהוא ביישן אחרים אומרים כל אדם המתבייש לא במהרה הוא חוטא ומי שאין לו בושת פנים בידוע שלא עמדו אבותיו על הר סיני,אמר רבי יוחנן בן דהבאי ארבעה דברים סחו לי מלאכי השרת חיגרין מפני מה הויין מפני שהופכים את שולחנם אילמים מפני מה הויין מפני שמנשקים על אותו מקום חרשים מפני מה הויין מפני שמספרים בשעת תשמיש סומין מפני מה הויין מפני שמסתכלים באותו מקום,ורמינהו שאלו את אימא שלום מפני מה | 20a. strong MISHNA: /strong One who b took a vow /b by associating an item b with a dedication [ i ḥerem /i ], /b saying: This item is hereby forbidden to me like an item dedicated to the Temple, b and /b then b said: I took a vow only with /b the intention that it would be like b a sea net [ i ḥermo shel yam /i ] /b that is used to catch fish; or one who took a vow by associating an item b with an offering, and /b then b said: I took a vow only with /b reference to b offerings to kings, /b i.e., a gift for a king, not an offering to God.,Or one who said: b I am hereby an offering myself [ i atzmi /i ], and /b then b said: I took a vow only with /b reference to b a bone [ i etzem /i ] that I set aside for myself to vow with, /b as i atzmi /i means both myself and my bone, i.e., he set aside a bone so as to pretend to take a vow upon himself; or one who said: b Deriving benefit from me is i konam /i for my wife, and /b then b said: I took a vow only with regard to my first wife whom I divorced, /b not with regard to my current wife., b For all /b of the above vows, those who took them b do not /b need to b request /b of a halakhic authority to dissolve b them, /b as the speaker interpreted the vows in a manner that caused them not to take effect at all. b However, if they requested /b dissolution, apparently due to their being uncertain of their explanations, the court b punishes them and treats them stringently /b and the vows are not dissolved. This is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. /b , b And the Rabbis say: /b These vows are not treated stringently. Rather, dissolution b is broached with them by /b suggesting b a different extenuation, /b i.e., the halakhic authority suggests extenuating circumstances that undermine the vow but do not pertain to its wording. b And we teach them /b that they should not take this kind of vow in the future, b in order that they will not take vows lightly. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong b This /b matter b is itself difficult. /b On the one hand, b you said they do not /b need to b request /b to dissolve b them, and then it is taught /b that b if they requested /b dissolution, the court b punishes them and treats them stringently, /b i.e., the vows took effect and the vows are not dissolved., b Rav Yehuda said /b that b this is what /b the mishna b is teaching: All of these /b vows b do not need a request. /b However, b in what /b case b is this statement said? In /b the case of b a Torah scholar, /b who knows that these vows do not take effect, and he obviously did not intend for them to take effect in the first place. b How-ever, /b in the case of b an ignoramus who comes to request /b dissolution of the vow, the court b punishes him and treats him stringently. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Granted, /b the court b treats /b him b stringently /b in b that /b the halakhic authorities b do not broach /b dissolution b with him /b merely b by means of regret; /b rather, extenuating circumstances must be found. b However, what are the circumstances /b in which the court b punishes /b him?,The Gemara answers that the circumstances are b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who vowed to be a nazirite and violated his naziriteship, /b the halakhic authority b does not attend to him /b to dissolve his vow b until he observes /b the b prohibitions /b of naziriteship b for the same /b number of b days in which he behaved with permissiveness /b concerning the restrictions of a nazirite. This is b the statement of Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi Yosei said: In what /b case b is this statement, /b that he must observe naziriteship for a period of time corresponding to his vow, b said? /b It is said b in /b the case of b a short /b term of b naziriteship, /b which is not longer than the minimum thirty days. b However, in /b the case of a b long /b term of b naziriteship it is enough for him /b to observe it for b thirty days, /b even if he violated it for a greater number of days. This explains the punishment mentioned in the mishna: An ignoramus who requests the dissolution of his vow must first observe the vow for a certain period of time., b Rav Yosef said: Since the Sages say /b that the halakhic authority b does not attend to him, a court that does attend /b to him and dissolves his vow immediately b is not acting properly. Rav Aḥa bar Yaakov says: /b A halakhic authority who dissolves the vow prematurely b is excommunicated. /b ,§ It is stated in the mishna that b the Rabbis say: /b Dissolution b is broached with him /b by suggesting a different b extenuation, /b and he is taught not to take this kind of vow so that he will not take vows lightly. It is b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Never be accustomed to /b taking b vows, because ultimately you will /b disregard them, and you will even b abuse oaths, /b which are more grave. b And do not regularly be around an ignoramus, because ultimately he will feed you untithed produce, /b as he is not careful to tithe. b Do not regularly be by an ignorant priest, because ultimately he will feed you i teruma /i /b due to his close relationship with you, and i teruma /i is forbidden to a non-priest. b And do not talk extensively with a woman, because ultimately you will come to adultery. /b , b Rabbi Aḥa, son of Rabbi Yoshiya, says: Anyone who watches women will ultimately come to sin, and anyone who looks at the heel of a woman will have indecent children /b as a punishment. b Rav Yosef said: And /b this b relates to /b all women, including b his wife /b when she has the status of b a menstruating woman. Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish said: The heel /b of a woman b that is mentioned /b is not the heel of the foot, but b the place of uncleanliness, /b i.e., the genitalia, and it is called a heel as a euphemism, b as it is situated opposite the heel. /b ,§ b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b “That His fear may be upon your faces” /b (Exodus 20:17); b this /b is referring to b shame, /b as shame causes one to blush. b “That you not sin” /b (Exodus 20:17) b teaches that shame leads to fear of sin. From here /b the Sages b said: It is a good sign in a person that he is one who experiences shame. Others say: Any person who experiences shame will not quickly sin, and /b conversely, b one who does not have /b the capacity to be b shamefaced, it is known that his forefathers did not stand at Mount Sinai. /b ,§ b Rabbi Yoḥa ben Dehavai said: The ministering angels told me four matters: For what /b reason b do lame people come into existence? /b It is b because /b their fathers b overturn their tables, /b i.e., they engage in sexual intercourse in an atypical way. b For what /b reason b do mute people come into existence? /b It is b because /b their fathers b kiss that place /b of nakedness. b For what /b reason b do deaf people come into existence? /b It is b because /b their parents b converse while engaging in sexual intercourse. For what /b reason b do blind people come into existence? /b It is b because /b their fathers b stare at that place. /b , b And /b the Gemara b raises a contradiction: Imma Shalom, /b the wife of Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, b was asked: For what /b reason |
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92. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 188| 99b. זמר בכל יום זמר בכל יום אמר רב יצחק בר אבודימי מאי קרא שנאמר (משלי טז, כו) נפש עמל עמלה לו כי אכף עליו פיהו הוא עמל במקום זה ותורתו עומלת לו במקום אחר,אמר רבי אלעזר כל אדם לעמל נברא שנאמר (איוב ה, ז) כי אדם לעמל יולד איני יודע אם לעמל פה נברא אם לעמל מלאכה נברא כשהוא אומר כי אכף עליו פיהו הוי אומר לעמל פה נברא ועדיין איני יודע אם לעמל תורה אם לעמל שיחה כשהוא אומר (יהושע א, ח) לא ימוש ספר התורה הזה מפיך הוי אומר לעמל תורה נברא והיינו דאמר רבא כולהו גופי דרופתקי נינהו טובי לדזכי דהוי דרופתקי דאורייתא,(משלי ו, לב) ונואף אשה חסר לב אמר ריש לקיש זה הלומד תורה לפרקים שנאמר (משלי כב, יח) כי נעים כי תשמרם בבטנך יכונו יחדיו על שפתיך,ת"ר (במדבר טו, ל) והנפש אשר תעשה ביד רמה זה מנשה בן חזקיה שהיה יושב ודורש בהגדות של דופי,אמר וכי לא היה לו למשה לכתוב אלא (בראשית לו, כב) ואחות לוטן תמנע ותמנע היתה פלגש לאליפז (בראשית ל, יד) וילך ראובן בימי קציר חטים וימצא דודאים בשדה יצאה ב"ק ואמרה לו (תהלים נ, כ-כא) תשב באחיך תדבר בבן אמך תתן דופי אלה עשית והחרשתי דמית היות אהיה כמוך אוכיחך ואערכה לעיניך,ועליו מפורש בקבלה (ישעיהו ה, יח) הוי מושכי העון בחבלי השוא וכעבות העגלה חטאה מאי כעבות העגלה א"ר אסי יצר הרע בתחלה דומה לחוט של כוביא ולבסוף דומה לעבות העגלה,דאתן עלה מיהת אחות לוטן תמנע מאי היא תמנע בת מלכים הואי דכתיב (בראשית לו, כט) אלוף לוטן אלוף תמנע וכל אלוף מלכותא בלא תאגא היא,בעיא לאיגיורי באתה אצל אברהם יצחק ויעקב ולא קבלוה הלכה והיתה פילגש לאליפז בן עשו אמרה מוטב תהא שפחה לאומה זו ולא תהא גבירה לאומה אחרת נפק מינה עמלק דצערינהו לישראל מאי טעמא דלא איבעי להו לרחקה,וילך ראובן בימי קציר חטים אמר רבא בר' יצחק אמר רב מכאן לצדיקים שאין פושטין ידיהן בגזל וימצא דודאים בשדה מאי דודאים אמר רב יברוחי לוי אמר סיגלי ר' יונתן אמר (סיבסוך) [סביסקי]:,א"ר אלכסנדרי כל העוסק בתורה לשמה משים שלום בפמליא של מעלה ובפמליא של מטה שנאמר (ישעיהו כז, ה) או יחזק במעוזי יעשה שלום לי שלום יעשה לי:,רב אמר כאילו בנה פלטרין של מעלה ושל מטה שנאמר (ישעיהו נא, טז) ואשים דברי בפיך ובצל ידי כסיתיך לנטוע שמים וליסד ארץ (אמר ריש לקיש) [רבי יוחנן אמר] אף מגין על כל העולם כולו שנאמר ובצל ידי כסיתיך ולוי אמר אף מקרב את הגאולה שנאמר (ישעיהו נא, טז) ולאמר לציון עמי אתה,אמר ריש לקיש כל המלמד את בן חבירו תורה מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו עשאו שנאמר (בראשית יב, ה) ואת הנפש אשר עשו בחרן ר' (אליעזר) אומר כאילו עשאן לדברי תורה שנאמר (דברים כט, ח) ושמרתם את דברי הברית הזאת ועשיתם אותם רבא אמר כאילו עשאו לעצמו שנאמר ועשיתם אותם אל תקרי אותם אלא אתם,אמר רבי אבהו כל המעשה את חבירו לדבר מצוה מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו עשאה שנאמר (שמות יז, ה) ומטך אשר הכית בו את היאר וכי משה הכהו והלא אהרן הכהו אלא לומר לך כל המעשה את חבירו לדבר מצוה מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו עשאה:,אפיקורוס: רב ור' חנינא אמרי תרוייהו זה המבזה ת"ח רבי יוחנן ור' יהושע בן לוי אמרי זה המבזה חבירו בפני ת"ח,בשלמא למ"ד המבזה חבירו בפני ת"ח אפיקורוס הוי מבזה תלמיד חכם עצמו מגלה פנים בתורה שלא כהלכה הוי אלא למ"ד מבזה תלמיד חכם עצמו אפיקורוס הוי מגלה פנים בתורה כגון מאי כגון מנשה בן חזקיה,ואיכא דמתני לה אסיפא מגלה פנים בתורה רב ור' חנינא אמרי זה המבזה ת"ח רבי יוחנן וריב"ל אמרי זה המבזה את חבירו בפני תלמיד חכם,בשלמא למ"ד המבזה תלמיד חכם עצמו מגלה פנים בתורה הוי מבזה חבירו בפני ת"ח אפיקורוס הוי אלא למ"ד מבזה חבירו בפני תלמיד חכם מגלה פנים בתורה הוי אפיקורוס כגון מאן אמר רב יוסף כגון הני דאמרי מאי אהנו לן רבנן לדידהו קרו לדידהו תנו,אמר ליה אביי האי מגלה פנים בתורה נמי הוא דכתיב (ירמיהו לג, כה) אם לא בריתי יומם ולילה חקות שמים וארץ לא שמתי אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מהכא נמי שמע מינה שנאמר (בראשית יח, כו) ונשאתי לכל המקום בעבורם,אלא כגון דיתיב קמיה רביה ונפלה ליה שמעתא בדוכתא אחריתי ואמר הכי אמרינן התם ולא אמר הכי אמר מר רבא אמר כגון הני דבי בנימין אסיא דאמרי מאי אהני לן רבנן מעולם | 99b. b Sing every day, sing every day, /b i.e., review your studies like a song that one sings over and over. b Rav Yitzḥak bar Avudimi says: /b From b what verse /b is this derived? It is b as it is stated: “The hunger of the laborer labors for him; for his mouth presses upon him” /b (Proverbs 16:26), i.e., he exhausts his mouth through constant review and study. b He labors /b in Torah b in this place, /b this world, b and his Torah labors for him in another place, /b the World-to-Come., b Rabbi Elazar says: Every man was created for labor, as it is stated: “Man is born for toil” /b (Job 5:7). Based on this verse, b I do not know whether he was created for toil of the mouth, /b speech, or b whether he was created for the toil of labor. When /b the verse b states: “For his mouth presses upon him” /b (Proverbs 16:26), b you must say /b that b he was created for toil of the mouth. And still I do not know /b with regard to the toil of the mouth b whether it is for the toil of Torah or for the toil of conversation. When /b the verse b states: “This Torah scroll shall not depart from your mouth” /b (Joshua 1:8), b you must say /b that b he was created for the toil of Torah. And that is /b the meaning of b what Rava said: All bodies are like receptacles /b to store items until use. b Happy is one who is privileged, who is a receptacle for Torah. /b ,The verse states: b “He who commits adultery with a woman lacks understanding” /b (Proverbs 6:32). b Reish Lakish says: This is /b a reference to b one who studies Torah intermittently, /b who is like an adulterer, who sins with the other woman intermittently, b as it is stated /b about words of Torah: b “For it is a pleasant thing if you keep them within your belly; let them be established on your lips” /b (Proverbs 22:18) and keep the Torah always available.,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i that with regard to the verse: b “But the person who acts high-handedly, /b whether he is born in the land, or a stranger, that person blasphemes the Lord” (Numbers 15:30), b this /b is a reference to b Manasseh ben Hezekiah, /b king of Israel, b who would sit and teach flawed /b interpretations of Torah b narratives. /b ,Manasseh b said: But did Moses need to write only /b insignificant matters that teach nothing, for example: b “And Lotan’s sister was Timna” /b (Genesis 36:22), or: b “And Timna was concubine to Eliphaz, /b son of Esau” (Genesis 36:12), or: b “And Reuben went in the days of the wheat harvest and found i duda’im /i in the field” /b (Genesis 30:14)? b A Divine Voice emerged and said to him: “You sit and speak against your brother; you slander your own mother’s son. These things you have done, and should I have kept silence, you would imagine that I was like you, but I will reprove you, and set the matter before your eyes” /b (Psalms 50:20–21). The verses in the Torah are not empty matters, with regard to which you can decide their import., b And about /b Manasseh ben Hezekiah b it is stated explicitly in the /b texts of b tradition, /b the Prophets: b “Woe unto them who draw iniquity with cords of vanity, and sin as with a cart rope” /b (Isaiah 5:18). b What /b is the meaning of the phrase b “as with a cart rope”? Rabbi Asi says: /b This is a reference to b the evil inclination. Initially, it seems like /b a flimsy b spinning [ i kuveya /i ] thread and ultimately it seems like /b a sturdy b cart rope. /b ,Manasseh began by mocking a few verses and ultimately violated the entire Torah. The Gemara asks: With regard to that verse b that we came to /b discuss, b in any event, what is /b the significance of the phrase in the verse b “And Lotan’s sister was Timna”? /b The Gemara explains: b Timna was the daughter of kings, as it is written: “The chief of Lotan” /b (Genesis 36:29), and: b “The chief of Timna” /b (Genesis 36:40), b and each chief is /b a member of b a monarchy, /b albeit b without a crown. /b That is why they are called chief and not king.,Timna b sought to convert. She came before Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and they did not accept her. She went and became a concubine of Eliphaz, son of Esau, and said, /b referring to herself: b It is preferable that she will be a maidservant for this nation, and she will not be a noblewoman for another nation. /b Ultimately, b Amalek, /b son of Eliphaz, b emerged from her, /b and that tribe b afflicted the Jewish people. What is the reason /b that the Jewish people were punished by suffering at the hand of Amalek? It is due to the fact b that they should not have rejected her /b when she sought to convert. Therefore, the verse is significant., b “And Reuben went in the days of the wheat harvest” /b (Genesis 30:14). b Rava, son of Rabbi Yitzḥak, says /b that b Rav says: From here /b it can be seen b that the righteous do not extend their hands /b to engage b in robbery /b even of small items, as rather than taking wheat, Reuben took only the ownerless i duda’im /i . The verse continues: b “And he found i duda’im /i in the field.” /b The Gemara asks: b What are i duda’im /i ? Rav says: /b They are a plant called b i yavruḥei /i . Levi says: /b They are b violets. Rabbi Yonatan says: /b They are b i seviskei /i . /b ,§ Apropos the significance of Torah study, b Rabbi Alexandri says: Anyone who engages in /b the study of b Torah for its own sake introduces peace into the /b heavenly b entourage above and into the /b earthly b entourage below, as it is stated: “Or let him take hold of My stronghold [ i ma’uzi /i ], that he may make peace with Me; and he shall make peace with Me” /b (Isaiah 27:5). One who observes the Torah, which is called i oz /i , introduces peace, even before the presence of God, as it were., b Rav says: /b It is b as though he built a palace of /b heaven b above and of /b earth b below, as it is stated: “And I have placed My words in your mouth, and I have covered you in the shadow of My hand, to plant the heavens and lay the foundations of the earth, /b and say to Zion, you are My people” (Isaiah 51:16). One who has the word of God placed in his mouth through Torah study has established heaven and earth. b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b One who engages in Torah study b also protects the entire world, as it is stated: “And I have covered you in the shadow of My hand.” And Levi says: He also advances /b the coming of b the redemption, as it is stated: “And say to Zion, you are My people.” /b , b Reish Lakish said: /b With regard to b anyone who teaches Torah to the son of another, the verse ascribes him /b credit b as though he formed /b that student, b as it is stated: /b “And Abram took Sarai his wife… b and the souls that they formed in Haran” /b (Genesis 12:5). They are given credit for forming the students to whom they taught Torah. b Rabbi Elazar says: /b It is b as though he fashioned [ i asa’an /i ] the words of Torah /b themselves, b as it is stated: “Observe the words of this covet, i va’asitem otam /i ” /b (Deuteronomy 29:8), indicating that studying the Torah is like fashioning it. b Rava says: /b It is b as though he fashioned himself, as it is stated: “ i Va’asitem otam /i .” Do not read /b “ i va’asitem b otam /b /i b ” /b as: And you shall fashion them; b rather, /b read it as i va’asitem b atem /b /i b , /b meaning: You shall fashion yourself., b Rabbi Abbahu says: /b With regard to b anyone who causes another to /b engage in b a matter of a mitzva, the verse ascribes him /b credit b as though he performed it /b himself, b as it is stated: /b “And the Lord said to Moses… b and your rod, with which you struck the river, /b take in your hand and go” (Exodus 17:5). b And /b was it b Moses /b who b struck /b the river? b But isn’t /b it written explicitly (see Exodus 7:19–20) that b Aaron struck /b the river? b Rather, /b that verse serves b to say to you: Anyone who causes another to /b engage in b a matter of a mitzva, the verse ascribes him /b credit b as though he performed it /b himself.,§ The mishna teaches that those who have no share in the World-to-Come include b an i epikoros /i . Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina both say: This /b is b one who treats a Torah scholar with contempt. Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say: This /b is b one who treats another with contempt before a Torah scholar. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Granted, according to the one who says /b that b one who treats another with contempt before a Torah scholar is /b the b i epikoros /i /b mentioned in the mishna, b one who treats a Torah scholar with contempt is /b characterized as one b who interprets the Torah inappropriately, /b due to his lowering of the status of a Torah scholar. b But according to the one who says /b that b one who treats a Torah scholar himself with contempt is /b the b i epikoros /i /b mentioned in the mishna, how would he characterize one b who interprets the Torah inappropriately? Like what /b individual does such a person conduct himself? He is b like Manasseh, son of Hezekiah, /b who would teach flawed interpretations of Torah narratives., b And there are those who teach /b this dispute b with regard to the latter clause /b of the i baraita /i : From here Rabbi Elazar HaModa’i said: b One who interprets the Torah /b inappropriately has no share in the World-to-Come. b Rav and Rabbi Ḥanina say: This /b is b one who treats a Torah scholar with contempt. Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi say: This /b is b one who treats another with contempt before a Torah scholar. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Granted, according to the one who says /b that b one who treats a Torah scholar himself with contempt is /b the one mentioned in the i baraita /i who b interprets the Torah /b inappropriately, b one who treats another with contempt before a Torah scholar is /b characterized as the b i epikoros /i /b mentioned in the mishna. b But according to the one who says /b that b one who treats another with contempt before a Torah scholar is /b the one mentioned in the i baraita /i who b interprets the Torah /b inappropriately, how would he characterize the b i epikoros /i /b mentioned in the mishna? b Like whom /b does he conduct himself? b Rav Yosef says: /b It is referring to one who conducts himself b like those who say: /b In b what /b manner b have the Sages benefited us /b with all their Torah study? b They read /b the Bible b for their /b own benefit and b they study /b the Mishna b for their /b own benefit., b Abaye said to him: That /b person who questions the benefit provided by Sages is b also /b in the category of one b who interprets the Torah /b inappropriately, since with that statement he repudiates the Torah itself, b as it is written: “If not for My covet, I would not have appointed day and night, the laws of heaven and earth” /b (Jeremiah 33:25). The eternal covet of the Torah is responsible for maintaining the existence of the entire world. b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: From here too conclude /b the same concept b from it, as it is stated: /b “If I find in Sodom fifty just men within the city, b then I will spare the entire place for their sakes” /b (Genesis 18:26). The righteous protect the place where they reside., b Rather, /b the i epikoros /i mentioned in the mishna is referring to one who conducts himself b like one who sits before his teacher and a i halakha /i /b that he learned b from another place happens to fall /b into his consciousness b and /b the student b says: This is what we say there, and he does not say /b deferentially: b This is what the Master said, /b even if he did not learn that matter from his teacher. b Rava said: /b The term i epikoros /i is referring to one who conducts himself b like those from the house of Binyamin the doctor, who say: /b In b what /b manner b have the Sages benefited us /b with all their Torah study? b Never /b |
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93. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 172| 27b. וחלקום והעמידום על עשרים וארבעה בללום ונתנום בקלפי בא ידעיה ונטל חלקו וחלק חבריו שש בא [חרים] ונטל חלקו וחלק חבריו שש וכן פשחור וכן אימר,וכן התנו נביאים שביניהם שאפי' (יהוידיב) ראש משמרת עולה לא ידחה ידעיה ממקומו אלא ידעיה עיקר (ויהוידיב) טפל לו:,וישראל שבאותו משמר מתכנסין בעריהן וקורין במעשה בראשית: מנהני מילי א"ר יעקב בר אחא אמר רב אסי אלמלא מעמדות לא נתקיימו שמים וארץ שנאמר (בראשית טו, ב) ויאמר ה' אלהים במה אדע כי אירשנה,אמר אברהם רבש"ע שמא ישראל חוטאין לפניך אתה עושה להם כדור המבול וכדור הפלגה א"ל לאו אמר לפניו רבש"ע הודיעני במה אירשנה א"ל (בראשית טו, ט) קחה לי עגלה משולשת ועז משולשת וגו',אמר לפניו רבש"ע תינח בזמן שבית המקדש קיים בזמן שאין בית המקדש קיים מה תהא עליהם אמר לו כבר תקנתי להם סדר קרבנות בזמן שקוראין בהן לפני מעלה אני עליהם כאילו הקריבום לפני ואני מוחל להם על כל עונותיהם,ת"ר אנשי משמר היו מתפללין על קרבן אחיהם שיתקבל ברצון ואנשי מעמד מתכנסין לבית הכנסת ויושבין ד' תעניות בשני בשבת בשלישי ברביעי ובחמישי בשני על יורדי הים בשלישי על הולכי מדברות,ברביעי על אסכרא שלא תיפול על התינוקות בחמישי על עוברות ומיניקות עוברות שלא יפילו מיניקות שיניקו את בניהם ובערב שבת לא היו מתענין מפני כבוד השבת ק"ו בשבת עצמה,באחד בשבת מ"ט לא אמר ר' יוחנן מפני הנוצרים ר' שמואל בר נחמני אמר מפני שהוא שלישי ליצירה,ריש לקיש אמר מפני נשמה יתירה דאמר ריש לקיש נשמה יתירה ניתנה בו באדם בע"ש במוצאי שבת נוטלין אותה ממנו שנאמר (שמות לא, יז) שבת וינפש כיון ששבת וי אבדה נפש:,ביום הראשון בראשית ויהי רקיע: תנא בראשית בשנים יהי רקיע באחד בשלמא יהי רקיע באחד תלתא פסוקי הוו אלא בראשית בשנים (מ"ט) ה' פסוקי הויין (ותנן) הקורא בתורה אל יפחות מג' פסוקים,רב אמר דולג ושמואל אמר פוסק ורב דאמר דולג מ"ט לא אמר פוסק קסבר כל פסוקא דלא פסקיה משה אנן לא פסקינן ליה,ושמואל אמר פוסק ומי פסקינן והאמר רבי חנינא קרא צער גדול היה לי אצל ר' חנינא הגדול ולא התיר לי לפסוק אלא לתינוקות של בית רבן הואיל ולהתלמד עשוין ושמואל התם טעמא מאי משום דלא אפשר הכא נמי לא אפשר,ושמואל אמר פוסק מ"ט לא אמר דולג גזירה משום הנכנסין וגזירה משום היוצאין,מיתיבי פרשה של ששה פסוקים קורין אותה בשנים ושל חמשה [ביחיד ואם] הראשון קורא ג' השני קורא שנים מפרשה זו ואחד מפרשה אחרת וי"א ג' לפי שאין מתחילין בפרשה פחות משלשה פסוקין,למ"ד דולג לידלוג ולמאן דאמר פוסק ליפסוק שאני התם | 27b. b and divided them and established them as twenty-four /b watches. They achieved this by writing the names of these new twenty-four watches on pieces of paper, b mixing them up, and putting them in a receptacle [ i kalfei /i ] /b from which lots were drawn. A representative from the family of b Jedaiah came and drew his portion and the lot of /b five b other /b watches, for a total of b six. Harim came and /b also b drew his portion and the lot of /b five b other /b watches, a total of b six. And likewise Pashhur, and likewise Immer. /b , b And likewise the prophets among them stipulated that even /b if the descendants of b Jehoiarib, who /b originally b headed the priestly watches, ascended /b to Eretz Yisrael, b Jedaiah would not be demoted from its place /b as the first of the watches. Rather, the watch of b Jedaiah /b would retain b precedence, and Jehoiarib /b would be b subordinate to it. /b ,§ The mishna taught: b And the Israelites of that priestly watch assembled in their towns and read the act of Creation. /b The Gemara asks: b From where is this matter, /b that they must read this specific portion, derived? b Rabbi Ya’akov bar Aḥa said /b that b Rav Asi said: Were it not for /b the b non-priestly watches /b and the Temple service, b heaven and earth would not continue to exist, as it is stated: “And he said: Lord God, by what shall I know that I shall inherit it?” /b (Genesis 15:8).,The Gemara explains this verse. b Abraham said: Master of the Universe, perhaps the Jews /b will b sin before You. /b Will b You treat them as /b You did b the generation of the flood and the generation of the dispersion, /b and destroy them? God b said to him: No. /b Abraham b said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, tell me, with what shall I inherit it? /b How can my descendants ensure that You will maintain the world? God b said to /b Abraham: b “Take for Me a three-year-old heifer, and a three-year-old goat, /b and a three-year-old ram, and a turtledove, and a young pigeon” (Genesis 15:9). God was alluding to the offerings, in whose merit the Jewish people, and through them the entire world, will be spared divine punishment.,Abraham b said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, /b this b works out well when the Temple is standing, /b but b when the Temple is not standing, what will become of them? /b God b said to him: I have already enacted for them the order of offerings. When they read them before Me, I will ascribe them /b credit b as though they had sacrificed them before Me and I will pardon them for all their transgressions. /b Since the offerings ensure the continued existence of the Jewish people and the rest of the world, the act of Creation is read in their honor.,§ b The Sages taught: The members of the priestly watch would pray for the offerings of their brothers, /b the daily offering, b that it should be accepted with favor. And /b meanwhile, b the members of /b the b non-priestly watch /b remained in their towns and would b assemble in the synagogue and observe four fasts: On Monday of /b that b week, on Tuesday, on Wednesday, and on Thursday. On Monday /b they would fast b for seafarers, /b that they should be rescued from danger, as the sea was created on Monday. b On Tuesday /b they would fast b for those who walk in the desert, /b as the dry land was created on Tuesday., b On Wednesday /b they would fast b over croup, that it should not befall the children, /b as on the fourth day the bodies of light [ i me’orot /i ] were created, a textual allusion to curses [ i me’erot /i ]. b On Thursday /b they would fast b for pregt women and nursing women, /b as living beings were first created on this day. For b pregt women /b they would fast b that they should not miscarry, /b while for b nursing women /b they would fast b that they /b should be able to b nurse their children /b properly. b And on Shabbat eve they would not fast, in deference to Shabbat, /b and b i a fortiori /i /b they would not fast b on Shabbat itself. /b ,The Gemara asks: b What is the reason /b that they would b not /b fast b on Sunday? Rabbi Yoḥa said: Due to the Christians, /b as Sunday is their day of rest, and they would claim that even the Jews ascribe significance to their special day. b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: Because it is the third day after the creation /b of man, who was created on Friday, and the third day of recovery from a wound or sickness, in this case one’s very creation, is considered the most painful., b Reish Lakish said: /b They would not fast on Sunday b due to the added soul, as Reish Lakish said: An added soul is given to man on Shabbat eve, /b and b at the conclusion of Shabbat it is removed it from him, as it is stated: “He ceased from work and rested /b [ b i vayinafash /i /b ]” (Exodus 31:17), which he expounds as follows: b Since one has rested /b and Shabbat has passed, b woe for the soul [ i vai nefesh /i ] /b that is b lost, /b the added soul that each individual relinquishes. Consequently, one is still weak from this loss on Sunday.,The mishna taught that b on Sunday /b they would read the portions starting with: b “In the beginning” /b (Genesis 1:1–5) b and “Let there be a firmament” /b (Genesis 1:6–8). It b is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The section: b “In the beginning” /b is read b by two /b people, while b “Let there be a firmament” /b is read b by one. /b The Gemara asks: b Granted, /b the passage b “Let there be a firmament” /b is read b by one /b individual, as b it is three verses /b long, and one who is called to the Torah reads at least three verses. b However, what is the reason /b that the section b “In the beginning” /b is read b by two /b individuals? It is five verses long, b and it is taught /b in a mishna ( i Megilla /i 22a): b One who reads from the Torah /b may b not /b read b fewer than three verses. /b How, then, are five verses read by two individuals?,The Gemara cites two answers. b Rav said: /b The first reader reads the first three verses, and the second reader b repeats /b the last verse read by the first, and continues with the final two verses. b And Shmuel said: /b They b split /b the middle verse into two, so that each of the pair reads half of it. The Gemara asks: b And /b with regard to b Rav, who said /b that one b repeats, what is the reason /b that b he did not say /b they should b split /b a verse? The Gemara answers that Rav b maintains /b that with regard to b any verse that was not divided by Moses, we do not divide it. /b , b And Shmuel said /b that one b splits /b the middle verse into two. The Gemara asks: b And may one split /b a single verse? b But didn’t Rabbi Ḥanina Kara, /b the Bible expert, who taught the Bible to schoolchildren, b say: I had great trouble with Rabbi Ḥanina the Great /b when I asked him this question, b and he permitted me to split /b long verses into two b only for /b the benefit of b schoolchildren, since it is performed to /b help them b learn. And Shmuel /b can respond that b what is the reason there, /b in the case of schoolchildren, that it is permitted to split verses? b Because it is not possible /b to proceed in any other way. b Here too, it is not possible /b for two people to read five verses other than by splitting one of them into two.,The Gemara questions this last conclusion. b And Shmuel said /b that one b splits /b the middle verse into two. b What is the reason /b that b he did not say /b that he b repeats /b one of the verses, in accordance with the opinion of Rav? The Gemara explains: It is a rabbinic b decree due to those who enter /b the synagogue in the middle of the reading, and b a decree due to those who leave /b in the middle. If someone entered or exited in the middle of the reading and heard three full verses, he might think that one of the readers had read fewer than three full verses, which might lead him to conclude that it is permitted to read fewer than three verses.,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i : b A chapter /b consisting b of six verses /b may b be read by two /b individuals, b and /b a chapter b of five /b verses must be read b by one. And if the first /b individual b reads three /b verses from the five-verse chapter, b the second /b one reads the last b two /b verses b of that chapter and one /b more from b another chapter. And some say /b that b three /b verses are read from the next chapter, b as one may not begin to read a chapter /b for b fewer than three verses. /b ,The Gemara explains the objection: b According to the one who said /b that they b repeat /b the middle verse, b let /b the second reader b repeat /b a verse here as well. b And according to the one who said /b that they b split /b a verse, here too, b let /b them b split /b it. Apparently, the i baraita /i contradicts the opinions of both Rav and Shmuel. The Gemara answers: b It is different there, /b |
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94. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 71| 61b. ויש לו בנים לא ישא אילונית שהיא זונה האמורה בתורה דאזונה כהנים הוא דמפקדי וישראל לא מפקדי משום הכי קתני כהן,אמר רב הונא מאי טעמא דר' יהודה דכתיב (הושע ד, י) אכלו ולא ישבעו הזנו ולא יפרוצו כל ביאה שאין בה פירצה אינה אלא בעילת זנות,תניא רבי אליעזר אומר כהן לא ישא את הקטנה אמר ליה רב חסדא לרבה פוק עיין בה דלאורתא בעי לה רב הונא מינך נפק עיין בה רבי אליעזר סבר לה כרבי מאיר וסבר לה כרבי יהודה,סבר לה כרבי מאיר דחייש למיעוטא וסבר לה כרבי יהודה דאמר אילונית זונה הויא,וכרבי מאיר מי סבר לה והתניא קטן וקטנה לא חולצין ולא מיבמין דברי רבי מאיר אמרו לו לרבי מאיר יפה אמרת שאין חולצין (דברים כה, ז) איש כתיב בפרשה ומקשינן אשה לאיש אלא מאי טעמא אין מיבמין,[א"ל] קטן שמא ימצא סריס קטנה שמא תמצא אילונית ונמצאו פוגעין בערוה ותניא קטנה מתייבמת ואינה חולצת דברי רבי אליעזר,וכרבי יהודה מי סבר לה והתניא זונה זונה כשמה דברי רבי אליעזר רבי עקיבא אומר זונה זו מופקרת רבי מתיא בן חרש אומר אפי' הלך בעלה להשקותה ובא עליה בדרך עשאה זונה,רבי יהודה אומר זונה זו אילונית וחכמים אומרים אין זונה אלא גיורת ומשוחררת ושנבעלה בעילת זנות ר' אליעזר אומר פנוי הבא על הפנויה שלא לשם אישות עשאה זונה,אלא אמר רב אדא בר אהבה הכא בכ"ג עסקינן לאימת קני לה לכי גדלה בעולה היא,אמר רבא מכלי לב אי דקדשה אבוה מההיא שעתא הוא דקני לה ואי דקדשה נפשה הא רבי אליעזר היא ולא רבנן,אלא אמר רבא לעולם בכהן הדיוט וחיישינן שמא תתפתה עליו א"ה ישראל נמי פתויי קטנה אונס הוא ואונס בישראל מישרא שרי,רב פפא אמר בכ"ג והאי תנא הוא דתניא (ויקרא כא, ג) בתולה יכול קטנה ת"ל אשה אי אשה יכול בוגרת ת"ל בתולה הא כיצד יצתה מכלל קטנות ולכלל בגרות לא באתה,רב נחמן בר יצחק אמר האי תנא הוא דתניא בתולה אין בתולה אלא נערה וכן הוא אומר (בראשית כד, טז) והנערה טובת מראה מאד בתולה,ר' אלעזר אומר פנוי הבא על הפנויה שלא לשם אישות עשאה זונה אמר רב עמרם אין הלכה כרבי אלעזר:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא יבטל אדם מפריה ורביה אלא א"כ יש לו בנים ב"ש אומרים שני זכרים וב"ה אומרים זכר ונקבה שנאמר (בראשית ה, ב) זכר ונקבה בראם:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big הא יש לו בנים מפריה ורביה בטיל מאשה לא בטיל מסייעא ליה לרב נחמן אמר שמואל דאמר אע"פ שיש לו לאדם כמה בנים אסור לעמוד בלא אשה שנאמר (בראשית ב, יח) לא טוב היות האדם לבדו,ואיכא דאמרי הא יש לו בנים בטיל מפריה ורביה ובטיל נמי מאשה נימא תיהוי תיובתא דרב נחמן אמר שמואל לא אין לו בנים נושא אשה בת בנים יש לו בנים נושא אשה דלאו בת בנים נפקא מינה למכור ספר תורה בשביל בנים:,בית שמאי אומרים שני זכרים: מאי טעמייהו דבית שמאי ילפינן ממשה דכתיב (דברי הימים א כג, טו) בני משה גרשום ואליעזר ובית הלל ילפינן מברייתו של עולם ובית שמאי לילפי מברייתו של עולם אין דנין אפשר | 61b. b and he has children, he may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman, as she is the i zona /i /b about whom it is b stated in the Torah /b that a priest may not marry her. b It is priests who were commanded /b not to marry b a i zona /i , but Israelites were not commanded /b this. It is b due to that /b reason that b he taught /b the first clause of the mishna about b a priest, /b even though that i halakha /i applies equally to Israelites., b Rav Huna said: What is the reason /b for the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda? As it is written: “And they shall eat, and not have enough, they shall commit harlotry, and shall not increase” /b (Hosea 4:10). He expounds the verse as follows: b Any intercourse that does not /b have the possibility to b increase /b the population because the woman is incapable of having children, b is nothing other /b than b licentious sexual intercourse. /b ,§ b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: A priest may not marry a minor. Rav Ḥisda said to Rabba: Go /b and b investigate /b this i halakha /i , b as in the evening Rav Huna /b will b ask you /b the reason for Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling. b He went /b and b investigated it, /b and arrived at the following conclusion: b Rabbi Eliezer holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Meir, and he /b also b holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda. /b ,Rabba explains: b He holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Meir, who /b says that b one must be concerned for the minority. /b Rabbi Meir does not allow one to assume that an unknown case is similar to the majority of cases. Consequently, one must take into account the possibility that a minor will turn out to be sexually underdeveloped, although this will not be true of most individuals. b And /b he also b holds in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, who said /b that b a sexually underdeveloped woman is a i zona /i /b and therefore forbidden to a priest.,The Gemara challenges Rabba’s explanation: b And does /b Rabbi Eliezer b hold in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Meir? Isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A boy minor and a girl minor may not perform i ḥalitza /i or levirate marriage; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. /b The Rabbis b said to Rabbi Meir: You spoke well /b when you said b that they may not perform i ḥalitza /i , /b as the term b “man” is written in the passage /b of i ḥalitza /i (Deuteronomy 25:7–10), which limits the i halakha /i to an adult male, b and we compare a woman to a man /b and therefore limit i ḥalitza /i to an adult woman. b However, what is the reason /b that b they may not perform levirate marriage? /b ,Rabbi Meir b said to them: A boy minor /b may not perform levirate marriage b lest he be found /b to be b a eunuch, /b i.e., one who is incapable of fathering children for his late brother. Similarly, b a girl minor /b may not perform levirate marriage b lest she be found /b to be b sexually underdeveloped /b when she grows up. In either case, the mitzva of levirate marriage does not apply, b and they turn out /b to have b encountered a forbidden relative. And it was taught /b in a different i baraita /i : b A girl minor enters into levirate marriage but does not perform i ḥalitza /i ; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. /b This proves that Rabbi Eliezer disagrees with Rabbi Meir and is not concerned that a girl may turn out to be sexually underdeveloped.,The Gemara continues to challenge Rabba’s explanation of Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling. b And does /b Rabbi Eliezer b hold in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda? Wasn’t it is taught in /b a i baraita /i : The b i zona /i /b forbidden to a priest is as b the name i zona /i /b implies, i.e., a married woman who committed adultery; this is b the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. Rabbi Akiva says: A i zona /i is /b a woman, even an unmarried woman, b who /b is b available /b to all, i.e., she has intercourse with whoever is interested. b Rabbi Matya ben Ḥarash says: Even /b if b her husband went to make her drink /b the bitter waters after she disregarded his warning not to seclude herself with a certain man, and b he had intercourse with her on the way, he has /b thereby b caused her /b to become b a i zona /i /b because she was forbidden to him at the time, despite the fact that she is his wife., b Rabbi Yehuda says: A i zona /i is a sexually underdeveloped woman. And the Rabbis say: /b The term b i zona /i /b applies b only to a female convert, a freed /b maidservant, b and one who engaged in licentious sexual intercourse. Rabbi Elazar says: /b Even in the case of b an unmarried man who had intercourse with an unmarried woman not for the purpose of marriage, he has /b thereby b caused her /b to become b a i zona /i . /b This i baraita /i proves that Rabbi Eliezer does not agree with Rabbi Yehuda., b Rather, Rav Adda bar Ahava said /b that Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling that a priest may not marry a minor must be explained differently: b Here we are dealing with a High Priest, /b and the problem is as follows: b When can he acquire her /b as his wife? Only b when she is grown up. /b However, if they had started living together as husband and wife when she was a minor, then when she is grown up and the marriage can legally take effect, b she is /b already b a non-virgin, /b and a High Priest is commanded to marry a virgin., b Rava said: /b This explanation is b without reason. If her father betrothed her /b to her husband, her husband b acquired her from that time, /b as betrothal that a father carries out on his daughter’s behalf when she is a minor is effective by Torah law. b And if /b the minor b betrothed herself, /b is b this Rabbi Eliezer’s /b opinion b and not /b that of b the Rabbis? /b The Rabbis would certainly agree that a High Priest may not marry a minor under these circumstances., b Rather, Rava said: Actually, /b Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling includes b a common priest, /b and the reason he cannot marry a minor is that b we are concerned lest she be seduced /b by another man, due to her tender age and naïveté, while married b to him. /b The Gemara asks: b If so, /b the same concern should apply to b an Israelite also. /b The Gemara answers: b The seduction of a minor is /b considered b rape, and a rape /b victim remains b permitted /b to her husband b in /b a case where she is married to b an Israelite, /b but not if she is married to a priest., b Rav Pappa said: /b Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling applies specifically b to a High Priest, and it is /b the opinion of b this i tanna /i , as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that when the verse states: b “A virgin /b of his own people shall he take for a wife [ i isha /i ]” (Leviticus 21:14), one b might /b have thought a High Priest may marry b a minor; the verse /b therefore b states /b that he must marry b a woman [ i isha /i ], /b i.e., an adult. b If /b he must marry a b woman, /b one b might /b have thought it means b a grown woman. The verse /b therefore b states /b that he must marry b a virgin, /b which excludes a grown woman, who is considered only a partial virgin because her hymen is not fully intact. b How so? /b He must marry a woman who b has left the class of minority but /b who b has not /b yet b reached the class of grown womanhood, /b i.e., he must marry a maiden., b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: It is /b the opinion of b this i tanna /i , as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The High Priest must marry b a virgin, and /b the term b virgin /b refers b only /b to b a maiden. And /b a verse b similarly states: “And the maiden was very fair to look upon, a virgin, /b and no man had known her” (Genesis 24:16).,The i baraita /i cited above mentioned that b Rabbi Elazar says: /b In the case of b an unmarried man who had intercourse with an unmarried woman not for the purpose of marriage, he has caused her /b to become b a i zona /i . Rav Amram said: The i halakha /i is not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Elazar. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong b A man may not neglect /b the mitzva to b be fruitful and multiply unless he /b already b has children. Beit Shammai say: /b One fulfills this mitzva with b two males, and Beit Hillel say: A male and a female, as it is stated: “Male and female He created them” /b (Genesis 5:2)., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara infers from the mishna’s wording that if b he /b already b has children he may neglect /b the mitzva to b be fruitful and multiply, /b but b he may not neglect /b the mitzva to have b a wife. /b This b supports /b what b Rav Naḥman said /b in the name of b Shmuel, who said: Even /b if b a man has several children, it is prohibited to remain without a wife, as it is stated: “It is not good that the man should be alone” /b (Genesis 2:18)., b And some say /b a different version of the inference from the mishna: If b he /b already b has children, he may neglect /b the mitzva to b be fruitful and multiply and /b he b may also neglect /b the mitzva to have b a wife. Shall we say /b this b is a conclusive refutation of /b what b Rav Naḥman said /b that b Shmuel /b said? The Gemara responds: b No, /b it means that b if he does not have children he must marry a woman /b capable b of /b bearing b children, /b whereas if b he has children he may marry a woman who is not /b capable b of /b bearing b children. A practical difference /b between a man who has children and one who does not is whether he is permitted b to sell a Torah scroll in order to /b marry a woman capable of having b children. /b This is permitted only for one who does not yet have children.,§ The mishna states that b Beit Shammai say /b that one fulfills the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply when he has b two males. /b The Gemara asks: b What is the reason of Beit Shammai? /b The Gemara answers: b We learn /b this b from Moses as it is written: “The sons of Moses, Gershom and Eliezer” /b (I Chronicles 23:15). Since Moses did not have any other children, two sons must be sufficient to fulfill the mitzva. b And /b the reason of b Beit Hillel /b is that b we learn from the creation of the world, /b as mankind was created male and female. The Gemara asks: b And Beit Shammai, let them learn from the creation of the world /b as well. The Gemara answers that Beit Shammai could say to you: b We do not derive /b a case where it is b possible /b |
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| 95. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 8.10.19, 9.3.1-9.3.21 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, use of in ancient sources Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 107 |
96. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.6, 2.23, 3.11, 3.19.1, 3.32.1-3.32.6, 4.22.2, 4.22.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod •josephus essenes, medicines and healing •healing, medicines and the essenes, in josephus •josephus essenes, and the judaean revolt (c. •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, use of in ancient sources Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 105, 175, 200 | 3.19.1. But when this same Domitian had commanded that the descendants of David should be slain, an ancient tradition says that some of the heretics brought accusation against the descendants of Jude (said to have been a brother of the Saviour according to the flesh), on the ground that they were of the lineage of David and were related to Christ himself. Hegesippus relates these facts in the following words. 3.32.1. It is reported that after the age of Nero and Domitian, under the emperor whose times we are now recording, a persecution was stirred up against us in certain cities in consequence of a popular uprising. In this persecution we have understood that Symeon, the son of Clopas, who, as we have shown, was the second bishop of the church of Jerusalem, suffered martyrdom. 3.32.2. Hegesippus, whose words we have already quoted in various places, is a witness to this fact also. Speaking of certain heretics he adds that Symeon was accused by them at this time; and since it was clear that he was a Christian, he was tortured in various ways for many days, and astonished even the judge himself and his attendants in the highest degree, and finally he suffered a death similar to that of our Lord. 3.32.3. But there is nothing like hearing the historian himself, who writes as follows: Certain of these heretics brought accusation against Symeon, the son of Clopas, on the ground that he was a descendant of David and a Christian; and thus he suffered martyrdom, at the age of one hundred and twenty years, while Trajan was emperor and Atticus governor. 3.32.4. And the same writer says that his accusers also, when search was made for the descendants of David, were arrested as belonging to that family. And it might be reasonably assumed that Symeon was one of those that saw and heard the Lord, judging from the length of his life, and from the fact that the Gospel makes mention of Mary, the wife of Clopas, who was the father of Symeon, as has been already shown. 3.32.5. The same historian says that there were also others, descended from one of the so-called brothers of the Saviour, whose name was Judas, who, after they had borne testimony before Domitian, as has been already recorded, in behalf of faith in Christ, lived until the same reign. 3.32.6. He writes as follows: They came, therefore, and took the lead of every church as witnesses and as relatives of the Lord. And profound peace being established in every church, they remained until the reign of the Emperor Trajan, and until the above-mentioned Symeon, son of Clopas, an uncle of the Lord, was informed against by the heretics, and was himself in like manner accused for the same cause before the governor Atticus. And after being tortured for many days he suffered martyrdom, and all, including even the proconsul, marveled that, at the age of one hundred and twenty years, he could endure so much. And orders were given that he should be crucified. 4.22.2. His words are as follows: And the church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and abode with the Corinthians many days, during which we were mutually refreshed in the true doctrine. 4.22.7. And he wrote of many other matters, which we have in part already mentioned, introducing the accounts in their appropriate places. And from the Syriac Gospel according to the Hebrews he quotes some passages in the Hebrew tongue, showing that he was a convert from the Hebrews, and he mentions other matters as taken from the unwritten tradition of the Jews. |
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| 97. Epiphanius, Panarion, 1.42-1.43 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, and destiny •josephus essenes, wealth and communality •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 179, 186 |
| 98. Anon., Apostolic Constitutions, 6.6-6.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, and the judaean revolt (c. Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 175 |
| 99. Jerome, Amos, 1.1.11-1.1.12 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, name of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 172 |
| 100. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan A, 19, 5 (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 90 |
| 101. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Q252=4Qcommgena, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 128 |
| 102. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Q174=4Qlorilegium, 0 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 128 |
| 103. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Qmmt, 0 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, ancient writings, interest in •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, number of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 301 |
| 104. Dead Sea Scrolls, '11Q19=11Qtemple, 46.13-46.16 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, and toilet habits •josephus essenes, rhetoric, use of in Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 86 |
| 107. Anon., Gospel of Peter, 8.28 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, and the judaean revolt (c. Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 111 |
| 108. Ps.-Clementine Literature, Homilies, 8.2, 9.23, 10.1, 11.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 179 |
| 109. Synesius of Crete, Dio, 3.2 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, temple practices •josephus essenes, admission and lifestyle •josephus essenes, and agriculture •josephus essenes, and celibacy •josephus essenes, and women •josephus essenes, daily routine and meals •josephus essenes, legal system •josephus essenes, marriage and children •josephus essenes, name of •josephus essenes, number of •josephus essenes, oaths of commitment •josephus essenes, purity and purification rituals •josephus essenes, wealth and communality Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 115, 196, 197 |
| 110. Dead Sea Scrolls, '4Q365=4Qrpc, 0 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes, synagogues and Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 293 |
112. Strabo, Geography, 7.3.3, 16.2.42 Tagged with subjects: •josephus essenes •josephus essenes, dacians, linkage with •josephus essenes, judaism of •josephus essenes, as prophets/dream interpreters •josephus essenes, virtue of (virtus) •josephus essenes, location of Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 102, 246 | 7.3.3. Poseidonius goes on to say of the Mysians that in accordance with their religion they abstain from eating any living thing, and therefore from their flocks as well; and that they use as food honey and milk and cheese, living a peaceable life, and for this reason are called both god-fearing and capnobatae; and there are some of the Thracians who live apart from woman-kind; these are called Ctistae, and because of the honor in which they are held, have been dedicated to the gods and live with freedom from every fear; accordingly, Homer speaks collectively of all these peoples as proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi and Abii, men most just, but he calls them Abii more especially for this reason, that they live apart from women, since he thinks that a life which is bereft of woman is only half-complete (just as he thinks the house of Protesilaus is only half complete, because it is so bereft); and he speaks of the Mysians as hand-to-hand fighters because they were indomitable, as is the case with all brave warriors; and Poseidonius adds that in the Thirteenth Book one should read Moesi, hand-to-hand fighters instead of Mysi, hand-to-hand fighters. 16.2.42. The Lake Sirbonis is of great extent. Some say that it is 1000 stadia in circumference. It stretches along the coast, to the distance of a little more than 200 stadia. It is deep, and the water is exceedingly heavy, so that no person can dive into it; if any one wades into it up to the waist, and attempts to move forward, he is immediately lifted out of the water It abounds with asphaltus, which rises, not however at any regular seasons, in bubbles, like boiling water, from the middle of the deepest part. The surface is convex, and presents the appearance of a hillock. Together with the asphaltus, there ascends a great quantity of sooty vapour, not perceptible to the eye, which tarnishes copper, silver, and everything bright — even gold. The neighbouring people know by the tarnishing of their vessels that the asphaltus is beginning to rise, and they prepare to collect it by means of rafts composed of reeds. The asphaltus is a clod of earth, liquefied by heat; the air forces it to the surface, where it spreads itself. It is again changed into so firm and solid a mass by cold water, such as the water of the lake, that it requires cutting or chopping (for use). It floats upon the water, which, as I have described, does not admit of diving or immersion, but lifts up the person who goes into it. Those who go on rafts for the asphaltus cut it in pieces, and take away as much as they are able to carry. |
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| 113. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 35.1-35.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 196, 197, 199, 245; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 58 |
