The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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189 results for "icon"

1. Septuagint, Baruch, 4.1 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •liturgy and scripture, performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •political and legal uses of Hebrew scripture, iconic and performative dimensions •visual culture and the Bible, iconic and performative dimensions of scripture Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 362

2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 20.4, 35.31 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture, popular culture, Bible in •letters, as icon Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 846; Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 57

20.4. לֹא תַעֲשֶׂה־לְךָ פֶסֶל וְכָל־תְּמוּנָה אֲשֶׁר בַּשָּׁמַיִם מִמַּעַל וַאֲשֶׁר בָּאָרֶץ מִתַָּחַת וַאֲשֶׁר בַּמַּיִם מִתַּחַת לָאָרֶץ 35.31. וַיְמַלֵּא אֹתוֹ רוּחַ אֱלֹהִים בְּחָכְמָה בִּתְבוּנָה וּבְדַעַת וּבְכָל־מְלָאכָה׃

20.4. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor any manner of likeness, of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth; 35.31. And He hath filled him with the spirit of God, in wisdom, in understanding, and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship.

3. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 8.2, 19.1, 102.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, word as •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 37, 47

8.2. יְהוָה אֲדֹנֵינוּ מָה־אַדִּיר שִׁמְךָ בְּכָל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר תְּנָה הוֹדְךָ עַל־הַשָּׁמָיִם׃ 19.1. לַמְנַצֵּחַ מִזְמוֹר לְדָוִד׃ 19.1. יִרְאַת יְהוָה טְהוֹרָה עוֹמֶדֶת לָעַד מִשְׁפְּטֵי־יְהוָה אֱמֶת צָדְקוּ יַחְדָּו׃ 102.1. כִּי־אֵפֶר כַּלֶּחֶם אָכָלְתִּי וְשִׁקֻּוַי בִּבְכִי מָסָכְתִּי׃ 102.1. תְּפִלָּה לְעָנִי כִי־יַעֲטֹף וְלִפְנֵי יְהוָה יִשְׁפֹּךְ שִׂיחוֹ׃

8.2. O LORD, our Lord, How glorious is Thy name in all the earth! Whose majesty is rehearsed above the heavens. 19.1. For the Leader. A Psalm of David. 102.1. A Prayer of the afflicted, when he fainteth, and poureth out his complaint before the LORD.

4. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 3.19 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •letters, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 57

3.19. יְהוָה בְּחָכְמָה יָסַד־אָרֶץ כּוֹנֵן שָׁמַיִם בִּתְבוּנָה׃

3.19. The LORD by wisdom founded the earth; By understanding He established the heavens.

5. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, 59 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer, Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity (2022) 440

6. Hymn To Apollo (Homeric Hymn 21), To Apollo, 12 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 89

7. Homer, Odyssey, 6.100, 11.318, 13.102-13.112 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 190; Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 89

6.100. σφαίρῃ ταὶ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔπαιζον, ἀπὸ κρήδεμνα βαλοῦσαι· 11.318. ἀλλʼ ὄλεσεν Διὸς υἱός, ὃν ἠύκομος τέκε Λητώ, 13.102. αὐτὰρ ἐπὶ κρατὸς λιμένος τανύφυλλος ἐλαίη, 13.103. ἀγχόθι δʼ αὐτῆς ἄντρον ἐπήρατον ἠεροειδές, 13.104. ἱρὸν νυμφάων αἱ νηϊάδες καλέονται. 13.105. ἐν δὲ κρητῆρές τε καὶ ἀμφιφορῆες ἔασιν 13.106. λάϊνοι· ἔνθα δʼ ἔπειτα τιθαιβώσσουσι μέλισσαι. 13.107. ἐν δʼ ἱστοὶ λίθεοι περιμήκεες, ἔνθα τε νύμφαι 13.108. φάρεʼ ὑφαίνουσιν ἁλιπόρφυρα, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι· 13.109. ἐν δʼ ὕδατʼ ἀενάοντα. δύω δέ τέ οἱ θύραι εἰσίν, 13.110. αἱ μὲν πρὸς Βορέαο καταιβαταὶ ἀνθρώποισιν, 13.111. αἱ δʼ αὖ πρὸς Νότου εἰσὶ θεώτεραι· οὐδέ τι κείνῃ 13.112. ἄνδρες ἐσέρχονται, ἀλλʼ ἀθανάτων ὁδός ἐστιν.

6.100. they threw off their veils and played with a ball, and white-armed Nausicaa led them in the sport. Just as arrow-shedding Artemis comes down from the mountains, from either Erymanthus or lofty Teugetus, and amuses herself with wild boars and swift deer, 13.105. In it are mixing bowls and amphoras of stone, and bees store honey there. Very long stone looms are in it, where the nymphs weave sea-purple webs, a wonder to behold, and waters, ever-flowing. It has two doors, 13.110. one leading down for men toward North Wind, but the other, towards South Wind, is holy, and men never enter by it, since it's a path of the immortals. They rowed in there, knowing it from before. Then she ran ashore on land, as far as half her whole length,

8. Homer, Iliad, 1.9, 1.231, 12.495 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 89, 91

1.9. Λητοῦς καὶ Διὸς υἱός· ὃ γὰρ βασιλῆϊ χολωθεὶς 1.231. δημοβόρος βασιλεὺς ἐπεὶ οὐτιδανοῖσιν ἀνάσσεις·

1.9. from the time when first they parted in strife Atreus' son, king of men, and brilliant Achilles.Who then of the gods was it that brought these two together to contend? The son of Leto and Zeus; for he in anger against the king roused throughout the host an evil pestilence, and the people began to perish, 1.231. People-devouring king, since you rule over nobodies; else, son of Atreus, this would be your last piece of insolence. But I will speak out to you, and will swear thereto a mighty oath: by this staff, that shall never more put forth leaves or shoots since first it left its stump among the mountains,

9. Hesiod, Theogony, 918 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 89

918. Λητὼ δʼ Ἀπόλλωνα καὶ Ἄρτεμιν ἰοχέαιραν,

918. Came heat, the whole earth seething in revolt

10. Hesiod, Works And Days, 10, 100-103, 26, 3-4, 402-403, 498-499, 5, 500-501, 6, 695-699, 7, 700-754, 756-765, 771, 80-81, 813-819, 82, 820-826, 83-99, 755 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 89

755. ποινή. μηδʼ ἱεροῖσιν ἐπʼ αἰθομένοισι κυρήσας

755. Your bride should go four years: in the fifth year

11. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 134 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer, Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity (2022) 440

12. Xenophanes, Fragments, b15, b23, b14 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 89

b14. But mortals deem that the gods are begotten as they are, and have clothes like theirs, and voice and form.

13. Xenophanes, Fragments, b15, b23, b14 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 89

b14. But mortals deem that the gods are begotten as they are, and have clothes like theirs, and voice and form.

14. Anacreon, Fragments, 402 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

15. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 101-103, 100 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

100. πᾶν ἄπονον δαιμονίων.

16. Plato, Meno, 81e4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

17. Euripides, Children of Heracles, 1340-1343, 1345-1346, 1344 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

18. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1339, 1441, 1440 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

1440. χαίρουσα καὶ σὺ στεῖχε, παρθέν' ὀλβία:

1440. Farewell, blest virgin queen! leave me now! How easily Surely this line is a gloss! The sentiment is singularly out of place in the mouth of an ardent votary, whom the goddess has just comforted. thou resignest our long friendship! I am reconciled with my father at thy desire, yea, for ever before I would obey thy bidding.

19. Lysias, Orations, 12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 142

20. Sophocles, Fragments, 5 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 198

21. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 10-12, 14-27, 9, 13 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 198

13. who in three shapes was always asking me from my father—coming now as a bull in visible form, now as a serpent, sheeny and coiled, now ox-faced with human trunk, while from his thick-shaded beard wellheads of fountain-water sprayed.

22. Euripides, Fragments, 1440-1441, 1339 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

23. Sophocles Iunior, Fragments, 5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 198

24. Protagoras, Fragments, b4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

25. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 448-450, 452, 451 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

451. τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀναπέπεικεν οὐκ εἶναι θεούς:

26. Plato, Phaedo, 107a3-6, 116a2-7, 117c, 117d, 59b10, 72e5-6, 80c8-9, 58d2-9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 133

27. Herodotus, Histories, 1.91 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Versnel, Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology (2011) 286

1.91. ἀπικομένοισι δὲ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι καὶ λέγουσι τὰ ἐντεταλμένα τὴν Πυθίην λέγεται εἰπεῖν τάδε. “τὴν πεπρωμένην μοῖραν ἀδύνατα ἐστὶ ἀποφυγεῖν καὶ θεῷ· Κροῖσος δὲ πέμπτου γονέος ἁμαρτάδα ἐξέπλησε, ὃς ἐὼν δορυφόρος Ἡρακλειδέων, δόλῳ γυναικηίῳ ἐπισπόμενος ἐφόνευσε τὸν δεσπότεα καὶ ἔσχε τὴν ἐκείνου τιμὴν οὐδέν οἱ προσήκουσαν. προθυμεομένου δὲ Λοξίεω ὅκως ἂν κατὰ τοὺς παῖδας τοῦ Κροίσου γένοιτο τὸ Σαρδίων πάθος καὶ μὴ κατʼ αὐτὸν Κροῖσον, οὐκ οἷόν τε ἐγίνετο παραγαγεῖν μοίρας. ὅσον δὲ ἐνέδωκαν αὗται, ἤνυσέ τε καὶ ἐχαρίσατό οἱ· τρία γὰρ ἔτεα ἐπανεβάλετο τὴν Σαρδίων ἅλωσιν, καὶ τοῦτο ἐπιστάσθω Κροῖσος ὡς ὕστερον τοῖσι ἔτεσι τούτοισι ἁλοὺς τῆς πεπρωμένης. δευτέρα δὲ τούτων καιομένῳ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκεσε. κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντήιον τὸ γενόμενον οὐκ ὀρθῶς Κροῖσος μέμφεται. προηγόρευε γὰρ οἱ Λοξίης, ἢν στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρχὴν αὐτὸν καταλύσειν. τὸν δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα χρῆν εὖ μέλλοντα βουλεύεσθαι ἐπειρέσθαι πέμψαντα κότερα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἢ τὴν Κύρου λέγοι ἀρχήν. οὐ συλλαβὼν δὲ τὸ ῥηθὲν οὐδʼ ἐπανειρόμενος ἑωυτὸν αἴτιον ἀποφαινέτω· τῷ καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον χρηστηριαζομένῳ εἶπε Λοξίης περὶ ἡμιόνου, οὐδὲ τοῦτο συνέλαβε. ἦν γὰρ δὴ ὁ Κῦρος οὗτος ἡμίονος· ἐκ γὰρ δυῶν οὐκ ὁμοεθνέων ἐγεγόνεε, μητρὸς ἀμείνονος, πατρὸς δὲ ὑποδεεστέρου· ἣ μὲν γὰρ ἦν Μηδὶς καὶ Ἀστυάγεος θυγάτηρ τοῦ Μήδων βασιλέος, ὁ δὲ Πέρσης τε ἦν καὶ ἀρχόμενος ὑπʼ ἐκείνοισι καὶ ἔνερθε ἐὼν τοῖσι ἅπασι δεσποίνῃ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ συνοίκεε.” ταῦτα μὲν ἡ Πυθίη ὑπεκρίνατο τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, οἳ δὲ ἀνήνεικαν ἐς Σάρδις καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν Κροίσῳ. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας συνέγνω ἑωυτοῦ εἶναι τὴν ἁμαρτάδα καὶ οὐ τοῦ θεοῦ. κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὴν Κροίσου τε ἀρχὴν καὶ Ἰωνίης τὴν πρώτην καταστροφὴν ἔσχε οὕτω.

1.91. When the Lydians came, and spoke as they had been instructed, the priestess (it is said) made the following reply. “No one may escape his lot, not even a god. Croesus has paid for the sin of his ancestor of the fifth generation before, who was led by the guile of a woman to kill his master, though he was one of the guard of the Heraclidae, and who took to himself the royal state of that master, to which he had no right. ,And it was the wish of Loxias that the evil lot of Sardis fall in the lifetime of Croesus' sons, not in his own; but he could not deflect the Fates. ,Yet as far as they gave in, he did accomplish his wish and favor Croesus: for he delayed the taking of Sardis for three years. And let Croesus know this: that although he is now taken, it is by so many years later than the destined hour. And further, Loxias saved Croesus from burning. ,But as to the oracle that was given to him, Croesus is wrong to complain concerning it. For Loxias declared to him that if he led an army against the Persians, he would destroy a great empire. Therefore he ought, if he had wanted to plan well, to have sent and asked whether the god spoke of Croesus' or of Cyrus' empire. But he did not understood what was spoken, or make further inquiry: for which now let him blame himself. ,When he asked that last question of the oracle and Loxias gave him that answer concerning the mule, even that Croesus did not understand. For that mule was in fact Cyrus, who was the son of two parents not of the same people, of whom the mother was better and the father inferior: ,for she was a Mede and the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes; but he was a Persian and a subject of the Medes and although in all respects her inferior he married this lady of his.” This was the answer of the priestess to the Lydians. They carried it to Sardis and told Croesus, and when he heard it, he confessed that the sin was not the god's, but his. And this is the story of Croesus' rule, and of the first overthrow of Ionia .

28. Aristophanes, Fragments, 351 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 198

29. Euripides, Bacchae, 1348, 439, 625, 438 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

438. οὐδʼ ὠχρός, οὐδʼ ἤλλαξεν οἰνωπὸν γένυν,

438. for which you sent us, nor have we set out in vain. This beast was docile in our hands and did not withdraw in flight, but yielded not unwillingly. He did not turn pale or change the wine-dark complexion of his cheek, but laughed and allowed us to bind him and lead him away.

30. Plato, Timaeus, 17a4-5, 39c5-d7, 46c7-e1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 111

31. Xenophon, Symposium, a b c d\n0 "4.55" "4.55" "4 55" (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aniconic (statues), iconic (statues, figural representations) Found in books: Petraki, Sculpture, weaving, and the body in Plato. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023 (2023) 77

32. Euripides, Ion, 1550, 211 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 94

211. — λεύσσω Παλλάδ', ἐμὰν θεόν.

211. I see Pallas, my own goddess. (Seventh) Choru

33. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.53.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

2.53.4. θεῶν δὲ φόβος ἢ ἀνθρώπων νόμος οὐδεὶς ἀπεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίνοντες ἐν ὁμοίῳ καὶ σέβειν καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ πάντας ὁρᾶν ἐν ἴσῳ ἀπολλυμένους, τῶν δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων οὐδεὶς ἐλπίζων μέχρι τοῦ δίκην γενέσθαι βιοὺς ἂν τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀντιδοῦναι, πολὺ δὲ μείζω τὴν ἤδη κατεψηφισμένην σφῶν ἐπικρεμασθῆναι, ἣν πρὶν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰκὸς εἶναι τοῦ βίου τι ἀπολαῦσαι.

2.53.4. Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little.

34. Plato, Phaedrus, 229c, 229d, 246a, 246b, 246c, 249c1-4, 259c2-6, 274e6-275e5, 275d, 275e, 276a8-9, 276e6, 266b3-4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 141, 162

35. Aristophanes, Knights, 30, 32-34, 31 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

31. θεῶν ἰόντε προσπεσεῖν του πρὸς βρέτας.

36. Plato, Symposium, "216d4-8", "216e5-217a", 172a1-174a2, 209e-212a, 216e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 89

216e. ὅσον οὐδʼ ἂν εἷς οἰηθείη, οὔτʼ εἴ τις πλούσιος, οὔτʼ εἰ ἄλλην τινὰ τιμὴν ἔχων τῶν ὑπὸ πλήθους μακαριζομένων· ἡγεῖται δὲ πάντα ταῦτα τὰ κτήματα οὐδενὸς ἄξια καὶ ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν εἶναι—λέγω ὑμῖν—εἰρωνευόμενος δὲ καὶ παίζων πάντα τὸν βίον πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διατελεῖ. σπουδάσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνοιχθέντος οὐκ οἶδα εἴ τις ἑώρακεν τὰ ἐντὸς ἀγάλματα· ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ ἤδη ποτʼ εἶδον, καί μοι ἔδοξεν οὕτω θεῖα καὶ

216e. more than any of you can believe; nor does wealth attract him, nor any sort of honor that is the envied prize of the crowd. All these possessions he counts as nothing worth, and all of us as nothing, I assure you; he spends his whole life in chaffing and making game of his fellow-men. Whether anyone else has caught him in a serious moment and opened him, and seen the images inside, I know not; but I saw them one day, and thought them so

37. Plato, Republic, 329e6-331b7, 331d7, 327a1-328b1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 142

38. Asclepiades Tragilensis, Fragments, 4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

39. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 594-595 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 256

595. καὶ Προκύων πρότεροί τε πόδες Κυνὸς αἰθομένοιο.

40. Asclepiades Arius, Fragments, 4 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

41. Callimachus, Iambi, 1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 192

42. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 24-25 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 91

43. Callimachus, Aetia, 1, 110, 43, 54 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 177

44. Callimachus, Fragments, 398 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 179

45. Anon., Jubilees, 36.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

36.7. that He might multiply you and increase your seed as the stars of heaven in multitude, and establish you on the earth as the plant of righteousness which will not be rooted out unto all the generations for ever.

46. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.56-1.57, 5.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •liturgy and scripture, performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •political and legal uses of Hebrew scripture, iconic and performative dimensions •visual culture and the Bible, iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •icon, amulets as •icon, use of Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 362; Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 101

1.56. The books of the law which they found they tore to pieces and burned with fire. 1.57. Where the book of the covet was found in the possession of any one, or if any one adhered to the law, the decree of the king condemned him to death. 5.67. On that day some priests, who wished to do a brave deed, fell in battle, for they went out to battle unwisely.

47. Cicero, Somnium Scipionem, 3.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 113

48. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 12.40 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, amulets as •icon, use of Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 101

12.40. Then under the tunic of every one of the dead they found sacred tokens of the idols of Jamnia, which the law forbids the Jews to wear. And it became clear to all that this was why these men had fallen.' 12.40. Then under the tunic of every one of the dead they found sacred tokens of the idols of Jamnia, which the law forbids the Jews to wear. And it became clear to all that this was why these men had fallen. 41 So they all blessed the ways of the Lord, the righteous Judge, who reveals the things that are hidden; 42 and they turned to prayer, beseeching that the sin which had been committed might be wholly blotted out. And the noble Judas exhorted the people to keep themselves free from sin, for they had seen with their own eyes what had happened because of the sin of those who had fallen. 43 He also took up a collection, man by man, to the amount of two thousand drachmas of silver, and sent it to Jerusalem to provide for a sin offering. In doing this he acted very well and honorably, taking account of the resurrection. 44 For if he were not expecting that those who had fallen would rise again, it would have been superfluous and foolish to pray for the dead. 45 But if he was looking to the splendid reward that is laid up for those who fall asleep in godliness, it was a holy and pious thought. Therefore he made atonement for the dead, that they might be delivered from their sin.

49. Asclepiades Myrleanus, Fragments, 4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

50. Varro, On The Latin Language, 7.6-7.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 205

7.6. I shall begin from this: One there shall be, whom thou shalt raise up to sky's azure temples. Templum 'temple' is used in three ways, of nature, of taking the auspices, from likeness: of nature, in the sky; of taking the auspices, on the earth; from likeness, under the earth. In the sky, templum is used as in the Hecuba: O great temples of the gods, united with the shining stars. On the earth, as in the Periboea: To Bacchus' temples aloft On sharp jagged rocks it draws near. Under the earth, as in the Andromacha: Be greeted, great temples of Orcus, By Acheron's waters, in Hades. 7.7. Whatever place the eyes had intuiti 'gazed on,' was originally called a templum 'temple,' from tueri 'to gaze'; therefore the sky, where we attuimur 'gaze at' it, got the name templum, as in this: Trembled the mighty temple of Jove who thunders in heaven, that is, as Naevius says, Where land's semicircle lies. Fenced by the azure vault. of this temple the four quarters are named thus: the left quarter, to the east; the right quarter, to the west; the front quarter, to the south; the back quarter, to the north. 7.8. On the earth, templum is the name given to a place set aside and limited by certain formulaic words for the purpose of augury or the taking of the auspices. The words of the ceremony are not the same everywhere; on the Citadel, they are as follows: "Temples and wild lands be mine in this manner, up to where I have named them with my tongue in proper fashion. of whatever kind that truthful tree is, which I consider that I have mentioned, temple and wild land be mine to that point on the left. of whatever kind that truthful tree is, which I consider that I have mentioned, temple and wild land be mine to that point on the right. Between these points, temples and wild lands be mine for direction, for viewing, and for interpreting, and just as I have felt assured that I have mentioned them in proper fashion."

51. Catullus, Poems, 66.79-66.86 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 177

66.79. Now do you pair conjoined by the longed-for light of the torches, 66.80. Earlier yield not selves unto uimous will 66.81. Nor wi' the dresses doft your barèd nipples encounter, 66.82. Ere shall yon onyx-vase pour me libations glad, 66.83. Onyx yours, ye that seek only rights of virtuous bed-rite. 66.84. But who yieldeth herself unto advowtry impure, 66.85. Ah! may her loathed gifts in light dust uselessly soak, 66.86. For of unworthy sprite never a gift I desire.

52. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 2.4.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Cicero, as a cultural icon Found in books: Bua, Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD (2019) 111

53. Asclepiades Mendesius, Fragments, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

54. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 6.26, 7.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Cicero, as a cultural icon Found in books: Bua, Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD (2019) 111

55. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 9.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 38, 205

56. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 111

46. The great majority and the wisest of men hold this opinion: they believe that there are two gods, rivals as it were, the one the Artificer of good and the other of evil. There are also those who call the better one a god and the other a daemon, as, for example, Zoroaster The casual reader will gain a better understanding of chapters 46 and 47 if he will consult some brief book or article on Zoroaster (Zarathustra) and the Persian religion. the sage, That is, one of the Persian Magi or Wise Men. who, they record, lived five thousand years before the time of the Trojan War. He called the one Oromazes and the other Areimanius Cf. Moralia, 1026 b, and Diogenes Laertius, Prologue, 2. ; and he further declared that among all the things perceptible to the senses, Oromazes may best be compared to light, and Areimanius, conversely, to darkness and ignorance, and midway between the two is Mithras; for this reason the Persians give to Mithras the name, of Mediator. Zoroaster has also taught that men should make votive offerings and thank-offerings to Oromazes, and averting and mourning offerings to Areimanius. They pound up in a mortar a certain plant called omomi, at the same time invoking Hades Cf. Diogenes Laertius, Prologue, 8. and Darkness; then they mix it with the blood of a wolf that has been sacrificed, and carry it out and cast it into a place where the sun never shines. In fact, they believe that some of the plants belong to the good god and others to the evil daemon; so also of the animals they think that dogs, fowls, and hedgehogs, for example, belong to the good god, but that water-rats Cf. Moralia, 537 a and 670 d. belong to the evil one; therefore the man who has killed the most of these they hold to be fortunate.

57. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.15-34.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iconicity Found in books: Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 61

34.15. The first statue publicly erected at Rome by foreigners was that in honour of the tribune of the people Gaius Aelius, for having introduced a law against Sthennius Stallius the Lucanian who had twice made an attack upon Thurii; for this the inhabitants of that place presented Aelius with a statue and a crown of gold. The same people afterwards presented Fabricius with a statue for having rescued them from a state of siege; and various races successively in some such way placed themselves under Roman patronage, and all discrimination was so completely abrogated that even a statue of Hannibal may be seen in three places in the city within the walls of which he alone of its national foes had hurled a spear. 34.16. That the art of statuary was familiar to Italian Italy also and of long standing there is indicated by the statue of Hercules in the Forum Boarium said to have been dedicated by Evander, which is called 'Hercules Triumphant,' and on the occasion of triumphal processions is arrayed in triumphal vestments; and also by the two-faced Janus, dedicated by King Numa, which is worshipped as indicating war and peace, the fingers of the statue being so arranged as to indicate the 355 days of the year, and to betoken that Janus is the god of the duration of time. Also there is no doubt that the so-called Tuscanic images scattered all over the world were regularly made in Etruria. I should have supposed these to have been statues of deities only, were it not that Metrodorus of Scepsis, who received his surname from his hatred of the very name of Rome, reproached us with having taken by storm the city of Volsinii for the sake of the 2000 statues which it contained. And it seems to me surprising that although the initiation of statuary in Italy dates so far back, the images of the gods dedicated in the shrines should have been more usually of wood or terracotta right down to the conquest of Asia which introduced luxury here. What was the first origin of representing likenesses in the round will be more suitably discussed when we are dealing with the art for which the Greek term is plastic, as that was earlier than the art of bronze statuary. But the latter has flourished to an extent passing all limit and offers a subject that would occupy many volumes if one wanted to give a rather extensive account of it — for as for a completely exhaustive account, who could achieve that?

58. New Testament, Matthew, 26.26-26.29, 27.61 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 22; Ernst, Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition (2009) 166

26.26. Ἐσθιόντων δὲ αὐτῶν λαβὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἄρτον καὶ εὐλογήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ δοὺς τοῖς μαθηταῖς εἶπεν Λάβετε φάγετε, τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ σῶμά μου. 26.27. καὶ λαβὼν ποτήριον [καὶ] εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς λέγων 26.28. Πίετε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες, τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης τὸ περὶ πολλῶν ἐκχυννόμενον εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν· 26.29. λέγω δὲ ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ πίω ἀπʼ ἄρτι ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ὅταν αὐτὸ πίνω μεθʼ ὑμῶν καινὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ πατρός μου. 27.61. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ Μαριὰμ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Μαρία καθήμεναι ἀπέναντι τοῦ τάφου.

26.26. As they were eating, Jesus took bread, gave thanks for it, and broke it. He gave to the disciples, and said, "Take, eat; this is my body." 26.27. He took the cup, gave thanks, and gave to them, saying, "All of you drink it, 26.28. for this is my blood of the new covet, which is poured out for many for the remission of sins. 26.29. But I tell you that I will not drink of this fruit of the vine from now on, until that day when I drink it anew with you in my Father's kingdom." 27.61. Mary Magdalene was there, and the other Mary, sitting opposite the tomb.

59. New Testament, Mark, 14.22-14.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 22

14.22. Καὶ ἐσθιόντων αὐτῶν λαβὼν ἄρτον εὐλογήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ εἶπεν Λάβετε, τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ σῶμά μου. 14.23. καὶ λαβὼν ποτήριον εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔπιον ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες. 14.24. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης τὸ ἐκχυννόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν· 14.25. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐκέτι οὐ μὴ πίω ἐκ τοῦ γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ὅταν αὐτὸ πίνω καινὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ.

14.22. As they were eating, Jesus took bread, and when he had blessed, he broke it, and gave to them, and said, "Take, eat. This is my body." 14.23. He took the cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave to them. They all drank of it. 14.24. He said to them, "This is my blood of the new covet, which is poured out for many. 14.25. Most assuredly I tell you, I will no more drink of the fruit of the vine, until that day when I drink it anew in the Kingdom of God."

60. New Testament, Luke, 4.16-4.17, 4.35-4.36, 11.1-11.13, 22.17-22.19, 24.1-24.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Christianity, iconic dimension of scripture in •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •liturgy and scripture, performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •political and legal uses of Hebrew scripture, iconic and performative dimensions •visual culture and the Bible, iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •iconicity •icon •icon and/or mythic event •icon of the myrrhophores Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 22; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 363; Ernst, Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition (2009) 165; Klutz, The Exorcism Stories in Luke-Acts: A Sociostylistic Reading (2004) 35; Robbins, von Thaden and Bruehler,Foundations for Sociorhetorical Exploration : A Rhetoric of Religious Antiquity Reader (2006)" 369

4.16. Καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς Ναζαρά, οὗ ἦν τεθραμμένος, καὶ εἰσῆλθεν κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων εἰς τὴν συναγωγήν, καὶ ἀνέστη ἀναγνῶναι. 4.17. καὶ ἐπεδόθη αὐτῷ βιβλίον τοῦ προφήτου Ἠσαίου, καὶ ἀνοίξας τὸ βιβλίον εὗρεν [τὸν] τόπον οὗ ἦν γεγραμμένον 4.35. οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγων Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ῥίψαν αὐτὸν τὸ δαιμόνιον εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐξῆλθεν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ μηδὲν βλάψαν αὐτόν. 4.36. καὶ ἐγένετο θάμβος ἐπὶ πάντας, καὶ συνελάλουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους λέγοντες Τίς ὁ λόγος οὗτος ὅτι ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ δυνάμει ἐπιτάσσει τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις πνεύμασιν, 11.1. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ εἶναι αὐτὸν ἐν τόπῳ τινὶ προσευχόμενον, ὡς ἐπαύσατο, εἶπέν τις τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ πρὸς αὐτόν Κύριε, δίδαξον ἡμᾶς προσεύχεσθαι, καθὼς καὶ Ἰωάνης ἐδίδαξεν τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ. 11.2. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτοῖς Ὅταν προσεύχησθε, λέγετε Πάτερ, ἁγιασθήτω τὸ ὄνομά σου· ἐλθάτω ἡ βασιλεία σου· 11.3. τὸν ἄρτον ἡμῶν τὸν ἐπιούσιον δίδου ἡμῖν τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν· 11.4. καὶ ἄφες ἡμῖν τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἡμῶν, καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἀφίομεν παντὶ ὀφείλοντι ἡμῖν· καὶ μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν. 11.5. Καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τίς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἕξει φίλον καὶ πορεύσεται πρὸς αὐτὸν μεσονυκτίου καὶ εἴπῃ αὐτῷ Φίλε, χρῆσόν μοι τρεῖς ἄρτους, 11.6. ἐπειδὴ φίλος μου παρεγένετο ἐξ ὁδοὺ πρός με καὶ οὐκ ἔχω ὃ παραθήσω αὐτῷ· 11.7. κἀκεῖνος ἔσωθεν ἀποκριθεὶς εἴπῃ Μή μοι κόπους πάρεχε· ἤδη ἡ θύρα κέκλεισται, καὶ τὰ παιδία μου μετʼ ἐμοῦ εἰς τὴν κοίτην εἰσίν· οὐ δύναμαι ἀναστὰς δοῦναί σοι. 11.8. λέγω ὑμῖν, εἰ καὶ οὐ δώσει αὐτῷ ἀναστὰς διὰ τὸ εἶναι φίλον αὐτοῦ, διά γε τὴν ἀναιδίαν αὐτοῦ ἐγερθεὶς δώσει αὐτῷ ὅσων χρῄζει. 11.9. Κἀγὼ ὑμῖν λέγω, αἰτεῖτε, καὶ δοθήσεται ὑμῖν· ζητεῖτε, καὶ εὑρήσετε· κρούετε, καὶ ἀνοιγήσεται ὑμῖν. 11.10. πᾶς γὰρ ὁ αἰτῶν λαμβάνει, καὶ ὁ ζητῶν εὑρίσκει, καὶ τῷ κρούοντι ἀνοιγήσεται. 11.11. τίνα δὲ ἐξ ὑμῶν τὸν πατέρα αἰτήσει ὁ υἱὸς ἰχθύν, μὴ ἀντὶ ἰχθύος ὄφιν αὐτῷ ἐπιδώσει; 11.12. ἢ καὶ αἰτήσει ᾠόν, ἐπιδώσει αὐτῷ σκορπίον; 11.13. εἰ οὖν ὑμεῖς πονηροὶ ὑπάρχοντες οἴδατε δόματα ἀγαθὰ διδόναι τοῖς τέκνοις ὑμῶν, πόσῳ μᾶλλον ὁ πατὴρ [ὁ] ἐξ οὐρανοῦ δώσει πνεῦμα ἅγιον τοῖς αἰτοῦσιν αὐτόν. 22.17. καὶ δεξάμενος ποτήριον εὐχαριστήσας εἶπεν Λάβετε τοῦτο καὶ διαμερίσατε εἰς ἑαυτούς· 22.18. λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ πίω ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου ἕως οὗ ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ ἔλθῃ. 22.19. καὶ λαβὼν ἄρτον εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς λέγων Τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ σῶμά μου ⟦τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν διδόμενον· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 24.1. τῇ δὲ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων ὄρθρου βαθέως ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἦλθαν φέρουσαι ἃ ἡτοίμασαν ἀρώματα. 24.2. εὗρον δὲ τὸν λίθον ἀποκεκυλισμένον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου, 24.3. εἰσελθοῦσαι δὲ οὐχ εὗρον τὸ σῶμα ⟦τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ⟧.

4.16. He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up. He entered, as was his custom, into the synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up to read. 4.17. The book of the prophet Isaiah was handed to him. He opened the book, and found the place where it was written, 4.35. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be silent, and come out of him!" When the demon had thrown him down in their midst, he came out of him, having done him no harm. 4.36. Amazement came on all, and they spoke together, one with another, saying, "What is this word? For with authority and power he commands the unclean spirits, and they come out!" 11.1. It happened, that when he finished praying in a certain place, one of his disciples said to him, "Lord, teach us to pray, just as John also taught his disciples." 11.2. He said to them, "When you pray, say, 'Our Father in heaven, May your name be kept holy. May your kingdom come. May your will be done on Earth, as it is in heaven. 11.3. Give us day by day our daily bread. 11.4. Forgive us our sins, For we ourselves also forgive everyone who is indebted to us. Bring us not into temptation, But deliver us from the evil one.'" 11.5. He said to them, "Which of you, if you go to a friend at midnight, and tell him, 'Friend, lend me three loaves of bread, 11.6. for a friend of mine has come to me from a journey, and I have nothing to set before him,' 11.7. and he from within will answer and say, 'Don't bother me. The door is now shut, and my children are with me in bed. I can't get up and give it to you'? 11.8. I tell you, although he will not rise and give it to him because he is his friend, yet because of his persistence, he will get up and give him as many as he needs. 11.9. "I tell you, keep asking, and it will be given you. Keep seeking, and you will find. Keep knocking, and it will be opened to you. 11.10. For everyone who asks receives. He who seeks finds. To him who knocks it will be opened. 11.11. "Which of you fathers, if your son asks for bread, will give him a stone? Or if he asks for a fish, he won't give him a snake instead of a fish, will he? 11.12. Or if he asks for an egg, he won't give him a scorpion, will he? 11.13. If you then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your heavenly Father give the Holy Spirit to those who ask him?" 22.17. He received a cup, and when he had given thanks, he said, "Take this, and share it among yourselves, 22.18. for I tell you, I will not drink at all again from the fruit of the vine, until the Kingdom of God comes." 22.19. He took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it, and gave to them, saying, "This is my body which is given for you. Do this in memory of me." 24.1. But on the first day of the week, at early dawn, they and some others came to the tomb, bringing the spices which they had prepared. 24.2. They found the stone rolled away from the tomb. 24.3. They entered in, and didn't find the Lord Jesus' body.

61. New Testament, John, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 37

1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος.

1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.

62. New Testament, Acts, 7.53, 12.20-12.23, 19.11-19.20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •liturgy and scripture, performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •political and legal uses of Hebrew scripture, iconic and performative dimensions •visual culture and the Bible, iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •Agrippa I, iconic coins of •iconicity Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 362; Klutz, The Exorcism Stories in Luke-Acts: A Sociostylistic Reading (2004) 35; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 201

7.53. οἵτινες ἐλάβετε τὸν νόμον εἰς διαταγὰς ἀγγέλων, καὶ οὐκ ἐφυλάξατε. 12.20. Ἦν δὲ θυμομαχῶν Τυρίοις καὶ Σιδωνίοις· ὁμοθυμαδὸν δὲ παρῆσαν πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ πείσαντες Βλάστον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτοῦντο εἰρήνην διὰ τὸ τρέφεσθαι αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς. 12.21. τακτῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ [ὁ] Ἡρῴδης ἐνδυσάμενος ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐδημηγόρει πρὸς αὐτούς· 12.22. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπεφώνει Θεοῦ φωνὴ καὶ οὐκ ἀνθρώπου. 12.23. παραχρῆμα δὲ ἐπάταξεν αὐτὸν ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐκ ἔδωκεν τὴν δόξαν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ γενόμενος σκωληκόβρωτος ἐξέψυξͅεν. 19.11. Δυνάμεις τε οὐ τὰς τυχούσας ὁ θεὸς ἐποίει διὰ τῶν χειρῶν Παύλου, 19.12. ὥστε καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας ἀποφέρεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ χρωτὸς αὐτοῦ σουδάρια ἢ σιμικίνθια καὶ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἀπʼ αὐτῶν τὰς νόσους, τά τε πνεύματα τὰ πονηρὰ ἐκπορεύεσθαι. 19.13. Ἐπεχείρησαν δέ τινες καὶ τῶν περιερχομένων Ἰουδαίων ἐξορκισ̀τῶν ὀνομάζειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔχοντας τὰ πνεύματα τὰ πονηρὰ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ λέγοντες Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὃν Παῦλος κηρύσσει. 19.14. ἦσαν δέ τινος Σκευᾶ Ἰουδαίου ἀρχιερέως ἑπτὰ υἱοὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες. 19.15. ἀποκριθὲν δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ πονηρὸν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τὸν [μὲν] Ἰησοῦν γινώσκω καὶ τὸν Παῦλον ἐπίσταμαι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τίνες ἐστέ; 19.16. καὶ ἐφαλόμενος ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἐν ᾧ ἦν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ πονηρὸν κατακυριεύσας ἀμφοτέρων ἴσχυσεν κατʼ αὐτῶν, ὥστε γυμνοὺς καὶ τετραυματισμένους ἐκφυγεῖν ἐκ τοῦ οἴκου ἐκείνου. 19.17. τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο γνωστὸν πᾶσιν Ἰουδαίοις τε καὶ Ἕλλησιν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν τὴν Ἔφεσον, καὶ ἐπέπεσεν φόβος ἐπὶ πάντας αὐτούς, καὶ ἐμεγαλύνετο τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ. 19.18. πολλοί τε τῶν πεπιστευκότων ἤρχοντο ἐξομολογούμενοι καὶ ἀναγγέλλοντες τὰς πράξεις αὐτῶν, 19.19. ἱκανοὶ δὲ τῶν τὰ περίεργα πραξάντων συνενέγκαντες τὰς βίβλους κατέκαιον ἐνώπιον πάντων· καὶ συνεψήφισαν τὰς τιμὰς αὐτῶν καὶ εὗρον ἀργυρίου μυριάδας πέντε. 19.20. Οὕτως κατὰ κράτος τοῦ κυρίου ὁ λόγος ηὔξανεν καὶ ἴσχυεν.

7.53. You received the law as it was ordained by angels, and didn't keep it!" 12.20. Now Herod was highly displeased with those of Tyre and Sidon. They came with one accord to him, and, having made Blastus, the king's chamberlain, their friend, they asked for peace, because their country depended on the king's country for food. 12.21. On an appointed day, Herod dressed himself in royal clothing, sat on the throne, and gave a speech to them. 12.22. The people shouted, "The voice of a god, and not of a man!" 12.23. Immediately an angel of the Lord struck him, because he didn't give God the glory, and he was eaten by worms, and he died. 19.11. God worked special miracles by the hands of Paul, 19.12. so that even handkerchiefs or aprons were carried away from his body to the sick, and the evil spirits went out. 19.13. But some of the itinerant Jews, exorcists, took on themselves to name over those who had the evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, "We adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preaches." 19.14. There were seven sons of one Sceva, a Jewish chief priest, who did this. 19.15. The evil spirit answered, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but who are you?" 19.16. The man in whom the evil spirit was leaped on them, and overpowered them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded. 19.17. This became known to all, both Jews and Greeks, who lived at Ephesus. Fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. 19.18. Many also of those who had believed came, confessing, and declaring their deeds. 19.19. Many of those who practiced magical arts brought their books together and burned them in the sight of all. They counted the price of them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. 19.20. So the word of the Lord was growing and becoming mighty.

63. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 17.28-17.31, 18.147-18.237, 19.344-19.350, 19.352, 20.159, 20.211-20.212 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Agrippa I, iconic coins of Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 201

17.28. ̓Αγρίππας μέντοι γε ὁ μέγας καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁμώνυμος καὶ πάνυ ἐξετρύχωσαν αὐτούς, οὐ μέντοι τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας κινεῖν ἠθέλησαν. παρ' ὧν ̔Ρωμαῖοι δεξάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ μὲν ἐλευθέρου καὶ αὐτοὶ τηροῦσιν τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ἐπιβολαῖς δὲ τῶν φόρων εἰς τὸ πάμπαν ἐπίεσαν αὐτούς. καὶ τάδε μὲν ᾗ καιρὸς ἀκριβώσομαι προϊόντος τοῦ λόγου. 17.28. καὶ οἵδε μὲν στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν καὶ ὑπεστράτευον αὐτῷ ὁπόσα εἰς τὰς μάχας φοιτῶντες δι' αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ διάδημα περιθέμενος βουλευτήριόν τε ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις καὶ τὰ πάντα γνώμῃ ἀνακείμενα εἶχεν τῇ αὐτοῦ. 17.29. Τελευτᾷ δὲ Ζάμαρις ὁ Βαβυλώνιος, ὃς ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆσδε τῆς χώρας ̔Ηρώδῃ προσποιεῖται, ζήσας τε μετὰ ἀρετῆς καὶ παῖδας λειπόμενος ἀγαθούς, ̓Ιάκειμον μέν, ὃς ἀνδρείᾳ γενόμενος ἐπιφανὴς ἱππεύειν συνεκρότησε τὸ ὑφ' αὑτῷ Βαβυλώνιον, καὶ ἴλη τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐδορυφόρει τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέας. 17.29. καὶ οἱ ̓́Αραβες μίσει τῷ ̔Ηρώδου ἐμπιπρᾶσιν αὐτὴν ἐχθρῶς καὶ πρὸς φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἔχοντες. κἀνθένδε προϊόντες Σαμφὼ κώμην ἑτέραν διήρπασάν τε οἱ ̓́Αραβες καὶ ἔκαυσαν πάνυ ἐρυμνὴν οὖσαν, καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐν τῇ προόδῳ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, 17.31. τε πιστὴ καὶ εὔνοια ἀσφαλὴς αὐτῷ πρὸς ̓Αγρίππαν γίνεται τὸν βασιλέα, στρατιάν τε ὁπόσην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔτρεφεν οὗτος ἀσκῶν διετέλει καὶ ὅπη ἐξοδεύειν δεήσειεν ἡγούμενος. 17.31. πολλῶν γοῦν ἀναστάσεων καὶ μεταστάσεων παραλαβουσῶν τὸ ἔθνος οὐδεμίαν ἱστορεῖσθαι πώποτε τοιάνδε δυστυχίαν ἐπελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ, παράδειγμά τε κακώσεως ἣν αὐτῷ ̔Ηρώδης ἐπετίθει τὸ ἔθνος: 18.147. Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας πλέων ᾤχετο κακοπραγῶν καὶ τεταπεινωμένος ὀλέθρῳ τε ὧν εἶχεν χρημάτων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ ἐκτίσοντος τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανεισταῖς πολλοῖς τε οὖσιν καὶ ἀλεωρὰν οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν ἐνδιδοῦσιν, ὥστε ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ποιητέων καὶ αἰσχύνῃ τῇ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ὑποχωρήσας εἴς τινα πύργον ἐν Μαλάθοις τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας ἐν περινοίᾳ τοῦ μεταστήσοντος αὑτὸν ἦν. 18.148. αἰσθάνεται δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν Κύπρος ἡ γυνὴ παντοία τε ἦν ἀπείργουσα τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις βουλευμάτων. διαπέμπεται δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ ̔Ηρωδιάδα ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ τετράρχῃ συνοικοῦσαν γράμματα, δηλοῦσα τό τε ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τοῦ ̓Αγρίππα προβουλεῦσαν καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἣ ἐπ' αὐτὰ ἐξήγαγεν: 18.149. ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν, ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν. οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν Τιβεριάδα καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν δίαιταν, ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς Τιβεριάδος ἐτίμησαν. 18.151. Καὶ δεξαμένου Φλάκκου παρὰ τούτῳ διῆγεν παρακατεσχηκότος αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ ̓Αριστοβούλου, ὃς ἀδελφὸς ὢν ̓Αγρίππου διάφορός τ' ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἐβλάπτοντο ἔχθρᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων, ὥστε μὴ φιλίᾳ τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ τὰ εἰκότα τιμὴν φέρεσθαι. 18.152. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀνίει τι τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν δυσμενοῦς μέχρι καὶ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτὸν Φλάκκῳ καθίστησιν, αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἐπὶ τῇ δυσμενείᾳ παραλαβών. 18.153. Δαμασκηνοὶ Σιδωνίοις περὶ ὅρων διάφοροι καθεστῶτες, μέλλοντος Φλάκκου περὶ τούτων ἀκροᾶσθαι μαθόντες τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ὡς παρ' αὐτῷ μέγα δύναιτ' ἂν ἠξίουν μερίδος τῆς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, ἀργύριόν τε πλεῖστον ὡμολογεῖτο αὐτῷ. 18.154. καὶ ὁ μὲν πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν Δαμασκηνῶν ὥρμητο πράσσειν. ̓Αριστόβουλος δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὁμολογία τῶν χρημάτων, καταγορεύει πρὸς τὸν Φλάκκον. καὶ βασανιζομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεὶ φανερὰ ἦν, ἐξωθεῖ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν φιλίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν. 18.155. ὁ δὲ εἰς ὑστάτην περιωσμένος ἀπορίαν εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα παρῆν, καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἄπορον τῆς ἀλλαχόθι διαίτης γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας πλεῖν. εἰργόμενος δὲ χρημάτων ἀπορίᾳ ἠξίου Μαρσύαν ὄντα αὐτοῦ ἀπελεύθερον ποριστὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μηχανῶν δανεισάμενον παρά τινος. 18.156. καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει Βερενίκης ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς ̓Αγρίππου μητρός, διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς ̓Αντωνίας, αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ. 18.157. ὁ δέ, ἐπεκάλει γὰρ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ χρημάτων τινῶν ἀποστέρησιν, ἀναγκάζει τὸν Μαρσύαν δύο μυριάδων ̓Ατθίδων συμβόλαιον ποιησάμενον πεντακοσίαις καὶ δισχιλίαις ἔλασσον λαμβάνειν. συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ποιεῖν. 18.158. εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου ̓Αγρίππας εἰς ̓Ανθηδόνα παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν. καὶ γνοὺς ̓Ερέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς ̓Ιαμνείας ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας, οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ Καίσαρος ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος. 18.159. καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν. 18.161. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ εἰς Ποτιόλους παραβαλὼν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς Τιβέριον τὸν Καίσαρα γράφει διαιτώμενον ἐν Καπρέαις, παρουσίαν τε τὴν αὐτοῦ δηλῶν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνου, καὶ ἀξιῶν ἔφεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι εἰς Καπρέας παραβαλεῖν. 18.162. Τιβέριος δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ γράφει φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρώμενος, ἐκτίνει τε χάριν ἀποσημαίνων ἐπὶ τῷ σῶν ἐπανήκειν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, ἐπεὶ δ' ἀφικνεῖται μηδὲν ὑφελὼν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι προθύμου ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἐξένιζεν. 18.163. τῇ δ' ἑξῆς Καίσαρι γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παρὰ ̓Ερεννίου Καπίτωνος ἀφικομένων, ὅτι ̓Αγρίππας μυριάδας τριάκοντα δάνεισμα ποιήσας καὶ πρὸς τὰς καταβολὰς ἐκλιπὼν χρόνον τὸν συγκείμενον ἀπαιτήσεως γενομένης οἴχοιτο φυγὰς ἐκ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ χωρίων ἄκυρον αὐτὸν καθιστὰς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσπραξομένῳ ἐξουσίας, 18.164. ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος καταπλαγεὶς ̓Αντωνίας δεῖται Γερμανικοῦ μητρὸς καὶ Κλαυδίου τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου Καίσαρος, δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων, ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς Τιβέριον. 18.165. ἡ δὲ Βερενίκης τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ Κλαύδιον γεγενημένης, δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ Τιβερίου. 18.166. αὖθις δὲ αὐτῷ Τιβέριος ὁ Καῖσαρ συνίστησιν υἱωνὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ κελεύων τὰ πάντα αὐτῷ ταῖς ἐξόδοις παρατυγχάνειν. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ φιλίᾳ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας κατὰ θεραπείαν τρέπεται τὴν Γαί̈ου υἱωνοῦ τε ὄντος αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα τιμωμένου. 18.167. καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος Καίσαρος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος: παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε ̓Αντωνίᾳ καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ' αὐτῷ. 18.168. Προϊούσης δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ τῆς πρὸς Γάιον φιλίας αἰωρουμένοις ποτὲ λόγος περὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου γίνεται, καὶ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου κατ' εὐχὰς τραπομένου, μόνω δ' ἤστην, ᾗ τάχος Τιβέριον ὑπεκστάντα τῆς ἀρχῆς Γαί̈ῳ παραχωρεῖν ἀξιωτέρῳ τὰ πάντα ὄντι, τούτων ἀκροᾶται τῶν λόγων Εὔτυχος, ̓Αγρίππου δ' ἦν ἀπελεύθερος ἡνίοχος, καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιγῇ παρεδίδου. 18.169. κλοπῆς δὲ ἱματίων αὐτῷ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἐπικαλουμένης, καὶ ἀκριβῶς δὲ ἐκεκλόφει, φυγὼν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἀγωγῆς αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Πείσωνα γενομένης, ὃς ἦν φύλαξ τῆς πόλεως, ἐρομένου τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς Καίσαρί φησιν ἀπορρήτους ἔχειν λόγους εἰπεῖν ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ φέροντας, ὥστε δήσας αὐτὸν ἔστελλεν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, καὶ Τιβέριος τῷ αὑτοῦ τρόπῳ χρώμενος εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον, μελλητὴς εἰ καί τις ἕτερος βασιλέων ἢ τυράννων γενόμενος. 18.171. ὥστε καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐρομένων τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὁλκῇ χρωμένου, ἔφη τὰς μὲν πρεσβείας τρίβειν, ὅπως μὴ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐταῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος γενομένης ἕτεροι πρέσβεις ἐπιχειροτονηθέντες ἐπανίοιεν ὄχλος τε αὐτῷ γίγνοιτο ἐπιδοχαῖς αὐτῶν καὶ πομπαῖς προσκειμένῳ. 18.172. τὰς δ' ἀρχὰς συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἅπαξ εἰς αὐτὰς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καταστᾶσιν αἰδοῦς προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὑποτελῶν: φύσει μὲν γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἡγεμονίαν οἰκείαν τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν: τὰς δὲ μὴ πατρίους, ἀλλ' εἰς ὀλίγον καὶ ἄδηλον ὁπότε ἀφαιρεθεῖεν καὶ μειζόνως ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς τοὺς ἔχοντας. 18.173. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστήκασιν εἰς πλέον, αὐτοὺς ἄδην τῶν κλοπῶν ἕξειν ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν κεκερδημένων ἀμβλυτέρως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐταῖς χρωμένους. διαδοχῆς δ' ἐπιπαραγενομένης ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μηδαμῶς ἂν ἀρκέσαι τοὺς ἆθλα τοῖς ἄρχουσι προκειμένους ἀναστροφῆς αὐτοῖς οὐ διδομένης καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πλήρεις οἱ προειληφότες γενόμενοι ὑποδιδοῖέν τε σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ λαμβάνειν, διὰ τὸ πρὶν ἐν καιρῷ γενέσθαι μεταστῆναι. 18.174. παράδειγμά τε αὐτοῖς φησι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον: τραυματίᾳ τινὶ κειμένῳ μυῖαι κατὰ πλῆθος τὰς ὠτειλὰς περιέστασαν. καί τις τῶν παρατυχόντων οἰκτείρας αὐτοῦ τὴν δυστυχίαν καὶ νομίσας ἀδυναμίᾳ μὴ βοηθεῖν οἷός τ' ἦν ἀποσοβεῖν αὐτὰς παραστάς. 18.175. καὶ δεομένου παύσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε, ὑπολαβὼν ἤρετο τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἀπρομηθοῦς εἰς τὴν διαφυγὴν κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. “μειζόνως γὰρ ἂν ἀδικοῖς με, εἶπε, ταύτας ἀπαγαγών. ταῖς μέν γε ἤδη πληρωθείσαις τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέθ' ὁμοίως ἔπειξις ὄχλον μοι παρασχεῖν, ἀλλά πῃ καὶ ἀνίσχουσιν. αἱ δ' ἀκραιφνεῖ τῷ κατ' αὐτὰς λιμῷ συνελθοῦσαι καὶ τετρυμένον ἤδη παραλαμβάνουσαι κἂν ὀλέθρῳ παραδοῖεν”. 18.176. διὰ τάδε οὖν καὐτὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν τῶν κλοπῶν διεφθαρμένοις τοῖς ὑποτελέσιν προμηθὲς εἶναι μὴ συνεχὲς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς ἡγησομένους, οἳ ἐν τρόπῳ μυιῶν ἐκπολεμοῖεν αὐτούς, φύσει πρὸς κέρδος ὀρωρεγμένοις σύμμαχον παραλαμβάνοντες τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ ταχέως ἀφαιρεθησομένου τὴν ἐνθένδε ἡδονήν. 18.177. μαρτυρήσει δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις φύσεως Τιβερίου τὸ ἔργον αὐτό: ἔτη γὰρ δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος δύο τοὺς πάντας ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐξέπεμψεν διοικήσοντας τὸ ἔθνος, Γρᾶτον τε καὶ Πιλᾶτον, ὃς αὐτῷ διεδέξατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 18.178. καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τοιοῦτος ἦν, ἑτεροῖος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑπηκόων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δεσμωτῶν τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀπεσήμαινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δικαιωθεῖσι μὲν θανάτῳ κούφισιν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐνεστηκότων κακῶν, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' ἀρετῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τύχῃ συνελθεῖν, τριβομένοις δὲ ἀχθηδόνι τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μείζονα προσρέπειν τὴν δυστυχίαν. 18.179. Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε: καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο. χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης, καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀξιοῖ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐφ' οἷστισι τὴν κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ. 18.181. ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ Τιβερίου: ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο, προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας. 18.182. ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ Τιβερίῳ συντεθειμένα, γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς Τιβέριον εἰς τὰς Καπρέας. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους, τήν τε ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν. 18.183. ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς ̓Αντωνίας ὁ Τιβέριος παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον, “ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε, φησὶν ὁ Τιβέριος, ἔτι δε ̓Αγρίππου τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος, ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ' αὐτοῦ τιμωρίαν, ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός: εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα, μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ' αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν δίκην”. 18.184. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν ̓Αντωνίας πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν ἐξέτασιν γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος, καὶ ἡ ̓Αντωνία, οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι, καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον: 18.185. αἰωρεῖτο μὲν Τιβέριος ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος, προϊόντων Γαί̈ου τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα, ἀπ' ἀρίστου δ' ἦσαν, παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι. 18.186. ὁ δέ “ἀλλ' ἴστων μὲν ̓Αντωνία, εἶπεν, οἱ θεοί, ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα, ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν, τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν. Τιβέριος δ' αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ' ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος. 18.187. ὁ δέ φησιν, “ὦ δέσποτα, αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ' ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ ̓Αγρίππας σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν, λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων ̓Αγρίππας φησὶ πρὸς Γάιον: εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα, ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν Τιβέριος ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ γένοιτ' ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν, καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ' ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς.” 18.188. Τιβέριος δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ παλαιάν, διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ θεραπεύειν Τιβέριον υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ γεγονότα καὶ Δρούσου παῖδα ὄντα, ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν Γάιον μετεκάθιζεν, 18.189. “τοῦτον μὲν δή, φησί, Μάκρων, δῆσον.” Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος, τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα. 18.191. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις, τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου τῆς ἐκτροφῆς, οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι, ἀλλ' ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον. 18.192. καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν, καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ' ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν, θεασάμενός τινα τῶν Γαί̈ου παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν. 18.193. καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών, “ἀλλ' εἴπερ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς, φησίν, ὦ παῖ, τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν, διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ Γαί̈ου, ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ ἀξιώσεως οὐκ ἐνέλιπες.” καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο ταῦτα εἰπών, ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο: 18.194. ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ ̓Αγρίππᾳ καὶ Βερενίκῃ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν, ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον. 18.195. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο. καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου, ᾧ ̓Αγρίππας προσεκέκλιτο, βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν, τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι. 18.196. καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ̓Αγρίππαν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, ̓Ιουδαῖον δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων: βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν. 18.197. καὶ τυχών, ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται, δι' ἑρμηνέως “ὦ νεανία, φησίν, καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν τύχην, ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων, οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν πρόνοιαν. 18.198. ἴσθι γε μήν, θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους, οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον, ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς. 18.199. αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ' εἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον ἡγησάμην σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν. 18.201. ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν. προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν παραγενομένην ἀποστερεῖν σε ἄδικον ἡγησάμην, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο. μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν, ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν.” 18.202. καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε προειπὼν εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ γέλωτα, ἐφ' ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος. ἡ δὲ ̓Αντωνία χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὴν δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν Τιβερίῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον, 18.203. εὑρίσκετο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ' ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ' ἄν. 18.204. εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν φίλος τε Σίλας καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι' ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες, ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως ὁπότε νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος: καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ̓Αγρίππαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. 18.205. Τιβέριος δ' ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας ἐμαλακίζετο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μετρίως, ἐπιδούσης δ' εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον τῆς νόσου πονηρὰς ἔχων περὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας Εὔοδον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τιμιώτατος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων, κελεύει τὰ τέκνα προσαγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν: χρῄζειν γὰρ ἀφικέσθαι σφίσι διὰ λόγων πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν. 18.206. ἦσαν δ' αὐτῷ παῖδες γνήσιοι μὲν οὐκέτι: Δροῦσος γὰρ δὴ ὁ μόνος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν τεθνεώς: υἱὸς δὲ τούτου κατελείπετο Τιβέριος ἐπικαλούμενος Γέμελλος, Γάιός τε Γερμανικοῦ παῖς, ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸς γεγονώς, νεανίας τε ἤδη καὶ παιδείαν ἐκπεπονηκὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐνοίᾳ τε τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος διὰ τὴν Γερμανικοῦ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν: 18.207. ἐπὶ μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ οὗτος προῆλθεν παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσι τιμῆς εὐσταθείᾳ τρόπου καὶ δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν ἀνεπαχθὴς ὢν καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν κτώμενος τῷ βούλεσθαι ἴσος πᾶσιν εἶναι. 18.208. ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μειζόνως ἦγον αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἕκαστον ἐθνῶν, οἱ μὲν ὡμιληκότες ἁλισκόμενοι τῇ χάριτι τῆς ἐντεύξεως, οἱ δὲ πύστει τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφηγήσεως παραλαμβάνοντες. 18.209. πένθος τε αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος προυτέθη πᾶσιν οὐ θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιψευδομένων τὴν συμφοράν, λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ οἰκειουμένων διὰ τὸ ἴδιον τυχεῖν ἑκάστοις τὴν μετάστασιν αὐτοῦ ὑπειλῆφθαι: 18.211. ̔Ο δὲ Τιβέριος Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου, σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν, μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον. 18.212. οἰώνισμα δ' οὖν αὐτῷ προύκειτο, εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὃς ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀφίκοιτο πρότερος πρὸς αὐτόν. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πέμπει παρὰ τοῦ υἱωνοῦ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν κελεύων ὑπὸ πρώτην ὥραν ἄγειν τὸν παῖδα ὡς αὐτόν, καταμελήσεσθαι στρατηγίας τὸν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων: ὁ δ' ἀντεψήφιζεν αὐτοῦ τὴν χειροτονίαν. 18.213. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ' ἐνθυμησάμενος, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἦν, κελεύει τὸν Εὔοδον εἰσκαλεῖν τῶν παίδων τὸν παρόντα πρότερον. ἐξελθὼν δ' ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὸν Γάιον πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου καταλαβών, ὁ γὰρ Τιβέριος οὐ παρῆν μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης, ᾔδει δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν ἐβούλετο ὁ δεσπότης, “καλεῖ σε, φησίν, ὁ πατήρ”, καὶ εἰσήγαγεν αὐτόν. 18.214. Τιβέριος δὲ ὡς θεᾶται Γάιον, τότε πρῶτον εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θείου τῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτὸν ἡγεμονίαν παντελῶς ἀφῃρημένην ἐπικυροῦν οἷς ψηφίσαιτο δυνάμεως ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγενομένης, πολλὰ δὴ κατολοφυράμενος αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ ἐφ' οἷς προβουλεύσειε κυροῦν ἀφῃρημένου τὸ κράτος, 18.215. Τιβέριον δὲ τὸν υἱωνόν, ὡς τῆς τε ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ διαμάρτοι καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας κεχρημένον διὰ τὸ ἐπ' ἄλλων κρειττόνων οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἰσηγησαμένω τὴν συναναστροφὴν κείσεσθαι τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ συγγενοῦς μὴ ὠφελεῖν δυναμένου, φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος χρησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν, τὰ μὲν ὡς προσεδρεύοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὰ δὲ ὡς ἀντεπιβουλεύειν ὑπέρ τε τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἀντιλήψεως τῶν πραγμάτων μὴ ἀφησόμενον. 18.216. ἦν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ Τιβέριος μάλιστα προσκείμενος καὶ κατορθούμενα αὐτῇ μειζόνως τῶν εἰς τόδε ἀνακειμένων ἑκόντων τὸν βίον ἐξηγμένος. Γάλβαν οὖν ποτε θεασάμενος ὡς αὐτὸν εἰσιόντα φησὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους αὐτῷ, ὡς παραγίνοιτο ἀνὴρ τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων προτιμησόμενος ἡγεμονίᾳ. 18.217. τά τε πάντα μαντειῶν ὁπόσα ἐχόμενα πιθανὰ ἡγούμενος ἡγεμόνων μάλιστα ἀνὴρ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπαληθείοντος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐχρῆτο αὐταῖς. 18.218. καὶ τότε ἐν χαλεποῖς ἦν συντυχίᾳ τοῦ γεγονότος, ὡς ἐπ' ἀπολωλότι τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀχθεινῶς διατιθέμενος καὶ κατάμεμψιν αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οἰώνισιν προμηθοῦς: παρὸν γὰρ ἂν αὐτῷ λύπης ἀπηλλαγμένῳ τελευτᾶν ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν ἐσομένων, διατρίβεσθαι τῷ προεγνωκὼς τὴν ἐσομένην δυστυχίαν τῶν φιλτάτων τελευτᾶν. 18.219. καίπερ δὲ συντεταραγμένος τῇ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς οὓς οὐκ ἤθελεν περιόδῳ, ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος φησὶ γοῦν πρὸς τὸν Γάιον: “ὦ παῖ, καίπερ μοι συγγενεστέρου Τιβερίου ἢ κατὰ σὲ ὄντος δόξῃ τε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῷ ὁμοψήφῳ ἐπ' αὐτῇ τῶν θεῶν σοὶ φέρων ἐγχειρίζω τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν. 18.221. μήτε τοῦ πρὸς Τιβέριον συγγενοῦς, ἀλλ' ἐπιστάμενον, ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ' αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής, ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα Τιβερίου φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν, ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν Τιβέριος, φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος. 18.222. αἵ τε γὰρ μονώσεις ἐπικίνδυνοι τοῖς εἰς τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ὄγκον καταστᾶσιν καὶ θεοῖς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητα ὁπόσα παρὰ δίκην πρασσόμενα ἀφανίζοι τοῦ νόμου τὸ ἑτέρως πράσσειν παρακαλοῦν.” ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Τιβέριος ἔλεγεν, 18.223. οὐ μὴν πιθανὸς ἦν Γαί̈ῳ καίπερ ὑπισχνουμένῳ, ἀλλὰ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν τόν τε Τιβέριον μαντείαις ἀναιρεῖ ταῖς ἐκείνου καὐτὸς ἐπιβουλῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συντεθεισῶν μετ' οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ. 18.224. Τιβέριος δὲ τὸν Γάιον ἀποδείξας διάδοχον τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὀλίγας ἐπιβιοὺς ἡμέρας ἔθανεν σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ πέντε μῆνας πρὸς ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν καὶ εἴκοσι. Γάιος δὲ ἦν αὐτοκράτωρ τέταρτος. 18.225. ̔Ρωμαίοις δ' ἦν μὲν πύστις τῆς Τιβερίου τελευτῆς εὐφραίνοντό τε τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῆς ἀγγελίας, οὐ μὴν πιστεύειν γε θάρσος ἦν αὐτοῖς, οὐ τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι, πρὸ πολλῶν γὰρ ἂν ἐτίμησαν χρημάτων τὸ ἐπαληθεῦσαν τῶν λόγων, δέει δὲ μὴ ψευδοῦς τῆς ἀγγελίας γενομένης προεξαναστάντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τοῦ αὐτῶν χάρματος εἶτ' ἀπολλύοιντο διαβολῆς αὐτῶν γενομένης: 18.226. πλεῖστα γὰρ ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς εὐπατρίδας εἰργάσατο δεινὰ δυσόργητος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὢν καὶ ἀνήκεστος εἰς τὸ ἐργάζεσθαι καταστάς, εἰ καὶ χωρὶς λόγου τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπανέλοιτο τοῦ μισεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι μὲν οἷς κρίνοιεν ἐξαγριοῦν φύσιν ἔχων, εἰς θάνατον δὲ καὶ τῶν κουφοτάτων ἀνατιθεὶς τὴν ζημίαν. 18.227. ὥστε ἡδονῇ τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτῷ λόγου φέροντος τὴν ἀκρόασιν εἰς ὅσον ἐβούλοντο ἀπολαύσματι χρῆσθαι ἐπεκεκώλυντο δείμασι κακῶν, ἃ προεωρᾶτο ψευσθεῖσι τῆς ἐλπίδος. 18.228. Μαρσύας δὲ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος πυθόμενος τοῦ Τιβερίου τὴν τελευτὴν ὠθεῖτο δρομαῖος τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐαγγελιούμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ἐξόδοις ὄντα εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον συννεύσας πρὸς αὐτὸν γλώσσῃ τῇ ̔Εβραίων “τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων” φησίν. 18.229. ὁ δὲ σύνεσίν τε τοῦ λόγου ποιησάμενος καὶ χάρματι τῷ ἐπ' αὐτῷ περιενεχθείς “ἀλλά σοι τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐαγγελίας χάριτες ἐν ἐμοὶ παντοῖαι γίνοιντο, μόνον ἀληθῆ τὰ λεγόμενα εἴη.” καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης, 18.231. οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν παρέτρεπον, ἐγκειμένῳ δὲ ἀποσημαίνει ὁ ̓Αγρίππας, ἤδη γὰρ φίλος ἦν, μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσας. ὁ δὲ ἐκοινοῦτό τε τὴν ἡδονὴν τοῦ λόγου διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀγαθὰ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ φέρειν προυτίθει τε αὐτῷ δεῖπνον. εὐωχουμένων δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ πότου προϊόντος παρῆν τις λέγων ζῆν τε τὸν Τιβέριον καὶ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἐπανήξειν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. 18.232. καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης δεινῶς θορυβηθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακείμενα πεπραχέναι δεσμώτῃ τε καὶ ἐπ' ἀγγελίᾳ θανάτου αὐτοκράτορος συνδιῃτῆσθαι μετὰ χάρματος, ἀπωθεῖταί τε τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν τοῦ κλινιδίου καί “ἦπου, φησίν, λήσειν με ὑπονοεῖς θάνατον τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος κατεψευσμένος, ἀλλ' οὐ κεφαλῇ τῇ σῇ τοῦτον ἀναμαξόμενος τὸν λόγον;” 18.233. ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει δῆσαι τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν λελυκὼς πρότερον αὐτὸν φυλακήν τε ἀκριβεστέραν αὐτοῦ ἢ πρότερον καθίσταται. καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐκείνην ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἐν τοιούτοις ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς. 18.234. τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ λόγος τε πλείων ἦν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἰσχυριζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ τοῦ Τιβερίου, ἐθάρρουν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι φανερῶς ἤδη θροεῖν καί τινες καὶ θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ἐπιστολαί τε ἀφίκοντο παρὰ τοῦ Γαί̈ου, ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον τοῦ Τιβερίου διασαφοῦσα τὴν τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ παράληψιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας γενομένην, 18.235. ἡ δὲ πρὸς Πείσωνα τὸν φύλακα τῆς πόλεως τοῦτό τε ἀγορεύουσα, καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ἢ δεθῆναι δίαιταν εἶχεν. τότε ἐν θάρσει λοιπὸν ἦγεν τὰ περὶ αὐτῆς: φυλακὴ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τήρησις ἦν, μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν. 18.236. Γάιος δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης παρῆν ἄγων τοῦ Τιβερίου τὸ σῶμα, ταφάς τε αὐτοῦ ποιεῖται πολυτελεῖς νόμοις τοῖς πατρίοις, ̓Αγρίππαν τε αὐθημερὸν λύειν ὄντα πρόθυμον κώλυμα ̓Αντωνία ἦν οὔ τι μίσει τῷ πρὸς τὸν δεδεμένον προμηθείᾳ δὲ τοῦ Γαί̈ου εὐπρεποῦς, μὴ δόξαν ἀπάγοιτο ἡδονῇ δεχομένου τὴν Τιβερίου τελευτὴν ἄνδρα ὑπ' ἐκείνου δεδεμένον λύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος. 18.237. διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν, εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν Λυσανίου τετραρχίαν, ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον. ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον. 19.344. δευτέρᾳ δὴ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν ἐνδὺς ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν, ὡς θαυμάσιον ὑφὴν εἶναι, παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας. ἔνθα ταῖς πρώταις τῶν ἡλιακῶν ἀκτίνων ἐπιβολαῖς ὁ ἄργυρος καταυγασθεὶς θαυμασίως ἀπέστιλβε μαρμαίρων τι φοβερὸν καὶ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀτενίζουσι φρικῶδες. 19.345. εὐθὺς δὲ οἱ κόλακες τὰς οὐδὲ ἐκείνῳ πρὸς ἀγαθοῦ ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν φωνὰς ἀνεβόων, θεὸν προσαγορεύοντες εὐμενής τε εἴης ἐπιλέγοντες, “εἰ καὶ μέχρι νῦν ὡς ἄνθρωπον ἐφοβήθημεν, 19.346. ἀλλὰ τοὐντεῦθεν κρείττονά σε θνητῆς φύσεως ὁμολογοῦμεν.” οὐκ ἐπέπληξεν τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲ τὴν κολακείαν ἀσεβοῦσαν ἀπετρίψατο. ἀνακύψας δ' οὖν μετ' ὀλίγον τὸν βουβῶνα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κεφαλῆς ὑπερκαθιζόμενον εἶδεν ἐπὶ σχοινίου τινός. ἄγγελον τοῦτον εὐθὺς ἐνόησεν κακῶν εἶναι τὸν καί ποτε τῶν ἀγαθῶν γενόμενον, καὶ διακάρδιον ἔσχεν ὀδύνην, ἄθρουν δ' αὐτῷ τῆς κοιλίας προσέφυσεν ἄλγημα μετὰ σφοδρότητος ἀρξάμενον. 19.347. ἀναθορὼν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, “ὁ θεὸς ὑμῖν ἐγώ, φησίν, ἤδη καταστρέφειν ἐπιτάττομαι τὸν βίον, παραχρῆμα τῆς εἱμαρμένης τὰς ἄρτι μου κατεψευσμένας φωνὰς ἐλεγχούσης: ὁ κληθεὶς ἀθάνατος ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἤδη θανεῖν ἀπάγομαι. δεκτέον δὲ τὴν πεπρωμένην, ᾗ θεὸς βεβούληται: καὶ γὰρ βεβιώκαμεν οὐδαμῇ φαύλως, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς μακαριζομένης λαμπρότητος.” 19.348. ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων ἐπιτάσει τῆς ὀδύνης κατεπονεῖτο: μετὰ σπουδῆς οὖν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἐκομίσθη καὶ διῇξε λόγος εἰς πάντας, ὡς ἔχοι τοῦ τεθνάναι παντάπασι μετ' ὀλίγον. 19.349. ἡ πληθὺς δ' αὐτίκα σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶν ἐπὶ σάκκων καθεσθεῖσα τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως, οἰμωγῆς δὲ πάντ' ἦν ἀνάπλεα καὶ θρήνων. ἐν ὑψηλῷ δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς δωματίῳ κατακείμενος καὶ κάτω βλέπων αὐτοὺς πρηνεῖς καταπίπτοντας ἄδακρυς οὐδ' αὐτὸς διέμενεν. 19.352. προσωδεύσατο δ' ὅτι πλείστας αὐτῶν προσφορὰς διακοσίας ἐπὶ χιλίαις μυριάδας, πολλὰ μέντοι προσεδανείσατο: τῷ γὰρ φιλόδωρος εἶναι δαψιλέστερα τῶν προσιόντων ἀνήλισκεν, ἦν δὲ ἀφειδὲς αὐτοῦ τὸ φιλότιμον. 20.159. καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν δὲ δωρεῖται μοίρᾳ τινὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὁ Καῖσαρ Τιβεριάδα καὶ Ταριχέας ὑπακούειν αὐτῷ κελεύσας, δίδωσι δὲ καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα πόλιν τῆς Περαίας καὶ κώμας τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν δεκατέσσαρας. 20.211. Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας μείζονα τὴν Φιλίππου καλουμένην Καισάρειαν κατασκευάσας εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ Νέρωνος Νερωνιάδα προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ Βηρυτίοις δὲ θέατρον ἀπὸ πολλῶν χρημάτων κατεσκευασμένον ταῖς κατ' ἔτος θέαις ἐδωρεῖτο πολλὰς εἰς τοῦτο μυριάδας ἀναλίσκων: 20.212. σῖτον γὰρ ἐδίδου τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἔλαιον διένεμεν καὶ τὴν πᾶσαν δὲ πόλιν ἀνδριάντων ἀναθέσεσιν καὶ ταῖς τῶν ἀρχαίων ἀποτύποις εἰκόσιν ἐκόσμει καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν πάντα τὸν τῆς βασιλείας κόσμον ἐκεῖ μετήνεγκεν. μῖσος οὖν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ηὔξετο διὰ τὸ περιαιρούμενον τὰ ἐκείνων εἰς ξένην πόλιν κοσμεῖν.

17.28. and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history. 17.28. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. 17.29. 3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings. 17.29. which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter. 17.30. And when Jacim was dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than any of his contemporaries; 17.31. on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march. 17.31. and that although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of government, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation; 18.147. 2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; 18.148. but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, 18.149. and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintece, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him. 18.151. 3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. 18.152. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: 18.153. The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money; 18.154. o he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. 18.155. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. 18.156. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security; 18.157. but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. 18.158. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 18.161. 4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: 18.162. o Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. 18.163. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. 18.164. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship; 18.165. o, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him. 18.166. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. 18.167. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him. 18.168. 5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; 18.169. but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; 18.171. insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: 18.172. that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; 18.173. but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. 18.174. He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him; 18.175. but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, “If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. 18.176. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.” 18.177. And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. 18.178. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; “but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.” 18.179. 6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. 18.181. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice; 18.182. for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. 18.183. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.” 18.184. Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: 18.185. As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; 18.186. to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. 18.187. Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.” 18.188. Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; 18.189. he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. 18.191. Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. 18.192. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, 18.193. he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.” 18.194. Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later. 18.195. 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; 18.196. and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; 18.197. which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. 18.198. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; 18.199. for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. 18.200. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. 18.201. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.” 18.202. So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; 18.203. yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. 18.204. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs. 18.205. 8. But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. 18.206. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, 18.207. who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; 18.208. by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; 18.209. not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, 18.211. 9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; 18.212. o he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; 18.213. for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in. 18.214. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, 18.215. and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. 18.216. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. 18.217. So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. 18.218. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. 18.219. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: “O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; 18.221. or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; 18.222. for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.” 18.223. This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him. 18.224. 10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. 18.225. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. 18.226. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; 18.227. insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. 18.228. Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is dead;” 18.229. who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, “Nay,” said he, “but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.” 18.231. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days. 18.232. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?” 18.233. When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; 18.234. but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; 18.235. another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. 18.236. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. 18.237. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea. 19.344. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun’s rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him; 19.345. and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, “Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.” 19.346. Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. 19.347. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, “I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.” 19.348. When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. 19.349. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king’s recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. 19.352. The revenues that he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachmae. Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless. 20.159. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it. 20.211. 4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Caesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronias. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae]; 20.212. he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city.

64. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 4.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture, Pergamum, library of Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 76

4.13. ἕως ἔρχομαι πρόσεχε τῇ ἀναγνώσει, τῇ παρακλήσει, τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ.

4.13. Until I come, pay attention to reading, to exhortation, and to teaching.

65. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.17-11.25, 15.12-15.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event •icon of the myrrhophores Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 22; Ernst, Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition (2009) 170

11.17. Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον συνέρχεσθε. 11.18. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν, καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω. 11.19. δεῖ γὰρ καὶ αἱρέσεις ἐν ὑμῖν εἶναι· ἵνα [καὶ] οἱ δόκιμοι φανεροὶ γένωνται ἐν ὑμῖν. 11.20. Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν, 11.21. ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν, καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ, ὃς δὲ μεθύει. 11.22. μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετε εἰς τὸ ἐσθίειν καὶ πίνειν; ἢ τῆς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονεῖτε, καὶ καταισχύνετε τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας; τί εἴπω ὑμῖν; ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς; ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ. 11.23. ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24. Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25. Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 15.12. Εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς κηρύσσεται ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγήγερται, πῶς λέγουσιν ἐν ὑμῖν τινὲς ὅτι ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν; 15.13. εἰ δὲ ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται· 15.14. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, κενὸν ἄρα τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν, κενὴ καὶ ἡ πίστις ἡμῶν, 15.15. εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅτι ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν χριστόν, ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν εἴπερ ἄρα νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται. 15.16. εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται· 15.17. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, ματαία ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν [ἐστίν], ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν. 15.18. ἄρα καὶ οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ ἀπώλοντο. 15.19. εἰ ἐν τῇ ζωῇ ταύτῃ ἐν Χριστῷ ἠλπικότες ἐσμὲν μόνον, ἐλεεινότεροι πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐσμέν. 15.20. Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων.

11.17. But in giving you this command, I don't praise you, that youcome together not for the better but for the worse. 11.18. For firstof all, when you come together in the assembly, I hear that divisionsexist among you, and I partly believe it. 11.19. For there also mustbe factions among you, that those who are approved may be revealedamong you. 11.20. When therefore you assemble yourselves together, itis not possible to eat the Lord's supper. 11.21. For in your eatingeach one takes his own supper before others. One is hungry, and anotheris drunken. 11.22. What, don't you have houses to eat and to drink in?Or do you despise God's assembly, and put them to shame who don't have?What shall I tell you? Shall I praise you? In this I don't praise you. 11.23. For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24. When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25. In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me." 15.12. Now if Christ is preached, that he has been raised from thedead, how do some among you say that there is no resurrection of thedead? 15.13. But if there is no resurrection of the dead, neither hasChrist been raised. 15.14. If Christ has not been raised, then ourpreaching is in vain, and your faith also is in vain. 15.15. Yes, weare found false witnesses of God, because we testified about God thathe raised up Christ, whom he didn't raise up, if it is so that the deadare not raised. 15.16. For if the dead aren't raised, neither hasChrist been raised. 15.17. If Christ has not been raised, your faithis vain; you are still in your sins. 15.18. Then they also who arefallen asleep in Christ have perished. 15.19. If we have only hoped inChrist in this life, we are of all men most pitiable. 15.20. But now Christ has been raised from the dead. He became thefirst fruits of those who are asleep.

66. Mishnah, Yoma, 8.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, human body as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

67. Mishnah, Sotah, 7.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Christianity, iconic dimension of scripture in •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture •liturgy and scripture, performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •performative and iconic dimensions of scripture •political and legal uses of Hebrew scripture, iconic and performative dimensions •visual culture and the Bible, iconic and performative dimensions of scripture Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 363

7.8. פָּרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ כֵּיצַד. מוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל חָג, בַּשְּׁמִינִי בְּמוֹצָאֵי שְׁבִיעִית, עוֹשִׂין לוֹ בִימָה שֶׁל עֵץ בָּעֲזָרָה, וְהוּא יוֹשֵׁב עָלֶיהָ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים לא) מִקֵּץ שֶׁבַע שָׁנִים בְּמֹעֵד וְגוֹ'. חַזַּן הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹטֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וְנוֹתְנָהּ לְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹתְנָהּ לַסְּגָן, וְהַסְּגָן נוֹתְנָהּ לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל נוֹתְנָהּ לַמֶּלֶךְ, וְהַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹמֵד וּמְקַבֵּל וְקוֹרֵא יוֹשֵׁב. אַגְרִיפָּס הַמֶּלֶךְ עָמַד וְקִבֵּל וְקָרָא עוֹמֵד, וְשִׁבְּחוּהוּ חֲכָמִים. וּכְשֶׁהִגִּיעַ (שם יז) לְלֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי, זָלְגוּ עֵינָיו דְּמָעוֹת. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַל תִּתְיָרֵא אַגְרִיפָּס, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה. וְקוֹרֵא מִתְּחִלַּת אֵלֶּה הַדְּבָרִים (דברים א׳:א׳) עַד שְׁמַע, וּשְׁמַע (שם ו), וְהָיָה אִם שָׁמֹעַ (שם יא), עַשֵּׂר תְּעַשֵּׂר (שם יד), כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר (שם כו), וּפָרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ (שם יז), וּבְרָכוֹת וּקְלָלוֹת (שם כח), עַד שֶׁגּוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה. בְּרָכוֹת שֶׁכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, הַמֶּלֶךְ מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, אֶלָּא שֶׁנּוֹתֵן שֶׁל רְגָלִים תַּחַת מְחִילַת הֶעָוֹן:

7.8. How was the procedure in connection with the portion read by the king?At the conclusion of the first day of the festival (Sukkot) in the eighth [year], at the end of the seventh year, they erect a wooden platform in the Temple court, and he sits upon it, as it is said, “At the end of seven years, in the set time” etc (Deuteronomy 31:10). The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and hands it to the head of the synagogue, the head of the synagogue hands it to the deputy and he hands it to the high priest, and the high priest hands it to the king and the king stands and receives it, but reads it while sitting. King Agrippa stood and received it and read standing, and the sages praised him. When he reached, “You shall not place a foreigner over you” (ibid 17:15) his eyes ran with tears. They said to him, “Fear not, Agrippas, you are our brother, you are our brother!” [The king] reads from the beginning of “These are the words” (ibid 1:1) until the Shema ((ibid 6:4-9), and the Shema, and “It will come to pass if you hear” (ibid 11:13-21 the second part of the Shema), and “You shall surely tithe” (ibid 14:22-29), and “When you have finished tithing” (ibid 26:12-15) and the portion of the king (ibid 17:14-20) and the blessings and curses (ibid, until he finishes all the section. The blessings that the high priest recites, the king recites, except that he substitutes one for the festivals instead of one for the pardon of sin.

68. Mishnah, Shabbat, 8.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, amulets as •icon, use of Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 101

8.2. הַמּוֹצִיא חֶבֶל, כְּדֵי לַעֲשׂוֹת אֹזֶן לְקֻפָּה. גֶּמִי, כְּדֵי לַעֲשׂוֹת תְּלַאי לְנָפָה וְלִכְבָרָה. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, כְּדֵי לִטֹּל מִמֶּנּוּ מִדַּת מִנְעָל לְקָטָן. נְיָר, כְּדֵי לִכְתֹּב עָלָיו קֶשֶׁר מוֹכְסִין. וְהַמּוֹצִיא קֶשֶׁר מוֹכְסִין, חַיָּב. נְיָר מָחוּק, כְּדֵי לִכְרֹךְ עַל פִּי צְלוֹחִית קְטַנָּה שֶׁל פַּלְיָטוֹן:

8.2. One who carries out rope, as much as is required for making a handle for a basket; A reed cord: as much as is required for making a hanger for a sifter or a sieve. Rabbi Judah says: as much as is required for taking the measure of a child's shoe. Paper, in order to write a tax-collector’s receipt on it. And one who carries out a tax-collector’s receipt is liable. Erased paper, as much as is required to wrap round a small vial of perfume.

69. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 7.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

7.5. הַמְגַדֵּף אֵינוֹ חַיָּב עַד שֶׁיְּפָרֵשׁ הַשֵּׁם. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן קָרְחָה, בְּכָל יוֹם דָּנִין אֶת הָעֵדִים בְּכִנּוּי יַכֶּה יוֹסֵי אֶת יוֹסֵי. נִגְמַר הַדִּין, לֹא הוֹרְגִים בְּכִנּוּי, אֶלָּא מוֹצִיאִים כָּל אָדָם לַחוּץ וְשׁוֹאֲלִים אֶת הַגָּדוֹל שֶׁבָּהֶן וְאוֹמְרִים לוֹ אֱמֹר מַה שֶּׁשָּׁמַעְתָּ בְּפֵרוּשׁ, וְהוּא אוֹמֵר, וְהַדַּיָּנִים עוֹמְדִין עַל רַגְלֵיהֶן וְקוֹרְעִין וְלֹא מְאַחִין. וְהַשֵּׁנִי אוֹמֵר אַף אֲנִי כָּמוֹהוּ, וְהַשְּׁלִישִׁי אוֹמֵר אַף אֲנִי כָּמוֹהוּ:

7.5. The blasphemer is punished only if he utters [the divine] name. Rabbi Joshua b. Korcha said: “The whole day [of the trial] the witnesses are examined by means of a substitute for the divine name:, ‘may Yose smite Yose.” When the trial was finished, the accused was not executed on this evidence, but all persons were removed [from court], and the chief witness was told, ‘State literally what you heard.’ Thereupon he did so, [using the divine name]. The judges then arose and tore their garments, which were not to be resewn. The second witness stated: “I too have heard thus” [but not uttering the divine name], and the third says: “I too heard thus.”

70. Mishnah, Niddah, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

71. Mishnah, Kiddushin, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

2.1. הַמְקַדֵּשׁ בִּתְרוּמוֹת וּבְמַעַשְׂרוֹת וּבְמַתָּנוֹת וּבְמֵי חַטָּאת וּבְאֵפֶר חַטָּאת, הֲרֵי זוֹ מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת, וַאֲפִלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל: 2.1. הָאִישׁ מְקַדֵּשׁ בּוֹ וּבִשְׁלוּחוֹ. הָאִשָּׁה מִתְקַדֶּשֶׁת בָּהּ וּבִשְׁלוּחָהּ. הָאִישׁ מְקַדֵּשׁ אֶת בִּתּוֹ כְּשֶׁהִיא נַעֲרָה, בּוֹ וּבִשְׁלוּחוֹ. הָאוֹמֵר לְאִשָּׁה, הִתְקַדְּשִׁי לִי בִתְמָרָה זוֹ, הִתְקַדְּשִׁי לִי בְזוֹ, אִם יֵשׁ בְּאַחַת מֵהֶן שָׁוֶה פְרוּטָה, מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת. וְאִם לָאו, אֵינָהּ מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת. בְּזוֹ וּבְזוֹ וּבְזוֹ, אִם יֵשׁ שָׁוֶה פְרוּטָה בְּכֻלָּן, מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת. וְאִם לָאו, אֵינָהּ מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת. הָיְתָה אוֹכֶלֶת רִאשׁוֹנָה רִאשׁוֹנָה, אֵינָהּ מְקֻדֶּשֶׁת, עַד שֶׁיְּהֵא בְאַחַת מֵהֶן שָׁוֶה פְרוּטָה:

2.1. A man can betroth [a woman] through himself or through his agent. A woman may be betrothed through herself or through her agent. A man may give his daughter in betrothal when a young girl [either] himself or through his agent. He who says to a woman, “Be betrothed to me with this date, be betrothed to me with this one” if any one of them is worth a perutah, she is betrothed; if not, she is not betrothed. [If he says,] “[Be betrothed to me] with this one and with this one and with this one” if together they are worth a perutah, she is betrothed; if not, she is not betrothed. If she eats them one by one, she is not betrothed unless one of them is worth a perutah.

72. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

1.3. הַגָּדוֹל שֶׁבָּא עַל הַקְּטַנָּה, וְקָטָן שֶׁבָּא עַל הַגְּדוֹלָה, וּמֻכַּת עֵץ, כְּתֻבָּתָן מָאתַיִם, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, מֻכַּת עֵץ, כְּתֻבָּתָהּ מָנֶה:

1.3. When an adult has had sexual intercourse with a young girl, or when a small boy has had intercourse with an adult woman, or a girl who was injured by a piece of wood [in all these cases] their kethubah is two hundred [zuz], the words of Rabbi Meir. But the Sages say: a girl who was injured by a piece of wood her kethubah is a maneh.

73. Josephus Flavius, Life, 177-184, 407-409, 46-48, 50-61, 49 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 201

49. ἦν δ' οὗτος κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ὁ τὴν βασιλείαν διοικῶν καταστησάντων αὐτὸν τῶν βασιλέων: αὐτοὶ γὰρ εἰς Βηρυτὸν ἀφικνοῦντο ὑπαντῆσαι βουλόμενοι Κεστίῳ.

74. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.252, 2.421, 2.481-2.483, 2.556 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Agrippa I, iconic coins of Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 201

2.252. Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν ̓Αρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου, τῇ δ' ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις, ̓́Αβελα μὲν καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν, Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας, εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν Φήλικα κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον. 2.421. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ κηδόμενος ἐπίσης τῶν τε ἀφισταμένων καὶ πρὸς οὓς ὁ πόλεμος ἠγείρετο, βουλόμενός τε ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ̓Ιουδαίους σώζεσθαι, ̓Ιουδαίοις δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἀλλ' οὐδ' ἑαυτῷ λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ταραχὴν ἐπιστάμενος, ἔπεμπεν τοὺς ἐπαμυνοῦντας τῷ δήμῳ δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, Αὐρανίτας τε καὶ Βαταναίους καὶ Τραχωνίτας, ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ μὲν ἱππάρχῃ, στρατηγῷ δὲ τῷ ̓Ιακίμου Φιλίππῳ. 2.481. Συνέστη δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείαν ἐπιβουλὴ κατὰ ̓Ιουδαίων. αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπεπόρευτο πρὸς Κέστιον Γάλλον εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν, καταλέλειπτο δὲ διοικεῖν τὰ πράγματα τούτου τῶν ἑταίρων τις τοὔνομα Νόαρος, Σοαίμῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσήκων κατὰ γένος. 2.482. ἧκον δ' ἐκ τῆς Βαταναίας ἑβδομήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες οἱ κατὰ γένος καὶ σύνεσιν τῶν πολιτῶν δοκιμώτατοι στρατιὰν αἰτοῦντες, ἵν' εἴ τι γένοιτο κίνημα καὶ περὶ σφᾶς, ἔχοιεν ἀξιόχρεω φυλακὴν κωλύειν τοὺς ἐπανισταμένους. 2.483. τούτους ὁ Νόαρος ἐκπέμψας νύκτωρ τῶν βασιλικῶν τινας ὁπλιτῶν ἅπαντας ἀναιρεῖ, τολμήσας μὲν τοὖργον δίχα τῆς ̓Αγρίππα γνώμης, διὰ δὲ φιλαργυρίαν ἄμετρον εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἑλόμενος ἀσεβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν διέφθειρεν: διετέλει τε ὠμῶς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομῶν, μέχρι πυθόμενος ̓Αγρίππας ἀνελεῖν μὲν αὐτὸν ᾐδέσθη διὰ Σόαιμον, ἔπαυσεν δὲ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς. 2.556. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Κεστίου συμφορὰν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὥσπερ βαπτιζομένης νηὸς ἀπενήχοντο τῆς πόλεως. Κοστόβαρος γοῦν καὶ Σάουλος ἀδελφοὶ σὺν Φιλίππῳ τῷ ̓Ιακίμου, στρατοπεδάρχης δ' ἦν οὗτος ̓Αγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως, διαδράντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ᾤχοντο πρὸς Κέστιον:

2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. 2.421. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army. 2.481. 6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa’s kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus. 2.482. Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. 2.483. This Noarus sent out some of the king’s armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. 2.556. 1. After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa’s forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius.

75. Mishnah, Makkot, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, human body as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

3.6. הַכּוֹתֵב כְּתֹבֶת קַעֲקַע, כָּתַב וְלֹא קִעֲקַע, קִעֲקַע וְלֹא כָתַב, אֵינוֹ חַיָּב, עַד שֶׁיִּכְתֹּב וִיקַעֲקֵעַ בִּדְיוֹ וּבִכְחֹל וּבְכָל דָּבָר שֶׁהוּא רוֹשֵׁם. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יְהוּדָה מִשּׁוּם רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אוֹמֵר, אֵינוֹ חַיָּב עַד שֶׁיִּכְתּוֹב שָׁם הַשֵּׁם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ויקרא יט) וּכְתֹבֶת קַעֲקַע לֹא תִתְּנוּ בָּכֶם אֲנִי ה':

3.6. He who writes an incision on his skin [is flogged]. If he writes [on his flesh] without incising, or incises without writing, he is not liable, until he writes and incises with ink, eye-paint or anything that lasts. Rabbi Shimon ben Judah says in the name of Rabbi Shimon: “He is not liable until he has written there the name [of a god], as it is says: “Nor shall you incise any marks on yourselves; I am the Lord” (Leviticus 19:28).

76. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 10.1.112 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Cicero, as a cultural icon Found in books: Bua, Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD (2019) 100

77. Ptolemy, Syntaxis Mathematica, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 113

78. Statius, Thebais, 1.719-1.720 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 222

79. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 6.2.3, 4.6.init., 4.6.1, 6.2.init., 6.2.4, 4.6.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mueller, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus (2002) 164

6.2.3. What? Were the people safe from the assaults of liberty? No, it both assailed them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo, tribune of the plebs, who was a most turbulent supporter of the recently suppressed Gracchan sedition, and a most absolute firebrand of the growing civil strife, having dragged P. Africanus from the very gate of the city to the rostra, as he returned in triumph from the destruction of Numantia, asked him there for his opinion on the death of Ti. Gracchus, whose sister he had married; so that by the authority of so eminent a person, he might add fuel to the fire already begun. He did not doubt that in regard of his near relative, Scipio would speak somewhat affectionately on behalf of his brother-in-law who had been put to death; but he answered that Gracchus was rightly slain. Upon which saying, when the whole assembly, aroused by the tribunician fury, began to make a great clamour. "Hold your peace," said he, "you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother." And when they began to make yet more noise, he said, "You shall never make me afraid of you - the freedmen, whom I brought here in chains." Thus were the whole people twice reprimanded by one man with contempt. But - such is the honour they gave to virtue - they soon were mute. The Numantine victory fresh in memory, his father's conquest of Macedonia, his grandfather's Carthaginian trophies, and the necks of two kings, Perseus and Syphax, chained to their triumphal chariots, closed the mouths of the whole forum. Nor did their silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian families, many fears of the city and Italy were brought to an end. The people of Rome were not free to protest, in respect of Scipio's free speech.

80. Tosefta, Makkot, 4.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, human body as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

81. Tosefta, Berachot, 6.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, human body as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

6.24. לא יכנס אדם [בהר הבית במעות הצרורות לו בסדינו ובאבק שעל רגליו באפונדתו החגורה לו] מבחוץ שנאמר (קוהלת ד) שמור רגלך כאשר תלך אל בית האלהים.

82. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, 9.3 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, human body as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

83. Palestinian Talmud, Ketuvot, 1.3, 25b (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

84. Anon., Odes of Solomon, 4.7-4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

4.8. And Your hosts possess it, and the elect archangels are clothed with it.

85. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 10.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

86. Anon., Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, ex. 28.30 (2nd cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

87. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 3.16.1, 7.42.3, 8.42.3-8.42.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 91

3.16.1. πλησίον δὲ Ἱλαείρας καὶ Φοίβης ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ὁ δὲ ποιήσας τὰ ἔπη τὰ Κύπρια θυγατέρας αὐτὰς Ἀπόλλωνός φησιν εἶναι. κόραι δὲ ἱερῶνταί σφισι παρθένοι, καλούμεναι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ταῖς θεαῖς καὶ αὗται Λευκιππίδες. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἕτερον τῶν ἀγαλμάτων ἱερασαμένη τις ταῖς θεαῖς Λευκιππὶς ἐπεκόσμησε, πρόσωπον ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀρχαίου ποιησαμένη τῆς ἐφʼ ἡμῶν τέχνης τὸ δὲ ἕτερον μὴ καὶ τοῦτο ἐπικοσμεῖν αὐτὴν ἀπεῖπεν ὄνειρον. ἐνταῦθα ἀπήρτηται ᾠὸν τοῦ ὀρόφου κατειλημένον ταινίαις· εἶναι δέ φασιν ᾠὸν ἐκεῖνο ὃ τεκεῖν Λήδαν ἔχει λόγος. 8.42.3. τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ ἄλλοτε αὐτὸν ἐν ἄλλῳ θηρεύειν τῶν ὀρῶν, ἀφικόμενον δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ Ἐλάιον κατοπτεῦσαι τὴν Δήμητρα σχήματός τε ὡς εἶχε καὶ ἐσθῆτα ἐνεδέδυτο ποίαν· πυθέσθαι δὴ τὸν Δία ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ Πανὸς καὶ οὕτως ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πεμφθῆναι τὰς Μοίρας παρὰ τὴν Δήμητρα, τὴν δὲ πεισθῆναί τε ταῖς Μοίραις καὶ ἀποθέσθαι μὲν τὴν ὀργήν, ὑφεῖναι δὲ καὶ τῆς λύπης. σφᾶς δὲ ἀντὶ τούτων φασὶν οἱ Φιγαλεῖς τό τε σπήλαιον νομίσαι τοῦτο ἱερὸν Δήμητρος καὶ ἐς αὐτὸ ἄγαλμα ἀναθεῖναι ξύλου. 8.42.4. πεποιῆσθαι δὲ οὕτω σφίσι τὸ ἄγαλμα· καθέζεσθαι μὲν ἐπὶ πέτρᾳ, γυναικὶ δὲ ἐοικέναι τἄλλα πλὴν κεφαλήν· κεφαλὴν δὲ καὶ κόμην εἶχεν ἵππου, καὶ δρακόντων τε καὶ ἄλλων θηρίων εἰκόνες προσεπεφύκεσαν τῇ κεφαλῇ· χιτῶνα δὲ ἐνεδέδυτο καὶ ἐς ἄκρους τοὺς πόδας· δελφὶς δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς χειρὸς ἦν αὐτῇ, περιστερὰ δὲ ἡ ὄρνις ἐπὶ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ. ἐφʼ ὅτῳ μὲν δὴ τὸ ξόανον ἐποιήσαντο οὕτως, ἀνδρὶ οὐκ ἀσυνέτῳ γνώμην ἀγαθῷ δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐς μνήμην δῆλά ἐστι· Μέλαιναν δὲ ἐπονομάσαι φασὶν αὐτήν, ὅτι καὶ ἡ θεὸς μέλαιναν τὴν ἐσθῆτα εἶχε. 8.42.5. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ ξόανον οὔτε ὅτου ποίημα ἦν οὔτε ἡ φλὸξ τρόπον ὅντινα ἐπέλαβεν αὐτό, μνημονεύουσιν· ἀφανισθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἀρχαίου Φιγαλεῖς οὔτε ἄγαλμα ἄλλο ἀπεδίδοσαν τῇ θεῷ καὶ ὁπόσα ἐς ἑορτὰς καὶ θυσίας τὰ πολλὰ δὴ παρῶπτό σφισιν, ἐς ὃ ἡ ἀκαρπία ἐπιλαμβάνει τὴν γῆν· καὶ ἱκετεύσασιν αὐτοῖς χρᾷ τάδε ἡ Πυθία· 8.42.6. Ἀρκάδες Ἀζᾶνες βαλανηφάγοι, οἳ Φιγάλειαν νάσσασθʼ, ἱππολεχοῦς Δῃοῦς κρυπτήριον ἄντρον, ἥκετε πευσόμενοι λιμοῦ λύσιν ἀλγινόεντος, μοῦνοι δὶς νομάδες, μοῦνοι πάλιν ἀγριοδαῖται. Δῃὼ μέν σε ἔπαυσε νομῆς, Δῃὼ δὲ νομῆας ἐκ δησισταχύων καὶ ἀναστοφάγων πάλι θῆκε, νοσφισθεῖσα γέρα προτέρων τιμάς τε παλαιάς. καί σʼ ἀλληλοφάγον θήσει τάχα καὶ τεκνοδαίτην, εἰ μὴ πανδήμοις λοιβαῖς χόλον ἱλάσσεσθε σήραγγός τε μυχὸν θείαις κοσμήσετε τιμαῖς. 8.42.7. ὡς δὲ οἱ Φιγαλεῖς ἀνακομισθὲν τὸ μάντευμα ἤκουσαν, τά τε ἄλλα ἐς πλέον τιμῆς ἢ τὰ πρότερα τὴν Δήμητρα ἦγον καὶ Ὀνάταν τὸν Μίκωνος Αἰγινήτην πείθουσιν ἐφʼ ὅσῳ δὴ μισθῷ ποιῆσαί σφισιν ἄγαλμα Δήμητρος· τοῦ δὲ Ὀνάτα τούτου Περγαμηνοῖς ἐστιν Ἀπόλλων χαλκοῦς, θαῦμα ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ τέχνῃ. τότε δὴ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἀνευρὼν γραφὴν ἢ μίμημα τοῦ ἀρχαίου ξοάνου—τὰ πλείω δέ, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ κατὰ ὀνειράτων ὄψιν—ἐποίησε χαλκοῦν Φιγαλεῦσιν ἄγαλμα, γενεαῖς μάλιστα δυσὶν ὕστερον τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπιστρατείας τοῦ Μήδου. 8.42.8. μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι τῷ λόγῳ· κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Ξέρξου διάβασιν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην Συρακουσῶν τε ἐτυράννει καὶ Σικελίας τῆς ἄλλης Γέλων ὁ Δεινομένους· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐτελεύτησε Γέλων, ἐς Ἱέρωνα ἀδελφὸν Γέλωνος περιῆλθεν ἡ ἀρχή· Ἱέρωνος δὲ ἀποθανόντος πρότερον πρὶν ἢ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διὶ ἀναθεῖναι τὰ ἀναθήματα ἃ εὔξατο ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ταῖς νίκαις, οὕτω Δεινομένης ὁ Ἱέρωνος ἀπέδωκεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρός.

3.16.1. Near is a sanctuary of Hilaeira and of Phoebe. The author of the poem Cypria calls them daughters of Apollo. Their priestesses are young maidens, called, as are also the goddesses, Leucippides (Daughter of Leucippus). Paus. 1.18.1 ; Paus. 3.13.7 and Paus. 3.17.3 . One of the images was adorned by a Leucippis who had served the goddesses as a priestess. She gave it a face of modern workmanship instead of the old one; she was forbidden by a dream to adorn the other one as well. Here there his been hung from the roof an egg tied to ribands, and they say that it is the famous egg that legend says Leda brought forth. 8.42.3. until Pan, they say, visited Arcadia . Roaming from mountain to mountain as he hunted, he came at last to Mount Elaius and spied Demeter, the state she was in and the clothes she wore. So Zeus learnt this from Pan, and sent the Fates to Demeter, who listened to the Fates and laid aside her wrath, moderating her grief as well. For these reasons, the Phigalians say, they concluded that this cavern was sacred to Demeter and set up in it a wooden image. 8.42.4. The image, they say, was made after this fashion. It was seated on a rock, like to a woman in all respects save the head. She had the head and hair of a horse, and there grew out of her head images of serpents and other beasts. Her tunic reached right to her feet; on one of her hands was a dolphin, on the other a dove. Now why they had the image made after this fashion is plain to any intelligent man who is learned in traditions. They say that they named her Black because the goddess had black apparel. 8.42.5. They cannot relate either who made this wooden image or how it caught fire. But the old image was destroyed, and the Phigalians gave the goddess no fresh image, while they neglected for the most part her festivals and sacrifices, until the barrenness fell on the land. Then they went as suppliants to the Pythian priestess and received this response:— 8.42.6. Azanian Arcadians, acorn-eaters, who dwell In Phigaleia, the cave that hid Deo, who bare a horse, You have come to learn a cure for grievous famine, Who alone have twice been nomads, alone have twice lived on wild fruits. It was Deo who made you cease from pasturing, Deo who made you pasture again After being binders of corn and eaters With the reading ἀναστοφάγους “made you pasture again, and to be non-eaters of cakes, after being binders of corn.” of cakes, Because she was deprived of privileges and ancient honors given by men of former times. And soon will she make you eat each other and feed on your children, Unless you appease her anger with libations offered by all your people, And adorn with divine honors the nook of the cave. 8.42.7. When the Phigalians heard the oracle that was brought back, they held Demeter in greater honor than before, and particularly they persuaded Onatas of Aegina, son of Micon, to make them an image of Demeter at a price. The Pergamenes have a bronze Apollo made by this Onatas, a most wonderful marvel both for its size and workmanship. This man then, about two generations after the Persian invasion of Greece, made the Phigalians an image of bronze, guided partly by a picture or copy of the ancient wooden image which he discovered, but mostly (so goes the story) by a vision that he saw in dreams. As to the date, I have the following evidence to produce. 8.42.8. At the time when Xerxes crossed over into Europe, Gelon the son of Deinomenes was despot of Syracuse and of the rest of Sicily besides. When Gelon died, the kingdom devolved on his brother Hieron. Hieron died before he could dedicate to Olympian Zeus the offerings he had vowed for his victories in the chariot-race, and so Deinomenes his son paid the debt for his father.

88. Tertullian, Apology, 16.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 91

89. Vettius Valens, Anthologies, 1.18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 221, 222

90. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.13-1.22, 1.14.1-1.14.2, 1.14.5, 1.14.8, 1.15.1, 5.10, 6.37 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, example of •language, as icon •sounds, language iconic at level of •icon, word as •ritual, icons in Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 46, 47, 49, 79

1.13. 13. Τούτων δὲ γενομένων οὔτως, τὸ ἐμφωλεῦον τῷ κόσμῳ πῦρ ἐκλάμψαν καὶ ἐξαφθὲν, καὶ 3κατεργασάμενον cf. II. 52. πᾶσαν ὕλην 4συναναλωθήσεσθαι αὐτῇ, καὶ εἰς τὸ μηκέτʼ εἶναι χωρήσειν διδάσκουσι. Τὸν δὲ Δημιουργὸν μηδὲν τούτων ἐγνωκέναι LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. ἀποφαίνονται πρὸ τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος παρουσίας. Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες προβαλέσθαι αὐτὸν καὶ Χριστὸν υἱὸν ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ cf. III. 18. 31. 32. καὶ ψυχικόν· καὶ περὶ τούτου διὰ τῶν Προφητῶν λελαληκέναι. G. 33. M. 33. Εἶναι δὲ τοῦτον τὸν διὰ Μαρίας διοδεύσαντα, καθάπερ ὕδωρ 2διὰ σωλῆνος ὁδεύει, καὶ εἰς τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος κατελθεῖν ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Πληρώματος ἐκ πάντων Σωτῆρα, ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς· γεγονέναι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ l. ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ σπέρμα πνευματικόν. Τὸν οὖν Κύριον ἡμῶν ἐκ 3τεσσάρων τούτων σύνθετοι γεγονέναι φάσκουσιν, ἀποσώζοντα τὸν τύπον τῆς ἀρχεγόνου καὶ πρώτης 1τετρακτύος· ἔκ τε τοῦ πνευματικοῦ, ὃ ἦν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ. LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ψυχιοῦ, ὃ ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, καὶ ἐκ τῆρ οἰκονομίας, 2ὃ ἦν κατεσκευασμένον ἀῤῥήτῳ τέχνῃ, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ p. 52. Σωτῆρος, ὃ ἦν κατελθοῦσα εἰς αὐτὸν περιστερά. Ναὶ τοῦτο l. τοῦτον μὲν ἀπαθῆ διαμεμενηκέναι· (οὐ γὰρ ἐνεδέχετο παθεῖν αὐτὸν 3ἀκράτητον καὶ ἀόρατον ὑπάρχοντα·) 4καὶ διὰ LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. τοῦτο ᾖρθαι, προσαγομένου αὐτοῦ τῷ Πιλάτῳ, τὸ εἰς αὐτὸν ματατεθὲν πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ. Ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς σπέρμα πεπονθέναι λέγουσιν. 1Ἀπαθὲς γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ l. ἅτε πνευματικὸν, καὶ ἀόρατον καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ δημιουργῷ. Ἔπαθε δὲ λοιπὸν κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς ὁ ψυχικὸς Χριστὸς, καὶ ὁ ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας κατεσκευασμένος μυστηριωδῶς, ἵνʼ ἐπιδείξῃ δι᾿ αὐτοῦ ἡ μήτηρ τὸν τύπον τοῦ ἄνω Χριστοῦ, ἐκείνου τοῦ ἐπεκταθέντος τῷ 3Σταυρῷ, καὶ μορφώσαντος τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ μόρφωσιν τὴν κατʼ οὐσίαν· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα τόπους ἐκείνων εἶναι λέγουσι. Τὰς δὲ ἐσχηκυίας τό σπέρμα τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ ψυχὰς ἀμείνους λέγουσι γεγονέναι τῶν λοιπῶν· διὸ καὶ πλεῖον τῶν ἄλλων ἠγαπῆσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, μὴ εἰδότος τὴν αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ παῤ αὑτοῦ λογιζομένου εἶναι τοιαύτας. Διὸ καὶ εἰς προφήτας, φασὶν, ἔτασσεν αὐτοὺς αὐτὰς, καὶ M. 34. G. 34. ἱρεῖς, καὶ βασιλεῖς. Καὶ πολλὰ 1ὑπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος τούτον LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 3. εἰρῆσθαι διὰ τῶν προφητῶν ἐξηγοῦνται, ἅτε ὑψηλοτέρας φύσεως 2ὑπαρχούσας· πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα περὶ τῶν IV. lxix. ἀνωτέρω εἰρηκέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τούτου καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου γενομένων ψυχῶν. Καὶ λοιπὸν 4τέμνουσι τὰς προφητείας, τὸ μέν τι ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς εἰρῆσθαι θέλοντες, cf. c. xxxiv. τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ. Ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὡσαύτως, τὸ μέν τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος σἰρηκέναι, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, καθὼς ἐπιδείξομεν προϊόντος ἡμῖν τοῦ λόγου. Τὸρ δὲ Δημιουργὸν, ἅτε ἀγνοοῦντα τὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτὸν, κινεῖσθαι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις, καταπεφρονηκέναι δὲ αὐτῶν, ἄλλοτε ἄλλην αἰτίαν νομίσαντα, ἢ 5τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ προφητεῦον, ἔχον LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 5. καὶ αὐτὸ ἰδίαν τινὰ κίνησιν, ἢ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἢ τὴν προσπλοκὴν τῶν χειρῶν χειρόνων καὶ οὕτως ἀγνοοῦντα 1 ἄχρι τῆς παρουσίας τοῦ Κυρίου. Ἐλθόντος δὲ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, μαθεῖν αὐτὸν παῤ αὐτοῦ πάντα λέγουσι, καὶ ἄσμενον αὐτῷ 2προσχωρήσαντα μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, καὶ αὐτὸν εἶναι τὸν ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ ἑκατόνταρχον. λέγοντα τῷ Σωτῆρι· καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ ὑπὸ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ἐξουσίαν ἔχω στρατιώτας καὶ δούλους, καὶ ὃ ἐὰν προστάξω, ποιοῦσι. Τελέσειν δὲ αὐτὸν τὴν κατὰ τὸν κόσμον οἰκονομίαν μέχρι τοῦ M. 35. δέοντος καιροῦ, μάλιστα δὲ διὰ τὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπιμέλειαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν τοῦ ἑτοιμασθέντος αὐτῷ ἐπάθλου, ὅτι εἰς τὸν τῆς μητρὸς τόπον χωρήσει. 1.14. 14. Ἀνθρώπων δὲ τρία γένη ὑφίστανται, πνευματικὸν, χοϊκὸν, ψυχικὸν, καθὼς ἐγένοντο Κάϊν, Ἄβελ, Σήθ· καὶ ἐκ τούτων1 τὰς τρεῖς φύσεις, 2οὐκέτι καθʼ ἓν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ LIB. I. i. 14. GR. I. i. 14. MASS. I. vii. 5. γένος. Καὶ 3τὸ μὲν χοϊκὸν εἰς φθορὰν χωρεῖν· καὶ τὸ ψυχι κὸν, ἐὰν τὰ βελτίονα ἕληται, 4ἐν τῷ τῆς μεσότητος τόπῳ ἀναπαύ σ εσθαι· ἐὰν δὲ τὰ χαίρω, χωρήσειν καὶ αὐτὸ πρὸς G. 35. τὰ ὅμοια· τὰ δὲ πνευματικὰ, 5ἃ ἂν κατασπείρῃ ἡ Ἀχαμὼθ ἔκτοτε ἕως τοῦ νῦν δικαίαις ψυχαῖς, παιδευθέντα ἐνθάδε καὶ ἐκτραφέντα, διὰ τὸ νήπια ἐκπεπέμφθαι, ὕστερον τελειότητος ἀξιωθέντα, νύμφας ἀποδοθήσεσθαι τοῖς τοῦ Σωτῆρος Ἀγγέλοις δογματίζουσι, τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτῶν ἐν μεσότητι κατ᾿ ἀνάγκην 6μετὰ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ ἀναπαυσαμένων εἰς τὸ παντελές. LIB. I. i. 14. GR. I. i. 14. MASS. I. vii. 5. Καὶ αὐτὰς μὲν τὰς ψυχιὰς 1 ψυχὰς πάλιν ὑπομερίζοντες λέγουσιν, ἃς μὲν φύσει ἀγαθὰς, ἃς δὲ φύσει πονηράς. Καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀγαθὰς ταύτας εἶναι τὰς δεκτικὰς τοῦ σπέρματος γινομένας· τὰς δὲ φύσει πονηρὰς μηδέποτε ἂν ἐπιδέξασθαι ἐκεῖνο τὸ σπέρμα. 1.15. 15. 2Τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς ὑποθέσεως αὐτῶν οὔσης, ἣν οὔτε Προφῆται ἐκήρυξαν, οὔτε ὁ Κύριος ἐδίδαξεν, οὔτε Ἀπόστολοι M. 36. παρέδωκαν, ἣν 3περὶ τῶν ὅλων αὐχοῦσι πλεῖον τῶν ἄλλων ἐγνωκέναι, 4ἐξ ἀγράφων ἀναγινώσκοντες, καὶ τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, 5ἐξ ἄμμου σχοινία πλέκειν ἐπιτηδεύοντες, ἀξιοπίστως ἀξιόπιστα Assem. προσαρμόζειν πειρῶνται 6τοῖς εἰρημένοις, ἤτοι παραβολὰς κυριακὰς, ἢ ῥήσεις προφητικὰς, λόγους LIB. I. i. 15. GR. I. i. 15. MASS. I. vili. 1. ἀποστολικοὺς, ἵνα τὸ πλάσμα αὐτῶν μὴ ἀμάρτυρον εἶναι δοκῇ· τὴν μὲν τάξιν καὶ τὸν εἱρμὸν τῶν γραφῶν ὑπερβαίνοντες, λέξιν Ephr. Syr. καὶ, ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς, λύοντες τὰ μέλη τῆς ἀληθείας. Μεταφέρουσι δὲ καὶ μεταπλάττουσι, καὶ ἄλλο ἐξ ἄλλου ποιοῦντες ἐξαπατῶσι πολλοὺς τῇ τῶν ἐφαρμοζομένων κυριακῶν λογίων κακοσυνθέτῳ σοφίᾳ φαντασίᾳ Ephr. S. . Ὅνπερ τρόπον εἴ τις βασιλέως 1εἰκόνος καλῆς κατεσκευασμένης ἐπιμελῶς G. 36. 2ἐκ ψηφίδων ἐπισήμων ὑπὸ σοφοῦ τεχνίτου, λύσας τὴν ὑποκειμένην τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἰδέαν, 3μετενέγκῃ τὰς ψηφῖδας μετενέγει Ephr. μεθαρμόσει Ephr. ποεησας Ephr. cf. xxxv. ἐκείνας, καὶ μεθαρμόσοι, καὶ ποιήσει μορφὴν κυνὸς ἢ ἀλώπεκος, καὶ 4ταύτυν φαύλως κατεσκευασμένυν, ἔπειτα διορίζοιτο, καὶ λέγοι ταύτην εἶναι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκείνην εἰκόνα τὴν καλὴν, LIB. I. i. 15. GR. I. i. 15. MASS. I. vili. 1. ἣν ὁ σοφὸς τεχνίτης κατεσκεύασε, δεικνὺς τὰς ψηφῖδας τὰς καλῶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τεχνίτου τοῦ πρώτου εἰς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὐπὸ τοῦ δευτέρου Ephr. Syr. εἰκόνα συντεθείσας, κακῶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑστέρου εἰς κυνὸς μορφὴν μετενεχθείσας, καὶ διὰ τῆς τῶν ψηφίδων φαντασίας μεθοδεύοι τοὺς ἀπειροτέρους, τοὺς κατάληψιν βασιλικῆς μορφῆς οὐκ ἔχοντας, καὶ πείθοι ὅτι αὕτη ἡ σαπρὰ τῆς ἀλώπεκος ἰδέα ἐστὶν ἐκείνη ἡ καλὴ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰκών· τὸν αὐτὸν δὴ συγκαττύ- ουσι Assem. τρόπον καὶ οὗτοι γραῶν μύθους συγκαττύσαντες, ἔπειτα M. 37. ῥήματα καὶ λέξεις καὶ παραβολὰς ὅθεν καὶ πόθεν ἀποσπῶντες, μεθεπμόζειν Ephr. Syr. ἐφαρκόζειν βούλονται τοῖς μόθοιο αὐτῶν ἑαυτῶν Ephr. S. τὰ λόγια τοῦ Θεοῦ. Καὶ ὅσα μὲν ἐν τοῖς l. τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ Πληρώματος ἐφαρμόζουσιν, εἰρήκαμεν. 1.16. 16. Ὅσα δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐκτὸς τοῦ Πληρώματος αὐτῶν προσοικειοῦν πειρῶνται ἐκ τῶν γραφῶν, ἔστι τοιαῦτα· τὸν Κύριον ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τοῦ κόσμου χρόνοις διὰ τοῦτο ἐληλυθέναι ἐπὶ τὸ πάθος λέγουσιν, ἵν᾿ ἐπιδείξῃ τὸ περὶ τὸν ἔσχατον τῶν Αἰώνων γεγονὸς πάθος, καὶ δἰ αὐτοῦ τοῦ τέλους Jac. v. 11. ἐμφῄνῃ τὸ τέλος τῆς περὶ τοὺς Αἰῶνας πραγματείας. Τὴν δὲ δωδεκαετῆ παρθένον ἐκείνην, τὴν τοῦ ἀρχισυναγώγου θυγατέρα, ἣν ἐπιστὰς ὁ Κύριος ἐκ νεκρῶν ἤγειρε, τύπον εἶναι διηγοῦνται τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ, ἣν 1ἐπεκταθεὶς ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτὸν LIB. I. i. 16. GR. I. i. 16. MASS. I. vili. 2. αὐτῶν ἐμόρφωσε, καὶ εἰς αἴσθησιν ἤγαγε τοῦ καταλιπόντος αὐτὴν φωτός. Ὅτι, δὲ αὐτῇ ἐπέφανεν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐκτὸς οὔσης cf. § 7. τοῦ Πληρώματος, ἐν ἐκτρώματος μοίρα, τὸν Παῦλον λέγουσιν εἰρηκέναι ἐν 2τῇ adj. πρώτῃ πρὸς Κορινθίους· Ἔσχατον δὲ πάντων, ὡσπερεὶ τῷ ἐκτρώματι, ὤφθη κᾀμοί. Τήν τε μετὰ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν τοῦ Σωτῆρος παρουσίαν πρὸς τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ, ὁμοίως cf. § 8. πεφανερωκέναι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ἐπιστολῇ, εἰπόντα· Δεῖ τὴν γυναῖκα 3κάλυμμα ἔχειν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς διὰ τοὺς ἀγγέλους. LIB. I. i. 16. GR. I. i. 16. MASS. I. vili. 2. Καὶ ὅτι ἥκοντος τοῦ Σωτῆρος πρὸς αὐτὴν, δἰ αἰδὼ κάλυμμα G. 37. ἐπέθετο ἡ Ἀχαμὼθ, Μωσέα πεποιηκέναι φανερὸν, κάλυμμα θέμενον ἐπὶ τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ. Καὶ τὰ πάθν δὲ αὐτῆς, ἃ ἔπαθεν, ἐπισεσημειῶσθαι τὸν Κύριον φάσκουσιν ἐν τῷ σταυρῷ. Καὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ εἰπεῖν· Ὁ Θεός μου, ὁ Θεός μοι, M. 38. εἰς τί ἐγκατέλιπές με; μεμηνυκέναι αὐτὸν, ὅτι ἀπελείφθη ἀπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς ἡ Σοφία, καὶ ἐκωλύθη ὑπὸ τοῦ Ὅρου τῆς εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν ὁρμῆς· τὴν δὲ λύπην αὐτῆς, ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν· Περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου ἕως θανάτου del. ἕ. θ. · τὸν δὲ φόβον, ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν· Πάτερ, εἰ δυνατὸν, παρελθέτω ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ τὸ ποτήριον· καὶ τὴν ἀπορίαν δὲ ὡσαύτως, ἐν τῷ εἰρηκέναι· Καὶ τί εἴπω, 1οὐκ οἶδα. Τρία δὲ γένη ἀνθρώπων οὕτως δεδειχέναι διδάσκουσιν αὐτόν· τὸ μὲν ὑλικὸν, 2ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν τῷ ἐρωτήσαντι, Ἀκολουθήσω σοι; Οὐκ ἔχει ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου LIB. I. i. 16. GR. I. i. 16. MASS. I. vili. 3. ποῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν κλῖναι κλίνῃ · τὸ δὲ ψυχικὸν, ἐν τῷ εἰρηκέναι τῷ εἰπόντι, Ἀκολουθήσω σοι, ἐπίτρεψον δέ μοι πρῶτον ἀποτάξασθαι τοῖς ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου· Οὐδεὶς ἐπʼ ἄροτρον τὴν χεῖρα ἐπιβαλὼν, καὶ εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω βλέπων, εὔθετός ἐστιν ἐν τῇ βασιλεία εἰς τὴν β. τῶν οὐρανῶν. Τοῦτον γὰρ λέγουσι τὸν μέσον εἶναι. Κᾀκεῖνον δὲ ὡσαύτως τὸν τὰ πλεῖστα μέρη τῆς δικαιοσύνης ὁμολογήσαντα πεποιηκέναι, ἔπειτα μὴ θελήσαντα ἀκολουθῆσαι, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ πλούτου ἡττηθέντα, πρὸς τὸ μὴ τέλειον γενέσθαι, καὶ τοῦτον τοῦ ψυχικοῦ γένους γεγονέναι θέλουσι. Τὸ, δὲ πνευματικὸν, ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν· Ἄφες τοὺς νεκροὺς θάψαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νεκρούς· σὺ δὲ πορευθεὶς διάγγελλε τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ· καὶ ἐπὶ Ζακχαίου του τελώνου εἰπών· Σπεύσας κατάβηθι, ὅτι σήμερον ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ σου δεῖ με μείναι· τούτους γὰρ πνευματικοῦ γένους καταγγέλλουσι γεγονέναι. Καὶ τὴν τῆς ζύμης παραβολὴν, ἥν ἡ γυνὴ LIB. I. i. 16. GR. I. i. 16. MASS. I. viii. 3. ἐγκεκρυφέναι λέγεται εἰς ἀλεύρου σάτα τρία, τὰ τρία γένη δνλοῦν λέγουσι· γοναῖκα μὲν γὰρ τὴν Σοφίαν λέγεσθαι διδάσκουσιν· ἀλεύρου σάτα τὰ τρία, τὰ τρία γένη τῶν M. 30. ἀνθρώπων, πνευματικὸν, ψυχικὸν, χοϊκόν· ζύμην δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν Σωτῆρα εἰρῆσθαι διδάσκουσι. Καὶ τὸν Παῦλον διαῤῥήδην εἰρηκέναι χοϊκοὺς, ψυχικοὺς, πνευματικούς· ὅπου μὲν, Οἷος ὁ χοϊκὸς, τοιοῦτοι καὶ οἱ χοϊκοί· ὅπου δὲ, ψοχικὸς δὲ ἄνθρωπος G. 38. οὐ δέχεται τὰ τοῦ πνεύματος1· ὅπου δὲ, Πνευματικὸς ἀνακρίνει πάντα. Τὸ, δὲ, ψυχικὸς οὐ δέχεται τὰ τοῦ πνεύματος, ἐπὶ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ φασὶν εἰρῆσθαι, ὃν ψυχικὸν ὄντα 2μὴ ἐγνωκέναι μήτε τὴν μητέρα πνευματικὴν οὖσαν, μήτε τὸ σπέρμα αὐτῆς, μήτε τοὺς ἐν τῷ Πληρώματι Αἰῶνας. Ὅτι ἰδὼν ὅτι δὲ, ὧν ἤμελλε σώ ζεῖν ὁ Σωτὴρ, τούτων τὰς ἀπαρχὰς ἀνέλαβε, τὸν Παῦλον εἰρηκέναι· Καὶ ἢν ἡ ἀπαρχὴ ἁγία, καὶ τὸ φύραμα. Ἀπαρχὴν μὲν τὸ πνευματικὸν εἰρῆσθαι διδάσκοντες· φύραμα δὲ ἡμᾶς, τουτέστι τὴν ψυχικὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, ἧς τὸ φύραμα ἀνειληφέναι λέγουσιν αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ 1συνεσταλκέναι, LIB. I. i. 17. GR. I. i. 17. MASS. I. viii. 4. ἐπειδὴ ἦν αὐτὸς χύμη. 1.17. 17. Καὶ ὅτι ἐπλανήθη ἡ Ἀχαμὼθ ἐκτός τοῦ Πληρώτοῦ ματος, καὶ ἐμορφώθη ὑπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ ἀνεζητήθη ὑπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, μηνύειν αὐτὸν λέγουσιν ἐν τῷ εἰπεῖν, αὐτὸν ἐληλυθέναι ἐπὶ τὸ πεπλανημένον suppl. πρόβατον . Πρόβατον μὲν γὰρ πεπλανημένον τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν ἐξηγοῦνται λέγεσθαι, ἐξ ἧς τὴν ὧδε θέλουσιν ἐσπάρθαι Ἐκκλησίαν· πλάνην δὲ, τὴν ἐκτὸς Πληρώματος ἐν Int. πᾶσι τοῖς πάθεσι διατριθὴν, ἐξ ὧν γεγονέναι τὴν ὕλην ὑποτίθενται. Τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα τὴν σαροῦσαν τὴν οἰκίαν, καὶ εὑρίσκουσαν τὴν δραχμὴν, τὴν ἄνω Σοφίαν διηγοῦνται λέγεσθαι, ἥτις ἀπολέσασα cf. 3 and 13. τὴν Ἐνθόμησιν αὐτῆς, ὕστερον καθαρισθέντων πάντων διὰ τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος παρουσίας εὑρίσκει αὐτήν· διὸ καὶ ταύτην 2ἀποκαθἱστασθαι κατʼ αὐτοὺς ἐντὸς πληρώματος. Συμεῶνα τὸν LIB. I. i. 17. GR. I. i. 17. MASS. I. viii. 4. εἰς τὰς ἀγκάλας λαβόντα τὸν Χριστὸν, καὶ εὐχαριστήσαντα M. 41. 1αὐτῷ, καὶ εἰπόντα· Νῦν ἀπολύεις τὸν δοῦλόν σου, δέσποτα, ματὰ τὸ ῥῆμά σου ἐν εἰρήνῃ, τύπον εἶναι τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ λέγουσιν, ὡς ὃς ἐλθόντος τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἔμαθε τὴν μετάθεσιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ηὐχαρίστησε τῷ Βυθῷ. Καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ κηρυσσομένης προφήτιδος, ἑπτὰ ἔτη μετὰ ἀνδρὸς ἐζηκυίας, τὸν δὲ λοιπὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον χήρας μενούσης, ἄχρις οὗ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἰδοῦσα ἐπέγνω αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐλάλει περὶ αὐτοῦ πᾶσι, φανερώτατα τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ μηνύεσθαι διορίζονται, ἥτις πρὸς ὀλίγον ἰδοῦσα τὸν Σωτῆρα μετὰ τῶν 3ἡλικιωτῶν αὐτοῦ, G. 39. τῷ λοιπῷ χρόνῳ παντὶ μένουσα ἐν τῇ μεσότητι προσεδέχετο LIB. I. i. 17. GR. I. i. 17. MASS. I. viii. 4. αὐτὸν, πότε πάλιν ἐλεύσεται καὶ ἀποκαταστήσει αὐτὴν τῇ αὐτῆς συζυγίᾳ. Καὶ τὸ ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῆς μεμηνύσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐν τῷ εἰρηκέναι· Καὶ ἐδικαιώθη ἡ σοφία ἀπὸ τῶν τέκνων αὐτῆς· καὶ ὑπὰ Παύλου δὲ οὕτως· Σοφίαν δὲ λαλοῦμεν ἐν τοῖς τελείοις. Καὶ τὰς συζνγίας δὲ τὰς ἐντὸς πληρώματος τὸν Παῦλον εἰρηκέναι φάσκουσιν 1ἐπὶ ἑνὸς δείξαντα· περὶ γὰρ τῆς περὶ τὸν βίον συζυγίας γράφων ἔφη· Τὸ μυστήριον τοῦτο μέγα ἐστὶν, ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω εἰς Χριστὸν καὶ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν. 1.18. 18. Ἔτι τε l. δὲ Ἰωάννην τὸν μαθοτὴν τοῦ Κυρίου διδάσκουσι τὴν πρώτην ὀγδοάδα 2μεμηνυκέναι αὐταῖς λέξεσι, λέγοντες οὕτως· Ἰωάννης ὁ μαθητὴς τοῦ Κυρίου βουλόμενος LIB. I. i. 18. GR. I. i. 18. MASS. I. viii. 5. εἰπεῖν τὴν τῶν ὅλων γένεσιν, καθʼ ἣν τὰ πάντα προέβαλεν ὁ Πατὴρ, ἀρχήν τινα ὑποτίθεται τὸ πρῶτον γεννηθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὃν ὃ δὴ καὶ Υἱὸν Μονογενῆ καὶ Θεὸν κέκληκεν, ἐν ᾧ τὰ πάντα ὁ Πατὴρ 1προέβαλε σπερματικῶς. Ὑπὸ δὲ τούτου M. 41. φησὶ τὸν Λόγον προβεβλῆσθαι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ τὴν ὅλην 2τῶν Αἰώνων οὐσίαν, ἣν αὐτὸς ὕστερον ἐμόρφωσεν ὁ Λόγος. Ἐπεὶ οὖν περὶ πρώτης γενέσεως λέγει, καλῶς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς, τουτέστι τοῦ 3Θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ Λόγου, τὴν διδασκαλίαν ποιεῖται· λέγει δὲ οὕτως· Ἐν ἄρχῃ ἦν ὁ Λόγος, καὶ ὁ Λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ Θεὸς ἦν ὁ Λόγος· οὗτος ἦν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν. Πρότερον διαστείλας τὰ τρία, Θεὸν, καὶ Ἀρχὴν, καὶ Λόγον, πάλιν αὐτὰ ἑνοῖ, ἵνα καὶ τὴν προβολὴν ἑκατέρων LIB. I. i. 18. GR. I. i. 18. MASS. I. viii. 5. αὐτῶν δείξῃ, τοῦ τε Υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ Λόγου, καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἅμα, καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα ἕνωσιν. Ἐν γὰρ τῷ Πατρὶ, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς ἡ ἀρχὴ, ἐν ἀρχῇ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Λόγος. Καλῶς οὖν εἷπεν· Ἐν ἀρχῇ ἦν ὁ Λόγος· ἦν γὰρ ἐν τῷ Υἱῷ· καὶ ὁ Λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν Θεόν· καὶ γὰρ ἡ ἀρχή· καὶ Θεὸς ἦν ὁ Λόγος, ἀκολούθως· 1τὸ γὰρ ἐκ Θεοῦ γεννηθὲν, Θεός ἐστιν· οὗτος ἦν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν· G. 40. ἔδειξε τὴν τῆς προβολῆς τάξιν· πάντα δἰ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο 2οὐδ᾿ ἕν· πᾶσι γὰρ τοῖς μετ᾿ αὐτὸν Αἰῶσι μορφῆς καὶ γενέσεως αἴτιος ὁ Λόγος ἐγένετο. Ἀλλὰ LIB. I. i. 18. GR. I. i. 18. MASS. I. viii. 5. ἐμήυνυσε· Τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὅλα, ἔφη, δἰ αὐτοῦ γεγενῆσθαι, 1τὴν δὲ ζωὴν ἐν αὐτῷ. Αὕτη οὖν ἡ ἐν αὐτῷ γενομένη οἰκειοτέρα ἐστὶν ἐν αὐτῷ τῶν δἰ αὐτοῦ γενομένων· σύνεστι γὰρ αὐτῷ, καὶ δἰ αὐτοῦ καρποφορεῖ· ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐπιφέρει, καὶ ἡ ζωὴ ἦν τὸ 2φῶς τῶν ἀνθρώπων, Ἄνθρωπον εἰπὼν ἄρτι, καὶ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ὁμωνύμως τῷ Ἀνθρώπῳ ἐμήνυσεν, ὅπως διὰ τοῦ ἑνὸς ὀνόματος M. 42. δηλώσῃ τὴν τῆς συζυγίας κοινωνίαν. Ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ Λόγου καὶ τῆς Ζωῆς Ἄνθρωπος γίνεται καὶ Ἐκκλησία. Φῶς δὲ εἶπε τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν Ζωὴν, διὰ τὸ πεφωτίσθαι αὐτοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτῆς, ὃ δή ἐστι μεμορφῶσθαι καὶ πεφανερῶσθαι. Τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὁ Παῦλος λέγει· Πᾶν γὰρ τὸ φανερούμενον φῶς ἐστιν. Ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ἐφανέρωσε καὶ ἐγέννησε τόν τε Ἄνθρωπον καὶ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἡ Ζωὴ, φῶς εἰρῆσθαι εἴρηται αὐτῶν. Σαφῶς οὖν δεδήλωκεν ὁ Ἰωάννης διὰ τῶν λόγων τούτων, τά τε ἄλλα, καὶ τὴν τετράδα τὴν δευτέραν, Λόγον καὶ Ζωὴν, Ἄνθρωπον καὶ Ἐκκλησίαν. Ἀλλὰ μήν καὶ τήν πρώτην ἐμήνυσε τετράδα· διηγούμενος γὰρ περὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, καὶ λέγων πάντα τὰ ἐκτὸς τοῦ LIB. I. i. 18. GR. I. i. 18. MASS. I. viii. 5. πληρώματος δἰ αὐτοῦ μεμορφῶσθαι, καρπόν εἶναί φησιν αὐτὸν 1παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος. Καὶ γὰρ φῶς εἴρηκεν αὐτὸν τὸ ἐν τῇ σκοτία φαινόμενον, καὶ μὴ καταληφθὲν ὑπʼ αὐτῆς, ἐπαιδὴ πάντα τὰ 2γενόμενα ἐκ τοῦ πάθους ἁρμόσας ἠγνοήθη ὑπ᾿ 3αὐτῆς. Καὶ οἱὸν δὲ, καὶ ἀλήθειαν, καὶ ζωὴν λέγει αὐτὸν καὶ λόγον σάρκα γενόμενον· οὗ τὴν δόξαν ἐθεασάμεθά, φησι, καὶ ἦν ἡ δόξα αὐτοῦ, 4οἵα ἦν ἡ τοῦ μονογενοῦς, ἡ ὑπὸ τοῦ G. 41. πατρὸς δοθεῖσα αὐτῷ, 5πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας. Λέγει LIB. I. i. 18. GR. I. i. 18. MASS. I. viii. 5. δὲ οὕτως· Καὶ ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, δόξαν ὡς μονογενοῦς παρὰ Πατρὸς, πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας. Ἀκριβῶς οὖν καὶ τὴν πρώτην ἐμήνυσε τετράδα· 1Πατέρα εἰπὼν, M. 43. καὶ Χάριν, καὶ τὸν Μονογενῆ, καὶ Ἀλήθειαν. Οὕτως ὁ Ἰωάννης περὶ τῆς πρώτης καὶ μητρός τῶν ὅλων Αἰώνων ὀγδοάδος εἴρηκε. Πατέρα γὰρ εἴρηκε, καὶ Χάριν, καὶ Μονογενῆ, καὶ Ἀλήθειαν, καὶ Λόγον, καὶ Ζωὴν, καὶ Ἄνθρωπον, καὶ 2. 1.19. 19. Ὁρᾷς, ἀγαπητὲ, τίν μέθοδον, ᾗ οἱ χρώμενοι φρεναπατοῦσιν ἑαυτοὺς, ἐπηρεάζοντες τὰς γραφὰς, τὸ πλάσμα αὐτῶν ἐξ αὐτῶν συνιστάνειν πειρώμενοι. Διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς αὐτὰς παρεθέμην αὐτῶν 1τὰς λέξεις, ἵα ἐξ αὐτῶν LIB. I. i. 19. GR. I. i. 19. MASS. I. ix. 1. κατανοήσῃς τὴν πανουργίαν τῆς μεθοδείας, καὶ τὴν πονηρίαν τῆς πλάνης. Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ εἰ προέκειτο Ἰωάννῃ τὴν ἄνω ὀγδοάδα μηνύσειν, τὴν τάξιν ἂν τετηρήκει τῆς προβολῆς, καὶ f. 1. μηνύσσι. τὴν πρώτην τετράδα σεβασμιωτάτην οὖσαν, καθὼς λέγουσιν, ἐν πρώτοις ἂν τεθείκει τοῖς ὀνόμασι, καὶ οὕτως 2ἐπεζεύχθη τὴν δευτέραν, ἵνα διὰ τῆς τάξεως τῶν ὀνομάτων ἡ τάξις δειχθῇ τῆς ὀγδοάδος· καὶ οὐκ ἂν μετὰ τοσοῦτον διάστημα, ὡς ἐκλελησμένος, ἔπειτα ἀναμνησθεὶς, ἐπʼ ἐσχάτῳ πρώτης ἐμέμνητο τετράδος. Ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὰς συζυγίας σημᾶναι θέλων, καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας οὐκ ἂν παρέλιπεν ὄνομα· ἀλλʼ ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν συζυγιῶν ἠρκέσθη τῇ τῶν ἀῤῥένων προσηγορίᾳ, ὁμοίως δυναμένων κᾀκείνων συνυπακούεσθαι, ἵνα τὴν ἑνότητα διὰ πάντων ᾖ πεφυλακώς· suppl. ἢ εἰ τῶν λοιπῶν τὰς συζύγους LIB. I. i. 19. GR. I. i. 19. MASS. I. ix. 1. κατέλεγε, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ἀνθρώπου ἂν μεμηνύκει σύζυγον, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἀφῆκεν ἐκ μαντείας ὑμᾶς λαμβάνειν τοὔνομα αὐτῆς. Φανερὰ οὗν ἡ τῆς ἐξηγήσεως παραποίησις. Τοῦ γὰρ Ἰωάννου ἕνα Θεὸν παντοκράτορα, καὶ ἕνα μονογενῆ Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν κηρύσσοντος, δἰ οὗ τὰ πάντα γεγονέναι λέγει, τοῦτον υἱὸν M. 44. l. Λόγον Θεοῦ, τοῦτον Μονογενῆ, τοῦτον πάντων ποιητὴν, τοῦτον φῶς ἀληθινὸν φωτίζοντα πάντα ἄνθρωπον, τοῦτον κόσμου ποιητὴν, τοῦτον εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἐληλυθότα, τοῦτον αὐτὸν σάρκα γεγονότα, καὶ ἐσκηνωκότα ἐν ἡμίν· οὗτοι παρατρέποντες κατὰ τὸ πιθανὸν τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἄλλον μὲν τὸν Μονογενῆ θέλουσιν εἶναι κατὰ τὴν προβολὴν, ὃν δὴ καὶ 2ἀρχὴν καλοῦσιν, ἄλλον δὲ τὸν Σωτῆρα γεγονέναι θέλουσι, καὶ ἄλλον τὸν Λόγον 3υἱὸν τοῦ Μονογενοῦς, καὶ ἄλλον τὸν Χριστὸν εἰς ἐπανόρθωσιν τοῦ πληρώματος προβεβλημένον· G. 42. καὶ ἓν ἕκαστον τῶν εἰρημένων ἄραντες ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας, καταχρησάμενοι τοῖς ὀνόμασιν, εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ὑπόθεσιν μετήνεγκαν, ὥστε κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς τοσούτοις τὸν Ἰωάννην τοῦ LIB. I. i. 19. GR. I. i. 19. MASS. I. ix. 2. Κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ μνείαν suppl. μὴ ἂν ποιεῖσθαι. Εἰ γὰρ Πατέρα εἴρηκε, καὶ Χάριν, καὶ Μονογενῆ, καὶ Ἀλήθειαν, καὶ Λόγον, καὶ Ζωὴν, καὶ Ἄνθρωπον, καὶ Ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ὑπόθεσιν περὶ τῆς πρώτης ὀγδοάδος εἴρηκεν, ἐν ᾗ οὐδέπω Ἰησοῦς, οὐδέπω Χριστὸς ὁ τοῦ Ἰωάννου διδάσκαλος. Ὅτι δὲ οὐ περὶ τῶν συζογιῶν αὐτῶν ὁ Ἀπόστολος εἴρηκεν, ἀλλὰ περὶ τοῦ Κυρίου ὑμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὃν καὶ Λόγον οἶδε τοῦ Θεοῦ, αὐτὸς πεποίηκε φανερόν. Ἀνακεφαλαιούμενος γὰρ περὶ τοῦ εἰρημένου αὐτῷ 1ἄνω ἐν ἀρχῇ Λόγου, ἐπεξηγεῖται· Καὶ ὁ Λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων ὑπόθεσιν, οὐχ ὁ Λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο, ὅς γε οὐδὲ ἦλθέ ποτε ἐκτὸς Πληρώματος· ἀλλὰ ὁ τῆς 2οἰκονομίας μεταγενέστερος τοῦ Λόγου Σωτήρ. LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 3. 1.20. 20. Μάθετε οὖν ἀνόητοι, ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ παθὼν ὑπὲρ M. 45. ἡμῶκ, ὁ κατασκυνώσας ἐν ἡμῖν, οὗτος αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ Λόγος τοῦ Θεοῦ. Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος τις τῶν Αἰώνων ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας σὰρξ ἐγένετο, εἰκὸς ἦν περὶ ἄλλου εἰρηκέναι τὸν Ἀπόστολον. Εἰ δὲ ὁ Λόγος ὁ τοῦ Πατρὸς ὁ καταβὰς, αὐτός ἐστι καὶ ὁ ἀναβὰς, 1ὁ τοῦ μόνου Θεοῦ μονογενὴς υἱὸς, κατά τὴν τοῦ Πατρὸς εὐδοκίαν σαρκωθεὶς ὑπὲρ ἀνθρώπων, οὐ περὶ ἄλλου τινὸς, οὐδὲ περὶ ὀγδοάδος τὸν λόγον 2ἐμπεποίηται, ἀλλʼ ἢ περὶ τοῦ Κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. Οὐδὲ γὰρ ὁ Λόγος κατʼ αὐτοὺς προηγουμένως σὰρξ γέγονε. Λέγουσι δὲ τὸν Σωτῆρα ἐνδύσασθαι 1σῶμα ψυχικὸν ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας κατεσκευασμένον LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 3. 2ἀῤῥήτῳ προνοίᾳ, πρὸς τὸ ὁρατὸν γενέσθαι, καὶ ψηλαφητόν. Σὰρξ δέ ἐστιν ἡ ἀρχαία ἐκ τοῦ χοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀδὰμ ἡ γεγονυῖα πλάσις ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἣν ἀληθῶς γεγονέναι τὸν Λόγον τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐμήνυσεν ὁ Ἰωάννης. Καὶ λέλυται αὐτῶν πρώτη καὶ ἀρχέγονος ὀγδοάς. Ἑνὸς γὰρ καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ δεικνυμένου Λόγου, καὶ Μονογενοῦς, καὶ Ζωῆς, καὶ Φωτὸς, καὶ Σωτῆρος, καὶ Χριστοῦ, καὶ Υἱοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ τούτου αὐτοῦ σαρκωθέντος ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, λέλυται ἡ τῆς ὀγδοάδος σκηνοπηγία. G. 43 Ταύτης δὲ λελυμένης, διαπέπτωκεν αὐτῶν πᾶσα ἡ ὑπόθεσις, ἣν 4ψευδῶς ὀνειρώττοντες 5κατατρέχουσι τῶν γραφῶν, ἰδίαν ὑπόθεσιν ἀναπλασάμενοι. Ἔπειτα λέξεις καὶ ὀνόματα σποράδην κείμενα συλλέγοντες, μεταφέρουσι, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν, ἐκ τοῦ LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 4. κατὰ φύσιν εἰς τὸ παρὰ φύσιν· ὅμοια ποιοῦντες τοῖς ὑποθέσαις τὰς τυχούσας αὐτοῖς προβαλλομένοις, ἔπειτα πειρωμένοις ἐκ τῶν Ὁμήρου ποιημάτων 1μελετᾷν αὐτὰς, ὥστε τοὺς ἀπειροτέρους δοκεῖν ἐπʼ ἐκείνης τῆς ἐξ ὑπογυίου μεμελετημένης ὑποθέσεως Ὅμηρον τὰ ἔπη πεποιηκέναι, καὶ πολλοὺς συναρπάζεσθαι διὰ τῆς τῶν ἐπῶν συνθέτου ἀκολουθίας, μὴ ἄρα ταῦθʼ οὕτως Ὅμηρος εἴη πεποιηκώς. Ὡς ὁ τὸν Ἡρακλέα ὑπὸ M. 46. Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν τῷ Ἅδῃ κύνα πεμπόμενον 2διὰ τῶν Ὁμηρικῶν στίχων γράφων οὕτως· (οὐδὲν γὰρ κωλύει παραδείγματος χάριν ἐπιμνησθῆναι καὶ τούτων, ὁμοίας καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς οὔσης ἐπιχειρήσεως τοῖς ἀμφοτέροις.) od. κ΄. 76. Ὡε εἰπὼν, ἀπέπεμπε δόμων βαρέα στενάχοντα Od. Φ΄. 26. Φῶθʼ Ἡρακλῆα, μεγάλων ἐπιΐστορα ἔργων, 11 τ΄. 123. Εὐρυσθεὺς, Σθενέλοιο πάϊς Περσηϊάδαο Ἐξ Ἐρέβευς ἄξοντα κύνα στυγεροῦ Ἀΐδαο. LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 4. Βῆ δʼ ἴμεν, ὥστε λέων ὀρεσίτροφος ἀλκὶ πεποιὼς, Καρπαλίμως 1ἀνὰ ἄστυ· φίλοι δʼ 2ἀνά πάντες ἕποντο, Il. θ΄. 368. Od. ζ΄. 130. Il. ω΄. 327. Od. λ΄. 38. Il. ω΄. 328. Od. λ΄. 625. Il. β΄. 409. Νύμφαι τʼ ἠΐθεσί τε, πολύτλητοὶ τε γέροντες, 2Οἶετῤ ὀλοφυρόμενοι, ὡσεὶ θάνατόνδε κίοντα. Ἑρμείας δʼ 4ἀπέπεμπεν, ἰδέ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη· Ἤιδεε γὰρ κατὰ θυμὰν ἀδελφεὸν, ὡς ἐπονεῖτο. Τίς οὐκ ἂν τῶν ἀπανούργων συναρπαγείη ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπῶν τούτων, καὶ νομίσειεν οὕτως αὐτὰ Ὅμηρον ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς ὑποθέσεως πεποιηκέναι; Ὁ δʼ ἔμπειρος τῆς Ὁμηρικῆς ὑποθέσεως ἐπιγνώσεται, suppl. μὲν τὰ ἔπη, τὴν δʼ ὑπόθεσιν οὐκ ἐπιγνώσεται, εἰδὼς ὅτι τὸ μέν τι αὐτῶν ἐστι περὶ Ὀδοσσέως εἰρημένον, τὸ δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ἡρακλέος, τὸ δὲ περὶ Πριάμου, τὸ δὲ περὶ Μενελάου καὶ Ἀγαμέμνονος. Ἄρας δὲ αὐτὰ, καὶ ἓν ἕκαστον ἀποδοὺς G. 44. τῇ 5ἰδίᾳ, ἐκποδὼν ποιήσει τὴν ὑπόθεσιν. Οὕτω δὲ καὶ ὁ LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 4. κανόνα τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκλινῆ ἐν ἑαυτῷ κατέχων, 1ὃν διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἵληφε, τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν γραφῶν ὀνόματα, καὶ M. 47. τὰς λέξεις, καὶ τὰς παραβολὰς ἐπιγνώσεται, τὴν δὲ βλάσφημον ὑπόθεσιν ταύτην αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐπιγνώσεται. Καὶ γὰρ εἰ τὰς ψηφῖδας γνωρίσει, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλώπεκα ἀντὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς εἰκόνος οὐ παραδέξεται· ἓν ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων ἀποδοὺς τῇ ἰδίᾳ τάξει, καὶ προσαρμόσας τῷ τῆς ἀληθείας σωματίῳ, γυμνώσει LIB. I. i. 20. GR. I. i. 20. MASS. I. ix. 5. καὶ ἀνυπόστατον ἐπιδείξει τὸ πλάσμα αὐτῶν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τῇ σκηνῇ ταύτῃ λείπει ἡ 1ἀπολύτρωσις, ἵνα τις τὸν 2μῖμον αὐτὸν l. αὐτῶν 3περαιώσας τὸν ἀνασκευάζοντα λόγον ἐπενεγκεῖν, l. ἐπενέγκῃ, καλῶς ἔχειν ὑπελάβομεν ἐπιδείξαι πρότερον, ἐν οἶς οἱ πατέρες αὐτοὶ τοῦδε τοῦ 4μύθου διαφέρονται πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὡς ἐκ διαφόρων πνευμάτων τῆς πλάνης ὄντες. Καὶ ἐκ τούτου γὰρ ἀκριβῶς συνιδεῖν ἔσται ἐστι, καὶ 5πρὸ τῆς ἀποδείξεως, βεβαίαν τὴν ὑπὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας κηρυσσομένην ἀλήθειαν, καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τούτων παραπεποιημένην ψευδηγορίαν.

1.13. One Ecphantus, a native of Syracuse, affirmed that it is not possible to attain a true knowledge of things. He defines, however, as he thinks, primary bodies to be indivisible, and that there are three variations of these, viz., bulk, figure, capacity, from which are generated the objects of sense. But that there is a determinable multitude of these, and that this is infinite. And that bodies are moved neither by weight nor by impact, but by divine power, which he calls mind and soul; and that of this the world is a representation; wherefore also it has been made in the form of a sphere by divine power. And that the earth in the middle of the cosmical system is moved round its own centre towards the east. 1.13. But there is another among these heretics, Marcus by name, who boasts himself as having improved upon his master. He is a perfect adept in magical impostures, and by this means drawing away a great number of men, and not a few women, he has induced them to join themselves to him, as to one who is possessed of the greatest knowledge and perfection, and who has received the highest power from the invisible and ineffable regions above. Thus it appears as if he really were the precursor of Antichrist. For, joining the buffooneries of Anaxilaus to the craftiness of the magi, as they are called, he is regarded by his senseless and cracked-brain followers as working miracles by these means.,Pretending to consecrate cups mixed with wine, and protracting to great length the word of invocation, he contrives to give them a purple and reddish colour, so that Charis, who is one of those that are superior to all things, should be thought to drop her own blood into that cup through means of his invocation, and that thus those who are present should be led to rejoice to taste of that cup, in order that, by so doing, the Charis, who is set forth by this magician, may also flow into them. Again, handing mixed cups to the women, he bids them consecrate these in his presence. When this has been done, he himself produces another cup of much larger size than that which the deluded woman has consecrated,) and pouting from the smaller one consecrated by the woman into that which has been brought forward by himself, he at the same time pronounces these words: "May that Chaffs who is before all things, and who transcends all knowledge and speech, fill thine inner man, and multiply in thee her own knowledge, by sowing the grain of mustard seed in thee as in good soil." Repeating certain other like words, and thus goading on the wretched woman [to madness], he then appears a worker of wonders when the large cup is seen to have been filled out of the small one, so as even to overflow by what has been obtained from it. By accomplishing several other similar things, he has completely deceived many, and drawn them away after him.,It appears probable enough that this man possesses a demon as his familiar spirit, by means of whom he seems able to prophesy, and also enables as many as he counts worthy to be partakers of his Charis themselves to prophesy. He devotes himself especially to women, and those such as are well-bred, and elegantly attired, and of great wealth, whom he frequently seeks to draw after him, by addressing them in such seductive words as these: "I am eager to make thee a partaker of my Charis, since the Father of all doth continually behold thy angel before His face. Now the place of thy angel is among us: it behoves us to become one. Receive first from me and by me [the gift of] Chaffs. Adorn thyself as a bride who is expecting her bridegroom, that thou mayest be what I am, and I what thou art. Establish the germ of light in thy nuptial chamber. Receive from me a spouse, and become receptive of him, while thou art received by him. Behold Charis has descended upon thee; open thy mouth and prophesy." On the woman replying," I have never at any time prophesied, nor do I know how to prophesy;" then engaging, for the second time, in certain invocations, so as to astound his deluded victim, he says to her," Open thy mouth, speak whatsoever occurs to thee, and thou shalt prophesy." She then, vainly puffed up and elated by these words, and greatly excited in soul by the expectation that it is herself who is to prophesy, her heart beating violently [from emotion], reaches the requisite pitch of audacity, and idly as well as impudently utters some nonsense as it happens. to occur to her, such as might be expected from one heated by an empty spirit. (Referring to this, one superior to me has observed, that the soul is both audacious and impudent when heated with empty air.) Henceforth she reckons herself a prophetess, and expresses her thanks to Marcus for having imparted to her of his own Chaffs. She then makes the effort to reward him, not only by the gift of her possessions (in which way he has collected a very large fortune), but also by yielding up to him her person, desiring in every way to be united to him, that she may become altogether one with him.,But already some of the most faithful women, possessed of the fear of God, and not being deceived (whom, nevertheless, he did his best to seduce like the rest by bidding them prophesy), abhorring and execrating him, have withdrawn from such a vile company of revellers. This they have done, as being well aware that the gift of prophecy is not conferred on men by Marcus, the magician, but that only those to whom God sends His grace from above possess the divinely-bestowed power of prophesying; and then they speak where and when God pleases, and not when Marcus orders them to do so. For that which commands is greater and of higher authority than that which is commanded, inasmuch as the former rules, while the latter is in a state of subjection. If, then, Marcus, or any one else, does command,--as these are accustomed continually at their feasts to play at drawing lots, and [in accordance with the lot] to command one another to prophesy, giving forth as oracles what is in harmony with their own desires,--it will follow that he who commands is greater and of higher authority than the prophetic spirit, though he is but a man, which is impossible. But such spirits as are commanded by these men, and speak when they desire it, are earthly and weak, audacious and impudent, sent forth by Satan for the seduction and perdition of those who do not hold fast that well- compacted faith which they received at first through the Church.,Moreover, that this Marcus compounds philters and love-potions, in order to insult the persons of some of these women, if not of all, those of them who have returned to the Church of God--a thing which frequently occurs--have acknowledged, confessing, too, that they have been defiled by him, and that they were filled with a burning passion towards him. A sad example of this occurred in the case of a certain Asiatic, one of our deacons, who had received him (Marcus) into his house. His wife, a woman of remarkable beauty, fell a victim both in mind and body to this magician, and, for a long time, travelled about with him. At last, when, with no small difficulty, the brethren had converted her, she spent her whole time in the exercise of public confession, weeping over and lamenting the defilement which she had received from this magician.,Some of his disciples, too, addicting themselves to the same practices, have deceived many silly women, and defiled them. They proclaim themselves as being "perfect," so that no one can be compared to them with respect to the immensity of their knowledge, nor even were you to mention Paul or Peter, or any other of the apostles. They assert that they themselves know more than all others, and that they alone have imbibed the greatness of the knowledge of that power which is unspeakable. They also maintain that they have attained to a height above all power, and that therefore they are free in every respect to act as they please, having no one to fear in anything. For they affirm, that because of the "Redemption" it has come to pass that they can neither be apprehended, nor even seen by the judge. But even if he should happen to lay hold upon them, then they might simply repeat these words, while standing in his presence along with the "Redemption:" "O thou, who sittest beside God, and the mystical, eternal Sige, thou through whom the angels (mightiness), who continually behold the face of the Father, having thee as their guide and introducer, do derive their forms from above, which she in the greatness of her daring inspiring with mind on account of the goodness of the Propator, produced us as their images, having her mind then intent upon the things above, as in a dream,--behold, the judge is at hand, and the crier orders me to make my defence. But do thou, as being acquainted with the affairs of both, present the cause of both of us to the judge, inasmuch as it is in reality but one cause." Now, as soon as the Mother hears these words, she puts the Homeric helmet of Pluto upon them, so that they may invisibly escape the judge. And then she immediately catches them up, conducts them into the bridal chamber, and hands them over to their consorts.,Such are the words and deeds by which, in our own district of the Rhone, they have deluded many women, who have their consciences seared as with a hot iron. Some of them, indeed, make a public confession of their sins; but others of them are ashamed to do this, and in a tacit kind of way, despairing of [attaining to] the life of God, have, some of them, apostatized altogether; while others hesitate between the two courses, and incur that which is implied in the proverb, "neither without nor within;" possessing this as the fruit from the seed of the children of knowledge. 1.14. Hippo, a native of Rhegium, asserted as originating principles, coldness, for instance water, and heat, for instance fire. And that fire, when produced by water, subdued the power of its generator, and formed the world. And the soul, he said, is sometimes brain, but sometimes water; for that also the seed is that which appears to us to arise out of moisture, from which, he says, the soul is produced. So far, then, we think we have sufficiently adduced (the opinions of) these; wherefore, inasmuch as we have adequately gone in review through the tenets of physical speculators, it seems to remain that we now turn to Socrates and Plato, who gave special preference to moral philosophy. 1.14. This Marcus then, declaring that he alone was the matrix and receptacle of the Sige of Colorbasus, inasmuch as he was only-begotten, has brought to the birth in some such way as follows that which was committed to him of the defective Euthymesis. He declares that the infinitely exalted Tetrad descended upon him from the invisible and indescribable places in the form of a woman (for the world could not have borne it coming in its male form), and expounded to him alone its own nature, and the origin of all things, which it had never before revealed to any one either of gods or men. This was done in the following terms: When first the unoriginated, inconceivable Father, who is without material substance, and is neither male nor female, willed to bring forth that which is ineffable to Him, and to endow with form that which is invisible, He opened His mouth, and sent forth the Word similar to Himself, who, standing near, showed Him what He Himself was, inasmuch as He had been manifested in the form of that which was invisible. Moreover, the pronunciation of His name took place as follows:--He spoke the first word of it, which was the beginning [of all the rest], and that utterance consisted of four letters. He added the second, and this also consisted of four letters. Next He uttered the third, and this again embraced ten letters. Finally, He pronounced the fourth, which was composed of twelve letters. Thus took place the enunciation of the whole name, consisting of thirty letters, and four distinct utterances. Each of these elements has its own peculiar letters, and character, and pronunciation, and forms, and images, and there is not one of them that perceives the shape of that [utterance] of which it is an element. Neither does any one know itself, nor is it acquainted with the pronunciation of its neighbour, but each one imagines that by its own utterance it does in fact name the whole. For while every one of them is a part of the whole, it imagines its own sound to be the whole name, and does not leave off sounding until, by its own utterance, it has reached the last letter of each of the elements. This teacher declares that the restitution of all things will take place, when all these, mixing into one letter, shall utter one and the same sound. He imagines that the emblem of this utterance is found in Amen, which we pronounce in concert. The diverse sounds (he adds) are those which give form to that AEon who is without material substance and unbegotten, and these, again, are the forms which the Lord has called angels, who continually behold the face of the Father.,Those names of the elements which may be told, and are common, he has called AEons, and words, and roots, and seeds, and fulnesses, and fruits. He asserts that each of these, and all that is peculiar to every one of them, is to be understood as contained in the name Ecclesia. of these elements, the last letter of the last one uttered its voice, and this sound going forth generated its own elements after the image of the [other] elements, by which he affirms, that both the things here below were arranged into the order they occupy, and those that preceded them were called into existence. He also maintains that the letter itself, the sound of which followed that sound below, was received up again by the syllable to which it belonged, in order to the completion of the whole, but that the sound remained below as if cast outside. But the element itself from which the letter with its special pronunciation descended to that below, he affirms to consist of thirty letters, while each of these letters, again, contains other letters in itself, by means of which the name of the letter is expressed. And thus, again, others are named by other letters, and others still by others, so that the multitude of letters swells out into infinitude. You may more clearly understand what I mean by the following example:-- The word Delta contains five letters, viz., D, E, L, T, A: these letters again, are written by other letters, and others still by others. If, then, the entire composition of the word Delta [when thus analyzed] runs out into infinitude, letters continually generating other letters, and following one another in constant succession, how much raster than that [one] word is the [entire] ocean of letters! And if even one letter be thus infinite, just consider the immensity of the letters in the entire name; out of which the Sige of Marcus has taught us the Propator is composed. For which reason the Father, knowing the incomprehensibleness of His own nature, assigned to the elements which He also terms AEons, [the power] of each one uttering its own enunciation, because no one of them was capable by itself of uttering the whole.,When she (the Tetrad) had spoken these things, Aletheia looked at him, opened her mouth, and uttered a word. That word was a name, and the name was this one which we do know and speak of, viz., Christ Jesus. When she had uttered this name, she at once relapsed into silence. And as Marcus waited in the expectation that she would say something more, the Tetrad again came forward and said, "Thou hast reckoned as contemptible that word which thou hast heard from the mouth of Aletheia. This which thou knowest and seemest to possess, is not an ancient name. For thou possessest the sound of it merely, whilst thou art ignorant of its power. For Jesus (Ihsous) is a name arithmetically symbolical, consisting of six letters, and is known by all those that belong to the called. But that which is among the AEons of the Pleroma consists of many parts, and is of another form and shape, and is known by those [angels] who are joined in affinity with Him, and whose figures (mightinesses) are always present with Him.,Know, then, that the four-and-twenty letters which you possess are symbolical emanations of the three powers that contain the entire number of the elements above. For you are to reckon thus--that the nine mute letters are [the images] of Pater and Aletheia, because they are without voice, that is, of such a nature as cannot be uttered or pronounced. But the semi-vowels represent Logos and Zoe, because they are, as it were, midway between the consots and the vowels, partaking of the nature of both. The vowels, again, are representative of Anthropos and Ecclesia, inasmuch as a voice proceeding from Anthropos gave being to them all; for the sound of the voice imparted to them form. Thus, then, Logos and Zoe possess eight [of these letters]; Anthropos and Ecclesia seven; and Pater and Aletheia nine. But since the number allotted to each was unequal, He who existed in the Father came down, having been specially sent by Him from whom He was separated, for the rectification of what had taken place, that the unity of the Pleromas, being endowed with equality, might develop in all that one power which flows from all. Thus that division which had only seven letters, received the power of eight, and the three sets were rendered alike in point of number, all becoming Ogdoads; which three, when brought together, constitute the number four-and-twenty. The three elements, too (which he declares to exist in conjunction with three powers, and thus form the six from which have flowed the twenty-four letters), being quadrupled by the word of the ineffable Tetrad, give rise to the same number with them; and these elements he maintains to belong to Him who cannot be named. These, again, were endowed by the three powers with a resemblance to Him who is invisible. And he says that those letters which we call double are the images of the images of these elements; and if these be added to the four-and-twenty letters, by the force of analogy they form the number thirty.,He asserts that the fruit of this arrangement and analogy has been manifested in the likeness of an image, namely, Him who, after six days, ascended into the mountain along with three others, and then became one of six (the sixth), in which character He descended and was contained in the Hebdomad, since He was the illustrious Ogdoad, and contained in Himself the entire number of the elements, which the descent of the dove (who is Alpha and Omega) made clearly manifest, when He came to be baptized; for the number of the dove is eight hundred and one. And for this reason did Moses declare that man was formed on the sixth day; and then, again, according to arrangement, it was on the sixth day, which is the preparation, that the last man appeared, for the regeneration of the first, of this arrangement, both the beginning and the end were formed at that sixth hour, at which He was nailed to the tree. For that perfect being Nous, knowing that the number six had the power both of formation and regeneration, declared to the children of light, that regeneration which has been wrought out by Him who appeared as the Episemon in regard to that number. Whence also he declares it is that the double letters contain the Episemon number; for this Episemon, when joined to the twenty-four elements, completed the name of thirty letters.,He employed as his instrument, as the Sige of Marcus declares, the power of seven letters, in order that the fruit of the independent will [of Achamoth] might be revealed. "Consider this present Episemon," she says--"Him who was formed after the [original] Episemon, as being, as it were, divided or cut into two parts, and remaining outside; who, by His own power and wisdom, through means of that which had been produced by Himself, gave life to this world, consisting of seven powers, after the likeness of the power of the Hebdomad, and so formed it, that it is the soul of everything visible. And He indeed uses this work Himself as if it had been formed by His own free will; but the rest, as being images of what cannot be [fully] imitated, are subservient to the Enthymesis of the mother. And the first heaven indeed pronounces Alpha, the next to this Epsilon, the third Eta, the fourth, which is also in the midst of the seven, utters the sound of Iota, the fifth Omicron, the sixth Upsilon, the seventh, which is also the fourth from the middle, utters the elegant Omega,"--as the Sige of Marcus, talking a deal of nonsense, but uttering no word of truth, confidently asserts. "And these powers," she adds, "being all simultaneously clasped in each other's embrace, do sound out the glory of Him by whom they were produced; and the glory of that sound is transmitted upwards to the Propator." She asserts, moreover, that "the sound of this uttering of praise, having been wafted to the earth, has become the Framer and the Parent of those things which are on the earth.",He instances, in proof of this, the case of infants who have just been born, the cry of whom, as soon as they have issued from the womb, is in accordance with the sound of every one of these elements. As, then, he says, the seven powers glorify the Word, so also does the complaining soul of infants. For this reason, too, David said: "Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings Thou hast perfected praise;" and again: "The heavens declare the glory of God." Hence also it comes to pass, that when the soul is involved in difficulties and distresses, for its own relief it calls out, "Oh" (W), in honour of the letter in question, so that its cognate soul above may recognise [its distress], and send down to it relief.,Thus it is, that in regard to the whole name, which consists of thirty letters, and Bythus, who receives his increase from the letters of this [name], and, moreover, the body of Aletheia, which is composed of twelve members, each of which consists of two letters, and the voice which she uttered without having spoken at all, and in regard to the analysis of that name which cannot be expressed in words, and the soul of the world and of man, according as they possess that arrangement, which is after the image [of things above], he has uttered his nonsensical opinions. It remains that I relate how the Tetrad showed him from the names a power equal in number; so that nothing, my friend, which I have received as spoken by him, may remain unknown to thee; and thus thy request, often proposed to me, may be fulfilled. 1.14. Moreover, the Tetrad, explaining these things to him more fully, said:--I wish to show thee Aletheia (Truth) herself; for I have brought her down from the dwellings above, that thou mayest see her without a veil, and understand her beauty--that thou mayest also hear her speaking, and admire her wisdom. Behold, then, her head on high, Alpha and Omega; her neck, Beta and Psi; her shoulders with her hands, Gamma and Chi; her breast, Delta and Phi; her diaphragm, Epsilon and Upsilon; her back, Zeta and Tau; her belly, Eta and Sigma; her thighs, Theta and Rho; her knees, Iota and Pi; her legs, Kappa and Omicron; her ancles, Lambda and Xi; her feet, Mu and Nu. Such is the body of Truth, according to this magician, such the figure of the element, such the character of the letter. And he calls this element Anthropos (Man), and says that is the fountain of all speech, and the beginning of all sound, and the expression of all that is unspeakable, and the mouth of the silent Sige. This indeed is the body of Truth. But do thou, elevating the thoughts of thy mind on high, listen from the mouth of Truth to the self-begotten Word, who is also the dispenser of the bounty of the Father. 1.14.1. This Marcus then, declaring that he alone was the matrix and receptacle of the Sige of Colorbasus, inasmuch as he was only-begotten, has brought to the birth in some such way as follows that which was committed to him of the defective Euthymesis. He declares that the infinitely exalted Tetrad descended upon him from the invisible and indescribable places in the form of a woman (for the world could not have borne it coming in its male form), and expounded to him alone its own nature, and the origin of all things, which it had never before revealed to any one either of gods or men. This was done in the following terms: When first the unoriginated, inconceivable Father, who is without material substance, and is neither male nor female, willed to bring forth that which is ineffable to Him, and to endow with form that which is invisible, He opened His mouth, and sent forth the Word similar to Himself, who, standing near, showed Him what He Himself was, inasmuch as He had been manifested in the form of that which was invisible. Moreover, the pronunciation of His name took place as follows:--He spoke the first word of it, which was the beginning [of all the rest], and that utterance consisted of four letters. He added the second, and this also consisted of four letters. Next He uttered the third, and this again embraced ten letters. Finally, He pronounced the fourth, which was composed of twelve letters. Thus took place the enunciation of the whole name, consisting of thirty letters, and four distinct utterances. Each of these elements has its own peculiar letters, and character, and pronunciation, and forms, and images, and there is not one of them that perceives the shape of that [utterance] of which it is an element. Neither does any one know itself, nor is it acquainted with the pronunciation of its neighbour, but each one imagines that by its own utterance it does in fact name the whole. For while every one of them is a part of the whole, it imagines its own sound to be the whole name, and does not leave off sounding until, by its own utterance, it has reached the last letter of each of the elements. This teacher declares that the restitution of all things will take place, when all these, mixing into one letter, shall utter one and the same sound. He imagines that the emblem of this utterance is found in Amen, which we pronounce in concert. The diverse sounds (he adds) are those which give form to that AEon who is without material substance and unbegotten, and these, again, are the forms which the Lord has called angels, who continually behold the face of the Father. 1.14.2. Those names of the elements which may be told, and are common, he has called AEons, and words, and roots, and seeds, and fulnesses, and fruits. He asserts that each of these, and all that is peculiar to every one of them, is to be understood as contained in the name Ecclesia. of these elements, the last letter of the last one uttered its voice, and this sound going forth generated its own elements after the image of the [other] elements, by which he affirms, that both the things here below were arranged into the order they occupy, and those that preceded them were called into existence. He also maintains that the letter itself, the sound of which followed that sound below, was received up again by the syllable to which it belonged, in order to the completion of the whole, but that the sound remained below as if cast outside. But the element itself from which the letter with its special pronunciation descended to that below, he affirms to consist of thirty letters, while each of these letters, again, contains other letters in itself, by means of which the name of the letter is expressed. And thus, again, others are named by other letters, and others still by others, so that the multitude of letters swells out into infinitude. You may more clearly understand what I mean by the following example:-- The word Delta contains five letters, viz., D, E, L, T, A: these letters again, are written by other letters, and others still by others. If, then, the entire composition of the word Delta [when thus analyzed] runs out into infinitude, letters continually generating other letters, and following one another in constant succession, how much raster than that [one] word is the [entire] ocean of letters! And if even one letter be thus infinite, just consider the immensity of the letters in the entire name; out of which the Sige of Marcus has taught us the Propator is composed. For which reason the Father, knowing the incomprehensibleness of His own nature, assigned to the elements which He also terms AEons, [the power] of each one uttering its own enunciation, because no one of them was capable by itself of uttering the whole. 1.14.5. Know, then, that the four-and-twenty letters which you possess are symbolical emanations of the three powers that contain the entire number of the elements above. For you are to reckon thus--that the nine mute letters are [the images] of Pater and Aletheia, because they are without voice, that is, of such a nature as cannot be uttered or pronounced. But the semi-vowels represent Logos and Zoe, because they are, as it were, midway between the consots and the vowels, partaking of the nature of both. The vowels, again, are representative of Anthropos and Ecclesia, inasmuch as a voice proceeding from Anthropos gave being to them all; for the sound of the voice imparted to them form. Thus, then, Logos and Zoe possess eight [of these letters]; Anthropos and Ecclesia seven; and Pater and Aletheia nine. But since the number allotted to each was unequal, He who existed in the Father came down, having been specially sent by Him from whom He was separated, for the rectification of what had taken place, that the unity of the Pleromas, being endowed with equality, might develop in all that one power which flows from all. Thus that division which had only seven letters, received the power of eight, and the three sets were rendered alike in point of number, all becoming Ogdoads; which three, when brought together, constitute the number four-and-twenty. The three elements, too (which he declares to exist in conjunction with three powers, and thus form the six from which have flowed the twenty-four letters), being quadrupled by the word of the ineffable Tetrad, give rise to the same number with them; and these elements he maintains to belong to Him who cannot be named. These, again, were endowed by the three powers with a resemblance to Him who is invisible. And he says that those letters which we call double are the images of the images of these elements; and if these be added to the four-and-twenty letters, by the force of analogy they form the number thirty. 1.15. Socrates, then, was a hearer of Archelaus, the natural philosopher; and he, reverencing the rule, Know yourself, and having assembled a large school, had Plato (there), who was far superior to all his pupils. (Socrates) himself left no writings after him. Plato, however, taking notes of all his (lectures on) wisdom, established a school, combining together natural, ethical, (and) logical (philosophy). But the points Plato determined are these following. 1.15. The all-wise Sige then announced the production of the four-and-twenty elements to him as follows:--Along with Monotes there coexisted Henotes, from which sprang two productions, as we have remarked above, Monas and Hen, which, added to the other two, make four, for twice two are Four. And again, two and four, when added together, exhibit the number six. And further, these six being quadrupled, give rise to the twenty-four forms. And the names of the first Tetrad, which are understood to be most holy, and not capable of being expressed in words, are known by the Son alone, while the father also knows what they are. The other names which are to be uttered with respect, and faith, and reverence, are, according to him, Arrhetos and Sige, Pater and Aletheia. Now the entire number of this Tetrad amounts to four-and-twenty letters; for the name Arrhetos contains in itself seven letters, Seige five, Pater five, and Aletheia seven. If all these be added together--twice five, and twice seven--they complete the number twenty-four. In like manner, also, the second Tetrad, Logos and Zoe, Anthropos and Ecclesia, reveal the same number of elements. Moreover, that name of the Saviour which may be pronounced, viz., Jesus 'Ihsous, consists of six letters, but His unutterable name comprises for-and-twenty letters. The name Christ the Son (uios Xreistos) comprises twelve letter, but that which is unpronounceable in Christ contains thirty letters. And for this reason he declares that fie is Alpha and Omega, that he may indicate the dove, inasmuch as that bird has this number [in its name].,But Jesus, he affirms, has the following unspeakable origin. From the mother of all things, that is, the first Tetrad; there came forth the second Tetrad, after the manner of a daughter; and thus an Ogdoad was formed, from which, again, a Decad proceeded: thus was produced a Decad and an Ogdoad. The Decad, then, being joined with the Ogdoad, and multiplying it ten times, gave rise to the number eighty; and, again, multiplying eighty ten times, produced the number eight hundred. Thus, then, the whole number of the letters proceeding from the Ogdoad [multiplied] into the Decad, is eight hundred and eighty-eight. This is the name of Jesus; for this name, if you reckon up the numerical value of the letters, amounts to eight hundred and eighty-eight. Thus, then, you have a clear statement of their opinion as to the origin of the supercelestial Jesus. Wherefore, also, the alphabet of the Greeks contains eight Monads, eight Decads, and eight Hecatads, which present the number eight hundred and eighty-eight, that is, Jesus, who is formed of all numbers; and on this account He is called Alpha and Omega, indicating His origin from all. And, again, they put the matter thus: If the first Tetrad be added up according to the progression of number, the number ten appears. For one, and two, and three, and four, when added together, form ten; and this, as they will have it, is Jesus. Moreover, Chreistus, he says, being a word of eight letters, indicates the first Ogdoad, and this, when multiplied by ten, gives birth to Jesus (888). And Christ the Son, he says, is also spoken of, that is, the Duodecad. For the name Son, (uios) contains four letters, and Christ (Chreistus) eight, which, being combined, point out the greatness of the Duodecad. But, he alleges, before the Episemon of this name appeared, that is Jesus the Son, mankind were involved in great ignorance and error. But when this name of six letters was manifested (the person bearing it clothing Himself in flesh, that He might come under the apprehension of man's senses, and having in Himself these six and twenty-four letters), then, becoming acquainted with Him, they ceased from their ignorance, and passed from death unto life, this name serving as their guide to the Father of truth. For the Father of all had resolved to put an end to ignorance, and to destroy death. But this abolishing of ignorance was just the knowledge of Him. And therefore that man (Anthropos) was chosen according to His will, having been formed after the image of the [corresponding] power above.,As to the AEons, they proceeded from the Tetrad, and in that Tetrad were Anthropos and Ecclesia, Logos and Zoe. The powers, then, he declares, who emanated from these, generated that Jesus who appeared upon the earth. The angel Gabriel took the place of Logos, the Holy Spirit that of Zoe, the Power of the Highest that of Anthropos, while the Virgin pointed out the place of Ecclesia. And thus, by a special dispensation, there was generated by Him, through Mary, that man, whom, as He passed through the womb, the Father of all chose to [obtain] the knowledge of Himself by means of the Word. And on His coming to the water [of baptism], there descended on Him, in the form of a dove, that Being who had formerly ascended on high, and completed the twelfth number, in whom there existed the seed of those who were produced contemporaneously with Himself, and who descended and ascended along with Him. Moreover, he maintains that power which descended was the seed of the Father, which had in itself both the Father and the Son, as well as that power of Sige which is known by means of them, but cannot be expressed in language, and also all the AEons. And this was that Spirit who spoke by the mouth of Jesus, and who confessed that He was the son of Man as well as revealed the Father, and who, having descended into Jesus, was made one with Him. And he says that the Saviour formed by special dispensation did indeed destroy death, but that Christ made known the Father. He maintains, therefore, that Jesus is the name of that man formed by a special dispensation, and that He was formed after the likeness and form of that [heavenly] Anthropos, who was about to descend upon Him. After He had received that AEon, He possessed Anthropos himself, and Loges himself, and Pater, and Arrhetus, and Sige, and Aletheia, and Ecclesia, and Zoe.,Such ravings, we may now well say, go beyond Iu, Iu, Pheu, Pheu, and every kind of tragic exclamation or utterance of misery. For who would not detest one who is the wretched centriver of such audacious falsehoods, when he perceives the truth turned by Marcus into a mere image, and that punctured all over with the letters of the alphabet? The Greeks confess that they first received sixteen letters from Cadmus, and that but recently, as compared with the beginning, [the vast antiquity of which is implied] in the common proverb: "Yesterday and before;" and afterwards, in the course of time, they themselves invented at one period the aspirates, and at another the double letters, while, last of all, they say Palamedes added the long letters to the former. Was it so, then, that until these things took place among the Greeks, truth had no existence? For, according to thee, Marcus, the body of truth is posterior to Cadmus and those who preceded him--posterior also to those who added the rest of the letters--posterior even to thyself! For thou alone hast formed that which is called by thee the truth into an [outward, visible] image.,But who will tolerate thy nonsensical Sige, who names Him that cannot be named, and expounds the nature of Him that is unspeakable, and searches out Him that is unsearchable, and declares that He whom thou maintainest to be destitute of body and form, opened His mouth and sent forth the Word, as if He were included among organized beings; and that His Word, while like to His Author, and bearing the image of the invisible, nevertheless consisted of thirty elements and four syllables? It will follow, then, according to thy theory, that the Father of all, in accordance with the likeness of the Word, consists of thirty elements and four syllables! Or, again, who will tolerate thee in thy juggling with forms and numbers,--at one time thirty, at another twenty-four, and at another, again, only six,--whilst thou shuttest up [in these] the Word of God, the Founder, and Framer, and Maker of all things; and then, again, cutting Him up piecemeal into four syllables and thirty elements; and bringing down the Lord of all who founded the heavens to the number eight hundred and eighty-eight, so that He should be similar to the alphabet; and subdividing the Father, who cannot be contained, but contains all things, into a Tetrad, and an Ogdoad, and a Decad, and a Duodecad; and by such multiplications, setting forth the unspeakable and inconceivable nature of the Father, as thou thyself declarest it to be? And showing thyself a very Daedalus for evil invention, and the wicked architect of the supreme power, thou dost construct a nature and substance for Him whom thou callest incorporeal and immaterial, out of a multitude of letters, generated the one by the other. And that power whom thou affirmest to be indivisible, thou dost nevertheless divide into consots, and vowels, and semi-vowels; and, falsely ascribing those letters which are mute to the Father of all things, and to His Enncea (thought), thou hast driven on all that place confidence in thee to the highest point of blasphemy, and to the grossest impiety.,With good reason, therefore, and very fittingly, in reference to thy rash attempt, has that divine elders and preacher of the truth burst forth in verse against thee as follows:-- 1.15. Marcus, thou former of idols, inspector of portents, Skill'd in consulting the stars, and deep in the black arts of magic, Ever by tricks such as these confirming the doctrines of error, Furnishing signs unto those involved by thee in deception, Wonders of power that is utterly severed from God and apostate, Which Satan, thy true father, enables thee still to accomplish, By means of Azazel, that fallen and yet mighty angel,-- Thus making thee the precursor of his own impious actions. Such are the words of the saintly elder. And I shall endeavour to state the remainder of their mystical system, which runs out to great length, in brief compass, and to bring to the light what has for a long time been concealed. For in this way such things will become easily susceptible of exposure by all. 1.15.1. The all-wise Sige then announced the production of the four-and-twenty elements to him as follows:--Along with Monotes there coexisted Henotes, from which sprang two productions, as we have remarked above, Monas and Hen, which, added to the other two, make four, for twice two are Four. And again, two and four, when added together, exhibit the number six. And further, these six being quadrupled, give rise to the twenty-four forms. And the names of the first Tetrad, which are understood to be most holy, and not capable of being expressed in words, are known by the Son alone, while the father also knows what they are. The other names which are to be uttered with respect, and faith, and reverence, are, according to him, Arrhetos and Sige, Pater and Aletheia. Now the entire number of this Tetrad amounts to four-and-twenty letters; for the name Arrhetos contains in itself seven letters, Seige five, Pater five, and Aletheia seven. If all these be added together--twice five, and twice seven--they complete the number twenty-four. In like manner, also, the second Tetrad, Logos and Zoe, Anthropos and Ecclesia, reveal the same number of elements. Moreover, that name of the Saviour which may be pronounced, viz., Jesus 'Ihsous, consists of six letters, but His unutterable name comprises for-and-twenty letters. The name Christ the Son (uios Xreistos) comprises twelve letter, but that which is unpronounceable in Christ contains thirty letters. And for this reason he declares that fie is Alpha and Omega, that he may indicate the dove, inasmuch as that bird has this number [in its name]. 1.16. Plato (lays down) that there are three originating principles of the universe, (namely) God, and matter, and exemplar; God as the Maker and Regulator of this universe, and the Being who exercises providence over it; but matter, as that which underlies all (phenomena), which (matter) he styles both receptive and a nurse, out of the arrangement of which proceeded the four elements of which the world consists; (I mean) fire, air, earth, water, from which all the rest of what are denominated concrete substances, as well as animals and plants, have been formed. And that the exemplar, which he likewise calls ideas, is the intelligence of the Deity, to which, as to an image in the soul, the Deity attending, fabricated all things. God, he says, is both incorporeal and shapeless, and comprehensible by wise men solely; whereas matter is body potentially, but with potentiality not as yet passing into action, for being itself without form and without quality, by assuming forms and qualities, it became body. That matter, therefore, is an originating principle, and coeval with the Deity, and that in this respect the world is uncreated. For (Plato) affirms that (the world) was made out of it. And that (the attribute of) imperishableness necessarily belongs to (literally follows) that which is uncreated. So far forth, however, as body is supposed to be compounded out of both many qualities and ideas, so far forth it is both created and perishable. But some of the followers of Plato mingled both of these, employing some such example as the following: That as a waggon can always continue undestroyed, though undergoing partial repairs from time to time, so that even the parts each in turn perish, yet itself remains always complete; so after this manner the world also, although in parts it perishes, yet the things that are removed, being repaired, and equivalents for them being introduced, it remains eternal. Some maintain that Plato asserts the Deity to be one, ingenerable and incorruptible, as he says in The Laws: God, therefore, as the ancient account has it, possesses both the beginning, and end, and middle of all things. Thus he shows God to be one, on account of His having pervaded all things. Others, however, maintain that Plato affirms the existence of many gods indefinitely, when he uses these words: God of gods, of whom I am both the Creator and Father. But others say that he speaks of a definite number of deities in the following passage: Therefore the mighty Jupiter, wheeling his swift chariot in heaven; and when he enumerates the offspring of the children of heaven and earth. But others assert that (Plato) constituted the gods as generable; and on account of their having been produced, that altogether they were subject to the necessity of corruption, but that on account of the will of God they are immortal, (maintaining this) in the passage already quoted, where, to the words, God of gods, of whom I am Creator and Father, he adds, indissoluble through the fiat of My will; so that if (God) were disposed that these should be dissolved, they would easily be dissolved. And he admits natures (such as those) of demons, and says that some of them are good, but others worthless. And some affirm that he states the soul to be uncreated and immortal, when he uses the following words, Every soul is immortal, for that which is always moved is immortal; and when he demonstrates that the soul is self-moved, and capable of originating motion. Others, however, (say that Plato asserted that the soul was) created, but rendered imperishable through the will of God. But some (will have it that he considered the soul) a composite (essence), and generable and corruptible; for even he supposes that there is a receptacle for it, and that it possesses a luminous body, but that everything generated involves a necessity of corruption. Those, however, who assert the immortality of the soul are especially strengthened in their opinion by those passages (in Plato's writings), where he says, that both there are judgments after death, and tribunals of justice in Hades, and that the virtuous (souls) receive a good reward, while the wicked (ones) suitable punishment. Some notwithstanding assert, that he also acknowledges a transition of souls from one body to another, and that different souls, those that were marked out for such a purpose, pass into different bodies, according to the desert of each, and that after certain definite periods they are sent up into this world to furnish once more a proof of their choice. Others, however, (do not admit this to be his doctrine, but will have it that Plato affirms that the souls) obtain a place according to the desert of each; and they employ as a testimony the saying of his, that some good men are with Jove, and that others are ranging abroad (through heaven) with other gods; whereas that others are involved in eternal punishments, as many as during this life have committed wicked and unjust deeds. And people affirm that Plato says, that some things are without a mean, that others have a mean, that others are a mean. (For example, that) waking and sleep, and such like, are conditions without an intermediate state; but that there are things that had means, for instance virtue and vice; and there are means (between extremes), for instance grey between white and black, or some other color. And they say, that he affirms that the things pertaining to the soul are absolutely alone good, but that the things pertaining to the body, and those external (to it), are not any longer absolutely good, but reputed blessings. And that frequently he names these means also, for that it is possible to use them both well and ill. Some virtues, therefore, he says, are extremes in regard of intrinsic worth, but in regard of their essential nature means, for nothing is more estimable than virtue. But whatever excels or falls short of these terminates in vice. For instance, he says that there are four virtues- prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude- and that on each of these is attendant two vices, according to excess and defect: for example, on prudence, recklessness according to defect, and knavery according to excess; and on temperance, licentiousness according to defect, stupidity according to excess; and on justice, foregoing a claim according to defect, unduly pressing it according to excess; and on fortitude, cowardice according to defect, foolhardiness according to excess. And that these virtues, when inherent in a man, render him perfect, and afford him happiness. And happiness, he says, is assimilation to the Deity, as far as this is possible; and that assimilation to God takes place when any one combines holiness and justice with prudence. For this he supposes the end of supreme wisdom and virtue. And he affirms that the virtues follow one another in turn, and are uniform, and are never antagonistic to each other; whereas that vices are multiform, and sometimes follow one the other, and sometimes are antagonistic to each other. He asserts that fate exists; not, to be sure, that all things are produced according to fate, but that there is even something in our power, as in the passages where he says, The fault is his who chooses, God is blameless; and the following law of Adrasteia. And thus some (contend for his upholding) a system of fate, whereas others one of free-will. He asserts, however, that sins are involuntary. For into what is most glorious of the things in our power, which is the soul, no one would (deliberately) admit what is vicious, that is, transgression, but that from ignorance and an erroneous conception of virtue, supposing that they were achieving something honourable, they pass into vice. And his doctrine on this point is most clear in The Republic, where he says, But, again, you presume to assert that vice is disgraceful and abhorred of God; how then, I may ask, would one choose such an evil thing? He, you reply, (would do so) who is worsted by pleasures. Therefore this also is involuntary, if to gain a victory be voluntary; so that, in every point of view, the committing an act of turpitude, reason proves to be involuntary. Some one, however, in opposition to this (Plato), advances the contrary statement, Why then are men punished if they sin involuntary? But he replies, that he himself also, as soon as possible, may be emancipated from vice, and undergo punishment. For that the undergoing punishment is not an evil, but a good thing, if it is likely to prove a purification of evils; and that the rest of mankind, hearing of it, may not transgress, but guard against such an error. (Plato, however, maintains) that the nature of evil is neither created by the Deity, nor possesses subsistence of itself, but that it derives existence from contrariety to what is good, and from attendance upon it, either by excess and defect, as we have previously affirmed concerning the virtues. Plato unquestionably then, as we have already stated, collecting together the three departments of universal philosophy, in this manner formed his speculative system. 1.16. Blending in one the production of their own AEons, and the straying and recovery of the sheep [spoken of in the Gospel], these persons endeavour to set forth things in a more mystical style, while they refer everything to numbers, maintaining that the universe has been formed out of a Monad and a Dyad. And then, reckoning from unity on to four, they thus generate the Decad. For when one, two, three, and four are added together, they give rise to the number of the ten AEons. And, again, the Dyad advancing from itself [by twos] up to six--two, and four, and six--brings out the Duodecad. Once more, if we reckon in the same way up to ten, the number thirty appears, m which are found eight, and ten, and twelve. They therefore term the Duodecad--because it contains the Episemon, and because the Episemon [so to speak] waits upon it--the passion. And for this reason, because an error occurred in connection with the twelfth number, the sheep frisked off, and went astray; for they assert that a defection took place from the Duodecad. In the same way they oracularly declare, that one power having departed also from the Duodecad, has perished; and this was represented by the woman who lost the drachma, and, lighting a lamp, again found it. Thus, therefore, the numbers that were left, viz., nine, as respects the pieces of money, and eleven in regard to the sheep, when multiplied together, give birth to the number ninety-nine, for nine times eleven are ninety-nine. Wherefore also they maintain the word "Amen" contains this number.,I will not, however, weary thee by recounting their other interpretations, that you may perceive the results everywhere. They maintain for instance, that the letter Eta (h) along with the Episemon (e) fifteen are formed; then adding seven to that number, the sum of twenty-two is reached. Next, Eta being added to these, since its value is eight, the most wonderful Triacontad is completed. And hence they give forth that the Ogdoad is the mother of the thirty AEons. Since, therefore, the number thirty is composed of three powers [the Ogdoad, Decad, and Duodecad], when multiplied by three, it produces ninety, for three times thirty are ninety. Likewise this Triad, when multiplied by itself, gives rise to nine. Thus the Ogdoad generates, by these means, ninety-nine. And since the twelfth AEon, by her defection, left eleven in the heights above, they maintain that therefore the position of the letters is a true coordinate of the method of their calculation (for Lambda is the eleventh in order among the letters, and represents the number thirty), and also forms a representation of the arrangement of affairs above, since, on from Alpha, omitting Episemon, the number of the letters up to Lambda, when added together according to the successive value of the letters, and including Zambda itself, forms the sum of ninety-nine; but that this Lambda, being the eleventh in order, descended to seek after one equal to itself, so as to complete the number of twelve letters, and when it found such a one, the number was completed, is manifest from the very configuration of the letter; for Lambda being engaged, as it were, in the quest of one similar to itself, and finding such an one, and clasping it to itself, thus filled up the place of the twelfth, the letter Mu (M) being composed of two Lambdas (L). Wherefore also they, by means of their "knowledge," avoid the place of ninety-nine, that is, the defection--a type of the left hand,--but endeavour to secure one more, which, when added to the ninety and nine, has the effect of changing their reckoning to the right hand.,I well know, my dear friend, that when thou hast read through all this, thou wilt indulge in a hearty laugh over this their inflated wise folly! But those men are really worthy of being mourned over, who promulgate such a kind of religion, and who so frigidly and perversely pull to pieces the greatness of the truly unspeakable power, and the dispensations of God in themselves so striking, by means of Alpha and Beta, and through the aid of numbers. But as many as separate from the Church, and give heed to such old wives' fables as these, are truly self-condemned; and these men Paul commands us, "after a first and second admonition, to avoid." And John, the disciple of the Lord, has intensified their condemnation, when he desires us not even to address to them the salutation of "good-speed;" for, says he, "He that bids them be of good-speed is a partaker with their evil deeds;" and that with reason, "for there is no good-speed to the ungodly," saith the Lord. Impious indeed, beyond all impiety, are these men, who assert that the Maker of heaven and earth, the only God Almighty, besides whom there is no God, was produced by means of a defect, which itself sprang from another defect, so that, according to them, He was the product of the third defect. Such an opinion we should detest and execrate, while we ought everywhere to flee far apart from those that hold it; and in proportion as they vehemently maintain and rejoice in their fictitious doctrines, so much the more should we be convinced that they are under the influence of the wicked spirits of the Ogdoad,--just as those persons who fall into a fit of frenzy, the more they laugh, and imagine themselves to be well, and do all things as if they were in good health [both of body and mind], yea, some things better than those who really are so, are only thus shown to be the more seriously diseased. In like manner do these men, the more they seem to excel others in wisdom, and waste their strength by drawing the bow too tightly, the greater fools do they show themselves. For when the unclean spirit of folly has gone forth, and when afterwards he finds them not waiting upon God, but occupied with mere worldly questions, then, "taking seven other spirits more wicked than himself," and inflating the minds of these men with the notion of their being able to conceive of something beyond God, and having fitly prepared them for the reception of deceit, he implants within them the Ogdoad of the foolish spirits of wickedness. 1.17. Aristotle, who was a pupil of this (Plato), reduced philosophy into an art, and was distinguished rather for his proficiency in logical science, supposing as the elements of all things substance and accident; that there is one substance underlying all things, but nine accidents - namely, quantity, quality, relation, where, when, possession, posture, action, passion; and that substance is of some such description as God, man, and each of the beings that can fall under a similar denomination. But in regard of accidents, quality is seen in, for instance, white, black; and quantity, for instance two cubits, three cubits; and relation, for instance father, son; and where, for instance at Athens, Megara; and when, for instance during the tenth Olympiad; and possession, for instance to have acquired; and action, for instance to write, and in general to evince any practical powers; and posture, for instance to lie down; and passion, for instance to be struck. He also supposes that some things have means, but that others are without means, as we have declared concerning Plato likewise. And in most points he is in agreement with Plato, except the opinion concerning soul. For Plato affirms it to be immortal, but Aristotle that it involves permanence; and after these things, that this also vanishes in the fifth body, which he supposes, along with the other four (elements) - viz., fire, and earth, and water, and air - to be a something more subtle (than these), of the nature of spirit. Plato therefore says, that the only really good things are those pertaining to the soul, and that they are sufficient for happiness; whereas Aristotle introduces a threefold classification of good things, and asserts that the wise man is not perfect, unless there are present to him both the good things of the body and those extrinsic to it. The former are beauty, strength, vigour of the senses, soundness; while the things extrinsic (to the body) are wealth, nobility, glory, power, peace, friendship. And the inner qualities of the soul he classifies, as it was the opinion of Plato, under prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude. This (philosopher) also affirms that evils arise according to an opposition of the things that are good, and that they exist beneath the quarter around the moon, but reach no farther beyond the moon; and that the soul of the entire world is immortal, and that the world itself is eternal, but that (the soul) in an individual, as we have before stated, vanishes (in the fifth body). This (speculator), then holding discussions in the Lyceum, drew up from time to time his system of philosophy; but Zeno (held his school) in the porch called Poecilé. And the followers of Zeno obtained their name from the place - that is, from Stoa- (i.e., a porch), being styled Stoics; whereas Aristotle's followers (were denominated) from their mode of employing themselves while teaching. For since they were accustomed walking about in the Lyceum to pursue their investigations, on this account they were called Peripatetics. These indeed, then, were the doctrines of Aristotle. 1.17. I wish also to explain to thee their theory as to the way in which the creation itself was formed through the mother by the Demiurge (as it were without his knowledge), after the image of things invisible. They maintain, then, that first of all the four elements, fire, water, earth, and air, were produced after the image of the primary Tetrad above, and that then, we add their operations, viz., heat, cold, dryness, and humidity, an exact likeness of the Ogdoad is presented. They next reckon up ten powers in the following manner:--There are seven globular bodies, which they also call heavens; then that globular body which contains these, which also they name the eighth heaven; and, in addition to these, the sun and moon. These, being ten in number, they declare to be types of the invisible Decad, which proceeded from Logos and Zoe. As to the Duodecad, it is indicated by the zodiacal circle, as it is called; for they affirm that the twelve signs do most manifestly shadow forth the Duodecad, the daughter of Anthropos and Ecclesia. And since the highest heaven, beating upon the very sphere [of the seventh heaven], has been linked with the most rapid precession of the whole system, as a check, and balancing that system with its own gravity, so that it completes the cycle from sign to sign in thirty years,--they say that this is an image of Horus, encircling their thirty-named mother. And then, again, as the moon travels through her allotted space of heaven in thirty days, they hold, that by these days she expresses the number of the thirty AEons. The sun also, who runs through his orbit in twelve months, and then returns to the same point in the circle, makes the Duodecad manifest by these twelve months; and the days, as being measured by twelve hours, are a type of the invisible Duodecad. Moreover, they declare that the hour, which is the twelfth part of the day, is composed of thirty parts, in order to set forth the image of the Triacontad. Also the circumference of the zodiacal circle itself contains three hundred and sixty degrees (for each of its signs comprises thirty); and thus also they affirm, that by means of this circle an image is preserved of that connection which exists between the twelve and the thirty. Still further, asserting that the earth is divided into twelve zones, and that in each zone it receives power from the heavens, according to the perpendicular [position of the sun above it], bringing forth productions corresponding to that power which sends down its influence upon it, they maintain that this is a most evident type of the Duodecad and its offspring.,In addition to these things, they declare that the Demiurge, desiring to imitate the infinitude, and eternity, and immensity, and freedom from all measurement by time of the Ogdoad above, but, as he was the fruit of defect, being unable to express its permanence and eternity, had recourse to the expedient of spreading out its eternity into times, and seasons, and vast numbers of years, imagining, that by the multitude of such times he might imitate its immensity. They declare further, that the truth having escaped him, he followed that which was false, and that, for this reason, when the times are fulfilled, his work shah perish. 1.18. The Stoics themselves also imparted growth to philosophy, in respect of a greater development of the art of syllogism, and included almost everything under definitions, both Chrysippus and Zeno being coincident in opinion on this point. And they likewise supposed God to be the one originating principle of all things, being a body of the utmost refinement, and that His providential care pervaded everything; and these speculators were positive about the existence of fate everywhere, employing some such example as the following: that just as a dog, supposing him attached to a car, if indeed he is disposed to follow, both is drawn, or follows voluntarily, making an exercise also of free power, in combination with necessity, that is, fate; but if he may not be disposed to follow, he will altogether be coerced to do so. And the same, of course, holds good in the case of men. For though not willing to follow, they will altogether be compelled to enter upon what has been decreed for them. (The Stoics), however, assert that the soul abides after death, but that it is a body, and that such is formed from the refrigeration of the surrounding atmosphere; wherefore, also, that it was called psyche (i.e., soul). And they acknowledge likewise, that there is a transition of souls from one body to another, that is, for those souls for whom this migration has been destined. And they accept the doctrine, that there will be a conflagration, a purification of this world, some say the entire of it, but others a portion, and that (the world) itself is undergoing partial destruction; and this all but corruption, and the generation from it of another world, they term purgation. And they assume the existence of all bodies, and that body does not pass through body, but that a refraction takes place, and that all things involve plenitude, and that there is no vacuum. The foregoing are the opinions of the Stoics also. 1.18. And while they affirm such things as these concerning the creation, every one of them generates something new, day by day, according to his ability; for no one is deemed "perfect," who does not develop among them some mighty fictions. It is thus necessary, first, to indicate what things they metamorphose [to their own use] out of the prophetical writings, and next, to refute them. Moses, then, they declare, by his mode of beginning the account of the creation, has at the commencement pointed out the mother of all things when he says, "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth;" for, as they maintain, by naming these four,--God, beginning, heaven, and earth,--he set forth their Tetrad. Indicating also its invisible and hidden nature, he said, "Now the earth was invisible and unformed." They will have it, moreover, that he spoke of the second Tetrad, the offspring of the first, in this way--by naming an abyss and darkness, in which were also water, and the Spirit moving upon the water. Then, proceeding to mention the Decad, he names light, day, night, the firmament, the evening, the morning, dry land, sea, plants, and, in the tenth place, trees. Thus, by means of these ten names, he indicated the ten AEons. The power of the Duodecad, again, was shadowed forth by him thus:--He names the sun, moon, stars, seasons, years, whales, fishes, reptiles, birds, quadrupeds, wild beasts, and after all these, in the twelfth place, man. Thus they teach that the Triacontad was spoken of through Moses by the Spirit. Moreover, man also, being formed after the image of the power above, had in himself that ability which flows from the one source. This ability was seated in the region of the brain, from which four faculties proceed, after the image of the Tetrad above, and these are called: the first, sight, the second, hearing, the third, smell, and the fourth, taste. And they say that the Ogdoad is indicated by man in this way: that he possesses two ears, the like number of eyes, also two nostrils, and a twofold taste, namely, of bitter and sweet. Moreover, they teach that the whole man contains the entire image of the Triacontad as follows: In his hands, by means of his fingers, he bears the Decad; and in his whole body the Duodecad, inasmuch as his body is divided into twelve members; for they portion that out, as the body of Truth is divided by them--a point of which we have already spoken. But the Ogdoad, as being unspeakable and invisible, is understood as hidden in the viscera.,Again, they assert that the sun, the great light-giver, was formed on the fourth day, with a reference to the number of the Tetrad. So also, according to them, the courts of the tabernacle constructed by Moses, being composed of fine linen, and blue, and purple, and scarlet, pointed to the same image. Moreover, they maintain that the long robe of the priest failing over his feet, as being adorned with four rows of precious stones, indicates the Tetrad; and if there are any other things in the Scriptures which can possibly be dragged into the number four, they declare that these had their being with a view to the Tetrad. The Ogdoad, again, was shown as follows:--They affirm that man was formed on the eighth day, for sometimes they will have him to have been made on the sixth day, and sometimes on the eighth, unless, perchance, they mean that his earthly part was formed on the sixth day, but his fleshly part on the eighth, for these two things are distinguished by them. Some of them also hold that one man was formed after the image and likeness of God, masculo-feminine, and that this was the spiritual man; and that another man was formed out of the earth.,Further, they declare that the arrangement made with respect to the ark in the Deluge, by means of which eight persons were saved, most clearly indicates the Ogdoad which brings salvation. David also shows forth the same, as holding the eighth place in point of age among his brethren. Moreover, that circumcision which took place on the eighth day, represented the circumcision of the Ogdoad above. In a word, whatever they find in the Scriptures capable of being referred to the number eight, they declare to fulfil the mystery of the Ogdoad. With respect, again, to the Decad, they maintain that it is indicated by those ten nations which God promised to Abraham for a possession. The arrangement also made by Sarah when, after ten years, she gave her handmaid Hagar to him, that by her he might have a son, showed the same thing. Moreover, the servant of Abraham who was sent to Rebekah, and presented her at the well with ten bracelets of gold, and her brethren who detained her for ten days;, Jeroboam also, who received the ten sceptresa (tribes), and the ten courts of the tabernacle, and the columns of ten cubits [high], and the ten sons of Jacob who were at first sent into Egypt to buy com, and the ten apostles to whom the Lord appeared after His resurrection,--Thomas being absent,--represented, according to them, the invisible Decad.,As to the Duodecad, in connection with which the mystery of the passion of the defect occurred, from which passion they maintain that all things visible were framed, they assert that is to be found strikingly and manifestly everywhere [in Scripture]. For they declare that the twelve sons of Jacob, from whom also sprung twelve tribes,--the breastplate of the high priest, which bore twelve precious stones and twelve little bells,--the twelve stones which were placed by Moses at the foot of the mountain,--the same number which was placed by Joshua in the river, and again, on the other side, the bearers of the ark of the covet,--those stones which were set up by Elijah when the heifer was offered as a burnt-offering; the number, too, of the apostles; and, in fine, every event which embraces in it the number twelve,--set forth their Duodecad. And then the union of all these, which is called the Triacontad, they strenuously endeavour to demonstrate by the ark of Noah, the height of which was thirty cubits; by the case of Samuel, who assigned Saul the chief place among thirty guests; by David, when for thirty days he concealed himself in the field; by those who entered along with him into the cave; also by the fact that the length (height) of the holy tabernacle was thirty cubits; and if they meet with any other like numbers, they still apply these to their Triacontad. 1.19. Epicurus, however, advanced an opinion almost contrary to all. He supposed, as originating principles of all things, atoms and vacuity. He considered vacuity as the place that would contain the things that will exist, and atoms the matter out of which all things could be formed; and that from the concourse of atoms both the Deity derived existence, and all the elements, and all things inherent in them, as well as animals and other (creatures); so that nothing was generated or existed, unless it be from atoms. And he affirmed that these atoms were composed of extremely small particles, in which there could not exist either a point or a sign, or any division; wherefore also he called them atoms. Acknowledging the Deity to be eternal and incorruptible, he says that God has providential care for nothing, and that there is no such thing at all as providence or fate, but that all things are made by chance. For that the Deity reposed in the intermundane spaces, (as they) are thus styled by him; for outside the world he determined that there is a certain habitation of God, denominated the intermundane spaces, and that the Deity surrendered Himself to pleasure, and took His ease in the midst of supreme happiness; and that neither has He any concerns of business, nor does He devote His attention to them. As a consequence on these opinions, he also propounded his theory concerning wise men, asserting that the end of wisdom is pleasure. Different persons, however, received the term pleasure in different acceptations; for some (among the Gentiles understood) the passions, but others the satisfaction resulting from virtue. And he concluded that the souls of men are dissolved along with their bodies, just as also they were produced along with them, for that they are blood, and that when this has gone forth or been altered, the entire man perishes; and in keeping with this tenet, (Epicurus maintained) that there are neither trials in Hades, nor tribunals of justice; so that whatsoever any one may commit in this life, that, provided he may escape detection, he is altogether beyond any liability of trial (for it in a future state). In this way, then, Epicurus also formed his opinions. 1.19. I judge it necessary to add to these details also what, by garbling passages of Scripture, they try to persuade us concerning their Propator, who was unknown to all before the coming of Christ. Their object in this is to show that our Lord announced another Father than the Maker of this universe, whom, as we said before, they impiously declare to have been the fruit of a defect. For instance, when the prophet Isaiah says, "But Israel hath not known Me, and My people have not understood Me," they pervert his words to mean ignorance of the invisible Bythus. And that which is spoken by Hosea, "There is no truth in them, nor the knowledge of God," they strive to give the same reference. And, "There is none that understandeth, or that seeketh after God: they have all gone out of the way, they are together become unprofitable," they maintain to be said concerning ignorance of Bythus. Also that which is spoken by Moses, "No man shall see God and live," has, as they would persuade us, the same reference.,For they falsely hold, that the Creator was seen by the prophets. But this passage, "No man shall see God and live," they would interpret as spoken of His greatness unseen and unknown by all; and indeed that these words, "No man shall see God," are spoken concerning the invisible Father, the Maker of the universe, is evident to us all; but that they are not used concerning that Bythus whom they conjure into existence, but concerning the Creator (and He is the invisible God), shall be shown as we proceed. They maintain that Daniel also set forth the same thing when he begged of the angels explanations of the parables, as being himself ignorant of them. But the angel, hiding from him the great mystery of Bythus, said unto him, "Go thy way quickly, Daniel, for these sayings are closed up until those who have understanding do understand them, and those who are white be made white." Moreover, they vaunt themselves as being the white and the men of good understanding. 1.20. And another opinion of the philosophers was called that of the Academics, on account of those holding their discussions in the Academy, of whom the founder Pyrrho, from whom they were called Pyrrhonean philosophers, first introduced the notion of the incomprehensibility of all things, so as to (be ready to) attempt an argument on either side of a question, but not to assert anything for certain; for that there is nothing of things intelligible or sensible true, but that they appear to men to be so; and that all substance is in a state of flux and change, and never continues in the same (condition). Some followers, then, of the Academics say that one ought not to declare an opinion on the principle of anything, but simply making the attempt to give it up; whereas others subjoined the formulary not rather (this than that), saying that the fire is not rather fire than anything else. But they did not declare what this is, but what sort it is. 1.20. Besides the above [misrepresentations], they adduce an unspeakable number of apocryphal and spurious writings, which they themselves have forged, to bewilder the minds of foolish men, and of such as are ignorant of the Scriptures of truth. Among other things, they bring forward that false and wicked story which relates that our Lord, when He was a boy learning His letters, on the teacher saying to Him, as is usual, "Pronounce Alpha," replied [as He was bid], "Alpha." But when, again, the teacher bade Him say, "Beta," the Lord replied, "Do thou first tell me what Alpha is, and then I will tell thee what Beta is." This they expound as meaning that He alone knew the Unknown, which He revealed under its type Alpha.,Some passages, also, which occur in the Gospels, receive from them a colouring of the same kind, such as the answer which He gave His mother when He was twelve years of age: "Wist ye not that I must be about My Father's business?" Thus, they say, He announced to them the Father of whom they were ignorant. On this account, also, He sent forth the disciples to the twelve tribes, that they might proclaim to them the unknown God. And to the person who said to Him, "Good Master," He confessed that God who is truly good, saying, "Why callest thou Me good: there is One who is good, the Father in the heavens;" and they assert that in this passage the AEons receive the name of heavens. Moreover, by His not replying to those who said to Him, "By what power doest Thou this?" but by a question on His own side, put them to utter confusion; by His thus not replying, according to their interpretation, He showed the unutterable nature of the Father. Moreover, when He said, "I have often desired to hear one of these words, and I had no one who could utter it," they maintain, that by this expression "one" He set forth the one true God whom they knew not. Further, when, as He drew nigh to Jerusalem, He wept over it and said, "If thou hadst known, even thou, in this thy day, the things that belong unto thy peace, but they are hidden from thee," by this word "hidden" He showed the abstruse nature of Bythus. And again, when He said, "Come unto Me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest, and learn of Me," He announced the Father of truth. For what they knew not, these men say that He promised to teach them.,But they adduce the following passage as the highest testimony, and, as it were, the very crown of their system:--"I thank Thee, O Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them to babes. Even so, my Father; for so it seemed good in Thy sight. All things have been delivered to Me by My Father; and no one knoweth the Father but the Son, or the Son but the Father, and he to whom the Son will reveal Him." In these words they affirm that He clearly showed that the Father of truth, conjured into existence by them, was known to no one before His advent. And they desire to construe the passage as if teaching that the Maker and Framer [of the world] was always known by all, while the Lord spoke these words concerning the Father unknown to all, whom they now proclaim. 1.21. But there is also with the Indians a sect composed of those philosophizing among the Brachmans. They spend a contented existence, abstain both from living creatures and all cooked food, being satisfied with fruits; and not gathering these from the trees, but carrying off those that have fallen to the earth. They subsist upon them, drinking the water of the river Tazabena. But they pass their life naked, affirming that the body has been constituted a covering to the soul by the Deity. These affirm that God is light, not such as one sees, nor such as the sun and fire; but to them the Deity is discourse, not that which finds expression in articulate sounds, but that of the knowledge through which the secret mysteries of nature are perceived by the wise. And this light which they say is discourse, their god, they assert that the Brachmans only know on account of their alone rejecting all vanity of opinion which is the soul's ultimate covering. These despise death, and always in their own peculiar language call God by the name which we have mentioned previously, and they send up hymns (to him). But neither are there women among them, nor do they beget children. But they who aim at a life similar to these, after they have crossed over to the country on the opposite side of the river, continue to reside there, returning no more; and these also are called Brachmans. But they do not pass their life similarly, for there are also in the place women, of whom those that dwell there are born, and in turn beget children. And this discourse which they name God they assert to be corporeal, and enveloped in a body outside himself, just as if one were wearing a sheep's skin, but that on divesting himself of body that he would appear clear to the eye. But the Brachmans say that there is a conflict in the body that surrounds them, (and they consider that the body is for them full of conflicts); in opposition to which, as if marshalled for battle against enemies, they contend, as we have already explained. And they say that all men are captive to their own congenital struggles, viz., sensuality and inchastity, gluttony, anger, joy, sorrow, concupiscence, and such like. And he who has reared a trophy over these, alone goes to God; wherefore the Brachmans deify Dandamis, to whom Alexander the Macedonian paid a visit, as one who had proved victorious in the bodily conflict. But they bear down on Calanus as having profanely withdrawn from their philosophy. But the Brachmans, putting off the body, like fishes jumping out of water into the pure air, behold the sun. 1.21. It happens that their tradition respecting redemption is invisible and incomprehensible, as being the mother of things which are incomprehensible and invisible; and on this account, since it is fluctuating, it is impossible simply and all at once to make known its nature, for every one of them hands it down just as his own inclination prompts. Thus there are as many schemes of "redemption" as there are teachers of these mystical opinions. And when we come to refute them, we shall show in its fitting-place, that this class of men have been instigated by Satan to a denial of that baptism which is regeneration to God, and thus to a renunciation of the whole [Christian] faith.,They maintain that those who have attained to perfect knowledge must of necessity be regenerated into that power which is above all. For it is otherwise impossible to find admittance within the Pleroma, since this [regeneration] it is which leads them down into the depths of Bythus. For the baptism instituted by the visible Jesus was for the remission of sins, but the redemption brought in by that Christ who descended upon Him, was for perfection; and they allege that the former is animal, but the latter spiritual. And the baptism of John was proclaimed with a view to repentance, but the redemption by Jesus was brought in for the sake of perfection. And to this He refers when He says, "And I have another baptism to be baptized with, and I hasten eagerly towards it." Moreover, they affirm that the Lord added this redemption to the sons of Zebedee, when their mother asked that they might sit, the one on His right hand, and the other on His left, in His kingdom, saying, "Can ye be baptized with the baptism which I shall be baptized with?" Paul, too, they declare, has often set forth, in express terms, the redemption which is in Christ Jesus; and this was the same which is handed down by them in so varied and discordant forms.,For some of them prepare a nuptial couch, and perform a sort of mystic rite (pronouncing certain expressions) with those who are being initiated, and affirm that it is a spiritual marriage which is celebrated by them, after the likeness of the conjunctions above. Others, again, lead them to a place where water is, and baptize them, with the utterance of these words, "Into the name of the unknown Father of the universe--into truth, the mother of all things--into Him who descended on Jesus--into union, and redemption, and communion with the powers." Others still repeat certain Hebrew words, in order the more thoroughly to bewilder those who are being initiated, as follows: "Basema, Chamosse, Baoenaora, Mistadia, Ruada, Kousta, Babaphor, Kalachthei." The interpretation of these terms runs thus: "I invoke that which is above every power of the Father, which is called light, and good Spirit, and life, because Thou hast reigned in the body." Others, again, set forth the redemption thus: The name which is hidden from every deity, and dominion, and truth which Jesus of Nazareth was clothed with in the lives of the light of Christ--of Christ, who lives by the Holy Ghost, for the angelic redemption. The name of restitution stands thus: Messia, Uphareg, Namempsoeman, Chaldoeaur, Mosomedoea, Acphranoe, Psaua, Jesus Nazaria. The interpretation of these words is as follows: "I do not divide the Spirit of Christ, neither the heart nor the supercelestial power which is merciful; may I enjoy Thy name, O Saviour of truth!" Such are words of the initiators; but he who is initiated, replies, "I am established, and I am redeemed; I redeem my soul from this age (world), and from all things connected with it in the name of Iao, who redeemed his own soul into redemption in Christ who liveth." Then the bystanders add these words, "Peace be to all on whom this name rests." After this they anoint the initiated person with balsam; for they assert that this unguent is a type of that sweet odour which is above all things.,But there are some of them who assert that it is superfluous to bring persons to the water, but mixing oil and water together, they place this mixture on the heads of those who are to be initiated, with the use of some such expressions as we have already mentioned. And this they maintain to be the redemption. They, too, are accustomed to anoint with balsam. Others, however, reject all these practices, and maintain that the mystery of the unspeakable and invisible power ought not to be performed by visible and corruptible creatures, nor should that of those [beings] who are inconceivable, and incorporeal, and beyond the reach of sense, [be performed] by such as are the objects of sense, and possessed of a body. These hold that the knowledge of the unspeakable Greatness is itself perfect redemption. For since both defect and passion flowed from ignorance, the whole substance of what was thus formed is destroyed by knowledge; and therefore knowledge is the redemption of the inner man. This, however, is not of a corporeal nature, for the body is corruptible; nor is it animal, since the animal soul is the fruit of a defect, and is, as it were, the abode of the spirit. The redemption must therefore be of a spiritual nature; for they affirm that the inner and spiritual man is redeemed by means of knowledge, and that they, having acquired the knowledge of all things, stand thenceforth in need of nothing else. This, then, is the true redemption.,Others still there are who continue to redeem persons even up to the moment of death, by placing on their heads oil and water, or the pre-mentioned ointment with water, using at the same time the above-named invocations, that the persons referred to may become incapable of being seized or seen by the principalities and powers, and that their inner man may ascend on high in an invisible manner, as if their body were left among created things in this world, while their soul is sent forward to the Demiurge. And they instruct them, on their reaching the principalities and powers, to make use of these words: "I am a son from the Father--the Father who had a pre-existence, and a son in Him who is pre-existent. I have come to behold all things, both those which belong to myself and others, although, strictly speaking, they do not belong to others, but to Achamoth, who is female in nature, and made these things for herself. For I derive being from Him who is pre-existent, and I come again to my own place whence I went forth." And they affirm that, by saying these things, he escapes from the powers. He then advances to the companions of the Demiurge, and thus addresses them:--"I am a vessel more precious than the female who formed you. If your mother is ignorant of her own descent, I know myself, and am aware whence I am, and I call upon the incorruptible Sophia, who is in the Father, and is the mother of your mother, who has no father, nor any male consort; but a female springing from a female formed you, while ignorant of her own mother, and imagining that she alone existed; but I call upon her mother." And they declare, that when the companions of the Demiurge hear these words, they are greatly agitated, and upbraid their origin and the race of their mother. But he goes into his own place, having thrown [off] his chain, that is, his animal nature. These, then, are the particulars which have reached us respecting "redemption." But since they differ so widely among themselves both as respects doctrine and tradition, and since those of them who are recognised as being most modern make it their effort daily to invent some new opinion, and to bring out what no one ever before thought of, it is a difficult matter to describe all their opinions. 1.22. And the Celtic Druids investigated to the very highest point the Pythagorean philosophy, after Zamolxis, by birth a Thracian, a servant of Pythagoras, became to them the originator of this discipline. Now after the death of Pythagoras, Zamolxis, repairing there, became to them the originator of this philosophy. The Celts esteem these as prophets and seers, on account of their foretelling to them certain (events), from calculations and numbers by the Pythagorean art; on the methods of which very art also we shall not keep silence, since also from these some have presumed to introduce heresies; but the Druids resort to magical rites likewise. 1.22. The rule of truth which we hold, is, that there is one God Almighty, who made all things by His Word, and fashioned and formed, out of that which had no existence, all things which exist. Thus saith the Scripture, to that effect "By the Word of the Lord were the heavens established, and all the might of them, by the spirit of His mouth." And again, "All things were made by Him, and without Him was nothing made." There is no exception or deduction stated; but the Father made all things by Him, whether visible or invisible, objects of sense or of intelligence, temporal, on account of a certain character given them, or eternal; and these eternal things He did not make by angels, or by any powers separated from His Ennoea. For God needs none of all these things, but is He who, by His Word and Spirit, makes, and disposes, and governs all things, and commands all things into existence,--He who formed the world (for the world is of all),--He who fashioned man,--He [who] is the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, above whom there is no other God, nor initial principle, nor power, nor pleroma,--He is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, as we shall prove. Holding, therefore, this rule, we shall easily show, notwithstanding the great variety and multitude of their opinions, that these men have deviated from the truth; for almost all the different sects of heretics admit that there is one God; but then, by their pernicious doctrines, they change [this truth into error], even as the Gentiles do through idolatry,--thus proving themselves ungrateful to Him that created them. Moreover, they despise the workmanship of God, speaking against their own salvation, becoming their own bitterest accusers, and being false witnesses [against themselves]. Yet, reluctant as they may be, these men shall one day rise again in the flesh, to confess the power of Him who raises them from the dead; but they shall not be numbered among the righteous on account of their unbelief.,Since, therefore, it is a complex and multiform task to detect and convict all the heretics, and since our design is to reply to them all according to their special characters, we have judged it necessary, first of all, to give an account of their source and root, in order that, by getting a knowledge of their most exalted Bythus, thou mayest understand the nature of the tree which has produced such fruits. 5.10. It has been easily made evident to all, that the heresy of the Peratae is altered in name only from the (art) of the astrologers. And the rest of the books of these (heretics) contain the same method, if it were agreeable to any one to wade through them all. For, as I said, they suppose that the causes of the generation of all begotten things are things unbegotten and superjacent, and that the world with us has been produced after the mode of emanation, which (world) they denominate formal. And (they maintain) that all those stars together which are beheld in the firmament have been causes of the generation of this world. They have, however, altered the name of these, as one may perceive from the Proastioi by means of a comparison (of the two systems). And secondly, according to the same method as that whereby the world was made from a supernal emanation, they affirm that in this manner objects here derive from the emanation of the stars their generation, and corruption, and arrangement. Since, then, astrologers are acquainted with the horoscope, and meridian, and setting, and the point opposite the meridian; and since these stars occupy at different times different positions in space, on account of the perpetual revolution of the universe, there are (necessarily) at different periods different declinations towards a centre, and (different) ascensions to centres. (Now the Peratic here-ties), affixing an allegorical import to this arrangement of the astrologers, delineate the centre, as it were, a god and monad and lord over universal generation, whereas the declination (is regarded by them as a power) on the left, and ascension on the right. When any one, therefore, falling in with the treatises of these (heretics), finds mention among them of right or left power, let him recur to the centre, and the declination, and the ascension (of the Chaldean sages, and) he will clearly observe that the entire system of these (Peratae) consists of the astrological doctrine. 5.10. This truth, therefore, [he declares], in order that we may not reject the engrafting of the Spirit while pampering the flesh. "But thou, being a wild olive-tree," he says, "hast been grafted into the good olive-tree, and been made a partaker of the fatness of the olive-tree." As, therefore, when the wild olive has been engrafted, if it remain in its former condition, viz., a wild olive, it is "cut off, and cast into the fire;" but if it takes kindly to the graft, and is changed into the good olive-tree, it becomes a fruit-bearing olive, planted, as it were, in a king's park (paradiso): so likewise men, if they do truly progress by faith towards better things, and receive the Spirit of God, and bring forth the fruit thereof, shall be spiritual, as being planted in the paradise of God. But if they cast out the Spirit, and remain in their former condition, desirous of being of the flesh rather than of the Spirit, then it is very justly said with regard to men of this stamp, "That flesh and blood shall not inherit the kingdom of God;" just as if any one were to say that the wild olive is not received into the paradise of God. Admirably therefore does the apostle exhibit our nature, and God's universal appointment, in his discourse about flesh and blood and the wild olive. For as the good olive, if neglected for a certain time, if left to grow wild and to run to i wood, does itself become a wild olive; or again, if the wild olive be carefully tended and grafted, it naturally reverts to its former fruit-bearing condition: so men also, when they become careless, and bring forth for fruit the lusts of the flesh like woody produce, are rendered, by their own fault, unfruitful in righteousness. For when men sleep, the enemy sows the material of tares; and for this cause did the Lord command His disciples to be on the watch. And again, those persons who are not bringing forth the fruits of righteousness, and are, as it were, covered over and lost among brambles, if they use diligence, and receive the word of God as a graft, arrive at the pristine nature of man--that which was created after the image and likeness of God.,But as the engrafted wild olive does not certainly lose the substance of its wood, but changes the quality of its fruit, and receives another name, being now not a wild olive, but a fruit-bearing olive, and is called so; so also, when man is grafted in by faith and receives the Spirit of God, he certainly does not lose the substance of flesh, but changes the quality of the fruit [brought forth, i.e.,] of his works, and receives another name, showing that he has become changed for the better, being now not [mere] flesh and blood, but a spiritual man, and is called such. Then, again, as the wild olive, if it be not grafted in, remains useless to its lord because of its woody quality, and is cut down as a tree bearing no fruit, and cast into the fire; so also man, if he does not receive through faith the engrafting of the Spirit, remains in his old condition, and being [mere] flesh and blood, he cannot inherit the kingdom of God. Rightly therefore does the apostle declare, "Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God;" and, "Those who are in the flesh cannot please God:" not repudiating [by these words] the substance of flesh, but showing that into it the Spirit must be infused. And for this reason, he says, "This mortal must put on immortality, and this corruptible must put on incorruption." And again he declares, "But ye are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you." He sets this forth still more plainly, where he says, "The body indeed is dead, because of sin; but the Spirit is life, because of righteousness. But if the Spirit of Him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ from the dead shall also quicken your mortal bodies, because of His Spirit dwelling in you." And again he says, in the Epistle to the Romans, "For if ye live after the flesh, ye shall die." [Now by these words] he does not prohibit them from living their lives in the flesh, for he was himself in the flesh when he wrote to them; but he cuts away the lusts of the flesh, those which bring death upon a man. And for this reason he says in continuation, "But if ye through the Spirit do mortify the works of the flesh, ye shall live. For whosoever are led by the Spirit of God, these are the sons of God."

91. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 5.10, 6.37 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ritual, icons in •icon, example of Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 46, 79

5.10. It has been easily made evident to all, that the heresy of the Peratae is altered in name only from the (art) of the astrologers. And the rest of the books of these (heretics) contain the same method, if it were agreeable to any one to wade through them all. For, as I said, they suppose that the causes of the generation of all begotten things are things unbegotten and superjacent, and that the world with us has been produced after the mode of emanation, which (world) they denominate formal. And (they maintain) that all those stars together which are beheld in the firmament have been causes of the generation of this world. They have, however, altered the name of these, as one may perceive from the Proastioi by means of a comparison (of the two systems). And secondly, according to the same method as that whereby the world was made from a supernal emanation, they affirm that in this manner objects here derive from the emanation of the stars their generation, and corruption, and arrangement. Since, then, astrologers are acquainted with the horoscope, and meridian, and setting, and the point opposite the meridian; and since these stars occupy at different times different positions in space, on account of the perpetual revolution of the universe, there are (necessarily) at different periods different declinations towards a centre, and (different) ascensions to centres. (Now the Peratic here-ties), affixing an allegorical import to this arrangement of the astrologers, delineate the centre, as it were, a god and monad and lord over universal generation, whereas the declination (is regarded by them as a power) on the left, and ascension on the right. When any one, therefore, falling in with the treatises of these (heretics), finds mention among them of right or left power, let him recur to the centre, and the declination, and the ascension (of the Chaldean sages, and) he will clearly observe that the entire system of these (Peratae) consists of the astrological doctrine. 6.37. For also the blessed presbyter Irenaeus, having approached the subject of a refutation in a more unconstrained spirit, has explained such washings and redemptions, stating more in the way of a rough digest what are their practices. (And it appears that some of the Marcosians,) on meeting with (Irenaeus' work), deny that they have so received (the secret word just alluded to), but they have learned that always they should deny. Wherefore our anxiety has been more accurately to investigate, and to discover minutely what are the (instructions) which they deliver in the case of the first bath, styling it by some such name; and in the case of the second, which they denominate Redemption. But not even has this secret of theirs escaped (our scrutiny). For these opinions, however, we consent to pardon Valentinus and his school. But Marcus, imitating his teacher, himself also feigns a vision, imagining that in this way he would be magnified. For Valentinus likewise alleges that he had seen an infant child lately born; and questioning (this child), he proceeded to inquire who it might be. And (the child) replied, saying that he himself is the Logos, and then subjoined a sort of tragic legend; and out of this (Valentinus) wishes the heresy attempted by him to consist. Marcus, making a similar attempt with this (heretic), asserts that the Tetrad came to him in the form of a woman - since the world could not bear, he says, the male (form) of this Tetrad, and that she revealed herself who she was, and explained to this (Marcus) alone the generation of the universe, which she never had revealed to any, either of gods or of men, expressing herself after this mode: When first the self-existent Father, He who is inconceivable and without substance, He who is neither male nor female, willed that His own ineffability should become realized in something spoken, and that His invisibility should become realized in form, He opened His mouth, and sent forth similar to Himself a Logos. And this (Logos) stood by Him, and showed unto Him who he was, viz., that he himself had been manifested as a (realization in) form of the Invisible One. And the pronunciation of the name was of the following description. He was accustomed to utter the first word of the name itself, which was Arche, and the syllable of this was (composed) of four letters. Then he subjoined the second (syllable), and this was also (composed) of four letters. Next he uttered the third (syllable), which was (composed) of ten letters; and he uttered the fourth (syllable), and this was (composed) of twelve letters. Then ensued the pronunciation of the entire name, (composed) of thirty letters, but of four syllables. And each of the elements had its own peculiar letters, and its own peculiar form, and its own peculiar pronunciation, as well as figures and images. And not one of these was there that beholds the form of that (letter) of which this was an element. And of course none of them could know the pronunciation of the (letter) next to this, but (only) as he himself pronounces it, (and that in such a way) as that, in pronouncing the whole (word), he supposed that he was uttering the entire (name). For each of these (elements), being part of the entire (name), he denominates (according to) its own peculiar sound, as if the whole (of the word). And he does not intermit sounding until he arrived at the last letter of the last element, and uttered it in a single articulation. Then he said, that the restoration of the entire ensued when all the (elements), coming down into the one letter, sounded one and the same pronunciation, and an image of the pronunciation he supposed to exist when we simultaneously utter the word Amen. And that these sounds are those which gave form to the insubstantial and unbegotten Aeon, and that those forms are what the Lord declared to be angels- the (forms) that uninterruptedly behold the face of the Father.

92. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 226

93. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 2.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 215

94. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.45 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iconicity Found in books: Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 61

95. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.40 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 91

96. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 137b, 61b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 101

61b. בשיר ובטבעת ויצא בו ברשות הרבים משום מראית העין,והתניא איזהו קמיע מומחה כל שריפא ג' בני אדם כאחד,לא קשיא הא למחויי גברא הא למחויי קמיעא,אמר רב פפא פשיטא לי תלת קמיע לתלת גברי תלתא תלתא זימני איתמחי גברא ואתמחי קמיע תלתא קמיע לתלתא גברי חד חד זימנא גברא איתמחי קמיעא לא איתמחי חד קמיע לתלתא גברי קמיעא איתמחי גברא לא איתמחי,בעי רב פפא תלתא קמיע לחד גברא מאי קמיעא ודאי לא איתמחי גברא איתמחי או לא איתמחי מי אמרינן הא אסי ליה או דילמא מזלא דהאי גברא הוא דקא מקבל כתבא תיקו.,איבעיא להו קמיעין יש . בהן משום קדושה או דילמא אין בהן משום קדושה למאי הילכתא אילימא לאצולינהו מפני הדליקה ת"ש הברכות והקמיעין אע"פ שיש בהן אותיות ומענינות הרבה שבתורה אין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה ונשרפים במקומן,אלא לענין גניזה ת"ש * היה כתוב על ידות הכלים ועל כרעי המטה יגוד ויגנזנו,אלא ליכנס בהן בבית הכסא מאי יש בהן קדושה ואסיר או דילמא אין בהן קדושה ושרי ת"ש ולא בקמיע בזמן שאינו מן המומחה הא מן המומחה נפיק,ואי אמרת קמיעין יש בהן משום קדושה זמנין דמיצטריך לבית הכסא ואתי לאיתויינהו ד' אמות ברה"ר הכא במאי עסקינן בקמיע של עיקרין,והתניא אחד קמיע של כתב ואחד קמיע של עיקרין אלא הכא במאי עסקינן בחולה שיש בו סכנה והתניא אחד חולה שיש בו סכנה ואחד חולה שאין בו סכנה,אלא כיון דמסי אף על גב דנקיט ליה בידיה נמי שפיר דמי

61b. to a bracelet or a ring and go out with it into the public domain. The reason for the prohibition is due to the appearance of transgression, as, in that case, it appears that he is wearing the amulet strictly for ornamental purposes, which is prohibited.,With regard to the definition of an effective amulet as one which healed one person three times, the Gemara raises an objection. Wasn’t it taught in a baraita: Which is an effective amulet; any amulet that healed three people as one?,The Gemara answers: This is not difficult. This, where it was taught in the baraita that the amulet must have healed three different people, is referring to proving the expertise of the man who wrote it. Once his amulets have proven themselves by healing three different people stricken with different illnesses, clearly the one who wrote them is an expert. That, where it was taught in the Tosefta that even if the amulet healed one person three times, is referring to proving that the amulet is effective in fulfilling its designated purpose.,Rav Pappa said: It is obvious to me in a case where three amulets were written for three people and effectively healed each three times that both the man who wrote them is proven an expert and the amulet is proven effective. Likewise, it is obvious to me that in the case of one who writes three amulets for three people and healed each one time, the man is proven to be an expert; however, the amulet is not proven effective. Similarly, if one wrote one amulet for three people and it healed them, the amulet is proven effective, while the man who wrote it is not thereby proven an expert.,Rav Pappa raised a dilemma: Three amulets for one person, what is the status of the amulet and the one who wrote it in that case? The amulet is certainly not proven effective; however, with regard to the man who wrote it, is he proven an expert or is he not proven an expert? This is the dilemma: Do we say that the person is an expert since the amulet that he wrote healed the person who was ill? Or, perhaps we say that it was the fortune of that sick man who received the influence of the writing of the amulet, but a different person would not be healed? The Gemara concludes: Let this dilemma stand unresolved.,A dilemma was raised before the Sages: Do amulets have an element of sanctity, or perhaps they have no element of sanctity? The Gemara asks: With regard to what halakha is this dilemma relevant? If you say it is relevant with regard to rescuing them from fire on Shabbat, there is a clear resolution to the dilemma. Come and hear what was taught: The blessings and the amulets, even though there are letters of holy names and many matters that are in the Torah written in them, one may not rescue them from the fire, and they burn in their place.,Rather, the dilemma is relevant with regard to the matter of interment of sacred documents. Must an amulet no longer in use be buried, or may it be discarded? However, with regard to the matter of interment as well, come and hear a resolution from what was taught: If one of the names of God was written even on the handles of the vessels and even on legs of the bed, he must cut off the name and bury it, as one must be exacting with regard to the name of God, wherever it is written.,Rather, the dilemma was raised with regard to whether or not it is permitted to enter the bathroom with them. What is the halakha? Do they have sanctity, and it is therefore prohibited? Or, perhaps they have no sanctity, and it is permitted? Come and hear a resolution from that which we learned in our mishna: Nor with an amulet, when it is not from an expert. By inference: If it is from an expert, he may go out with it.,And, if you say that amulets have an element of sanctity, at times he will need to go to the bathroom, will be required to remove the amulets, forget that he removed them, and come to carry them four cubits in the public domain. Since the mishna did not address these complications, apparently amulets do not have an element of sanctity in that regard and one may enter the bathroom with them. The Gemara rejects this: With what we are dealing here? With an amulet made of herbal roots that certainly has no sanctity.,The Gemara asks: Wasn’t it taught in a baraita: This is the case with regard to both a written amulet and an amulet of herbal roots, indicating that their halakhot are equal? Rather, with what we are dealing here? With a person who is dangerously ill. Because of the life-threatening situation, he is permitted to enter the bathroom with his amulet, despite the resulting degradation of the Holy Name. Wasn’t it taught in the same baraita that the halakha applies to both a sick person who is dangerously ill and a sick person who is not dangerously ill, indicating that they share the same status in this regard?,Rather, since the amulet heals, even though he holds it in his hand, he may well go out with it too. In terms of healing, there is no difference whether the amulet is hanging around his neck or whether it is in his hand; just as they permitted him to wear it around his neck on Shabbat, so too they permitted him to carry it in his hand.

97. Origen, Commentary On John, 1.68 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 164

98. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.24-1.25, 5.45, 6.22, 6.27, 8.37 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon •icon and/or mythic event •ritual, icons in Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 114; Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 34, 37, 79

1.24. After this he continues: These herdsmen and shepherds concluded that there was but one God, named either the Highest, or Adonai, or the Heavenly, or Sabaoth, or called by some other of those names which they delight to give this world; and they knew nothing beyond that. And in a subsequent part of his work he says, that It makes no difference whether the God who is over all things be called by the name of Zeus, which is current among the Greeks, or by that, e.g., which is in use among the Indians or Egyptians. Now, in answer to this, we have to remark that this involves a deep and mysterious subject - that, viz., respecting the nature of names: it being a question whether, as Aristotle thinks, names were bestowed by arrangement, or, as the Stoics hold, by nature; the first words being imitations of things, agreeably to which the names were formed, and in conformity with which they introduce certain principles of etymology; or whether, as Epicurus teaches (differing in this from the Stoics), names were given by nature, - the first men having uttered certain words varying with the circumstances in which they found themselves. If, then, we shall be able to establish, in reference to the preceding statement, the nature of powerful names, some of which are used by the learned among the Egyptians, or by the Magi among the Persians, and by the Indian philosophers called Brahmans, or by the Saman ans, and others in different countries; and shall be able to make out that the so-called magic is not, as the followers of Epicurus and Aristotle suppose, an altogether uncertain thing, but is, as those skilled in it prove, a consistent system, having words which are known to exceedingly few; then we say that the name Sabaoth, and Adonai, and the other names treated with so much reverence among the Hebrews, are not applicable to any ordinary created things, but belong to a secret theology which refers to the Framer of all things. These names, accordingly, when pronounced with that attendant train of circumstances which is appropriate to their nature, are possessed of great power; and other names, again, current in the Egyptian tongue, are efficacious against certain demons who can only do certain things; and other names in the Persian language have corresponding power over other spirits; and so on in every individual nation, for different purposes. And thus it will be found that, of the various demons upon the earth, to whom different localities have been assigned, each one bears a name appropriate to the several dialects of place and country. He, therefore, who has a nobler idea, however small, of these matters, will be careful not to apply differing names to different things; lest he should resemble those who mistakenly apply the name of God to lifeless matter, or who drag down the title of the Good from the First Cause, or from virtue and excellence, and apply it to blind Plutus, and to a healthy and well-proportioned mixture of flesh and blood and bones, or to what is considered to be noble birth. 1.25. And perhaps there is a danger as great as that which degrades the name of God, or of the Good, to improper objects, in changing the name of God according to a secret system, and applying those which belong to inferior beings to greater, and vice versa. And I do not dwell on this, that when the name of Zeus is uttered, there is heard at the same time that of the son of Kronos and Rhea, and the husband of Hera, and brother of Poseidon, and father of Athene, and Artemis, who was guilty of incest with his own daughter Persephone; or that Apollo immediately suggests the son of Leto and Zeus, and the brother of Artemis, and half-brother of Hermes; and so with all the other names invented by these wise men of Celsus, who are the parents of these opinions, and the ancient theologians of the Greeks. For what are the grounds for deciding that he should on the one hand be properly called Zeus, and yet on the other should not have Kronos for his father and Rhea for his mother? And the same argument applies to all the others that are called gods. But this charge does not at all apply to those who, for some mysterious reason, refer the word Sabaoth, or Adonai, or any of the other names to the (true) God. And when one is able to philosophize about the mystery of names, he will find much to say respecting the titles of the angels of God, of whom one is called Michael, and another Gabriel, and another Raphael, appropriately to the duties which they discharge in the world, according to the will of the God of all things. And a similar philosophy of names applies also to our Jesus, whose name has already been seen, in an unmistakeable manner, to have expelled myriads of evil spirits from the souls and bodies (of men), so great was the power which it exerted upon those from whom the spirits were driven out. And while still upon the subject of names, we have to mention that those who are skilled in the use of incantations, relate that the utterance of the same incantation in its proper language can accomplish what the spell professes to do; but when translated into any other tongue, it is observed to become inefficacious and feeble. And thus it is not the things signified, but the qualities and peculiarities of words, which possess a certain power for this or that purpose. And so on such grounds as these we defend the conduct of the Christians, when they struggle even to death to avoid calling God by the name of Zeus, or to give Him a name from any other language. For they either use the common name - God - indefinitely, or with some such addition as that of the Maker of all things, the Creator of heaven and earth - He who sent down to the human race those good men, to whose names that of God being added, certain mighty works are wrought among men. And much more besides might be said on the subject of names, against those who think that we ought to be indifferent as to our use of them. And if the remark of Plato in the Philebus should surprise us, when he says, My fear, O Protagoras, about the names of the gods is no small one, seeing Philebus in his discussion with Socrates had called pleasure a god, how shall we not rather approve the piety of the Christians, who apply none of the names used in the mythologies to the Creator of the world? And now enough on this subject for the present. 5.45. As Celsus, however, is of opinion that it matters nothing whether the highest being be called Jupiter, or Zen, or Adonai, or Sabaoth, or Ammoun (as the Egyptians term him), or Papp us (as the Scythians entitle him), let us discuss the point for a little, reminding the reader at the same time of what has been said above upon this question, when the language of Celsus led us to consider the subject. And now we maintain that the nature of names is not, as Aristotle supposes, an enactment of those who impose them. For the languages which are prevalent among men do not derive their origin from men, as is evident to those who are able to ascertain the nature of the charms which are appropriated by the inventors of the languages differently, according to the various tongues, and to the varying pronunciations of the names, on which we have spoken briefly in the preceding pages, remarking that when those names which in a certain language were possessed of a natural power were translated into another, they were no longer able to accomplish what they did before when uttered in their native tongues. And the same peculiarity is found to apply to men; for if we were to translate the name of one who was called from his birth by a certain appellation in the Greek language into the Egyptian or Roman, or any other tongue, we could not make him do or suffer the same things which he would have done or suffered under the appellation first bestowed upon him. Nay, even if we translated into the Greek language the name of an individual who had been originally invoked in the Roman tongue, we could not produce the result which the incantation professed itself capable of accomplishing had it preserved the name first conferred upon him. And if these statements are true when spoken of the names of men, what are we to think of those which are transferred, for any cause whatever, to the Deity? For example, something is transferred from the name Abraham when translated into Greek, and something is signified by that of Isaac, and also by that of Jacob; and accordingly, if any one, either in an invocation or in swearing an oath, were to use the expression, the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, he would produce certain effects, either owing to the nature of these names or to their powers, since even demons are vanquished and become submissive to him who pronounces these names; whereas if we say, the god of the chosen father of the echo, and the god of laughter, and the god of him who strikes with the heel, the mention of the name is attended with no result, as is the case with other names possessed of no power. And in the same way, if we translate the word Israel into Greek or any other language, we shall produce no result; but if we retain it as it is, and join it to those expressions to which such as are skilled in these matters think it ought to be united, there would then follow some result from the pronunciation of the word which would accord with the professions of those who employ such invocations. And we may say the same also of the pronunciation of Sabaoth, a word which is frequently employed in incantations; for if we translate the term into Lord of hosts, or Lord of armies, or Almighty (different acceptation of it having been proposed by the interpreters), we shall accomplish nothing; whereas if we retain the original pronunciation, we shall, as those who are skilled in such matters maintain, produce some effect. And the same observation holds good of Adonai. If, then, neither Sabaoth nor Adonai, when rendered into what appears to be their meaning in the Greek tongue, can accomplish anything, how much less would be the result among those who regard it as a matter of indifference whether the highest being be called Jupiter, or Zen, or Adonai, or Sabaoth! 6.22. After this, Celsus, desiring to exhibit his learning in his treatise against us, quotes also certain Persian mysteries, where he says: These things are obscurely hinted at in the accounts of the Persians, and especially in the mysteries of Mithras, which are celebrated among them. For in the latter there is a representation of the two heavenly revolutions - of the movement, viz., of the fixed stars, and of that which take place among the planets, and of the passage of the soul through these. The representation is of the following nature: There is a ladder with lofty gates, and on the top of it an eighth gate. The first gate consists of lead, the second of tin, the third of copper, the fourth of iron, the fifth of a mixture of metals, the sixth of silver, and the seventh of gold. The first gate they assign to Saturn, indicating by the 'lead' the slowness of this star; the second to Venus, comparing her to the splendour and softness of tin; the third to Jupiter, being firm and solid; the fourth to Mercury, for both Mercury and iron are fit to endure all things, and are money-making and laborious; the fifth to Mars, because, being composed of a mixture of metals, it is varied and unequal; the sixth, of silver, to the Moon; the seventh, of gold, to the Sun - thus imitating the different colors of the two latter. He next proceeds to examine the reason of the stars being arranged in this order, which is symbolized by the names of the rest of matter. Musical reasons, moreover, are added or quoted by the Persian theology; and to these, again, he strives to add a second explanation, connected also with musical considerations. But it seems to me, that to quote the language of Celsus upon these matters would be absurd, and similar to what he himself has done, when, in his accusations against Christians and Jews, he quoted, most inappropriately, not only the words of Plato; but, dissatisfied even with these, he adduced in addition the mysteries of the Persian Mithras, and the explanation of them. Now, whatever be the case with regard to these - whether the Persians and those who conduct the mysteries of Mithras give false or true accounts regarding them - why did he select these for quotation, rather than some of the other mysteries, with the explanation of them? For the mysteries of Mithras do not appear to be more famous among the Greeks than those of Eleusis, or than those in Ægina, where individuals are initiated in the rites of Hecate. But if he must introduce barbarian mysteries with their explanation, why not rather those of the Egyptians, which are highly regarded by many, or those of the Cappadocians regarding the Comanian Diana, or those of the Thracians, or even those of the Romans themselves, who initiate the noblest members of their senate? But if he deemed it inappropriate to institute a comparison with any of these, because they furnished no aid in the way of accusing Jews or Christians, why did it not also appear to him inappropriate to adduce the instance of the mysteries of Mithras? 6.27. After the matter of the diagram, he brings forward certain monstrous statements, in the form of question and answer, regarding what is called by ecclesiastical writers the seal, statements which did not arise from imperfect information; such as that he who impresses the seal is called father, and he who is sealed is called young man and son; and who answers, I have been anointed with white ointment from the tree of life,- things which we never heard to have occurred even among the heretics. In the next place, he determines even the number mentioned by those who deliver over the seal, as that of seven angels, who attach themselves to both sides of the soul of the dying body; the one party being named angels of light, the others 'archontics;' and he asserts that the ruler of those named 'archontics' is termed the 'accursed' god. Then, laying hold of the expression, he assails, not without reason, those who venture to use such language; and on that account we entertain a similar feeling of indignation with those who censure such individuals, if indeed there exist any who call the God of the Jews- who sends rain and thunder, and who is the Creator of this world, and the God of Moses, and of the cosmogony which he records - an accursed divinity. Celsus, however, appears to have had in view in employing these expressions, not a rational object, but one of a most irrational kind, arising out of his hatred towards us, which is so unlike a philosopher. For his aim was, that those who are unacquainted with our customs should, on perusing his treatise, at once assail us as if we called the noble Creator of this world an accursed divinity. He appears to me, indeed, to have acted like those Jews who, when Christianity began to be first preached, scattered abroad false reports of the Gospel, such as that Christians offered up an infant in sacrifice, and partook of its flesh; and again, that the professors of Christianity, wishing to do the 'works of darkness,' used to extinguish the lights (in their meetings), and each one to have sexual intercourse with any woman whom he chanced to meet. These calumnies have long exercised, although unreasonably, an influence over the minds of very many, leading those who are aliens to the Gospel to believe that Christians are men of such a character; and even at the present day they mislead some, and prevent them from entering even into the simple intercourse of conversation with those who are Christians. 8.37. In the next place, Celsus forgets that he is addressing Christians, who pray to God alone through Jesus; and mixing up other notions with theirs, he absurdly attributes them all to Christians. If, says he, they who are addressed are called upon by barbarous names, they will have power, but no longer will they have any if they are addressed in Greek or Latin. Let him, then, state plainly whom we call upon for help by barbarous names. Any one will be convinced that this is a false charge which Celsus brings against us, when he considers that Christians in prayer do not even use the precise names which divine Scripture applies to God; but the Greeks use Greek names, the Romans Latin names, and every one prays and sings praises to God as he best can, in his mother tongue. For the Lord of all the languages of the earth hears those who pray to Him in each different tongue, hearing, if I may so say, but one voice, expressing itself in different dialects. For the Most High is not as one of those who select one language, Barbarian or Greek, knowing nothing of any other, and caring nothing for those who speak in other tongues.

99. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, 20a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iconic and performative dimensions of scripture, identity, texts as expressions of Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 79

100. Origen, Homilies On Numbers, 13.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 34

101. Origen, Homilies On Joshua, 13.2, 20.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 34, 37

102. Porphyry, On The Cave of The Nymphs, 20-28, 30-31, 6, 29 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 111, 213

103. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 5.460, 5.461, 5.462, 5.463, 5.464, 5.465, 5.466, 5.467, 5.468, 5.469, 5.470, 5.471, 5.472, 5.473, 5.474, 5.475, 5.476, 5.477, 5.478, 5.479, 5.480, 5.481, 5.482, 5.483, 5.484, 5.485, 12.193, 12.194, 12.195, 12.196, 12.197, 12.198, 12.199, 12.200, 12.201, 13.760, 13.761, 13.762, 13.763, 13.764, 13.764-65, 13.765, 13.766, 13.767, 13.768, 13.769, 13.770, 13.771, 13.772, 13.773, 13.774, 13.775, 13.775-80, 13.776, 13.777, 13.778, 13.779, 13.780, 13.781, 13.782, 13.783, 13.784, 13.785, 13.786, 13.787, 13.788, 13.789, 13.790, 13.791, 13.792, 13.793, 13.794, 13.795, 13.795-96, 13.796, 13.797, 13.798, 13.799, 13.800, 13.801, 13.802, 13.803, 13.804, 13.805, 13.806, 13.807, 13.808, 13.809, 13.810, 13.811, 13.812, 13.813, 13.814, 13.815, 13.816, 13.817, 13.818, 13.819, 13.820, 13.821, 13.822, 13.823, 13.824, 13.825, 13.826, 13.827, 13.828, 13.829, 13.830, 13.831, 13.832, 13.833, 13.834, 13.835, 13.836, 13.837, 13.838, 13.839, 13.840, 13.841, 13.842, 13.843, 13.844, 13.845, 13.846, 13.847, 13.848, 13.849, 13.850, 13.851, 13.852, 13.853, 13.854, 13.855, 13.856, 13.857, 13.858, 13.859, 13.860, 13.861, 13.862, 13.863, 13.864, 13.865, 13.866, 13.867, 13.868, 13.869, 13.870, 13.871, 13.872, 13.873, 13.874, 13.875, 13.876, 13.877, 13.878, 13.879, 13.880, 13.881, 13.882, 13.883, 13.884, 13.885, 13.886, 13.887, 13.888, 13.889, 13.890, 13.891, 13.892, 13.893, 13.894, 13.895, 13.896, 13.897, 13.898, 13.899, 13.900, 13.901, 13.902, 13.903, 13.904, 13.905, 13.906, 13.907, 13.908, 13.909, 13.910, 13.911, 13.912, 13.913, 13.914, 13.915, 13.916, 13.917, 13.918, 13.919, 13.920, 13.921, 13.922, 13.923, 13.924, 13.925, 13.926, 13.927, 13.928, 13.929, 13.930, 13.931, 13.932 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 114

104. Origen, Philocalia, 23.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 164

105. Asclepiades Cyprius, Fragments, 4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

106. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 7.18.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon of the myrrhophores Found in books: Ernst, Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition (2009) 150

107. Origen, Selecta In Genesim (Fragmenta E Catenis), 17.5 pg 12.116ab (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 34

108. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 4.16 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 215

4.16. Among the Persians, indeed, those who are wise in divine concerns, and worship divinity, are called Magi; for this is the signification of Magus, in the Persian tongue. But so great and so venerable are these men thought to be by the Persians, that Darius, the son of Hystaspes, had among other things this engraved on his tomb, that he had been the master of the Magi. They are likewise divided into three genera, as we are informed by Eubulus, who wrote the history of Mithra, in a treatise consisting of many books. In this work he says, that the first and most learned class of the Magi neither eat nor slay any thing animated, but adhere to the ancient abstinence from animals. The second class use some animals indeed [for food], but do not slay any that are tame. Nor do those of the third class, similarly with other men, lay their hands on all animals. For the dogma with all of them which ranks as the first is this, that there is a transmigration of souls; and this they also appear to indicate in the mysteries of Mithra. For in these mysteries, obscurely signifying our having something in common with brutes, they are accustomed to call us by the names of different animals. Thus they denominate the males who participate in the same mysteries lions, but the females lionesses, and those who are ministrant to these rites crows. With respect to their fathers also, they adopt the same mode. For these are denominated by them eagles and hawks. And he who is initiated in the Leontic mysteries, is invested with all-various forms of animals; of which particulars, Pallas, in his treatise concerning Mithra, assigning the cause, says, that it is the common opinion that these things are to be referred to the circle of the zodiac, but that truly and accurately speaking, they obscurely signify some thing pertaining to human souls, which, according to the Persians, are invested with bodies of all-various forms. For the Latins also, says Eubulus, call some men, in their tongue, boars and scorpions, lizards, and blackbirds. After the same manner likewise the Persians denominate the Gods the demiurgic causes of these: for they call Diana a she-wolf; but the sun, a bull, a lion, a [128] dragon, and a hawk; and Hecate, a horse, a bull, a lioness, and a dog. But most theologists say that the name of Proserpine (της φερεφαττης) is derived from nourishing a ringdove, (παρα το φερβειν την φατταν) for the ringdove is sacred to this Goddess. Hence, also the priests of Maia dedicate to her a ringdove. And Maia is the same with Proserpine, as being obstetric, and a nurse. For this Goddess is terrestrial, and so likewise is Ceres. To this Goddess, also a cock is consecrated; and on this account those that are initiated in her mysteries abstain from domestic birds. In the Eleusinian mysteries, likewise, the initiated are ordered to abstain from domestic birds, from fishes and beans, pomegranates and apples; which fruits are as equally defiling to the touch, as a woman recently delivered, and a dead body. But whoever is acquainted with the nature of divinely-luminous appearances knows also on what account it is requisite to abstain from all birds, and especially for him who hastens to be liberated from terrestrial concerns, and to be established with the celestial Gods. Vice, however, as we have frequently said, is sufficiently able to patronize itself, and especially when it pleads its cause among the ignorant. Hence, among those that are moderately vicious, some think that a dehortation of this kind is vain babbling, and, according to the proverb, the nugacity of old women; and others are of opinion that it is superstition. But those who have made greater advances in improbity, are prepared, not only to blaspheme those who exhort to, and demonstrate the propriety of this abstinence, but calumniate purity itself as enchantment and pride. They, however, suffering the punishment of their sins, both from Gods and men, are, in the first place, sufficiently punished by a disposition [i.e. by a depravity] of this kind. We shall, therefore, still farther make mention of another foreign nation, renowned and just, and believed to be pious in divine concerns, and then pass on to other particulars. [129] 4.16. 16.Among the Persians, indeed, those who are wise in divine concerns, and worship divinity, are called Magi; for this is the signification of Magus, in the Persian tongue. But so great and so venerable are these men thought to be by the Persians, that Darius, the son of Hystaspes, had among other things this engraved on his tomb, that he had been the master of the Magi. They are likewise divided into three genera, as we are informed by Eubulus, who wrote the history of Mithra, in a treatise consisting of many books. In this work he says, that the first and most learned class of the Magi neither eat nor slay any thing animated, but adhere to the ancient abstinence from animals. The second class use some animals indeed [for food], but do not slay any that are tame. Nor do those of the third class, similarly with other men, lay their hands on all animals. For the dogma with all of them which ranks as the first is this, that there is a transmigration of souls; and this they also appear to indicate in the mysteries of Mithra. For in these mysteries, obscurely signifying our having something in common with brutes, they are accustomed to call us by the names of different animals. Thus they denominate the males who participate in the same mysteries lions, but the females lionesses, and those who are ministrant to these rites crows. With respect to their fathers also, they adopt the same mode. For these are denominated by them eagles and hawks. And he who is initiated in the Leontic mysteries, is invested with all-various forms of animals 16; of which particulars, Pallas, in his treatise concerning Mithra, assigning the cause, says, that it is the common opinion that these things are to be referred to the circle of the zodiac, but that truly and accurately speaking, they obscurely signify some thing pertaining to human souls, which, according to the Persians, are invested with bodies of all-various forms. For the Latins also, says Eubulus, call some men, in their tongue, boars and scorpions, lizards, and blackbirds. After the same manner likewise the Persians denominate the Gods the demiurgic causes of these: for they call Diana a she-wolf; but the sun, a bull, a lion, a |128 dragon, and a hawk; and Hecate, a horse, a bull, a lioness, and a dog. But most theologists say that the name of Proserpine (της φερεφαττης) is derived from nourishing a ringdove, (παρα το φερβειν την φατταν) for the ringdove is sacred to this Goddess. Hence, also the priests of Maia dedicate to her a ringdove. And Maia is the same with Proserpine, as being obstetric, and a nurse 17. For this Goddess is terrestrial, and so likewise is Ceres. To this Goddess, also a cock is consecrated; and on this account those that are initiated in her mysteries abstain from domestic birds. In the Eleusinian mysteries, likewise, the initiated are ordered to abstain from domestic birds, from fishes and beans, pomegranates and apples; which fruits are as equally defiling to the touch, as a woman recently delivered, and a dead body. But whoever is acquainted with the nature of divinely-luminous appearances knows also on what account it is requisite to abstain from all birds, and especially for him who hastens to be liberated from terrestrial concerns, and to be established with the celestial Gods. Vice, however, as we have frequently said, is sufficiently able to patronize itself, and especially when it pleads its cause among the ignorant. Hence, among those that are moderately vicious, some think that a dehortation of this kind is vain babbling, and, according to the proverb, the nugacity of old women; and others are of opinion that it is superstition. But those who have made greater advances in improbity, are prepared, not only to blaspheme those who exhort to, and demonstrate the propriety of this abstinence, but calumniate purity itself as enchantment and pride. They, however, suffering the punishment of their sins, both from Gods and men, are, in the first place, sufficiently punished by a disposition [i.e. by a depravity] of this kind. We shall, therefore, still farther make mention of another foreign nation, renowned and just, and believed to be pious in divine concerns, and then pass on to other particulars. |129

109. Anon., Pistis Sophia, 136 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, sounds as •sounds, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 61

110. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.146 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 237

111. Origen, Philocalia, 23.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 164

112. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 56a, 65a, 29a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

29a. קרובים ונתרחקו הוו אתו לקמיה לדינא אמר להו פסילנא לכו לדינא,אמרו ליה מאי דעתיך כר' יהודה אנן מייתינן איגרתא ממערבא דאין הלכה כרבי יהודה,אמר להו אטו בקבא דקירא אידבקנא בכו דלא קאמינא פסילנא לכו לדינא אלא משום דלא צייתיתו דינא:,אוהב זה שושבינו וכו':,וכמה אמר ר' אבא אמר רבי ירמיה אמר רב כל שבעת ימי המשתה ורבנן משמיה דרבא אמרי אפילו מיום ראשון ואילך:,השונא כל שלא דבר כו': ת"ר (במדבר לה, כג) והוא לא אויב לו יעידנו (במדבר לה, כג) ולא מבקש רעתו ידיננו,אשכחן שונא אוהב מנלן,קרי ביה הכי והוא לא אויב לו ולא אוהב לו יעידנו ולא מבקש רעתו ולא טובתו ידיננו,מידי אוהב כתיב אלא סברא הוא אויב מאי טעמא משום דמרחקא דעתיה אוהב נמי מקרבא דעתיה,ורבנן האי לא אויב לו ולא מבקש רעתו מאי דרשי ביה,חד לדיין,אידך כדתניא אמר רבי יוסי ברבי יהודה והוא לא אויב לו ולא מבקש רעתו מכאן לשני תלמידי חכמים ששונאין זה את זה שאין יושבין בדין כאחד:,

29a. were relatives of his and became not related to him, as Mar Ukva’s wife, who was their sister, died. They came before him for judgment. Mar Ukva said to them: I am disqualified from adjudicating for you.,They said to Mar Ukva: What is your opinion according to which you disqualify yourself? Do you rule in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, that since you have children we are still relatives? We shall bring a letter from the West, Eretz Yisrael, that the halakha is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda.,Mar Ukva said to them: Is that to say that I am stuck to you with a kav of wax [kira]? I agree that we are not considered relatives; I am saying that I am disqualified from adjudicating for you only because you will not obey the verdict, and I do not wish to participate in such judgment.,§ The mishna teaches that according to Rabbi Yehuda, one who loves or one who hates one of the litigants is disqualified from bearing witness. One who loves one of the litigants; this is referring to his groomsman.,The Gemara asks: And for how long is the groomsman disqualified? Rabbi Abba says that Rabbi Yirmeya says that Rav says: Throughout all of the seven days of feasting. And the Rabbis say in the name of Rava: Even from the first day after the wedding and onward he is no longer disqualified; he is disqualified only on the wedding day itself.,§ The mishna teaches: One who hates the litigant is referring to anyone who, out of enmity, did not speak with the litigant for three days. The Sages taught in a baraita: This halakha is derived from the verse: “And he was not his enemy, neither sought his harm” (Numbers 35:23), that one about whom it can be stated: “And he was not his enemy,” can testify about him. And one who “neither sought his harm” can judge him.,The Gemara asks: We found a source for the disqualification of one who hates; from where do we derive that one who loves is disqualified?,The Gemara answers that one should read into the verse like this: One about whom it can be stated: And he who was not his enemy nor one who loves him, can testify about him; and one who neither sought his harm nor his favor can judge him.,The Gemara asks: Is: One who loves, written in the verse? How can the verse be read in this manner? Rather, the extension of the disqualification to one who loves him as well is based on logical reasoning: What is the reason an enemy is disqualified from bearing witness? It is because he feels a sense of aversion toward that individual and might testify falsely against him. A similar logic can be employed with regard to one who loves, as well: He feels a sense of affinity toward that individual, and might testify falsely on his behalf.,The Gemara asks: And what do the Rabbis, who do not agree with Rabbi Yehuda, derive from this verse: “And he was not his enemy, neither sought his harm”?,The Gemara answers: One part of the verse is necessary for the halakha that a judge who loves or hates one of the litigants is disqualified. The Rabbis agree with this halakha, as such a judge is naturally inclined to favor one of the litigants.,The other part of the verse is interpreted in accordance with that which is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, says: With regard to the verse “And he was not his enemy, neither sought his harm,” it is derived from here that two Torah scholars who hate each other cannot sit in judgment together as one. Because of their hatred they will come to contradict each other’s rulings unjustly.,How do the judges examine the witnesses? They bring them into a room in the courthouse and intimidate them so that they will speak only the truth. And they take all the people, other than the judges, outside so that they should not tell the other witnesses the questions the judges ask and the answers the first witness gives, and they leave only the eldest of the witnesses to testify first.,And they say to him: Say how exactly you know that this litigant owes money to that litigant, as the plaintiff claims. If he said: The defendant said to me: It is true that I owe the plaintiff, or if he says: So-and-so said to me that the defendant owes the plaintiff, the witness has said nothing and his testimony is disregarded. It is not valid testimony unless he says: The defendant admitted in our presence to the plaintiff that he owes him, e.g., two hundred dinars. By admitting to the debt in the presence of witnesses he renders himself liable to pay the amount that he mentioned.,And afterward they bring in the second witness and examine him in the same manner. If their statements are found to be congruent the judges then discuss the matter.,If the opinions of the judges are divided, as two judges say that the defendant is exempt from payment and one says he is liable to pay, he is exempt. If two say he is liable and one says he is exempt, he is liable. If one says he is liable and one says he is exempt, or even if two of the judges deem him exempt or two of them deem him liable, and the other one says: I do not know, the court must add more judges and then rule in accordance with the majority opinion. This is because the one who abstains is considered as though he is not a member of the court.,After the judges finish the matter and reach a decision, they bring in the litigants. The greatest of the judges says: So-and-so, you are exempt from paying; or: So-and-so, you are liable to pay.,And from where is it derived that when the judge leaves the courtroom he may not say: I deemed you exempt and my colleagues deemed you liable, but what can I do, as my colleagues outnumbered me and consequently you were deemed liable? About this it is stated: “You shall not go as a talebearer among your people” (Leviticus 19:16), and it says: “One who goes about as a talebearer reveals secrets, but one who is of a faithful spirit conceals a matter” (Proverbs 11:13).,What do we say to them? Rav Yehuda says that this is what we say to them: It is stated: “As clouds and wind without rain, so is he who boasts himself of a false gift” (Proverbs 25:14). In other words, there will be no rain and no blessing from your deeds if you lie.,Rava said to him: If so, false witnesses can say to themselves that they do not have to worry about this punishment, according to the folk saying: Seven years there was a famine, but over the craftsman’s door it did not pass. If the witnesses are not farmers, they do not need to worry over lack of rain. Consequently, they will disregard this concern.,Rather, Rava said that we say this verse to them: “As a hammer, and a sword, and a sharp arrow, so is a man who bears false witness against his neighbor” (Proverbs 25:18), meaning that a false witness will die prematurely.,Rav Ashi said to him: Here too, false witnesses can say to themselves a folk saying: Seven years there was a pestilence, but a man who has not reached his years did not die; everyone dies at his predestined time. Therefore, they will disregard this concern as well.,The Gemara presents another suggestion: Rather, Rav Ashi said: Natan bar Mar Zutra said to me that we say to them that false witnesses are belittled even by those who hire them, and all the more so by others; as it is written that Jezebel said when she ordered witnesses to be hired to testify against Naboth: “And set two men, base fellows, before him, and let them bear witness against him, saying: You cursed God and the king” (I Kings 21:10). Even Jezebel, who gave the orders to hire them, called them “base fellows.”,§ The mishna teaches that if the witness said: The defendant said to me: It is true that I owe him, his testimony is disregarded unless he says: The defendant admitted in our presence to the plaintiff that he owes him two hundred dinars.,The Gemara comments: This supports the opinion of Rav Yehuda, as Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: The debtor needs to say to the witnesses to the loan or in his admission that he owes the creditor: You are my witnesses. Otherwise, their testimony is not valid.,It was also stated that Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: If one said to another: I have one hundred dinars in your possession, i.e., you owe me one hundred dinars, and the other said to him: Yes, and the next day the claimant said to him: Give it to me, if the other then said to him: I was teasing you, i.e., I did not mean it seriously when I said that I owed it to you, the respondent is exempt.,This is also taught in a baraita: If one said to another: I have one hundred dinars in your possession, and the other said to him: Yes, and the next day the claimant said to him: Give it to me, if the other then said to him: I was teasing you, the respondent is exempt.,And moreover, the respondent is exempt even in a case where the claimant hid witnesses for the respondent behind a fence so that the respondent would not see them, and said to him: I have one hundred dinars in your possession, and the respondent said to him: Yes, and the claimant then said to him: Do you wish to admit the debt in the presence of so-and-so and so-and-so? And the respondent said to him: I am afraid to do so, lest you compel me to go to judgment, where, based on their testimony, you will be given the right to forcibly take the money from me whenever you want. But between you and me, I admit that I owe you. And the next day the claimant said to him: Give me the one hundred dinars that you admitted to owing me, and the respondent said to him: I was teasing you. The respondent is exempt because he can claim that he stated his admission only to appease the claimant temporarily, and did not mean to actually admit to owing the money, as he did not know that there were witnesses present.,But the judges do not advance a claim on behalf of an inciter, i.e., one who is accused of inciting others to idol worship.,The Gemara asks: An inciter? Who mentioned anything about it? This matter was not discussed in the baraita. The Gemara answers: The baraita is incomplete, and this is what it is teaching: If the defendant did not advance a claim that he was teasing the plaintiff, the judges do not advance this claim for him. Apparently, he stated his admission seriously. But in cases of capital law, even if the defendant did not advance any claim on his own behalf, the judges advance a claim on his behalf. But the judges do not advance claims on behalf of an inciter.,The Gemara asks: What is different about an inciter, that the court does not seek to deem him innocent? Rabbi Ḥama bar Ḥanina says: I heard at the lecture of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba that an inciter is different, as the Merciful One states concerning him: “Neither shall you spare, neither shall you conceal him” (Deuteronomy 13:9). In this unique case, the court is not required to try to deem him innocent.,Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥman says that Rabbi Yonatan says: From where is it derived that the judges do not advance a claim on behalf of an inciter? It is derived from the incident of the primordial snake who tempted Eve; he was the first inciter. As Rabbi Simlai says: The snake could have advanced many claims on its own behalf, but it did not claim them. And for what reason did the Holy One, Blessed be He, not advance these claims for it, deeming the snake exempt from punishment? Because the snake did not advance these claims itself.,The Gemara asks: What could he have said? The Gemara answers: The snake could have said that it is not to blame, as when there is a contradiction between the statement of the teacher and the statement of the student, whose statement should one listen to? One should listen to the statement of the teacher. Since God instructed Adam and Eve not to eat from the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, Adam and Eve should have heeded God’s words and not those of the snake.,Ḥizkiyya says: From where is it derived that anyone who adds, subtracts? It is derived from a verse, as it is stated that Eve said: “God has said: You shall not eat of it, neither shall you touch it” (Genesis 3:3), whereas God had actually rendered prohibited only eating from the tree but not touching it, as it is stated: “But of the Tree of Knowledge of good and evil, you shall not eat of it” (Genesis 2:17). Because Eve added that there was a prohibition against touching the tree, the snake showed her that touching it does not cause her to die, and she consequently sinned by eating from it as well.,Rav Mesharshiyya says that the idea that one who adds, subtracts can also be proven from here: “Two cubits [amatayim] and a half shall be its length” (Exodus 25:10). Without the letter alef at the beginning of the word amatayim, it would be read matayim, which would mean two hundred cubits. The addition of the alef therefore reduces this term to only two cubits.,Rav Ashi says another example: In the verse: “Eleven [ashtei esrei] curtains” (Exodus 26:7), without the letter ayin at the beginning of the phrase it would read shtei esrei, twelve. Therefore, the additional letter ayin reduces the amount from twelve to eleven.,Abaye says: With regard to the case of one who denies a debt to which he admitted in the presence of hidden witnesses, the Sages taught that he is exempt only in a case where he says: I was teasing you. But if he says:

113. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, 45a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

114. Babylonian Talmud, Makkot, 11a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

11a. בלשון עזה דכתיב (יהושע כ, א) וידבר ה' אל יהושע לאמר דבר אל בני ישראל לאמר תנו לכם את ערי המקלט אשר דברתי אליכם וגו' מפני שהן של תורה,למימרא דכל דיבור לשון קשה אין כדכתיב (בראשית מב, ל) דבר האיש אדוני הארץ אתנו קשות והתניא (מלאכי ג, טז) נדברו אין נדברו אלא לשון נחת וכן הוא אומר (תהלים מז, ד) ידבר עמים תחתינו דבר לחוד ידבר לחוד:,(סימנ"י רבנ"ן מהמנ"י וספר"י),פליגי בה רבי יהודה ורבנן חד אומר מפני ששיהם וחד אומר מפני שהן של תורה,(יהושע כד, כו) ויכתוב יהושע את הדברים האלה בספר תורת אלהים פליגי בה ר' יהודה ור' נחמיה חד אומר שמנה פסוקים וחד אומר ערי מקלט,בשלמא למ"ד ח' פסוקים היינו דכתיב בספר תורת אלהים אלא למ"ד ערי מקלט מאי בספר תורת אלהים ה"ק ויכתוב יהושע בספרו את הדברים האלה הכתובים בספר תורת אלהים,ספר שתפרו בפשתן פליגי בה ר' יהודה ור"מ חד אומר כשר וחד אומר פסול,למ"ד פסול דכתיב (שמות יג, ט) למען תהיה תורת ה' בפיך ואיתקש כל התורה כולה לתפילין מה תפילין הלכה למשה מסיני לתופרן בגידין אף כל לתופרן בגידין ואידך כי איתקש למותר בפיך להלכותיו לא איתקש,אמר רב חזינן להו לתפילין דבי חביבי דתפירי בכיתנא ולית הלכתא כוותיה:,

11a. with harsh language, as it is written: “And the Lord spoke [vayedabber] to Joshua saying: Speak [dabber] to the children of Israel, saying: Assign you the cities of refuge of which I spoke [dibbarti] to you by means of Moses” (Joshua 20:1–2). Why does the Torah repeatedly employ a term of dibbur, connoting harsh speech, as opposed to the term of amira, connoting neutral speech? It is due to the fact that the cities of refuge are a mitzva of the Torah, and therefore they warrant emphasis.,The Gemara asks: Is that to say that all instances of speaking [dibbur] indicate harsh language? The Gemara answers: Yes, as it is written with regard to Joseph’s brothers: “The man, the lord of the land, spoke [dibber] harshly to us” (Genesis 42:30). The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita with regard to the verse: “Then they who feared the Lord spoke [nidberu] with one another” (Malachi 3:16), that the term “they spoke” is nothing other than a term of gentleness, and likewise, the same is true of the verse which states: “He subdues [yadber] peoples under us” (Psalms 47:4), meaning that God will calmly and gently conduct the nations under the influence of the Jewish people? The Gemara answers: The meaning of dibber is discrete and the meaning of yadber is discrete. There is a difference between the two conjugations of the same root.,The Gemara provides a mnemonic for the disputes involving Rabbi Yehuda that follow: Rabbis; mehemni, i.e., the dispute with Rabbi Neḥemya; and the dispute with regard to Torah scrolls sewn with threads of flax.,The Gemara resumes the discussion of the harsh language employed in the portion discussing murderers in the book of Joshua. Rabbi Yehuda and the Rabbis disagree with regard to this matter. One says harsh language was employed because Joshua delayed fulfilling the mitzva of designating cities of refuge, and one says it is because the cities of refuge are a mitzva of the Torah, and therefore they warrant emphasis.,The Gemara cites an additional dispute with regard to the portion of the cities of refuge in the book of Joshua. It is written: “And Joshua wrote these matters in the scroll of the Torah of God” (Joshua 24:26). Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Neḥemya disagree with regard to this matter. One says: The reference is to the final eight verses in the Torah that record the death of Moses and were recorded by Joshua in the scroll of the Torah, in addition to the rest of the Torah that was written by Moses (see Bava Batra 15a). And one says: The reference is to the portion of the cities of refuge that appears in the book of Joshua.,The Gemara discusses these two opinions: Granted, according to the one who says that the reference is to the final eight verses in the Torah, that is the reason that it is written: “And Joshua wrote these matters in the scroll of the Torah of God,” as he wrote those verses and they were included in the Torah. But according to the one who says that the reference is to the portion of the cities of refuge in the book of Joshua, what is the meaning of the phrase “in the scroll of the Torah of God”? They appear in the book of Joshua, not in the Torah. The Gemara answers: This is what the verse is saying: And Joshua wrote in his book these matters that are also written in the scroll of the Torah of God.,The Gemara proceeds to cite another dispute between Rabbi Yehuda and one of the Sages in which it is not clear which opinion is attributable to which Sage. In the case of a Torah scroll where one sewed its sheets with linen threads, Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Meir disagree with regard to this matter. One says: The Torah scroll is fit for use, and one says: The Torah scroll is unfit for use.,The Gemara elaborates: According to the one who says that the Torah scroll is unfit for use, the reason is as it is written with regard to phylacteries: “And it shall be for you a sign on your hand and a memorial between your eyes, in order that the Torah of God shall be in your mouth” (Exodus 13:9). And in this verse the entire Torah is juxtaposed and likened to phylacteries: Just as with regard to phylacteries, there is a halakha transmitted to Moses from Sinai to sew them with sinews, so too, with regard to all sheets of the Torah scroll, there is a requirement to sew them with sinews. And the other Sage holds: When the Torah scroll is juxtaposed and likened to phylacteries, it is only with regard to the principle that the sheets of the Torah scroll may be prepared only from a species of animal that is permitted to your mouth, i.e., that it is permitted for a Jew to eat; but with regard to its other halakhot, it is not juxtaposed and likened to phylacteries.,Rav said: I saw that the phylacteries of the house of my uncle, Rabbi Ḥiyya, were sewn with linen. But the halakha is not in accordance with his opinion; phylacteries may be sewn only with sinews.,one anointed with the anointing oil, which was the method through which High Priests were consecrated until the oil was sequestered toward the end of the First Temple period; and one consecrated by donning multiple garments, the eight vestments unique to the High Priest, which was the practice during the Second Temple period; and one who received a temporary appointment due to the unfitness of the serving High Priest, who departed from his anointment with the restoration of the serving High Priest to active service, their deaths facilitate the return of the murderer from the city of refuge to his home. Rabbi Yehuda says: Even the death of a priest anointed for war to address the soldiers (see Deuteronomy 20:1–7) facilitates the return of the murderer.,The mishna continues: Therefore, the mothers of High Priests would provide those exiled to cities of refuge with sustece and garments so that they would not pray that their sons would die. The more comfortable their lives in the city of refuge, the less urgency they would feel to leave, and the less likely it would be that they would pray for the death of the High Priests.,From where are these matters, that the death of these High Priests facilitates the return of the murderer, derived? Rav Kahana said they are derived from a verse, as the verse states: “And he shall dwell there until the death of the High Priest who was anointed with the sacred oil” (Numbers 35:25), and it is written: “For in his city of refuge he shall dwell until the death of the High Priest” (Numbers 35:28), and it is written: “And after the death of the High Priest the murderer shall return to his ancestral land” (Numbers 35:28). The three mentions of the death of the High Priest correspond to the three types of High Priest enumerated by the first tanna of the mishna: One anointed with oil, one consecrated by donning the eight vestments, and one who was relieved of his position.,And Rabbi Yehuda holds that another verse is written: “And you shall take no ransom for him that fled to his city of refuge, to return and dwell in the land until the death of the priest” (Numbers 35:32), from which it is derived that the death of the priest anointed for war also facilitates the return of the murderer. And the other tanna says: From the fact that High Priest is not written in that verse, it is clear that the reference is not to an additional type of High Priest; rather, the reference is to one of those High Priests mentioned in the preceding verses.,§ The mishna teaches: Therefore, the mothers of High Priests would provide those exiled to cities of refuge with sustece and garments so that they would not pray that their sons will die. The Gemara asks: The reason that the High Priest will not die is that they do not pray; but if they prayed for the death of the High Priest, would he die? But isn’t it written: “As the wandering sparrow, as the flying swallow, so a curse that is baseless shall come home” (Proverbs 26:2)? Why does the mishna express concern over a baseless curse? A certain elder said to him: I heard in the lecture delivered by Rava that it is not a baseless curse, as the High Priests share the blame for the unintentional murders performed by these people, as they should have pleaded for mercy for their generation, that no murder should transpire, even unintentionally, and they did not plead. Due to their share in the blame, prayers for their death could be effective.,And some teach a variant reading of the mishna: Therefore, the mothers of High Priests would provide those exiled to cities of refuge with sustece and garments, so that those exiled would pray that their sons will not die. The Gemara infers: The reason that the High Priests will not die is that they pray, but if they did not pray for the High Priest not to die, would the High Priest die? What could the High Priest have done to prevent the unintentional murder? Here, in Babylonia, we say an adage to describe a situation of that sort: Toviyya sinned and Zigud is flogged. Toviyya violated a prohibition and Zigud came as a single witness to testify against him. Since the testimony of a single witness is not valid in court, he is flogged for defaming Toviyya. The sinner is unpunished and the person who sought to testify against him is flogged. This became a colloquialism for a situation where one is punished for the sin of another.,There, in Eretz Yisrael, they say a different adage with the same application: Shechem married a woman and Mavgai circumcised himself. This is based on the episode of the abduction of Dinah in the city of Shechem (see Genesis, chapter 34), where Shechem compelled all the male residents of the city to undergo circumcision so that he could marry Dinah. Shechem married Dinah, while the rest of the males suffered the pain of circumcision and received no benefit.,A certain elder said to him: I heard in the lecture delivered by Rava that the High Priests share the blame, as they should have pleaded for mercy for their generation and they did not plead. Consequently, they required the exiles to pray on their own behalf. The Gemara illustrates the concept of the responsibility held by the spiritual leadership: This is like in this incident where a certain man was eaten by a lion at a distance of three parasangs from the place of residence of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, and Elijah the prophet did not speak with him for three days because of his failure to pray that an incident of this kind would not transpire in his place of residence.,Apropos curses that are realized, Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: With regard to the curse of a Sage, even if it is baseless, i.e., based on a mistaken premise, it nevertheless comes to fruition and affects the object of the curse. From where do we derive this? It is derived from this incident involving Ahithophel. When David dug the drainpipes in preparation for building the Temple, the waters of the depths rose and sought to inundate the world. David said: What is the halakha? Is it permitted to write the sacred name on an earthenware shard and throw it into the depths, so that the water will subside and stand in its place? There was no one who said anything to him. David said: Anyone who knows the answer to this matter and does not say it shall be strangled.,Then Ahithophel raised an a fortiori inference on his own and said: And if in order to make peace between a man and his wife in the case of a sota, when the husband suspects his wife of having committed adultery, the Torah says: My name that was written in sanctity shall be erased on the water, then, in order to establish peace for the whole world in its entirety, is it not all the more so permitted? Ahithophel said to David: It is permitted. David wrote the sacred name on an earthenware shard and cast it into the depths, and the water in the depths subsided and stood in its place.,And even so it is written that during the rebellion of Absalom: “And Ahithophel saw that his counsel was not taken, and he saddled his donkey and he arose and went to his house, to his town, and he commanded his household and strangled himself” (II Samuel 17:23). Although David stipulated that his curse would take effect only if one who knows the answer fails to share it with him, and Ahithophel did not fail to share it with him, the curse was realized.,The Gemara cites a similar statement: Rabbi Abbahu says: With regard to the curse of a Sage, even if it is stated conditionally, it comes to realization. From where do we derive this? It is derived from an incident involving Eli the High Priest, as Eli said to Samuel, after the latter had received a prophetic vision with regard to Eli, that his sons do not follow his path: “Therefore may God do to you, and more also, if you hide any matter from me of all the matters that He spoke unto you” (I Samuel 3:17). And even though it is written immediately thereafter: “And Samuel told him all the matters, and did not hide from him” (I Samuel 3:18), it is written at the time of Samuel’s death: “And his sons did not follow in his ways” (I Samuel 8:3), indicating that God did to Samuel as he prophesied with regard to Eli, and his own sons did not follow his path. Despite the fact that Eli stated the curse conditionally, Samuel was affected by the curse.

115. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, 16b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 114

16b. וזו הואיל ואין לה קול איתרע לה רובא,אי כל הנשאת בתולה יש לה קול כי אתו עדים מאי הוי הנך סהדי שקרי נינהו אלא אמר רבינא רוב הנשאת בתולה יש לה קול וזו הואיל ואין לה קול איתרע לה רובא:,אם יש עדים שיצתה בהינומא וכו': וליחוש דלמא מפקא עדים בהאי בי דינא וגביא והדר מפקא לה לכתובה בהאי ב"ד וגביא בה א"ר אבהו זאת אומרת כותבין שובר רב פפא אמר במקום שאין כותבין כתובה עסקינן,ואיכא דמתני לה אברייתא איבדה כתובתה הטמינה כתובתה נשרפה כתובתה רקדו לפניה שחקו לפניה העבירו לפניה כוס של בשורה או מפה של בתולים אם יש לה עדים באחד מכל אלו כתובתה מאתים,וליחוש דלמא מפקא עדים בהאי ב"ד וגביא והדר מפקא לכתובתה בהאי ב"ד וגביא בה א"ר אבהו זאת אומרת כותבין שובר רב פפא אמר במקום שאין כותבין כתובה עסקינן,והא איבדה כתובתה קתני דכתב לה איהו סוף סוף מפקא לה וגביא בה מאי איבדה איבדה באור,א"ה היינו נשרפה ועוד הטמינה מאי איכא למימר ותו איבדה למה לי אלא כל איבדה כי הטמינה בפנינו דמי ולא יהבינן לה עד דאמרי עדים נשרפה כתובתה,מאן דמתני לה אברייתא כל שכן אמתני' ומאן דמתני לה אמתני' אבל אברייתא לא כי קושיא:,אם יש עדים כו': וליחוש דלמא מפקא עדי הינומא בהאי ב"ד וגביא והדר מפקא עדי הינומא בבי דינא אחרינא וגביא במקום דלא אפשר ודאי כתבינן שובר:,העבירו לפניה כוס של בשורה: מאי כוס של בשורה אמר רב אדא בר אהבה כוס יין של תרומה מעבירין לפניה כלומר ראויה היתה זו לאכול בתרומה מתקיף לה רב פפא אטו אלמנה מי לא אכלה בתרומה אלא אמר רב פפא זו ראשית כתרומה ראשית,תניא רבי יהודה אומר חבית של יין מעבירין לפניה אמר רב אדא בר אהבה בתולה מעבירין לפניה סתומה בעולה מעבירין לפניה פתוחה אמאי ניעבר קמי בתולה וקמי בעולה לא ניעבר כלל זימנין דתפסה מאתים ואמרה אנא בתולה הואי והאי דלא עברו קמאי אתנוסי הוא דאתניסו,תנו רבנן כיצד מרקדין לפני הכלה בית שמאי אומרים

16b. and with regard to this woman, because her marriage did not generate publicity, the effect of the majority is undermined.,The Gemara asks: If in fact, the marriage of anyone who is married as a virgin generates publicity, and the marriage of this woman did not generate publicity, when witnesses come, what of it? These are false witnesses, as their testimony runs counter to the presumption governing all marriages. Rather, Ravina said that it is not a universal presumption, but a majority. The marriage of most women who are married as virgins generates publicity, but for this woman, since her marriage did not generate publicity, the effect of the majority is undermined. Therefore, the testimony that she went out of her father’s house to her wedding with a hinnuma overrides the lack of publicity.,§ It was stated in the mishna: If there are witnesses that she went out of her father’s house to her wedding with a hinnuma, or with her hair uncovered, in a manner typical of virgins, payment of her marriage contract is two hundred dinars. The Gemara asks: And since she collects payment without producing her marriage contract, let us be concerned that she might produce witnesses in this court and collect payment, and then produce her marriage contract in that other court and collect with it payment a second time. Rabbi Abbahu said: This indicates that one writes a receipt indicating that the woman received payment. Were the woman to attempt to collect payment of her marriage contract a second time, her husband would produce the receipt. Rav Pappa said: We are dealing in the mishna with a place where one does not write a marriage contract. It is only in a case where there is no concern lest she produce her marriage contract that she collects payment based on the testimony of witnesses.,And there are some who teach the dispute between Rabbi Abbahu and Rav Pappa with regard to the baraita that says: In a case where a woman lost her marriage contract or concealed her marriage contract and she claims that she is unable to find it; or her marriage contract was burned, and there is no proof with regard to the sum to which she is entitled; or practices performed exclusively at the weddings of virgins were performed at her wedding, e.g., people danced before her, or played before her, or passed before her a cup of good tidings or a cloth of virginity; if she has witnesses with regard to any one of these practices, her marriage contract is two hundred dinars.,The Gemara asks: And since she collects payment without producing her marriage contract, let us be concerned that she might produce witnesses in this court and collect payment, and then produce her marriage contract in that other court and collect payment with it a second time. Rabbi Abbahu said: This indicates that one writes a receipt indicating that the woman received payment. Were the woman to attempt to collect payment of her marriage contract a second time, her husband would produce the receipt. Rav Pappa said: We are dealing in the mishna with a place where one does not write a marriage contract.,The Gemara asks: But how could Rav Pappa say that the baraita is dealing with a place where one does not write a marriage contract? Isn’t it taught in that baraita: If a woman lost her marriage contract? The Gemara answers: The baraita is referring to a case where her husband wrote her a marriage contract contrary to the local custom. The Gemara asks: If he wrote her a marriage contract, the concern remains that ultimately she will produce the marriage contract and collect payment with it a second time. The Gemara answers: What is the meaning of lost? The woman lost her marriage contract in the fire. In that case, there is no longer any concern.,The Gemara asks: If so, that is the case of: Her marriage contract was burned, listed separately in the baraita. And furthermore, what is there to say with regard to the case of concealed, where the concern that she will collect payment twice remains? And furthermore, if burned comes to explain the meaning of lost, why do I need the baraita to list the case of lost at all? It would have been sufficient for the baraita to mention the case of a burned marriage contract. Rather, the meaning of the baraita is: The legal status of any case where the woman claims that she lost her marriage contract is like that of a case where she concealed it before us, and we give her payment of her marriage contract only when the witnesses say that her marriage contract was burned. Otherwise, even if witnesses testify that the practices characteristic of the wedding of a virgin were performed at her wedding, she does not collect payment of her marriage contract.,The Gemara notes: The one who teaches this dispute between Rabbi Abbahu and Rav Pappa with regard to the baraita, all the more so would he teach it with regard to the mishna. Applying Rav Pappa’s opinion to the mishna does not necessitate the emendation and reinterpretation necessitated by its application to the baraita. However, the one who teaches this dispute with regard to the mishna would not teach it then with regard to the baraita, in accordance with the difficulty raised there, as the plain meaning of the baraita is that it is a place where one writes a marriage contract.,With regard to that same passage in the mishna: If there are witnesses that she went out of her father’s house to her wedding with a hinnuma, or with her hair uncovered, in a manner typical of virgins, payment of her marriage contract is two hundred dinars, the Gemara asks: But let us be concerned lest she first produce witnesses that she went out with a hinnuma, in this court, and collect payment, and then produce witnesses that she went out with a hinnuma, in that court, and collect payment a second time. The Gemara answers: In a place where it is not possible to guarantee that she will not collect her marriage contract more than once in any other way, certainly we write a receipt, even according to the opinion that as a rule, one does not write a receipt.,§ It is taught in that baraita: Or passed before her a cup of good tidings. The Gemara asks: What is a cup of good tidings? Rav Adda bar Ahava says: A cup of teruma wine is passed before the virgin bride, meaning that this woman would have been eligible to eat teruma had she married a priest. Rav Pappa strongly objects to this: Is that to say that a widow does not eat teruma if she marries a priest? Clearly she does. Therefore, what is the proof from teruma that she is a virgin? Rather, Rav Pappa says: The cup of teruma is passed before her to indicate that this bride is first, as she has not yet engaged in intercourse, like teruma that is the first gift separated from the produce.,It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yehuda says: The custom is that one passes a barrel of wine before her. Rav Adda bar Ahava said: One passes a sealed barrel of wine before a virgin, and one passes an open barrel of wine before a non-virgin. The Gemara asks: Why is that necessary? Let us pass the sealed barrel before the virgin, and before the non-virgin let us not pass a barrel at all. Why is it necessary to publicize the fact that she is a non-virgin? The Gemara explains: It is necessary, as, at times there could be a case where a non-virgin unilaterally seized two hundred dinars as payment for her marriage contract and said: I was a virgin, and the fact that they did not pass a sealed barrel before me was due to circumstances beyond their control. In order to prevent deceit of that kind, an open barrel is passed before the non-virgin, so that people will remember that she is not a virgin.,§ The Sages taught: How does one dance before the bride, i.e., what does one recite while dancing at her wedding? Beit Shammai say:

116. Plotinus, Enneads, 5.5.5, 5.8.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •letters, as icon •icon, letters as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 57, 58

117. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 3.13, 7.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, attacked as mere symbol •language, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 59

118. Macrobius, Commentary On The Dream of Scipio, 1.16.8-1.16.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 113

119. Augustine, The City of God, 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exempla, as vividly rendered icons of devotion Found in books: Mueller, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus (2002) 163

4.2. We had promised, then, that we would say something against those who attribute the calamities of the Roman republic to our religion, and that we would recount the evils, as many and great as we could remember or might deem sufficient, which that city, or the provinces belonging to its empire, had suffered before their sacrifices were prohibited, all of which would beyond doubt have been attributed to us, if our religion had either already shone on them, or had thus prohibited their sacrilegious rites. These things we have, as we think, fully disposed of in the second and third books, treating in the second of evils in morals, which alone or chiefly are to be accounted evils; and in the third, of those which only fools dread to undergo - namely, those of the body or of outward things - which for the most part the good also suffer. But those evils by which they themselves become evil, they take, I do not say patiently, but with pleasure. And how few evils have I related concerning that one city and its empire! Not even all down to the time of C sar Augustus. What if I had chosen to recount and enlarge on those evils, not which men have inflicted on each other; such as the devastations and destructions of war, but which happen in earthly things, from the elements of the world itself. of such evils Apuleius speaks briefly in one passage of that book which he wrote, De Mundo, saying that all earthly things are subject to change, overthrow, and destruction. For, to use his own words, by excessive earthquakes the ground has burst asunder, and cities with their inhabitants have been clean destroyed: by sudden rains whole regions have been washed away; those also which formerly had been continents, have been insulated by strange and new-come waves, and others, by the subsiding of the sea, have been made passable by the foot of man: by winds and storms cities have been overthrown; fires have flashed forth from the clouds, by which regions in the East being burnt up have perished; and on the western coasts the like destructions have been caused by the bursting forth of waters and floods. So, formerly, from the lofty craters of Etna, rivers of fire kindled by God have flowed like a torrent down the steeps. If I had wished to collect from history wherever I could, these and similar instances, where should I have finished what happened even in those times before the name of Christ had put down those of their idols, so vain and hurtful to true salvation? I promised that I should also point out which of their customs, and for what cause, the true God, in whose power all kingdoms are, had deigned to favor to the enlargement of their empire; and how those whom they think gods can have profited them nothing, but much rather hurt them by deceiving and beguiling them; so that it seems to me I must now speak of these things, and chiefly of the increase of the Roman empire. For I have already said not a little, especially in the second book, about the many evils introduced into their manners by the hurtful deceits of the demons whom they worshipped as gods. But throughout all the three books already completed, where it appeared suitable, we have set forth how much succor God, through the name of Christ, to whom the barbarians beyond the custom of war paid so much honor, has bestowed on the good and bad, according as it is written, Who makes His sun to rise on the good and the evil, and gives rain to the just and the unjust. Matthew 24:45

120. Hermeias of Alexandria, In Platonis Phaedrum Scholia,, 112.3-112.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •by participation (methexis, μέθεξις‎) (iconically) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 111

121. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 5.305-5.308, 137.8-137.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 28

122. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.27-2.28 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 191

2.27. 41. But, coming to the next point, we are not to reckon among human institutions those things which men have handed down to us, not as arrangements of their own, but as the result of investigation into the occurrences of the past, and into the arrangements of God's providence. And of these, some pertain to the bodily senses, some to the intellect. Those which are reached by the bodily senses we either believe in testimony, or perceive when they are pointed out to us, or infer from experience. 2.28. 42. Anything, then, that we learn from history about the chronology of past times assists us very much in understanding the Scriptures, even if it be learned without the pale of the Church as a matter of childish instruction. For we frequently seek information about a variety of matters by use of the Olympiads, and the names of the consuls; and ignorance of the consulship in which our Lord was born, and that in which He suffered, has led some into the error of supposing that He was forty-six years of age when He suffered, that being the number of years He was told by the Jews the temple (which He took as a symbol of His body) was in building. John 2:19 Now we know on the authority of the evangelist that He was about thirty years of age when He was baptized; Luke 3:23 but the number of years He lived afterwards, although by putting His actions together we can make it out, yet that no shadow of doubt might arise from another source, can be ascertained more clearly and more certainly from a comparison of profane history with the gospel. It will still be evident, however, that it was not without a purpose it was said that the temple was forty and six years in building; so that, as more secret formation of the body which, for our sakes, the only-begotten Son of God, by whom all things were made, condescended to put on. 43. As to the utility of history, moreover, passing over the Greeks, what a great question our own Ambrose has set at rest! For, when the readers and admirers of Plato dared calumniously to assert that our Lord Jesus Christ learned all those sayings of His, which they are compelled to admire and praise, from the books of Plato- because (they urged) it cannot be denied that Plato lived long before the coming of our Lord! - did not the illustrious bishop, when by his investigations into profane history he had discovered that Plato made a journey into Egypt at the time when Jeremiah the prophet was there, show that it is much more likely that Plato was through Jeremiah's means initiated into our literature, so as to be able to teach and write those views of his which are so justly praised? For not even Pythagoras himself, from whose successors these men assert Plato learned theology, lived at a date prior to the books of that Hebrew race, among whom the worship of one God sprang up, and of whom as concerning the flesh our Lord came. And thus, when we reflect upon the dates, it becomes much more probable that those philosophers learned whatever they said that was good and true from our literature, than that the Lord Jesus Christ learned from the writings of Plato - a thing which it is the height of folly to believe. 44. And even when in the course of an historical narrative former institutions of men are described, the history itself is not to be reckoned among human institutions; because things that are past and gone and cannot be undone are to be reckoned as belonging to the course of time, of which God is the author and governor. For it is one thing to tell what has been done, another to show what ought to be done. History narrates what has been done, faithfully and with advantage; but the books of the haruspices, and all writings of the same kind, aim at teaching what ought to be done or observed, using the boldness of an adviser, not the fidelity of a narrator.

123. Augustine, Confessions, 3.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rhetoric, Christian, and icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 250

3.2. 2. Stage-plays also drew me away, full of representations of my miseries and of fuel to my fire. Why does man like to be made sad when viewing doleful and tragical scenes, which yet he himself would by no means suffer? And yet he wishes, as a spectator, to experience from them a sense of grief, and in this very grief his pleasure consists. What is this but wretched insanity? For a man is more affected with these actions, the less free he is from such affections. Howsoever, when he suffers in his own person, it is the custom to style it misery but when he compassionates others, then it is styled mercy. But what kind of mercy is it that arises from fictitious and scenic passions? The hearer is not expected to relieve, but merely invited to grieve; and the more he grieves, the more he applauds the actor of these fictions. And if the misfortunes of the characters (whether of olden times or merely imaginary) be so represented as not to touch the feelings of the spectator, he goes away disgusted and censorious; but if his feelings be touched, he sits it out attentively, and sheds tears of joy. 3. Are sorrows, then, also loved? Surely all men desire to rejoice? Or, as man wishes to be miserable, is he, nevertheless, glad to be merciful, which, because it cannot exist without passion, for this cause alone are passions loved? This also is from that vein of friendship. But where does it go? Where does it flow? Wherefore runs it into that torrent of pitch, seething forth those huge tides of loathsome lusts into which it is changed and transformed, being of its own will cast away and corrupted from its celestial clearness? Shall, then, mercy be repudiated? By no means. Let us, therefore, love sorrows sometimes. But beware of uncleanness, O my soul, under the protection of my God, the God of our fathers, who is to be praised and exalted above all for ever, beware of uncleanness. For I have not now ceased to have compassion; but then in the theatres I sympathized with lovers when they sinfully enjoyed one another, although this was done fictitiously in the play. And when they lost one another, I grieved with them, as if pitying them, and yet had delight in both. But now-a-days I feel much more pity for him that delights in his wickedness, than for him who is counted as enduring hardships by failing to obtain some pernicious pleasure, and the loss of some miserable felicity. This, surely, is the truer mercy, but grief has no delight in it. For though he that condoles with the unhappy be approved for his office of charity, yet would he who had real compassion rather there were nothing for him to grieve about. For if goodwill be ill-willed (which it cannot), then can he who is truly and sincerely commiserating wish that there should be some unhappy ones, that he might commiserate them. Some grief may then be justified, none loved. For thus do You, O Lord God, who loves souls far more purely than do we, and art more incorruptibly compassionate, although You are wounded by no sorrow. And who is sufficient for these things? 2 Corinthians 2:16 4. But I, wretched one, then loved to grieve, and sought out what to grieve at, as when, in another man's misery, though reigned and counterfeited, that delivery of the actor best pleased me, and attracted me the most powerfully, which moved me to tears. What marvel was it that an unhappy sheep, straying from Your flock, and impatient of Your care, I became infected with a foul disease? And hence came my love of griefs - not such as should probe me too deeply, for I loved not to suffer such things as I loved to look upon, but such as, when hearing their fictions, should lightly affect the surface; upon which, like as with poisoned nails, followed burning, swelling, putrefaction, and horrible corruption. Such was my life! But was it life, O my God?

124. Synesius of Cyrene, On Dreams, 135b, 140b (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 28

125. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 5.305-5.308, 137.8-137.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 28

126. Epiphanius, Panarion, 34.4.1-34.4.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon, example of Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 46

127. Cyril of Alexandria, Commentarius In Xii Prophetas Minores, 1.640.8-1.640.11, 1.645.14-1.645.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icons •rhetoric, Christian, and icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 257

128. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 8.4.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 192

129. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 2.143.20-2.143.24 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 129

130. Proclus, Institutio Theologica, 103, 118, 173, 195, 2-3, 5, 56, 66-75, 97, 4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 52

131. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 2.274.16-2.274.23, 2.276.2, 2.278.9 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 59

132. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.8.13-1.8.21, 1.263.19-1.263.21, 1.357.12-1.357.16 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •by participation (methexis, μέθεξις‎) (iconically) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 60, 111

133. Proclus, In Platonis Parmenidem Commentarii, 4.888.13-4.888.15, 4.888.17-4.888.24 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •by participation (methexis, μέθεξις‎) (iconically) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 111

134. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.66-2.67 Tagged with subjects: •Cicero, as a cultural icon Found in books: Bua, Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD (2019) 111

135. John Sikeliotes, of Style, 6.120.14-121.13 Tagged with subjects: •rhetoric, Christian, and icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 155

136. Anon., Prayer of Manasseh, 1.3 Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

137. Philagathos of Cerami, Homilies, 24.6-24.11, 51.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 252, 255, 257

138. Maximus Planudes, Epistles, 73.112.8-73.112.23 Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 396, 397, 399, 406

139. Gregory of Nyssa, De Deitate Filii Et Spiritus Sancto Et In Abraham, 46.572c Tagged with subjects: •icons •rhetoric, Christian, and icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 255, 256

140. Anon., Anthologia Marciana, 219 Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 403

141. Anon., Midrash On Samuel, 26 Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 27

142. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, 15. julianus 1.433-34 Tagged with subjects: •vowels, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 6

143. Photius of Constantinople, Amphilochia, 180 Tagged with subjects: •icon, of Virgin Mary and Child Found in books: MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 159

144. Xenocrates Historicus, Fragments, 30(h)=94(ip) (missingth cent. CE - Unknownth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •by participation (methexis, μέθεξις‎) (iconically) Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 111

145. Epigraphy, Syll. , 889 Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Versnel, Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology (2011) 286

146. Anon., Midrash Tannaim To Deut, 142 Tagged with subjects: •Bride, as an icon Found in books: Rubin Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives (2008) 16

147. Proclus, Propositions, 57 Tagged with subjects: •letters, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 57

148. Proclus, On The Hieratic Arts, 46-47 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 102

149. Sallustius, The Second Book of Jeu, 52 gcs 13.315-21 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, icons in Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 79

150. Synesius The Philosopher, To Dioscorus, 2.3.0 Tagged with subjects: •icon, of highest form Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 116

151. Zosimos, On The Letter Omega, 7 Tagged with subjects: •icon, of matter Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 115

152. Zosimos, On The Body of Magnesium, 3.28.2 Tagged with subjects: •icon, of matter Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 115

153. Zosimos, The Four Bodies, 3.12.4, 3.19.3 Tagged with subjects: •icon, metals as •icon, of highest form Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 114, 116

154. Zosimos, On Virtue, 3.1.4 Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 120

155. Theodorus, Commentary On The Timeaus, 2.274.16-2.274.23 Tagged with subjects: •letters, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 57

156. Anon., Book of Secrets, 1.48, 1.60, 2.110-12, 2.123-25, 2.134-38, 2.182-85 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 100

157. Protagoras Nicaenus V3. Jh., Fragments, b4 Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

158. Anon., 2 Enoch, 22 Tagged with subjects: •icon, limbs as •icon, names as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

159. Anon., 3 Enoch, 9, 9.12, 9.1, 13, 12, 11, 10, 9.2, 48d.5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

160. Epigraphy, Cil, 10.3800 Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Versnel, Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology (2011) 300

161. Epist., Carm., 1.20.1-1.20.2 Tagged with subjects: •perceptual iconicity Found in books: Johnson and Parker, ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome (2009) 122

162. Caelestius, Ap. Aug De Pecc. Orig., 1.8.46-1.8.51 Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 208

163. Anon., Sefer Raziel, 98-99 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

164. Ph., Pol., 393D Tagged with subjects: •iconicity Found in books: Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 61

165. Asterius, Homilies, 11.4.2-11.4.4 Tagged with subjects: •icons •rhetoric, Christian, and icons •icon •icon, of Virgin Mary and Child Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 251, 252; MacDougall, Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition (2022) 156, 159

166. Anon., Sefer Ha-Qomah, 120-121 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

167. Anon., Sefer Hashiur, 1 Tagged with subjects: •icon, limbs as •icon, names as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

168. Anon., Siddur Rabba, 55-56 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

169. Anon., Hekhalot Rabbati, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-85, 87-89, 9, 90-94, 86 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 80

170. Callimachus, Ep., 29, 31, 42 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 197, 198

171. Poseidippus, Epig., 130, 125 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 193

172. Various, Supplementum Hellenisticum, fr. 958 Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 179

173. Anon., Maase Merkava, 569, 566 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 79, 80

174. Aristophanes Boeotus, Fragments, 351 Tagged with subjects: •icon Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 198

175. Anon., Midrash Elleh Ezekereh, 7.128 Tagged with subjects: •icon and/or mythic event Found in books: Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2006) 211, 221

176. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, x(2), xi(3) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Burgersdijk and Ross, Imagining Emperors in the Later Roman Empire (2018) 63

177. Dionysius The Areopagite, Divine Names, 9.1 909b Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 40

178. Anon., Merkava Rabba, 709 (schäer), 4-5 (cohen) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 53

179. Anon., Ascension of Isaiah, 10.24 Tagged with subjects: •ritual, icons in Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 79

10.24. And those who kept the gate of the (third) heaven demanded the password, and the Lord gave (it) to them in order that He should not be recognized. And when they saw Him, they did not praise or laud Him; for His form was like unto their form.

180. Dionysius The Areopagite, Didascalia Apostolorum, 14 Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer, Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity (2022) 344

181. Euripides, Eurystheus, 286 Tagged with subjects: •cult images, iconic Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 95

182. Michael Psellos, Blach., 80-83, 79 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 292

183. Michael Psellos, Chro., 6.66, 6.157 Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 288

184. Synesius, De Don., 311a Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 28

185. Michael Psellos, Enc., 24d Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 292

186. Michael Psellos, De Omn., §19 Tagged with subjects: •Icon Found in books: Schultz and Wilberding, Women and the Female in Neoplatonism (2022) 288

187. Theodosius Alexandrinus, The Theology of Arithmetic, 40.9 Tagged with subjects: •icon, letters as Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 58

188. Anon., Chaldean Oracles, 7 Tagged with subjects: •divine names, as icon •ritual, as icon Found in books: Janowitz, Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity (2002b) 124

189. Dionysius The Areopagite, Eccesiastical Hierarchy, 7.3.11 Tagged with subjects: •icons Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer, Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity (2022) 344

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database