1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 19.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod the Great
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 115; Schiffman (1983) 84
19.15. לֹא־יָקוּם עֵד אֶחָד בְּאִישׁ לְכָל־עָוֺן וּלְכָל־חַטָּאת בְּכָל־חֵטְא אֲשֶׁר יֶחֱטָא עַל־פִּי שְׁנֵי עֵדִים אוֹ עַל־פִּי שְׁלֹשָׁה־עֵדִים יָקוּם דָּבָר׃''. None | 19.15. One witness shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity, or for any sin, in any sin that he sinneth; at the mouth of two witnesses, or at the mouth of three witnesses, shall a matter be establishment''. None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 50.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • En Boqeq, as Herods pharmacological site • Herod, Herodian
Found in books: Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016) 275; Taylor (2012) 310
| 50.10. And they came to the threshing-floor of Atad, which is beyond the Jordan, and there they wailed with a very great and sore wailing; and he made a mourning for his father seven days.''. None |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 21.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod Agrippa • Herod the Great • rue, Herods giant rue
Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 18; Taylor (2012) 316
21.17. דַּבֵּר אֶל־אַהֲרֹן לֵאמֹר אִישׁ מִזַּרְעֲךָ לְדֹרֹתָם אֲשֶׁר יִהְיֶה בוֹ מוּם לֹא יִקְרַב לְהַקְרִיב לֶחֶם אֱלֹהָיו׃''. None | 21.17. Speak unto Aaron, saying: Whosoever he be of thy seed throughout their generations that hath a blemish, let him not approach to offer the bread of his God.''. None |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 5.21, 5.27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod, • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Herod, religious benefaction of • Herod, wealth of • benefaction, religious, by Herod
Found in books: Gordon (2020) 175; Huttner (2013) 218
5.21. וְהִשְׁבִּיעַ הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־הָאִשָּׁה בִּשְׁבֻעַת הָאָלָה וְאָמַר הַכֹּהֵן לָאִשָּׁה יִתֵּן יְהוָה אוֹתָךְ לְאָלָה וְלִשְׁבֻעָה בְּתוֹךְ עַמֵּךְ בְּתֵת יְהוָה אֶת־יְרֵכֵךְ נֹפֶלֶת וְאֶת־בִּטְנֵךְ צָבָה׃
5.27. וְהִשְׁקָהּ אֶת־הַמַּיִם וְהָיְתָה אִם־נִטְמְאָה וַתִּמְעֹל מַעַל בְּאִישָׁהּ וּבָאוּ בָהּ הַמַּיִם הַמְאָרֲרִים לְמָרִים וְצָבְתָה בִטְנָהּ וְנָפְלָה יְרֵכָהּ וְהָיְתָה הָאִשָּׁה לְאָלָה בְּקֶרֶב עַמָּהּ׃''. None | 5.21. then the priest shall cause the woman to swear with the oath of cursing, and the priest shall say unto the woman—the LORD make thee a curse and an oath among thy people, when the LORD doth make thy thigh to fall away, and thy belly to swell;
5.27. And when he hath made her drink the water, then it shall come to pass, if she be defiled, and have acted unfaithfully against her husband, that the water that causeth the curse shall enter into her and become bitter, and her belly shall swell, and her thigh shall fall away; and the woman shall be a curse among her people.''. None |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 2.1-2.2, 110.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod Agrippa • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Antipas • Herod the Great • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, Antipas • Luke, hearing before Herod Antipas
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 225; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 758; Crabb (2020) 190, 197; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 8, 256, 380; Levison (2009) 350; Ruzer (2020) 60, 61, 203
2.1. וְעַתָּה מְלָכִים הַשְׂכִּילוּ הִוָּסְרוּ שֹׁפְטֵי אָרֶץ׃
2.1. לָמָּה רָגְשׁוּ גוֹיִם וּלְאֻמִּים יֶהְגּוּ־רִיק׃ 2.2. יִתְיַצְּבוּ מַלְכֵי־אֶרֶץ וְרוֹזְנִים נוֹסְדוּ־יָחַד עַל־יְהוָה וְעַל־מְשִׁיחוֹ׃
110.1. לְדָוִד מִזְמוֹר נְאֻם יְהוָה לַאדֹנִי שֵׁב לִימִינִי עַד־אָשִׁית אֹיְבֶיךָ הֲדֹם לְרַגְלֶיךָ׃' '. None | 2.1. Why are the nations in an uproar? And why do the peoples mutter in vain? 2.2. The kings of the earth stand up, And the rulers take counsel together, Against the LORD, and against His anointed:' "
110.1. A Psalm of David. The LORD saith unto my lord: ‘Sit thou at My right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool.'" '. None |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 5.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • rue, Herods giant rue
Found in books: Mendez (2022) 33; Taylor (2012) 316
5.8. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא כָּל־מַכֵּה יְבֻסִי וְיִגַּע בַּצִּנּוֹר וְאֶת־הַפִּסְחִים וְאֶת־הַעִוְרִים שנאו שְׂנֻאֵי נֶפֶשׁ דָּוִד עַל־כֵּן יֹאמְרוּ עִוֵּר וּפִסֵּחַ לֹא יָבוֹא אֶל־הַבָּיִת׃''. None | 5.8. And David said on that day, Whoever smites the Yevusi, and gets up to the aqueduct, and smites the lame and the blind (that are hated of David’s soul) – therefore the saying, The blind and the lame shall not come into the house.''. None |
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7. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod Agrippa I
Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 380; Ruzer (2020) 61
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8. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 12.22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 84; Gordon (2020) 1
12.22. הַלְוִיִּם בִּימֵי אֶלְיָשִׁיב יוֹיָדָע וְיוֹחָנָן וְיַדּוּעַ כְּתוּבִים רָאשֵׁי אָבוֹת וְהַכֹּהֲנִים עַל־מַלְכוּת דָּרְיָוֶשׁ הַפָּרְסִי׃''. None | 12.22. The Levites in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Joha, and Jaddua, were recorded heads of fathers’houses; also the priests, in the reign of Darius the Persian.''. None |
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9. Anon., 1 Enoch, 56.5-56.7 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod the Great
Found in books: Stuckenbruck (2007) 116; van Maaren (2022) 187
| 56.5. And in those days the angels shall return And hurl themselves to the east upon the Parthians and Medes:They shall stir up the kings, so that a spirit of unrest shall come upon them, And they shall rouse them from their thrones,That they may break forth as lions from their lairs, And as hungry wolves among their flocks. 56.6. And they shall go up and tread under foot the land of His elect ones And the land of His elect ones shall be before them a threshing-floor and a highway :" 56.7. But the city of my righteous shall be a hindrance to their horses.And they shall begin to fight among themselves, And their right hand shall be strong against themselves,And a man shall not know his brother, Nor a son his father or his mother,Till there be no number of the corpses through their slaughter, And their punishment be not in vain.''. None |
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10. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.45 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod Antipas • Herod, Agrippa II
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 134; Crabb (2020) 286
2.45. כָּל־קֳבֵל דִּי־חֲזַיְתָ דִּי מִטּוּרָא אִתְגְּזֶרֶת אֶבֶן דִּי־לָא בִידַיִן וְהַדֶּקֶת פַּרְזְלָא נְחָשָׁא חַסְפָּא כַּסְפָּא וְדַהֲבָא אֱלָהּ רַב הוֹדַע לְמַלְכָּא מָה דִּי לֶהֱוֵא אַחֲרֵי דְנָה וְיַצִּיב חֶלְמָא וּמְהֵימַן פִּשְׁרֵהּ׃' '. None | 2.45. Forasmuch as thou sawest that a stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that it broke in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold; the great God hath made known to the king what shall come to pass hereafter; and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure.’' '. None |
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11. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.29-2.38, 11.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cassius (C. Longinius Cassius), and Herod • Herod • Herod the Great • Herod, Herodian
Found in books: Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016) 276; Schwartz (2008) 86; Taylor (2012) 222; Udoh (2006) 81
| 2.29. Then many who were seeking righteousness and justice went down to the wilderness to dwell there, 2.30. they, their sons, their wives, and their cattle, because evils pressed heavily upon them. 2.31. And it was reported to the kings officers, and to the troops in Jerusalem the city of David, that men who had rejected the kings command had gone down to the hiding places in the wilderness. 2.32. Many pursued them, and overtook them; they encamped opposite them and prepared for battle against them on the sabbath day. 2.33. And they said to them, "Enough of this! Come out and do what the king commands, and you will live." 2.34. But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day." 2.35. Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36. But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places, 2.37. for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly." 2.38. So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons.
11.34. We have confirmed as their possession both the territory of Judea and the three districts of Aphairema and Lydda and Rathamin; the latter, with all the region bordering them, were added to Judea from Samaria. To all those who offer sacrifice in Jerusalem, we have granted release from the royal taxes which the king formerly received from them each year, from the crops of the land and the fruit of the trees.''. None |
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12. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 6.2, 6.7, 9.9, 9.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod (the Great, and the Temple) • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, AgrippaI • Herod, Herodian
Found in books: Crabb (2020) 246; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016) 275; Gera (2014) 421; Petropoulou (2012) 125; Schwartz (2008) 86, 358, 363
| 6.2. and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.'" "
6.7. On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.'" "
9.9. And so the ungodly man's body swarmed with worms, and while he was still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, and because of his stench the whole army felt revulsion at his decay.'" "
9.18. But when his sufferings did not in any way abate, for the judgment of God had justly come upon him, he gave up all hope for himself and wrote to the Jews the following letter, in the form of a supplication. This was its content:'"". None |
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13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod the Great • Jewish-Samaritan relations, reign of Herod
Found in books: Goodman (2006) 62; Gordon (2020) 173; Huebner and Laes (2019) 211; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 180
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14. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 26, 28, 30, 32-35, 53 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Archelaus • Herod the Great
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 54; Salvesen et al (2020) 356; Taylor (2012) 37; Taylor and Hay (2020) 3
| 26. And when he was about to set out to take possession of his kingdom, Gaius advised him to avoid the voyage from Brundusium to Syria, which was a long and troublesome one, and rather to take the shorter one by Alexandria, and to wait for the periodical winds; for he said that the merchant vessels which set forth from that harbour were fast sailers, and that the pilots were most experienced men, who guided their ships like skilful coachmen guide their horses, keeping them straight in the proper course. And he took his advice, looking upon him both as his master and also as a giver of good counsel. '
28. With so much modesty then did this man arrive, wishing if it were possible to enter without being perceived by any one in the city. For he had not come to see Alexandria, since he had sojourned in it before, when he was preparing to take his voyage to Rome to see Tiberius, but he desired at this time to take the quickest road, so as to arrive at his destination with the smallest possible delay.
30. And then again his friends and companions came and stirred up the miserable Flaccus, inviting, and exciting, and stimulating him to feel the same envy with themselves; saying, "The arrival of this man to take upon him his government is equivalent to a deposition of yourself. He is invested with a greater dignity of honour and glory than you. He attracts all eyes towards himself when they see the array of sentinels and bodyguards around him adorned with silvered and gilded arms.
32. When he heard this he was more indigt than before, and in public indeed he pretended to be his companion and his friend, because of his fear of the man who directed his course, but secretly he bore him much ill-will, and told every one how he hated him, and abused him behind his back, and insulted him indirectly, since he did not dare to do so openly; 33. for he encouraged the idle and lazy mob of the city (and the mob of Alexandria is one accustomed to great license of speech, and one which delights above measure in calumny and evil-speaking), to abuse the king, either beginning to revile him in his own person, or else exhorting and exciting others to do so by the agency of persons who were accustomed to serve him in business of this kind. 34. And they, having had the cue given them, spent all their days reviling the king in the public schools, and stringing together all sorts of gibes to turn him into ridicule. And at times they employed poets who compose farces, and managers of puppet shows, displaying their natural aptitude for every kind of disgraceful employment, though they were very slow at learning anything that was creditable, but very acute, and quick, and ready at learning anything of an opposite nature. 35. For why did he not show his indignation, why did he not commit them to prison, why did he not chastise them for their insolent and disloyal evil speaking? And even if he had not been a king but only one of the household of Caesar, ought he not to have had some privileges and especial honours? The fact is that all these circumstances are an undeniable evidence that Flaccus was a participator in all this abuse; for he who might have punished it with the most extreme severity, and entirely checked it, and who yet took no steps to restrain it, was clearly convicted of having permitted and encouraged it; but whenever an ungoverned multitude begins a course of evil doing it never desists, but proceeds from one wickedness to another, continually doing some monstrous thing. VI.
53. Since, therefore, the attempt which was being made to violate the law appeared to him to be prospering, while he was destroying the synagogues, and not leaving even their name, he proceeded onwards to another exploit, namely, the utter destruction of our constitution, that when all those things to which alone our life was anchored were cut away, namely, our national customs and our lawful political rights and social privileges, we might be exposed to the very extremity of calamity, without having any stay left to which we could cling for safety, '. None |
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15. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod the Great, Essene endorsement and gifts • Herod the Great, Menahems prediction • Josephus Essenes, gifts and favours from Herod
Found in books: Schwartz (2008) 358; Taylor (2012) 200
| 89. And a proof of this is that, though at different times a great number of chiefs of every variety of disposition and character, have occupied their country, some of whom have endeavoured to surpass even ferocious wild beasts in cruelty, leaving no sort of inhumanity unpractised, and have never ceased to murder their subjects in whole troops, and have even torn them to pieces while living, like cooks cutting them limb from limb, till they themselves, being overtaken by the vengeance of divine justice, have at last experienced the same miseries in their turn: ''. None |
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16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.14, 4.203, 4.217, 4.223-4.224, 7.394, 10.269, 10.275-10.276, 11.111, 12.274, 12.389, 13.294, 13.298, 13.311, 13.319, 13.397, 14.8-14.11, 14.14-14.18, 14.24, 14.28, 14.34-14.36, 14.41, 14.43, 14.46-14.69, 14.71-14.79, 14.91, 14.105-14.113, 14.121, 14.127-14.137, 14.168-14.177, 14.185, 14.190-14.197, 14.199-14.209, 14.211, 14.214, 14.217-14.228, 14.355, 14.385, 14.417, 14.450, 14.490-14.491, 15.3, 15.39, 15.53-15.56, 15.95-15.96, 15.189, 15.194-15.201, 15.217, 15.254, 15.268, 15.274-15.276, 15.293-15.295, 15.302-15.316, 15.328-15.330, 15.360, 15.362, 15.368-15.378, 15.380-15.389, 15.391, 15.395, 15.403, 15.405, 15.409, 15.421, 16.38, 16.53, 16.61-16.65, 16.137-16.139, 16.145-16.155, 16.157-16.159, 16.161-16.163, 16.166-16.173, 16.177, 16.285, 16.394, 16.401, 17.24, 17.29-17.31, 17.42, 17.151-17.156, 17.161-17.162, 17.169, 17.171, 17.173-17.176, 17.196, 17.198, 17.223, 17.227, 17.229, 17.273-17.277, 17.280-17.281, 17.289, 17.318-17.320, 17.339-17.340, 17.342-17.344, 17.346, 17.354, 18.1-18.4, 18.15, 18.27-18.28, 18.36-18.38, 18.90-18.95, 18.108, 18.149, 18.156, 18.158-18.160, 18.164-18.165, 18.179-18.189, 18.191-18.199, 18.201-18.204, 18.237, 18.252-18.255, 18.259, 19.275-19.277, 19.328, 19.336, 19.343, 19.345-19.350, 19.356-19.363, 20.49-20.53, 20.100, 20.159, 20.219-20.222 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Agrippa I, compared to Herod • Agrippa I, grandson of Herod the Great • Alexander, son of Herod the Great • Alexandrium, fortress, restored by, Herod in • Anthedon (Agrippias), campaign of Herod with • Anthedon (Agrippias), minimal taxes of, under Herod • Antipas (Herod) • Antipater (father of Herod), appointed procurator of Judea,'34 • Antipater father of Herod, Roman citizenship of • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater exempted from taxes by Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater granted Roman citizenship by Caesar and named procurator • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support for Caesar in Egypt • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support of Caesar against Pompeians • Antipater father of Herod, and Hyrcanus II • Antipater father of Herod, as epitropos • Antipater father of Herod, friendship of, with Roman generals • Antipater father of Herod, influence of, with Arabs • Antipater father of Herod, permission to rebuild walls given to • Antipater, father of Herod the Great • Antonia, fortress, rebuilt by Herod • Antony (Mark Antony), Herods assistance of • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), grants by, of part of Herods realm to Cleopatra • Appian, on Herods appointment • Archelaus (son of Herod), Augustuss treatment of territory of • Archelaus (son of Herod), annual tax income of, from Judea et al. • Archelaus I of Cappadocia, father-in-law to Herods son, Alexander • Archelaus son of Herod, deposition of • Archelaus son of Herod, length of reign of • Archelaus son of Herod, removal of taxes by • Archelaus son of Herod, taxation under • Aristobulus son of Herod the Great • Aristobulus II, revolt of, in , murder of by Herod • Augustus, Herods kingdom extended by • Augustus, Jewish embassy to, after death of Herod • Augustus, and Herods estate after Herods death • Augustus, gift of copper mines of Cyprus to Herod • Augustus, giving Herod procuratorial responsibilities in Syria • Augustus, personal friendship with Herod • Auranitis, granted to Herod • Batanea, granted to Herod • Caesarea, minimal taxes of, under Herod • Callirhoe [Kallirrhoë],as Herods healing centre • Cassius (C. Longinius Cassius), and Herod • Cleopatra of Egypt, Dead Sea and Herods gift • Cleopatra, part of Herods realm granted to, by Antony • Costobarus, appointed governor of Idumea and Gaza by Herod • Costobarus, executed by Herod • Dead Sea and area, Herod the Greats development of • En Boqeq, as Herods pharmacological site • Eusebius, writings on Herod the Great (Africanus) • Genesis, legitimation of Herods rule in • Hasmoneans, estate of, inherited by Herod • Herod • Herod (I) the Great,, urban development of Jerusalem • Herod (the Great, and the Temple) • Herod Agrippa • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Agrippa II • Herod Antipas • Herod Antipas (Antipater) • Herod Antipas, deposition and banishment of, in 39 B.C.E. • Herod Antipas, heavy taxation of • Herod Antipas, revenue of • Herod Antipas, revenue of, from Galilee and Perea • Herod Antipas, taxes of, land tax (on produce) • Herod Antipas, territory of, coming under Roman rule • Herod Archelaus • Herod I, king of Judaea • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, • Herod the Great, Arab territory invaded by • Herod the Great, Aristobulus drowning of • Herod the Great, Callirhoe and Dead Sea development • Herod the Great, Essene endorsement and gifts • Herod the Great, Menahems prediction • Herod the Great, Perea given to brother Pheroras by • Herod the Great, and temple tax • Herod the Great, as Messiah • Herod the Great, as governor of Coele-Syria and Samaria • Herod the Great, as king, client • Herod the Great, as king, of Jews • Herod the Great, as socius et amicus populi Romani • Herod the Great, as tetrarch • Herod the Great, assisting Antony • Herod the Great, collecting tribute in Galilee • Herod the Great, despoiling rich • Herod the Great, economic and tax base of, in agriculture • Herod the Great, entertaining Octavian • Herod the Great, expenditures of • Herod the Great, given procuratorial responsibilities in Syria by Augustus • Herod the Great, in Eusebius • Herod the Great, kingdom of, division of • Herod the Great, kingdom of, expansion of • Herod the Great, kingdom of, free from tribute • Herod the Great, kingdom of, part granted to Cleopatra • Herod the Great, kingdom of, reflecting patterns of taxation in Roman Empire • Herod the Great, kingdom of, revenue of • Herod the Great, legitimation of his rule • Herod the Great, money-lending ventures of • Herod the Great, personal resources of • Herod the Great, questions surrounding payment of tribute by • Herod the Great, robbing Davids tomb • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod the Great, taxation under, complaints against • Herod the Great, taxes of • Herod the Great, taxes of, custom duties and tolls (portaria) • Herod the Great, taxes of, direct taxes • Herod the Great, taxes of, indirect taxes • Herod the Great, taxes of, land and property tax (tributum soli) • Herod the Great, taxes of, reduction of • Herod the Great, taxes of, sales • Herod the Great, taxes of, viewed as excessive • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, in cities outside kingdom • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, on Temple Mount • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, scholarly debate about strategy and rationale of • Herod the Great, territories of, intervention of Rome in • Herod the Great, trial of • Herod the Great, trial of, by Antony • Herod the Great, war of, against Malchus • Herod, • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, AgrippaI • Herod, Herod the Great • Herod, Herodian • Herod, Herodian dynasty • Herod, King, • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Herod, religious benefaction of • Herod, wealth of • Herods tomb • Herods, and Roman tribute • Hyrcania, fortress, embellished by Herod • Idumea, as Herods native land • Jericho,Herods expansion of • Jerusalem, fall of, to Herod • Jewish-Samaritan relations, reign of Herod • Jews, paid less taxes under Herod • Joppa, restored to Herod by Octavian • Joseph (brother of Herod), estate of, inherited by Herod • Josephus Essenes, gifts and favours from Herod • Josephus, on Agrippa I, contrasted with Herod • Josephus, on Augustus and revenues from Herod • Josephus, on Herod • Josephus, on Herod, contrasted with Agrippa I • Josephus, on Herod, estate of, inconsistencies in amounts of money in relation to • Josephus, on Herod, events after death of • Josephus, on Herod, gift of Perea to Pheroras by • Josephus, on Herod, revenues from, and Augustus • Josephus, on Herod, trial of • Josephus, on taxation, and Herod • Macherus, fortification at, refortified and embellished by Herod • Malchus, war of Herod against • Masada inscription found at, refortified and embellished by Herod • Messiah, prediction of coming, and Herod the Great • Nicolaus of Damascus, lifelong friend of Herod • Octavian, Herods cause championed by • Octavian, Herods kingdom expanded by • Octavian, territory granted to Cleopatra returned to Herod by • Phasael (brother of Herod) • Phasael (brother of Herod), appointed tetrarch by Antony • Pheroras (brother of Herod), and work on fortress Alexandrium • Pheroras (brother of Herod), gift of Perea to • Philip (son of Herod), Tiberiuss treatment of territory after Philips death • Philip (son of Herod), and tribute to Rome • Philip (son of Herod), annual tax income of, from Batanea et al. • Philip (son of Herod), taxes imposed on Batanea by • Qumran and the Essenes, as a gift from Herod • Salome (Herods sister) • Samaria (city of)/Sebaste, Herod appointed governer of • Samaria (city of)/Sebaste, founded by Herod • Samaria (city of)/Sebaste, granted to Herod by Octavian • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), appointed Herod governor of Coele-Syria and Samaria • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), intervening on behalf of Herod • Temple Mount, Herods building projects on • Temple, Jerusalem, renovated by Herod • Tiberias, Herod Antipas • Trachonitis, granted to Herod • balsam (opobalsam), and Herod • benefaction, religious, by Herod • citizenship, Roman, of Herod the Great • citizenship, Roman, of the Herods and tria nomina • copper mines of, given to Herod • copper mines of, given to Herod, given to Cleopatra by Antony • rue, Herods giant rue • senatus consulta, ratifying Herods appointment • socius et amicus popoli Romani, Herod as • taxation, under Herod(s) • taxes, Herod • taxes, sales tax, under Herod • temple of Jerusalem, and Herods building projects • tribute, and Herods
Found in books: Bay (2022) 79; Bloch (2022) 185, 188; Brodd and Reed (2011) 120; Crabb (2020) 155, 195, 205, 246, 249, 286; Csapo (2022) 123, 124; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 117, 123; Eckhardt (2019) 130; Esler (2000) 119; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016) 176, 252, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 285; Fonrobert and Jaffee (2007) 93; Gardner (2015) 13; Goodman (2006) 41, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 94, 100; Gordon (2020) 172, 173, 174, 175; Gruen (2020) 39, 170, 176, 177, 178, 181; Hachlili (2005) 36, 40, 168, 213, 478, 482; Hayes (2022) 22; Huebner and Laes (2019) 211; Huttner (2013) 218; Iricinschi et al. (2013) 338; Jonquière (2007) 259, 260; Kalmin (2014) 25, 26; Keddie (2019) 39; Levine (2005) 53; Noam (2018) 140; Petropoulou (2012) 140; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 180; Robbins et al (2017) 156; Salvesen et al (2020) 264, 265, 266, 268, 356, 357; Schwartz (2008) 86; Taylor (2012) 37, 52, 84, 92, 93, 94, 124, 126, 128, 129, 192, 200, 225, 227, 233, 240, 241, 270, 306, 312; Taylor and Hay (2020) 3; Udoh (2006) 27, 29, 34, 37, 38, 52, 56, 57, 81, 99, 100, 106, 113, 114, 115, 116, 121, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163, 172, 174, 175, 176, 181, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207; van Maaren (2022) 169, 170, 173, 182, 185
1.14. Νῶχος μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τῆς γῆς κατασταθείσης εἰς τὴν αὐτῆς φύσιν ἐπ' ἔργα χωρεῖ καὶ καταφυτεύσας αὐτὴν ἀμπέλοις, ἡνίκα τοῦ καρποῦ τελεσφορηθέντος καθ' ὥραν ἐτρύγησε καὶ παρῆν εἰς χρῆσιν ὁ οἶνος, θύσας ἐν εὐωχίαις ἦν." '
1.14. τὸ σύνολον δὲ μάλιστά τις ἂν ἐκ ταύτης μάθοι τῆς ἱστορίας ἐθελήσας αὐτὴν διελθεῖν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν θεοῦ γνώμῃ κατακολουθοῦσι καὶ τὰ καλῶς νομοθετηθέντα μὴ τολμῶσι παραβαίνειν πάντα κατορθοῦται πέρα πίστεως καὶ γέρας εὐδαιμονία πρόκειται παρὰ θεοῦ: καθ' ὅσον δ' ἂν ἀποστῶσι τῆς τούτων ἀκριβοῦς ἐπιμελείας, ἄπορα μὲν γίνεται τὰ πόριμα, τρέπεται δὲ εἰς συμφορὰς ἀνηκέστους ὅ τι ποτ' ἂν ὡς ἀγαθὸν δρᾶν σπουδάσωσιν," "
4.203. Συνερχέσθωσαν δὲ εἰς ἣν ἀποφήνωσι πόλιν τὸν νεὼν τρὶς τοῦ ἔτους οἱ ἐκ τῶν περάτων τῆς γῆς, ἧς ἂν ̔Εβραῖοι κρατῶσιν, ὅπως τῷ θεῷ τῶν μὲν ὑπηργμένων εὐχαριστῶσι καὶ περὶ τῶν εἰς τὸ μέλλον παρακαλῶσι καὶ συνιόντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ συνευωχούμενοι προσφιλεῖς ὦσι:
4.217. ὁ γὰρ θεὸς ἂν οὕτως δόξειε καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ ἀσθενέστερος ἐκείνων οἷς ἄν τις κατὰ φόβον ἰσχύος προσνέμοι τὴν ψῆφον κεκρίσθαι: τοῦ θεοῦ γὰρ ἰσχύς ἐστι τὸ δίκαιον. ὃ τοῖς ἐν ἀξιώμασι τυγχάνουσι καταχαριζόμενός τις ἐκείνους τοῦ θεοῦ δυνατωτέρους ποιεῖ.' "
4.223. ̓Αριστοκρατία μὲν οὖν κράτιστον καὶ ὁ κατ' αὐτὴν βίος, καὶ μὴ λάβῃ πόθος ὑμᾶς ἄλλης πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ ταύτην στέργοιτε καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἔχοντες δεσπότας κατ' αὐτοὺς ἕκαστα πράττετε: ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἡγεμὼν εἶναι. βασιλέως δ' εἰ γένοιτο ἔρως ὑμῖν, ἔστω μὲν οὗτος ὁμόφυλος, πρόνοια δ' αὐτῷ δικαιοσύνης καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς διὰ παντὸς ἔστω." "4.224. παραχωροίη δὲ οὗτος τοῖς μὲν νόμοις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τὰ πλείονα τοῦ φρονεῖν, πρασσέτω δὲ μηδὲν δίχα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῆς τῶν γερουσιαστῶν γνώμης γάμοις τε μὴ πολλοῖς χρώμενος μηδὲ πλῆθος διώκων χρημάτων μηδ' ἵππων, ὧν αὐτῷ παραγενομένων ὑπερήφανος ἂν τῶν νόμων ἔσοιτο. κωλυέσθω δ', εἰ τούτων τι διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχοι, γίγνεσθαι τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑμῖν δυνατώτερος." '
7.394. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐτῶν πολλῶν διαγενομένων πάλιν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης ἕτερον ἀνοίξας οἶκον ἀνείλετο χρήματα πολλά. ταῖς μέντοι γε θήκαις τῶν βασιλέων οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπέτυχεν: ἦσαν γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν γῆν μηχανικῶς κεκηδευμέναι πρὸς τὸ μὴ φανεραὶ εἶναι τοῖς εἰς τὸ μνῆμα εἰσιοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἡμῖν τοσοῦτον ἀπόχρη δεδηλῶσθαι.' "
10.269. κατέλιπε δὲ γράψας, ὅθεν ἡμῖν ἀληθὲς τὸ τῆς προφητείας αὐτοῦ ἀκριβὲς καὶ ἀπαράλλακτον ἐποίησε δῆλον: φησὶ γὰρ αὐτὸν γενόμενον ἐν Σούσοις ἐν τῇ μητροπόλει τῆς Περσίδος, ὡς ἐξῆλθεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον μετὰ ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ, σεισμοῦ καὶ κλόνου τῆς γῆς ἐξαίφνης γενομένου καταλειφθείη μόνος φευγόντων τῶν φίλων καὶ πέσοι μὲν ἐπὶ στόμα ταραχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὰς δύο χεῖρας, τινὸς δ' ἁψαμένου αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταξὺ κελεύοντος ἀναστῆναι καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι τοῖς πολίταις ἰδεῖν μετὰ πολλὰς γενεάς." "
10.275. γενήσεσθαι δ' ἐκ τούτων τινὰ βασιλέα τὸν ἐκπολεμήσοντα τό τε ἔθνος καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν κατὰ τούτους ἀφαιρησόμενον πολιτείαν καὶ συλήσοντα τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐπ' ἔτη τρία κωλύσοντα ἐπιτελεσθῆναι." "10.276. καὶ δὴ ταῦτα ἡμῶν συνέβη παθεῖν τῷ ἔθνει ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς, καθὼς εἶδεν ὁ Δανίηλος καὶ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνέγραψε τὰ γενησόμενα. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον ὁ Δανίηλος καὶ περὶ τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἀνέγραψε, καὶ ὅτι ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐρημωθήσεται." '
11.111. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιδαψιλευόμενοι ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμίᾳ κατῴκησαν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις πολιτείᾳ χρώμενοι ἀριστοκρατικῇ μετὰ ὀλιγαρχίας: οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς προεστήκεσαν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄχρι οὗ τοὺς ̓Ασαμωναίου συνέβη βασιλεύειν ἐκγόνους.' "
12.274. μὴ προσδεχομένων δὲ τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ τἀναντία φρονούντων, συμβάλλουσιν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην σαββάτων ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ὡς εἶχον οὕτως ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις αὐτοὺς κατέφλεξαν οὐδὲ ἀμυνομένους ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τὰς εἰσόδους ἐμφράξαντας: τοῦ δὲ ἀμύνασθαι διὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀπέσχοντο μηδ' ἐν κακοῖς παραβῆναι τὴν τοῦ σαββάτου τιμὴν θελήσαντες: ἀργεῖν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν αὐτῇ νόμιμόν ἐστιν." '
12.389. ̔Υπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν φυγὼν Δημήτριος ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης ὁ Σελεύκου υἱὸς καὶ καταλαβόμενος τῆς Συρίας Τρίπολιν περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, συναγαγὼν δέ τινας περὶ αὐτὸν μισθοφόρους εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν εἰσῆλθεν, πάντων αὐτὸν ἡδέως προσδεχομένων καὶ παραδιδόντων αὑτούς.
13.294. τοῦ δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας: πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι.
13.298. καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.' "
13.311. μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ ̓Ιούδαν τινά, ̓Εσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν ̓Αντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον," "
13.319. φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: “ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ.”" '
13.397. Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.
14.8. Σκαύρου δ' ἐπὶ Πέτραν τῆς ̓Αραβίας στρατεύσαντος καὶ διὰ τὸ δυσάλωτον εἶναι τὰ ἐν κύκλῳ δῃοῦντος αὐτῆς καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος λιμήναντος ̓Αντίπατρος κατ' ἐντολὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ σῖτον ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὅσων ἐνέδει, παρεῖχεν." '
14.8. Φίλος δέ τις ̔Υρκανοῦ ̓Ιδουμαῖος ̓Αντίπατρος λεγόμενος, πολλῶν μὲν εὐπόρει χρημάτων, δραστήριος δὲ ὢν τὴν φύσιν καὶ στασιαστὴς ἀλλοτρίως εἶχεν πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον καὶ διαφόρως διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εὔνοιαν.' "14.9. Νικόλαος μέντοι φησὶν ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς τοῦτον εἶναι γένος ἐκ τῶν πρώτων ̓Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικομένων. ταῦτα δὲ λέγει χαριζόμενος ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τύχης τινὸς γενομένῳ, περὶ οὗ κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν.' "14.9. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Γαβίνιος κατέσκαψεν. τῆς δ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης, ἣ ἐφρόνει τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ἐχομένων, συνεχώρησεν αὐτῇ ταῦτα ἅπερ ἠξίου, καὶ διοικησάμενος τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν ̔Υρκανὸν κατήγαγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα σχήσοντα τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιμέλειαν." "14.11. Θαυμάσῃ δὲ μηδείς, εἰ τοσοῦτος ἦν πλοῦτος ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ἱερῷ πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ σεβομένων τὸν θεὸν ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς αὐτὸ συμφερόντων ἐκ πολλῶν πάνυ χρόνων. 14.11. τὴν οὖν ̓Αριστοβούλου δυναστείαν ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίπατρος ὑφορώμενος καὶ δεδιώς, μή τι πάθῃ διὰ τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος, ἐπισυνιστᾷ κατ' αὐτοῦ κρύφα διαλεγόμενος τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς δυναστεύοντας, ἄδικον εἶναι λέγων περιορᾶν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἀδίκως ἔχοντα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ταύτης ἐκβεβληκότα πρεσβύτερον ὄντα, κατέχοντα δ' αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἐκείνου διὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον." '
14.14. ̓Ελθὼν δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίγονος ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πρὸς Καίσαρα τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπωδύρετο τύχην καὶ ὡς δι' αὐτὸν ἀποθάνοι φαρμάκοις ἀναιρεθεὶς ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ κτείναντος πελέκει Σκιπίωνος, ἐδεῖτό τε λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκβεβλημένου, ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατηγόρει βιαίως ἐξηγουμένων τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομησάντων." "
14.14. ̓Επειδὴ τοίνυν ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ προσέχοντα ἑώρα τοῖς λόγοις τὸν ̔Υρκανόν, οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πλαττόμενος καὶ διαβάλλων πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι θέλοντα, καὶ μόλις ἐγκείμενος πείθει πρὸς ̓Αρέταν αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσας φυγεῖν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα: πεισθέντι γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς σύμμαχος ὑπισχνεῖτο.' "14.15. ἐπὶ ̓Αγαθοκλέους ἄρχοντος Εὐκλῆς Μενάνδρου ̓Αλιμούσιος ἐγραμμάτευε Μουνυχιῶνος ἑνδεκάτῃ τῆς πρυτανείας ἐκκλησίας ἀγομένης ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφισεν Δωρόθεος ̓Ερχιεὺς καὶ οἱ συμπρόεδροι * τῷ δήμῳ, Διονύσιος Διονυσίου εἶπεν:' "14.15. ὁ δὲ ταῦτ' ἀκούων συμφέρειν ἦν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν ἀποδρᾶναι, ἔστιν δὲ ὅμορος τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ ̓Αραβία, καὶ δὴ πέμπει πρῶτον ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς τὸν τῶν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ληψόμενον πίστεις, ὡς οὐκ ἐκδώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἱκέτην αὐτοῦ γενόμενον." '14.16. λαβὼν δὲ τὰς πίστεις ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξελθὼν νύκτωρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδὸν ἧκεν ἄγων εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν, ὅπου τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ." '14.16. σφόδρα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἠγάπησαν οἱ Σύροι: ποθοῦσι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ λῃστηρίου τὴν χώραν ἐκαθάρευσεν. ὕμνουν γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατά τε κώμας καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς παρεσχηκότα καὶ ἀσφαλῆ τῶν κτημάτων ἀπόλαυσιν. ἐγένετο δὲ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Σέξστῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διέποντι τὴν Συρίαν.' "14.17. Σέξστος μέντοι ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν γράφει παρακαλῶν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐκ τῆς δίκης καὶ προσαπειλῶν παρακούσαντι. τῷ δ' ἦν ἀφορμὴ τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Σέξστου γράμμα πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου παθόντα ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην: ἠγάπα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς υἱόν." "14.17. μάλιστα δὲ ὢν φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ κατάγειν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν παρεκάλει: καὶ τοῦθ' ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ποιῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀνιείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ δωρεὰς προϊέμενος, πείθει τὸν ̓Αρέταν." "14.18. Σέξστου δὲ ποιήσαντος ̔Ηρώδην στρατηγὸν κοίλης Συρίας, χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο, ̔Υρκανὸς ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μὴ στρατεύσηται ̔Ηρώδης ἐπ' αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ' ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδης στρατιὰν ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ." "14.18. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα πόλεις, ἃς ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ' αὗται Μήδαβα, Λιββα, Ναβαλώθ, ̓Αραβαθα, Γαλανθώνη, Ζωϊρα, ̓Ωρωναιδιγωβασιλισσαρυδδα, Αλουσα, Ωρυβδα." "
14.24. ἐπὶ τούτων ὁ Λέντλος δόγμα ἐξέθετο: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινες ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰώθασιν, ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα.
14.24. “ὦ θεὲ βασιλεῦ τῶν ὅλων, ἐπεὶ οἱ μετ' ἐμοῦ συνεστῶτες σὸς δῆμός ἐστιν καὶ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι δὲ ἱερεῖς σοί, δέομαι μήτε κατὰ τούτων ἐκείνοις ὑπακοῦσαι μήτε κατ' ἐκείνων ἃ οὗτοι παρακαλοῦσιν εἰς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν.” καὶ τὸν μὲν ταῦτ' εὐξάμενον περιστάντες οἱ πονηροὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων κατέλευσαν." '
14.28. ̓͂Ην δὲ ἄρα φονέα περισώσας ̓Αντίπατρος αὐτοῦ τὸν Μάλιχον: Κάσσιος μὲν γὰρ καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατὸν ἀθροίζοντες τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἅπασαν ἐνεχείρισαν ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτὸν κοίλης Συρίας ἐποίησαν πλοῖα δόντες καὶ δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, ὑποσχόμενοί τε καὶ βασιλέα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἀναδείξειν μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον: συνειστήκει γὰρ τότε πρός τε ̓Αντώνιον καὶ τὸν νέον Καίσαρα.' "
14.28. παρασπονδηθέντες δὲ οἱ ἱερεῖς ηὔξαντο τὸν θεὸν δίκην αὐτῶν εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνεβάλετο τὴν τιμωρίαν, ἀλλὰ πνεῦμα πολὺ καὶ βίαιον ἐπιπέμψας τὸν καρπὸν ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας διέφθειρεν, ὡς τὸν μόδιον τοῦ σίτου τότε αὐτοὺς ἐξωνεῖσθαι δραχμῶν ἕνδεκα.
14.34. Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ Πομπηίου εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἀφικομένου καὶ κοίλην Συρίαν ἐπιόντος ἧκον παρ' αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἐξ ὅλης Συρίας καὶ Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας: ἔπεμψε γὰρ αὐτῷ μέγα δῶρον ̓Αριστόβουλος ἄμπελον χρυσῆν ἐκ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων." "
14.34. Πάκορος δ' ὁ Πάρθων στρατηγὸς σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ὀλίγοις ̓Αντιγόνου δεηθέντος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἔρχεται, λόγῳ μὲν ὡς καταπαύσειεν τὴν στάσιν, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς συμπράξων ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἀρχήν." '14.35. μέμνηται δὲ τοῦ δώρου καὶ Στράβων ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων οὕτως: “ἦλθεν δὲ καὶ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου πρεσβεία καὶ στέφανος ἀπὸ χρυσῶν τετρακισχιλίων καὶ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας εἴτε ἄμπελος εἴτε κῆπος: τερπωλὴν ὠνόμαζον τὸ δημιούργημα. 14.35. οἱ δὲ τὸ πᾶν εἰδότες ὑπεκρίνοντο δολερῶς καὶ δεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφασαν μετὰ σφῶν ἐξελθόντα πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς τὰ γράμματα κομίζουσιν: οὐδέπω γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰλῆφθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν, ἥκειν μέντοι δηλοῦντας ὅσα κατορθώσειε Φασάηλος. 14.36. οὓς δὴ καὶ τρεψάμενος καὶ κρατήσας οὐχ ὡς ἐν ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ τις τοιαύτῃ καθεστώς, ἀλλ' ὡς κάλλιστα καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος πρὸς πόλεμον παρεσκευασμένος, ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐν ᾧ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκράτησε, μετὰ χρόνον βασιλεύσας ἔκτισε καὶ βασίλειον κατεσκεύασεν ἀξιολογώτατον καὶ πόλιν περὶ αὐτὸ ̔Ηρωδίαν προσαγορεύσας." "14.36. τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ δῶρον ἱστορήκαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνακείμενον ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Καπετωλίου ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχον ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων βασιλέως. ἐτιμήθη δὲ εἶναι πεντακοσίων ταλάντων” ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν οὖν τοῦτο λέγεται πέμψαι τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων δυνάστην.' "
14.41. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο." '
14.41. οὐ μὴν ̔Ηρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις.' "
14.43. πολλὰ δὲ πρῶτον ὠνείδισεν τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰς ταπεινότητα καί τοι τοῦ βασιλέως, ἦν γὰρ ἄποπτα αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα, δεξιάν τε προτείνοντος καὶ πᾶσαν ἄδειαν. τὰ μὲν οὖν σπήλαια τούτων γενομένων ἤδη πάντα ἐκεχείρωτο.' "
14.43. τάς τε καταδρομὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁμόρους καὶ τὰ πειρατήρια τὰ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν συστήσαντα διέβαλεν, οὐκ ἂν οὐδ' ἀποστῆναι λέγων τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοῦ, εἰ μὴ βίαιός τις καὶ ταραχώδης ὑπῆρχεν. συνηγόρουν δὲ αὐτῷ ταῦτα λέγοντι πλείους ἢ χίλιοι τῶν δοκιμωτάτων ̓Ιουδαίων ̓Αντιπάτρου παρασκευάσαντος." '
14.46. Πομπήιος δὲ τούτων ἀκούσας καὶ καταγνοὺς ̓Αριστοβούλου βίαν, τότε μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψεν διαλεχθεὶς πρᾴως, ἐλθὼν δ' εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν διατάξειν ἕκαστα, ἐπειδὰν τὰ τῶν Ναβαταίων πρῶτον ἴδῃ. τέως δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν θεραπεύων ἅμα τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον, μὴ τὴν χώραν ἀποστήσῃ καὶ διακλεισθείη τῶν παρόδων." "
14.46. τούτους μὲν οὖν πέτραις ἄνωθεν βάλλοντες σωρηδὸν ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις ἀνῄρουν: καὶ θέαμα τοῦτο δεινότατον ἦν κατὰ τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον νεκρῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀπείρων ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις κειμένων." '14.47. Μετὰ δὲ πολλῆς προθυμίας καὶ ἔριδος ἅτε σύμπαντος ἠθροισμένου τοῦ πλήθους οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἀντεπολέμουν κατειληθέντες ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους, πολλά τε ἐπεφήμιζον περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ πολλὰ ἐπ' εὐφημίᾳ τοῦ δήμου, ὡς ῥυσομένου τῶν κινδύνων αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ." "14.47. ἔτυχεν μέντοι τοῦτο ἐξ ̓Αριστοβούλου γενόμενον: οὐ γὰρ ἀναμείνας οὐδὲν ὧν διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς Δειλον πόλιν ἦλθεν κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀπῆρεν.' "14.48. ̓Οργίζεται δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ Πομπήιος, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ναβαταίους ἀναλαβὼν στρατιὰν ἔκ τε Δαμασκοῦ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Συρίας ἐπικουρικὰ σὺν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν αὐτῷ ̔Ρωμαίων τάγμασιν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον." "14.48. ἐσφάττοντο δὲ παμπληθεῖς ἔν τε τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας συνωθούμενοι καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντες, ἦν τε οὔτε νηπίων οὔτε γήρως ἔλεος οὔτε ἀσθενείας γυναικῶν φειδώ, ἀλλὰ καίτοι περιπέμποντος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ φείδεσθαι παρακαλοῦντος οὐδεὶς ἐκράτησεν τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ μεμηνότες πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ἐπεξῄεσαν." "14.49. ταῦτα φοβούμενος πολλοῖς χρήμασι πείθει τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἀνελεῖν ̓Αντίγονον. οὗ γενομένου τοῦ δέους μὲν ̔Ηρώδης ἀπαλλάσσεται, παύεται δ' οὕτως ἡ τοῦ ̓Ασσαμωναίου ἀρχὴ μετὰ ἔτη ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιέξ. οἶκος λαμπρὸς οὗτος ἦν καὶ διάσημος γένους τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς ὧν τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ διεπράξαντο." "14.49. ὡς δὲ παραμειψάμενος Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν εἰς Κορέας ἧκεν, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας διεξιόντι τὴν μεσόγειον, ἐνταῦθα εἴς τι περικαλλὲς ἔρυμα ἐπ' ἄκρου τοῦ ὄρους ἱδρυμένον ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ̓Αριστοβούλου συμπεφευγότος, πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτόν." "14.51. καὶ τοῦτ' ἐποίησεν δὶς καὶ τρίς, ἅμα μὲν κολακεύων τὴν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐλπίδα καὶ πρὸς ἕκαστον ὧν κελεύσειεν Πομπήιος ὑπακούειν ὑποκρινόμενος, ἅμα δὲ ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ καταλύειν αὑτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀφορμὴν αὑτῷ παρασκευαζόμενος, δεδιὼς μὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς ̔Υρκανὸν περιστήσῃ." "14.52. κελεύοντος δὲ Πομπηίου παραδιδόναι τὰ ἐρύματα καὶ τοῖς φρουράρχοις ἐπιστέλλειν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρί, παραδέχεσθαι δὲ ἄλλως ἀπείρητο, πείθεται μέν, δυσανασχετῶν δ' ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἐγίνετο." "14.53. καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ Πομπηίῳ στρατιὰν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἄγοντι καθ' ὁδὸν ἀφικόμενοί τινες ἐκ πόντου τὴν Μιθριδάτου τελευτὴν ἐμήνυον τὴν ἐκ Φαρνάκου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῷ γενομένην." '14.54. Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, οὗ τὸν φοίνικα συμβέβηκε τρέφεσθαι καὶ τὸ ὀποβάλσαμον μύρων ἀκρότατον, ὃ τῶν θάμνων τεμνομένων ὀξεῖ λίθῳ ἀναπιδύει ὥσπερ ὀπός, ἕωθεν ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐχώρει.' "14.55. καὶ μετανοήσας ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς Πομπήιον, καὶ χρήματά τε διδοὺς καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτὸν εἰσδεχόμενος παρεκάλει παύσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πράττειν μετ' εἰρήνης ὅ τι βούλεται. συγγνοὺς δὲ ὁ Πομπήιος αὐτῷ δεομένῳ πέμπει Γαβίνιον καὶ στρατιώτας ἐπί τε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὴν πόλιν." "14.56. οὐ μὴν ἐπράχθη τι τούτων, ἀλλ' ἐπανῆλθεν ὁ Γαβίνιος τῆς τε πόλεως ἀποκλεισθεὶς καὶ τὰ χρήματα μὴ λαβών, τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ἐπιτρεψάντων τὰ συγκείμενα γενέσθαι." "14.57. ὀργὴ δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις Πομπήιον λαμβάνει, καὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἐν φυλακῇ καταστήσας αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔρχεται τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα οὖσαν ὀχυράν, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ βορείῳ μέρει φαύλως ἔχουσαν: περιέρχεται γὰρ αὐτὴν φάραγξ εὐρεῖά τε καὶ βαθεῖα ἐντὸς ἀπολαμβάνουσα τὸ ἱερὸν λιθίνῳ περιβόλῳ καρτερῶς πάνυ τετειχισμένον." "14.58. ̓͂Ην δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔνδον στάσις οὐχ ὁμονοούντων περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει παραδιδόναι Πομπηίῳ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ τὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου φρονοῦντες ἀποκλείειν τε καὶ πολεμεῖν παρῄνουν τῷ κἀκεῖνον ἔχεσθαι δεδεμένον. φθάσαντες δὲ οὗτοι τὸ ἱερὸν καταλαμβάνουσι καὶ τὴν τείνουσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ γέφυραν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰς πολιορκίαν εὐτρεπιζόμενοι." '14.59. οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι δεξάμενοι τὴν στρατιὰν ἐνεχείρισαν Πομπηίῳ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ βασίλεια. Πομπήιος δὲ Πείσωνα τὸν ὑποστράτηγον πέμψας σὺν στρατιᾷ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἐφρούρει καὶ τὰς οἰκίας τὰς πρὸς τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἔξω περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ὠχύρου.' "14.61. ἀνεστήκεσαν δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα μεγάλοι πύργοι καὶ τάφρος τε ὀρώρυκτο καὶ βαθείᾳ περιείχετο φάραγγι: ἀπερρώγει γὰρ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τῆς γεφύρας ἀνατετραμμένης ἐφ' οὗ δὴ Πομπήιος καὶ τὸ χῶμα ὁσημέραι ταλαιπωρούμενος ἐγήγερτο τεμνόντων τὴν πέριξ ὕλην ̔Ρωμαίων." "14.62. καὶ ἐπειδὴ τοῦτ' εἶχεν ἱκανῶς μόλις πλησθείσης τῆς τάφρου διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον προσβαλὼν μηχανὰς καὶ ὄργανα ἐκ Τύρου κομισθέντα ἐπιστήσας κατήρασσε τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς πετροβόλοις." '14.63. εἰ δὲ μὴ πάτριον ἦν ἡμῖν ἀργεῖν τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἂν ἠνύσθη τὸ χῶμα κωλυόντων ἐκείνων: ἄρχοντας μὲν γὰρ μάχης καὶ τύπτοντας ἀμύνασθαι δίδωσιν ὁ νόμος, ἄλλο δέ τι δρῶντας τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἐᾷ.' "14.64. ̔̀Ο δὴ καὶ ̔Ρωμαῖοι συνιδόντες κατ' ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας, ἃ δὴ σάββατα καλοῦμεν, οὔτ' ἔβαλλον τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους οὔτε εἰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ὑπήντων, χοῦν δὲ καὶ πύργους ἀνίστασαν καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα προσῆγον, ὥστ' αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐνεργὰ ταῦτ' εἶναι." "14.65. μάθοι δ' ἄν τις ἐντεῦθεν τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἧς ἔχομεν περὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν νόμων, μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας διὰ φόβον ἐμποδιζομένων πρὸς τὰς ἱερουργίας, ἀλλὰ δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας πρωί̈ τε καὶ περὶ ἐνάτην ὥραν ἱερουργούντων ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ, καὶ μηδὲ εἴ τι περὶ τὰς προσβολὰς δύσκολον εἴη τὰς θυσίας παυόντων." '14.66. καὶ γὰρ ἁλούσης τῆς πόλεως περὶ τρίτον μῆνα τῇ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρᾳ κατὰ ἐνάτην καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὴν καὶ ἑκατοστὴν ὀλυμπιάδα ὑπατευόντων Γαί̈ου ̓Αντωνίου καὶ Μάρκου Τυλλίου Κικέρωνος οἱ πολέμιοι μὲν εἰσπεσόντες ἔσφαττον τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ,' "14.67. οἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θυσίαις οὐδὲν ἧττον ἱερουργοῦντες διετέλουν, οὔτε ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου τοῦ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς οὔθ' ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἤδη φονευομένων ἀναγκασθέντες ἀποδρᾶναι πᾶν θ' ὅ τι δέοι παθεῖν τοῦτο παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπομεῖναι τοῖς βωμοῖς κρεῖττον εἶναι νομίζοντες ἢ παρελθεῖν τι τῶν νομίμων." "14.68. ὅτι δὲ οὐ λόγος ταῦτα μόνον ἐστὶν ἐγκώμιον ψευδοῦς εὐσεβείας ἐμφανίζων, ἀλλ' ἀλήθεια, μαρτυροῦσι πάντες οἱ τὰς κατὰ Πομπήιον πράξεις ἀναγράψαντες, ἐν οἷς καὶ Στράβων καὶ Νικόλαος καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῖς Τίτος Λίβιος ὁ τῆς ̔Ρωμαϊκῆς ἱστορίας συγγραφεύς." '14.69. ̓Επεὶ δὲ τοῦ μηχανήματος προσαχθέντος σεισθεὶς ὁ μέγιστος τῶν πύργων κατηνέχθη καὶ παρέρρηξέν τι χωρίον, εἰσεχέοντο μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι, πρῶτος δὲ αὐτῶν Κορνήλιος Φαῦστος Σύλλα παῖς σὺν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις ἐπέβη τοῦ τείχους, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Φούριος ἑκατοντάρχης ἅμα τοῖς ἑπομένοις κατὰ θάτερον μέρος, διὰ μέσων δὲ Φάβιος καὶ αὐτὸς ἑκατοντάρχης σὺν στίφει καρτερῷ.
14.71. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους, ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ πάνυ ὀλίγοι. ἐλήφθη δὲ αἰχμάλωτος καὶ ̓Αψάλωμος, θεῖος ἅμα καὶ πενθερὸς ̓Αριστοβούλου. παρηνομήθη δὲ οὐ σμικρὰ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἄβατόν τε ὄντα ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ καὶ ἀόρατον:' "14.72. παρῆλθεν γὰρ εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ εἶδον ὅσα μὴ θεμιτὸν ἦν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν. ὄντων δὲ τραπέζης τε χρυσῆς καὶ λυχνίας ἱερᾶς καὶ σπονδείων καὶ πλήθους ἀρωμάτων, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς δύο χιλιάδας ταλάντων, οὐδενὸς ἥψατο δι' εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τούτῳ ἀξίως ἔπραξεν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς." '14.73. τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ καθαίρειν παραγγείλας τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς ναοπόλοις καὶ τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιφέρειν τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπέδωκεν ̔Υρκανῷ διά τε τἆλλα ὅσα χρήσιμος ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν χώραν ̓Ιουδαίους ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ἐκώλυσεν, καὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου τῷ πελέκει διεχρήσατο. τὸν δὲ Φαῦστον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὅσοι τῷ τείχει προθύμως ἐπέβησαν τῶν πρεπόντων ἀριστείων ἠξίωσεν. 14.74. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. 14.75. καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Γαδαρεῖ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ ̓́Αζωτον καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν. 14.76. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐν τῇ μεσογείῳ χωρὶς τῶν κατεσκαμμένων, Γάζαν δὲ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ Δῶρα καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον, ἣ κτίσαντος αὐτὴν ̔Ηρώδου μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ λιμέσιν τε καὶ ναοῖς κοσμήσαντος, Καισάρεια μετωνομάσθη, πάσας ὁ Πομπήιος ἀφῆκεν ἐλευθέρας καὶ προσένειμεν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ. 14.77. Τούτου τοῦ πάθους τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αἴτιοι κατέστησαν ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος πρὸς ἀλλήλους στασιάσαντες: τήν τε γὰρ ἐλευθερίαν ἀπεβάλομεν καὶ ὑπήκοοι ̔Ρωμαίοις κατέστημεν καὶ τὴν χώραν, ἣν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκτησάμεθα τοὺς Σύρους ἀφελόμενοι, ταύτην ἠναγκάσθημεν ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς Σύροις,' "14.78. καὶ προσέτι πλείω ἢ μύρια τάλαντα ̔Ρωμαῖοι ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παρ' ἡμῶν εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ ἡ βασιλεία πρότερον τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἀρχιερεῦσιν διδομένη, τιμὴ δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγένετο. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν." '14.79. Πομπήιος δὲ τήν τε κοίλην ἄλλην Συρίαν ἕως Εὐφράτου ποταμοῦ καὶ Αἰγύπτου Σκαύρῳ παραδοὺς καὶ δύο τάγματα ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπὶ Κιλικίας ᾤχετο ἐπειγόμενος εἰς ̔Ρώμην. ἐπήγετο δὲ μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον δεδεμένον: δύο γὰρ ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ τοσοῦτοι υἱεῖς, ὧν ̓Αλέξανδρος μὲν ἀπέδρα, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος ̓Αντίγονος συναπεκομίζετο εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἅμα ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς.' "
14.91. πέντε δὲ συνέδρια καταστήσας εἰς ἴσας μοίρας διένειμε τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ ἐπολιτεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις οἱ δὲ ἐν Γαδάροις οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Αμαθοῦντι, τέταρτοι δ' ἦσαν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι, καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἐν Σαπφώροις τῆς Γαλιλαίας. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένοι δυναστείας ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ διῆγον." "
14.105. Κράσσος δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους μέλλων στρατεύειν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρήματα, ἃ Πομπήιος καταλελοίπει, δισχίλια δ' ἦν τάλαντα, βαστάσας οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα, τάλαντα δ' οὗτος ἦν ὀκτακισχίλια, περιδύειν τοῦ ναοῦ." "14.106. λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δοκὸν ὁλοσφύρητον χρυσῆν ἐκ μνῶν τριακοσίων πεποιημένην: ἡ δὲ μνᾶ παρ' ἡμῖν ἰσχύει λίτρας δύο ἥμισυ. παρέδωκε δ' αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν δοκὸν ὁ τῶν χρημάτων φύλαξ ἱερεὺς ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα, οὐ διὰ πονηρίαν," '14.107. ἀγαθὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δίκαιος, ἀλλὰ πεπιστευμένος τὴν τῶν καταπετασμάτων τοῦ ναοῦ φυλακὴν ὄντων θαυμασίων τὸ κάλλος καὶ πολυτελῶν τὴν κατασκευὴν ἐκ δὲ τῆς δοκοῦ ταύτης κρεμαμένων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἑώρα περὶ τὴν τοῦ χρυσίου γινόμενον συλλογήν, δείσας περὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν δοκὸν αὐτῷ τὴν χρυσῆν λύτρον ἀντὶ πάντων ἔδωκεν,' "14.108. ὅρκους παρ' αὐτοῦ λαβὼν μηδὲν ἄλλο κινήσειν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ, μόνῳ δὲ ἀρκεσθήσεσθαι τῷ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ δοθησομένῳ πολλῶν ὄντι μυριάδων ἀξίῳ. ἡ δὲ δοκὸς αὕτη ἦν ἐν ξυλίνῃ δοκῷ κενῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανεν ἅπαντας, ὁ δὲ ̓Ελεάζαρος μόνος ἠπίστατο." '14.109. ὁ μέντοι Κράσσος καὶ ταύτην ὡς οὐδενὸς ἁψόμενος ἄλλου τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ λαμβάνει, καὶ παραβὰς τοὺς ὅρκους ἅπαντα τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ χρυσὸν ἐξεφόρησεν.' "14.111. οὐκ ἔστι δὲ ἀμάρτυρον τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προειρημένων χρημάτων, οὐδ' ὑπὸ ἀλαζονείας ἡμετέρας καὶ περιττολογίας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξαίρεται πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ πολλοί τε ἄλλοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἡμῖν μαρτυροῦσιν καὶ Στράβων ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων οὕτως:" '14.112. “πέμψας δὲ Μιθριδάτης εἰς Κῶ ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα, ἃ παρέθετο ἐκεῖ Κλεοπάτρα βασίλισσα,' "14.113. καὶ τὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα.” ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διὰ τὸν Μιθριδάτου φόβον: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναὸν πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους πιθανὸν τοῦτ' ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι μηδὲν Μιθριδάτην δεδιότας." "
14.121. ᾧ πολύ τε καὶ παρ' αὐτῷ συνέβαινε δύνασθαι καὶ πλείστου τότε ἄξιος ἦν καὶ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίων οἷς παρὼν ἄγεται γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐξ ̓Αραβίας Κύπρον ὄνομα, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ τέσσαρες ἐγένοντο παῖδες, Φασάηλος καὶ ̔Ηρώδης, ὃς ὕστερον βασιλεὺς γίνεται, ̓Ιώσηπός τε καὶ Φερώρας, θυγάτηρ τε Σαλώμη." "
14.127. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128. Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129. καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131. καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133. ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134. συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135. αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136. Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137. Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.' "
14.168. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα πείθεται: προσεξῆψαν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ αἱ μητέρες τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου πεφονευμένων: αὗται γὰρ καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ παρακαλοῦσαι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ἵνα δίκην ̔Ηρώδης ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχῃ, διετέλουν." "14.169. κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἐκάλει δικασόμενον ὑπὲρ ὧν διεβάλλετο. ὁ δὲ ἧκεν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παραινέσαντος μὴ ὡς ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ δ' ἀσφαλείας εἰσελθεῖν καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα, τά τε κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὡς ἐνόμισεν αὐτῷ συμφέρειν ἀσφαλίσασθαι. τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἁρμοσάμενος καὶ μετὰ στίφους ἀποχρῶντος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ὁδόν, ὡς μήτε ἐπίφοβος ̔Υρκανῷ δόξειε μετὰ μείζονος παραγενόμενος τάγματος μήτε γυμνὸς καὶ ἀφύλακτος, ᾔει πρὸς τὴν δίκην." "14.171. καταστὰς δὲ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ μετὰ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ τάγματος ̔Ηρώδης κατέπληξεν ἅπαντας καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐθάρρει τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι διαβαλλόντων, ἀλλ' ἦν ἡσυχία καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ἀπορία." "14.172. διακειμένων δ' οὕτως εἷς τις Σαμαίας ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ δεδιέναι κρείττων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν: “ἄνδρες σύνεδροι καὶ βασιλεῦ, εἰς δίκην μὲν οὔτ' αὐτὸς οἶδά τινα τῶν πώποτε εἰς ὑμᾶς κεκλημένων οὕτω παραστάντα οὔτε ὑμᾶς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω, ἀλλὰ πᾶς ὁστισδηποτοῦν ἀφῖκται εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τοῦτο κριθησόμενος ταπεινὸς παρίσταται καὶ σχήματι δεδοικότος καὶ ἔλεον θηρωμένου παρ' ὑμῶν, κόμην τ' ἐπιθρέψας καὶ ἐσθῆτα μέλαιναν ἐνδεδυμένος." "14.173. ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος ̔Ηρώδης φόνου δίκην φεύγων καὶ ἐπ' αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτῃ κεκλημένος ἕστηκε τὴν πορφύραν περικείμενος καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν κεκοσμημένος τῇ συνθέσει τῆς κόμης καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἔχων ὁπλίτας, ἵνα ἂν κατακρίνωμεν αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, κτείνῃ μὲν ἡμᾶς, αὐτὸν δὲ σώσῃ βιασάμενος τὸ δίκαιον." "14.174. ἀλλ' ̔Ηρώδην μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἂν μεμψαίμην, εἰ τὸ αὐτοῦ συμφέρον ποιεῖται περὶ πλείονος ἢ τὸ νόμιμον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τοσαύτην ἄδειαν αὐτῷ παρασχόντας. ἴστε μέντοι τὸν θεὸν μέγαν, καὶ οὗτος, ὃν νῦν δι' ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι βούλεσθε, κολάσει ὑμᾶς τε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα.”" "14.175. διήμαρτεν δ' οὐδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων. ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν αὐτὸν χωρὶς τοῦ Σαμαίου:" '14.176. σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἐτίμησεν καὶ ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μετὰ ταῦτα πολιορκουμένης ὑπό τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ Σοσσίου παρῄνεσεν τῷ δήμῳ δέξασθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰπὼν διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν αὐτόν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. 14.177. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ὁρῶν ὡρμημένους πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὴν δίκην εἰς ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἀνεβάλετο, καὶ πέμψας κρύφα πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως: οὕτω γὰρ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφεύξεσθαι.' "
14.185. Καῖσαρ δ' ἐλθὼν εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἕτοιμος ἦν πλεῖν ἐπ' ̓Αφρικῆς πολεμήσων Σκιπίωνι καὶ Κάτωνι, πέμψας δ' ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλει βεβαιώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν." "14.191. τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." '14.192. ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο: ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ̓Ιουδαῖος καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,' "14.193. καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχος καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν," "14.194. διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195. ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196. Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.197. πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς.
14.199. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον. 14.201. ὅπως τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς μισθώσεως ἔτει τῆς προσόδου κόρον ὑπεξέλωνται καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὐτοὺς τελῶσιν.' "14.202. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησεν κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ̓Ιόππης ὑπεξαιρουμένης χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν μήτε σπείρουσιν." '1
4.203. καὶ ἵνα ἐν Σιδῶνι τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων, πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι καὶ ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν.' "14.204. καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρχων μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνιστὰς συμμαχίαν καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξῇ τούτῳ χρήματα εἰσπράττεσθαι ἢ εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ' εἶναι πανταχόθεν ἀνεπηρεάστους." "14.205. ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ̓Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει," "14.206. φόρους τε ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν Σιδῶνι μοδίους δισμυρίους χοε ὑπεξαιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν καλοῦσιν, καθ' ὃν οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν." '14.207. τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι πρότερον αὐτοῦ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ ταῦτα ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.' "14.208. μένειν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς δίκαια, ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ ἱερεῦσιν ἦν τά τε φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τε τοῦ δήμου ψηφισαμένου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἐπὶ τούτοις τε τοῖς δικαίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ἐν Λύδδοις." '14.209. τούς τε τόπους καὶ χώραν καὶ ἐποίκια, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης συμμάχοις οὖσι ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει ἡ σύγκλητος ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν.
14.211. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ τὸ τέταρτον ὕπατός τε τὸ πέμπτον δικτάτωρ ἀποδεδειγμένος διὰ βίου λόγους ἐποιήσατο περὶ τῶν δικαίων τῶν ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου τοιούτους:' "
14.214. ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ' ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ κεκωλυμένων." "
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4.217. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Γαί̈ου θάνατον Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος καὶ Πόπλιος Δολαβέλλας ὕπατοι ὄντες τήν τε σύγκλητον συνήγαγον καὶ τοὺς παρ' ̔Υρκανοῦ πρέσβεις παραγαγόντες διελέχθησαν περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποίησαν, καὶ πάντα συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐψηφίσατο ὅσων τυγχάνειν ἐβούλοντο." '14.218. παρατέθειμαι δὲ καὶ τὸ δόγμα, ὅπως τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐγγύθεν ἔχωσιν οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὴν πραγματείαν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον: 14.219. Δόγμα συγκλήτου ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ἀντιγεγραμμένον ἐκ τῶν δέλτων τῶν δημοσίων τῶν ταμιευτικῶν Κοί̈ντω ̔Ρουτιλίω Κοί̈ντω Κορνηλίω ταμίαις κατὰ πόλιν, δέλτῳ δευτέρᾳ καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρώτων πρώτῃ. πρὸ τριῶν εἰδῶν ̓Απριλλίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. γραφομένῳ παρῆσαν Λούκιος Καλπούρνιος Μενηνία Πείσων, 14.221. Πούπλιος Σέρριος * Πόπλιος Δολοβέλλας Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ὕπατοι λόγους ἐποιήσαντο περὶ ὧν δόγματι συγκλήτου Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔκρινεν καὶ εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀνενεχθῆναι, περὶ τούτων ἀρέσκει ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, ὡς καὶ Ποπλίῳ Δολαβέλλᾳ καὶ Μάρκῳ ̓Αντωνίῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔδοξεν, ἀνενεγκεῖν τε ταῦτα εἰς δέλτους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν ταμίας, ὅπως φροντίσωσιν καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰς δέλτους ἀναθεῖναι διπτύχους. 14.222. ἐγένετο πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν Φεβρουαρίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἦσαν οὗτοι: Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου Πάτροκλος Χαιρέου ̓Ιωάννης ̓Ονείου. 1
4.223. ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.224. οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο: λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολοβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ ̓Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ̓Ασίας περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον: 14.225. ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.226. ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227. ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. 14.228. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Δολαβέλλας ̔Υρκανοῦ πρεσβευσαμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχαρίσατο τοῖς ἡμετέροις. Λεύκιος δὲ Λέντλος ὕπατος εἶπεν: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ̓Οκτωβρίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις.' "
14.355. ̓Αλλ' ̔Ηρώδης ἐπάνω τῆς ἐκ τοῦ δεινοῦ πληγῆς τὸ φρόνημα ποιησάμενος αὐτός τε ἦν πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν εὔψυχος καὶ παριὼν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν θαρρεῖν ἕκαστον παρεκελεύετο καὶ μὴ παρέχειν αὑτὸν ἔκδοτον τῇ λύπῃ: τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοὺς βλάπτειν πρὸς τὴν φυγήν, ἐν ᾗ τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς μόνῃ κεῖσθαι συμβέβηκεν." '
14.385. τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις παρωξυμμένης παρελθὼν ̓Αντώνιος ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Πάρθων πόλεμον ̔Ηρώδην βασιλεύειν συμφέρει. καὶ δόξαν τοῦτο πᾶσι ψηφίζονται.' "
14.417. ἐνέκειτο δὲ διώκων τοὺς πολεμίους ἄχρι ̓Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ φεύγοντας κατ' ἄλλας ὁδούς, καὶ προσάγεται μὲν πᾶσαν τὴν Γαλιλαίαν πλὴν τῶν ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις κατοικούντων, διανέμει δὲ καὶ ἀργύριον κατ' ἄνδρα δοὺς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα δραχμάς, τοῖς δὲ ἡγεμόσιν πολὺ πλέον, εἰς τὰ χειμάδια διέπεμψεν." "14.491. ἀλλ' οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσιν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπέβαλον, μετέβη δ' εἰς ̔Ηρώδην τὸν ̓Αντιπάτρου οἰκίας ὄντα δημοτικῆς καὶ γένους ἰδιωτικοῦ καὶ ὑπακούοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος τῆς ̓Ασσαμωναίων γενεᾶς παρειλήφαμεν." "
15.3. ἀντέγραψεν οὖν ὡς, εἰ μόνον ἐξέλθοι τῆς χώρας τὸ μειράκιον, ἅπαντα πολέμου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπλησθήσεται ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλπισάντων μεταβολὴν καὶ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπ' ἄλλῳ βασιλεῖ." "
15.3. ἐτιμῶντο δὲ μάλιστα παρ' αὐτῷ Πολλίων ὁ Φαρισαῖος καὶ Σαμαίας ὁ τούτου μαθητής: πολιορκουμένων γὰρ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων οὗτοι συνεβούλευον τοῖς πολίταις δέξασθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, ἀνθ' ὧν καὶ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπελάμβανον." "
15.3. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐχμοὶ διηνεκεῖς ἐγένοντο, καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄκαρπος ἡ γῆ μηδ' ὅσα κατ' αὐτὴν ἀναβλαστάνειν, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς διαίτης κατὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν τῶν σιτίων ἐξαλλαττομένης νόσοι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πάθος ἤδη λοιμικὸν ἐκράτει, διηνεκῶς ἀντεφοδιαζομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν." '
15.39. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ανάνηλον ὄντα μέν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, οὐκ ἐπιχώριον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἀπῳκισμένων ̓Ιουδαίων: οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἀπῳκίσθησαν.
15.39. χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας, αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους, ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους, ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας, ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων.
15.53. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅπασιν ̔Ηρώδης ἔγνω τὴν προαίρεσιν, ἣν εἶχεν εἰς τὸ μειράκιον, ἐξεργάσασθαι. καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἱστιᾶτο μὲν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι δεχομένης αὐτοὺς τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας, φιλοφρονούμενος δὲ τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προέλκων εἰς ἀδεῆ πότον ἕτοιμος ἦν συμπαίζειν καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ. 15.54. τοῦ δὲ περὶ τὸν τόπον ἰδιώματος θερινωτέρου τυγχάνοντος συνειλεγμένοι τάχιον ἐξῆλθον ἀλύοντες, καὶ ταῖς κολυμβήθραις ἐπιστάντες, αἳ μεγάλαι περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ἐτύγχανον, ἀνέψυχον τὸ θερμότατον τῆς μεσημβρίας. 15.55. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἑώρων τοὺς νέοντας τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ φίλων, ἔπειτα προαχθέντος καὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ καὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην παροξῦναι, τῶν φίλων οἷς ταῦτα ἐπιτέτακτο σκότους ἐπέχοντος βαροῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ βαπτίζοντες ὡς ἐν παιδιᾷ νηχόμενον οὐκ ἀνῆκαν, ἕως καὶ παντάπασιν ἀποπνῖξαι.' "15.56. καὶ διεφθάρη μὲν οὕτως ̓Αριστόβουλος, ὀκτωκαίδεκα μὲν οὐ πάντα βιοὺς ἔτη, τὴν δ' ἱερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐνιαυτόν, ἣν ̓Ανάνηλος ἐκομίσατο πάλιν." '
15.95. δίδωσιν δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς ̓Ελευθέρου ποταμοῦ πόλεις ἄχρις Αἰγύπτου χωρὶς Τύρου καὶ Σιδῶνος, ἐκ προγόνων εἰδὼς ἐλευθέρας, πολλὰ λιπαρούσης αὐτῆς αὐτῇ δοθῆναι.' "15.96. Τούτων ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις Εὐφράτου τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἐπ' ̓Αρμενίαν στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν ̓Απαμείᾳ καὶ Δαμασκῷ, παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ̔Ηρώδου συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε ̓Αραβίας τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα προσόδους ̔Ηρώδου μισθωσαμένου: φέρει δ' ἡ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον, ὃ τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται, τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν." "
15.189. ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα, στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ̓Αράβων, πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ." "
15.194. Τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παράπαν ἐμφαίνων τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐλευθέριον οὐ μετρίως ἐπεσπᾶτο τὸν Καίσαρα φιλότιμον ὄντα καὶ λαμπρόν, ὥστ' αὐτῷ τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας σύστασιν ἤδη τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας πραγματεύεσθαι." '15.195. καὶ τό τε διάδημα πάλιν ἀποκαθίστησιν αὐτῷ καὶ προτρεψάμενος μηδὲν ἐλάττω περὶ αὐτὸν ἢ πρότερον ἦν περὶ τὸν ̓Αντώνιον φαίνεσθαι, διὰ πάσης ἦγε τιμῆς, προσθεὶς ὅτι καιταιδιος γράψειεν, ἁπάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ συλλαβέσθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην.' "15.196. τοσαύτης ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιωμένος καὶ παρ' ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν αὐτῷ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς βεβαιοτέραν τὴν βασιλείαν δόσει Καίσαρος καὶ δόγματι ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπερ ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ βέβαιον ἐπραγματεύσατο, παρέπεμψεν ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου Καίσαρα, δωρησάμενος ὑπὲρ δύναμιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ πᾶσαν ἐμφαίνων μεγαλοψυχίαν." '15.197. ᾐτεῖτο δὲ καὶ τῶν ̓Αντωνίῳ συνήθων ̓Αλέξανδρον ὡς μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν ὅρκῳ προκατειλημμένου Καίσαρος:' "15.198. ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ' εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος. εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν ὑποδοχὴν ἐγεγόνει Καίσαρος ἀπὸ Συρίας εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος." '15.199. κἀπειδὴ παρῆν, δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι πάσῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ, παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονίαν. κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις.' "15.201. τοῦτ' αὐτὸν καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς πίστιν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας ἐπισυνίστη καὶ πλεῖστον ἠνέγκατο τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ καιροῦ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἁρμόσας. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάλιν ἐπανιόντων ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου τῶν πρώτων οὐδενὸς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας ἥττων ἐφάνη." "
15.217. κἀκεῖνος μὲν τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ γενόμενος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Καίσαρί τε μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν ὡς ἤδη φίλος καὶ μεγίστων ἠξιώθη: τῶν τε γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν δορυφορούντων Γαλατῶν τετρακοσίοις αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ πάλιν, ἣν δι' ἐκείνης ἀφῃρέθη. προσέθηκεν δὲ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι δὲ τῆς παραλίου Γάζαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα καὶ ̓Ιόπην καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον." '
15.254. ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ̔Ηρώδης παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας καὶ Γάζης ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν Κοστόβαρον καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Σαλώμην ̓Ιώσηπον ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν.' "
15.268. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο Καίσαρι καὶ θέατρον ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ᾠκοδόμησεν, αὖθίς τ' ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον, περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἔθους ἀλλότρια: χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται." "
15.274. τούτων αὐτῶν τε πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μάχαι πρὸς αὐτὰ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων ἐπετηδεύοντο, τοῖς μὲν ξένοις ἔκπληξις ὁμοῦ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ψυχαγωγία τῶν περὶ τὴν θέαν κινδύνων, τοῖς δ' ἐπιχωρίοις φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν:" '15.275. ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας, ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς. 15.276. πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλύπει τὰ τρόπαια: δοκοῦντες γὰρ εἰκόνας εἶναι τὰς τοῖς ὅπλοις περιειλημμένας, ὅτι μὴ πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα σέβειν, οὐ μετρίως ἐδυσχέραινον.' "
15.293. οἰόμενος δὲ κατὰ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἰσχυροποιεῖν τὸν τόπον, ἀπέχοντα μὲν ̔Ιεροσολύμων μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας, εὔχρηστον δ' ὄντα καὶ κοινὸν ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ γενησόμενον. τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν καλούμενον Στράτωνος πύργον, Καισάρειαν δ' ὑπ' αὐτοῦ προσαγορευθέν." '15.294. ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Γάβα καλούμενον καὶ τῇ Περαίᾳ τὴν ̓Εσεβωνῖτιν.' "15.295. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος αἰεί τι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐπεξευρίσκων καὶ διαλαμβάνων φυλακαῖς τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος, ὡς ἥκιστα μὲν ἀπ' ἐξουσίας εἰς ταραχὰς προπίπτειν, αἷς καὶ μικροῦ κινήματος ἐγγενομένου συνεχὲς ἐχρῶντο, λανθάνειν δὲ μηδ' εἰ παρακινοῖεν ἐφεστηκότων αἰεί τινων πλησίον, οἳ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐδύναντο." "
15.302. φθαρέντων γε μὴν τῶν ἐπ' ἔτος καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ὅσοι πρότερον ἀπέκειντο δεδαπανημένων, οὐδὲν εἰς ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν ὑπελείπετο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἐπιτείνοντος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον, ὥστ' αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὲν οὐδὲν ὑπόλοιπον, ἀπολωλέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν περιόντων τὰ σπέρματα μηδὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀνείσης τῆς γῆς." '
15.303. ἥ τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει. καὶ τὰς ἀπορίας οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ, τῶν τε φόρων, οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν.
15.304. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ βοηθείας ἄξιον ἐδόκει προκατειληφότος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχομένων: τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων.' "
15.305. ̓Εν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ: χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον ἐχόντων ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ' αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι, χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων, εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι." "
15.306. καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν βοήθειαν μὴ ἀμελεῖν, τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ, μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ' εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος." "
15.307. ἔπεμπε δ' ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου τὰ χρήματα Πετρωνίου τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀπὸ Καίσαρος εἰληφότος. οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταπεφευγότων διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς χρείας, ἰδίᾳ τε φίλος ὢν ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ διασώσασθαι θέλων τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῷ, πρώτοις μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐξάγειν τὸν σῖτον, εἰς ἅπαντα δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὠνὴν καὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν συνήργησεν, ὡς μέγα μέρος ἢ τὸ πᾶν γενέσθαι ταύτης τῆς βοηθείας." '
15.308. ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης, τούτων ἀφικομένων ἐν ἀφορμῇ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τὴν αὐτοῦ προστιθεὶς οὐ μόνον ἀντιμετέστησεν τὰς γνώμας τῶν πρότερον χαλεπῶς ἐχόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπίδειξιν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς προστασίας.' "
15.309. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὅσοις οἷόν τε δι' αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκπονεῖν ἔνειμε τοῦ σίτου τὴν ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην ποιούμενος, ἔπειτα πολλῶν ὄντων, οἳ κατὰ γῆρας ἤ τινα προσοῦσαν ἄλλην ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἱκανῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς παρασκευάζειν τὰ σιτία, προυνόει καταστήσας ἀρτοποιοὺς καὶ παρέχων ἑτοίμας τὰς τροφάς." "
15.311. ἐκπορισθέντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τούτων ταῖς πλησίον ἤδη πόλεσιν ἐπεβάλλετο τὰς ὠφελείας παρέχειν σπέρματα τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ διαδούς. καὶ τοῦτ' ὤνησεν οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸν εὐστοχηθείσης εἰς εὐφορίαν τῆς χάριτος, ὡς ἅπασιν ἱκανὰ τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς γενέσθαι." '
15.312. τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀμήτου περὶ τὴν γῆν ὑποφανέντος οὐκ ἔλαττον ἢ πέντε μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων, οὓς αὐτὸς ἔθρεψεν καὶ περιεποίησεν, εἰς τὴν χώραν διέπεμψεν, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κακωθεῖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπὸ πάσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς πέριξ ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κακοπαθείαις ὄντας ἐπεκούφισεν.' "
15.313. οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ' ὅστις ὑπὸ χρείας ἐντυχὼν ἀπελείφθη μὴ βοήθειαν εὕρασθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὅσοις ἀπορία διὰ τὸ πλειόνων προί̈στασθαι συνετύγχανεν, ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταφεύγοντες ἔσχον ὧν ἐδεήθησαν," "
15.314. ὥστε γενέσθαι λογιζομένων τοὺς μὲν ἔξω τῆς ἀρχῆς δοθέντας σίτου κόρους μυρίους, ὁ δὲ κόρος δύναται μεδίμνους ̓Αττικοὺς δέκα, τοὺς δ' εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν βασιλείαν περὶ ὀκτάκις μυρίους." "
15.315. ταύτην δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν τῆς χάριτος εὐκαιρίαν οὕτως ἐν αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἰσχῦσαι συνέβη καὶ διαβοηθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὥστε τὰ μὲν πάλαι μίση κινηθέντα διὰ τὸ παραχαράττειν ἔνια τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαιρεθῆναι καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους, ἀντικατάλλαγμα δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν δεινοτάτων φιλοτιμίαν." "
15.316. εὔκλεια δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦν, καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ δυσχερῆ συμβῆναι μὲν αὐτῷ μείζω λόγου, κακώσαντα δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχ ἥκιστα πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ὠφελῆσαι: τὸ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις μεγαλόψυχον παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀντιμετέστησε τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς δοκεῖν οὐχ οἷον ἡ πεῖρα τῶν πάλαι γεγενημένων, ἀλλ' οἷον ἡ μετὰ τῆς χρείας ἐπιμέλεια παρεστήσατο." '
15.328. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας, ἣν ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους, ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν, πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων, οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων,' "
15.329. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένων ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ελληνικὸν τρόπον, τὴν δ' ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ πέριξ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο," "
15.362. τοσαύτης δὲ ἐχόμενος παρρησίας τῷ μὲν ἀδελφῷ Φερώρᾳ παρὰ Καίσαρος ᾐτήσατο τετραρχίαν αὐτὸς ἀπονείμας ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας πρόσοδον ἑκατὸν ταλάντων, ὡς εἰ καί τι πάσχοι, τὰ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ μὴ τοὺς υἱεῖς αὐτῆς κρατεῖν." "
15.368. τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους, τὸ δ' ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἦ μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν." '
15.369. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο.' "
15.371. ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν ̓Εσσαῖοι καλούμενοι: γένος δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου καταδεδειγμένῃ." "
15.372. περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι. τοὺς δὲ ̓Εσσηνοὺς ἀφ' οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὴν φύσιν, εἰπεῖν ἄξιον: οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν." '
15.373. ̓͂Ην τις τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν Μανάημος ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων. οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ̓Ιουδαίων προσηγόρευσεν.' "
15.374. ὁ δ' ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν. Μανάημος δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν “ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις: ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ. καὶ μέμνησο τῶν Μαναήμου πληγῶν, ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν τύχην μεταπτώσεων." "
15.375. ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός, εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας: ἀλλ' οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος." "
15.376. εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου, λήθην δ' εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου. ταῦτα δ' οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ' αὐτῶν ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης.”" '
15.377. τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδης, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο.' "
15.378. Μανάημος δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν: ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ, μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκεν δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ' ἐκείνου τοὺς ̓Εσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει." '
15.381. οὐχ ἕτοιμον δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιστάμενος οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἠξίου λόγῳ προκαταστησάμενος ἐγχειρῆσαι τῷ παντί, καὶ συγκαλέσας αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τοιάδε:' "
15.382. “τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν πεπραγμένων, ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοι, περισσὸν ὑπολαμβάνω λέγειν. καίτοι τοῦτον ἐγένετο τὸν τρόπον, ὡς ἐλάττω μὲν ἐμοὶ τὸν ἀπ' αὐτῶν κόσμον, πλείω δὲ ὑμῖν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν φέρειν." '
15.383. οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς δυσχερεστάτοις ἀμελήσας τῶν εἰς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας διαφερόντων οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κατασκευάσμασιν ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐμαυτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν τὸ ἀνεπηρέαστον, οἶμαι σὺν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσει πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὅσον οὐ πρότερον ἀγηοχέναι τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος.' "
15.384. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσας ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν, περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν. τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, ᾗ νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἐπιβάλλομαι, παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ' ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ:" "
15.385. τὸν γὰρ ναὸν τοῦτον ᾠκοδόμησαν μὲν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ πατέρες ἡμέτεροι μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἐπάνοδον, ἐνδεῖ δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος εἰς ὕψος ἑξήκοντα πήχεις: τοσοῦτον γὰρ ὑπερεῖχεν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος, ὃν Σολομῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν." "
15.386. καὶ μηδεὶς ἀμέλειαν εὐσεβείας τῶν πατέρων καταγνώτω: γέγονεν γὰρ οὐ παρ' ἐκείνους ἐλάττων ὁ ναός, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα καὶ Κῦρος καὶ Δαρεῖος ὁ ̔Υστάσπου τὰ μέτρα τῆς δομήσεως ἔδοσαν, οἷς ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις δουλεύσαντες καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους Μακεδόσιν οὐκ ἔσχον εὐκαιρίαν τὸ πρῶτον τῆς εὐσεβείας ἀρχέτυπον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν μέγεθος." "
15.387. ἐπειδὴ δὲ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄρχω θεοῦ βουλήσει, περίεστιν δὲ καὶ μῆκος εἰρήνης καὶ κτῆσις χρημάτων καὶ μέγεθος προσόδων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον φίλοι καὶ δι' εὐνοίας οἱ πάντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν κρατοῦντες ̔Ρωμαῖοι, πειράσομαι τὸ παρημελημένον ἀνάγκῃ καὶ δουλείᾳ τοῦ πρότερον χρόνου διορθούμενος τελείαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀνθ' ὧν ἔτυχον τῆσδε τῆς βασιλείας εὐσέβειαν.”" "
15.388. ̔Ο μὲν ̔Ηρώδης ταῦτ' εἶπεν, ἐξέπληξε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ λόγος παρὰ δόξαν ἐμπεσών. καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἄπιστον οὐκ ἐπήγειρεν αὐτούς, ἠδημόνουν δέ, μὴ φθάσας καταλῦσαι τὸ πᾶν ἔργον οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει πρὸς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὴν προαίρεσιν: ὅ τε κίνδυνος αὐτοῖς μείζων ἐφαίνετο καὶ δυσεγχείρητον ἐδόκει τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς." "
15.389. οὕτως δ' αὐτῶν διακειμένων παρεθάρρυνεν ὁ βασιλεύς, οὐ πρότερον καθαιρήσειν φάμενος τὸν ναὸν μὴ πάντων αὐτῷ τῶν εἰς συντέλειαν παρεσκευασμένων. καὶ ταῦτα προειπὼν οὐκ ἐψεύσατο:" "
15.391. ̓Ανελὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀρχαίους θεμελίους καὶ καταβαλόμενος ἑτέρους ἐπ' αὐτῶν ναὸν ἤγειρεν μήκει μὲν ἑκατὸν ὄντα πηχῶν, τὸ δ' ὕψος εἴκοσι περιττοῖς, οὓς τῷ χρόνῳ συνιζησάντων τῶν θεμελίων ὑπέβη. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Νέρωνος καιροὺς ἐπεγείρειν ἐγνώκειμεν." "
15.395. καθύπερθε δ' αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τριχώμασιν ἄμπελος διετέτατο χρυσῆ τοὺς βότρυας ἀπαιωρουμένους ἔχουσα, θαῦμα καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς τέχνης τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν, οἷον ἐν πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης τὸ κατασκευασθὲν ἦν." '
15.403. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι. ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Ασαμωναίων γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν, ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν, ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται.
15.405. ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ Οὐιτέλλιος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν ἐπιδημήσας τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, δεξαμένου τοῦ πλήθους αὐτὸν λαμπρότατα πάνυ θέλων αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐποιίας ἀμείψασθαι, ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσαν τὴν ἱερὰν στολὴν ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν, ἔγραψεν περὶ τούτων Τιβερίῳ Καίσαρι κἀκεῖνος ἐπέτρεψεν, καὶ παρέμεινεν ἡ ἐξουσία τῆς στολῆς τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις μέχρις ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας.' "
15.409. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τῶν ἐπισυμβεβηκότων παρεδηλώθη. τότε δ' οὖν ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ταύτην τὴν βᾶριν ὀχυρωτέραν κατασκευάσας ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, χαριζόμενος ̓Αντωνίῳ φίλῳ μὲν αὐτοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ἄρχοντι προσηγόρευσεν ̓Αντωνίαν." '
15.421. Τοῦ δὲ ναοῦ διὰ τῶν ἱερέων οἰκοδομηθέντος ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ μησὶν πέντε ἅπας ὁ λαὸς ἐπληρώθη χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τάχους πρῶτον μὲν τῷ θεῷ τὰς εὐχαριστηρίους ἐποιοῦντο, μετὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς προθυμίας τοῦ βασιλέως ἑορτάζοντες καὶ κατευφημοῦντες τὴν ἀνάκτισιν.' "
16.38. ποῖ ποτε οἴχονταί σου καὶ πεπτώκασιν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς αἱ φρένες; ποῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ περιττὸς ἐκεῖνος νοῦς, ᾧ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα κατώρθους; τίς δὲ ἡ τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἐρημία;' "
16.38. τόδ' ἕτερον δ' ἤδη σκοπήσομεν: ἔστι τις δῆμος ἢ πόλις ἢ κοινὸν ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων, οἷς οὐ μέγιστον ἀγαθῶν πέφυκε προστασία τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ ̔Ρωμαϊκὸν κράτος; ἐθέλοι δ' ἄν τις ἀκύρους τὰς ἐντεῦθεν εἶναι χάριτας;" '
16.53. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν, ὅσην ἐκεῖνοι παρέσχον ῥοπὴν τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ πόσων καὶ τίνων δωρεῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἠξιώθησαν καθ' ἕνα, δέον ἀναμνῆσαι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ἃς ἔγραψεν τότε Καῖσαρ τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ ὡς δημοσίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ πολιτείαν ἔλαβεν ̓Αντίπατρος;" '
16.61. τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν διέλυε τὸν σύλλογον. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ προσεστὼς κατησπάζετο καὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν διαθέσεως ὡμολόγει χάριν. ὁ δὲ καὶ εἰς ταῦτα φιλοφρονούμενος ἴσον αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν ἀντεμπλεκόμενος καὶ κατασπαζόμενος.' "16.62. καὶ τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν: ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου πλεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπ' οἴκου διέγνω καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν παραιτησάμενος ἀνήχθη, κατάγεται δ' εἰς Καισάρειαν οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις πνευμάτων ἐπιτηδείων τυχών. κἀκεῖθεν ἐλθὼν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνήγαγεν ἐκκλησίαν πάνδημον: ἦν δὲ πολὺς κἀκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλος." "16.63. ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν ἀπολογισμόν τε τῆς ὅλης ἐκδημίας ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἦσαν, ὡς δι' αὐτὸν ἀνεπηρεάστως εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν διηγήσατο." '16.64. τό τε σύμπαν ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ τῇ διοικήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὡς οὐδενὸς παραλείποιτο τῶν ἐκείνοις συμφερόντων, ἀγαλλόμενος τὸ τέταρτον τῶν φόρων ἀφίησιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ παρεληλυθότος ἔτους. 16.65. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῇ χάριτι δεδημαγωγημένοι μετὰ πλείστης χαρᾶς ἀπῄεσαν πολλὰ ἀγαθὰ συνευχόμενοι τῷ βασιλεῖ.' "
16.137. ἦν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐν καθιερώσει μείζονες ἑορταὶ καὶ παρασκευαὶ πολυτελέσταται: κατηγγέλκει μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα μουσικῆς καὶ γυμνικῶν ἀθλημάτων, παρεσκευάκει δὲ πολὺ πλῆθος μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων ἵππων τε δρόμον καὶ τὰ πολυτελέστερα τῶν ἔν τε τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ καὶ παρ' ἄλλοις τισὶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων." "16.138. ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τοῦτον τὸν ἀγῶνα Καίσαρι κατὰ πενταετηρίδα παρεσκευασμένος ἄγειν αὐτόν: ὁ δ' αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα παρασκευὴν ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων διεπέμπετο τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐπικοσμῶν." '16.139. ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ Καίσαρος ̓Ιουλία πολλὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ πολυτελεστάτων ἀπέστειλεν, ὡς μηδὲν ὑστερεῖν τὰ πάντα συντιμώμενα ταλάντων πεντακοσίων.' "
16.145. ὁμώνυμον δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ πόλιν περὶ τὸν αὐλῶνα τῆς ̔Ιεριχοῦντος ἔκτισεν ἀπιόντων κατὰ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, δι' ἧς καὶ τὴν πέριξ χώραν ἔρημον οὖσαν ἐνεργοτέραν ἐποίησεν ταῖς ἐπιμελείαις τῶν οἰκητόρων. Φασαηλίδα καὶ ταύτην ἐκάλει." "16.146. Τὰς δὲ ἄλλας εὐεργεσίας ἄπορον εἰπεῖν ὅσας ἀπέδωκεν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἔν τε Συρίᾳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ελλάδα καὶ παρ' οἷς ποτ' ἂν ἀποδημήσας τύχοι: καὶ γὰρ πλείους λειτουργίας καὶ δημοσίων ἔργων κατασκευὰς καὶ χρήματα τοῖς δεομένοις ἔργοις εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν προτέρων ἔργων ἐκλελοιπότων ἄφθονα χαρίσασθαι δοκεῖ." "16.147. τὰ δὲ μέγιστα καὶ διασημότατα τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ ̔Ροδίοις μὲν τό τε Πύθιον ἀνέστησεν οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασιν καὶ παρέσχεν ἀργυρίου πολλὰ τάλαντα πρὸς ναυπηγίαν. Νικοπολίταις δὲ τοῖς ἐπ' ̓Ακτίῳ κτισθεῖσιν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν δημοσίων συγκατεσκεύασεν." "16.148. ̓Αντιοχεῦσι δὲ τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ μεγίστην πόλιν οἰκοῦσιν, ἣν κατὰ μῆκος τέμνει πλατεῖα, ταύτην αὐτὴν στοαῖς παρ' ἑκάτερα καὶ λίθῳ τὴν ὕπαιθρον ὁδὸν ξεστῷ καταστορέσας πλεῖστον εἰς κόσμον καὶ τὴν τῶν οἰκούντων εὐχρηστίαν ὠφέλησεν." "16.149. τόν γε μὴν ̓Ολυμπίασιν ἀγῶνα πολὺ τῆς προσηγορίας ἀδοξότερον ὑπ' ἀχρηματίας διατεθειμένον τιμιώτερον ἐποίει χρημάτων προσόδους καταστήσας καὶ πρὸς θυσίας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον ἐσεμνοποίησεν τὴν πανήγυριν. διὰ δὴ ταύτην τὴν φιλοτιμίαν διηνεκὴς ἀγωνοθέτης παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ηλείοις ἀνεγράφη." '16.151. ὅταν δὲ εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας καὶ ἀδικίας, ἃς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐπεδείξατο βλέψῃ καὶ καταμάθῃ τὸ σκληρὸν καὶ τὸ δυσπαράκλητον τοῦ τρόπου, νικηθήσεται θηριώδη δοκεῖν καὶ πάσης μετριότητος ἀλλότριον.' "16.152. ἔνθεν καὶ διάφορόν τινα καὶ μαχομένην ἐπ' αὐτῷ νομίζουσιν γενέσθαι τὴν προαίρεσιν. ἐγὼ δ' οὐχ οὕτως ἔχων μίαν αἰτίαν ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ὑπολαμβάνω:" '16.153. φιλότιμος γὰρ ὢν καὶ τούτου τοῦ πάθους ἡττημένος ἰσχυρῶς, προήγετο μὲν εἰς μεγαλοψυχίαν, εἴ που μνήμης εἰς αὖθις ἢ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐφημίας ἐλπὶς ἐμπέσοι. 16.154. ταῖς δὲ δαπάναις ὑπὲρ δύναμιν χρώμενος ἠναγκάζετο χαλεπὸς εἶναι τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις: τὰ γὰρ εἰς οὓς ἐδαπάνα πολλὰ γενόμενα κακῶν ποριστὴν ἐξ ὧν ἐλάμβανεν ἐποίει.' "16.155. καὶ συνειδὼς ἐφ' οἷς ἠδίκει τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους μισούμενον ἑαυτὸν τὸ μὲν ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐνόμιζεν: οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰς τὰς προσόδους λυσιτελὲς ἦν. ἀντεφιλονείκει δὲ τὴν δύσνοιαν αὐτὴν εὐπορίας ἀφορμὴν ποιούμενος." '
16.157. μαρτύριον δέ μοι τούτου τοῦ πάθους, ὅτι μέγιστον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, καὶ τὰ γινόμενα κατὰ τὰς Καίσαρος καὶ ̓Αγρίππα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων τιμάς: οἷς γὰρ ἐθεράπευεν τοὺς κρείττονας, τούτοις καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου θεραπεύεσθαι καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον ὧν ᾤετο παρέχων ἐν τῷ διδόναι τὴν τοῦ τυχεῖν τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιθυμίαν ἐδήλου. 16.158. τό γε μὴν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἠλλοτρίωται νόμῳ πρὸς πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ συνείθισται τὸ δίκαιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρὸς δόξαν ἠγαπηκέναι. διόπερ οὐκ ἦν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένον, ὅτι μὴ δυνατὸν εἰκόσιν ἢ ναοῖς ἢ τοιούτοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν κολακεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ φιλότιμον. 16.159. αἰτία μὲν αὕτη μοι δοκεῖ τῆς ̔Ηρώδου περὶ μὲν τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ συμβούλους ἁμαρτίας, περὶ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω καὶ μὴ προσήκοντας εὐεργεσίας.' "
16.161. πάσχοντες δὲ κακῶς καὶ πέρας οὐδὲν εὑρίσκοντες τῆς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀπανθρωπίας ἐπρεσβεύσαντο παρὰ Καίσαρα καὶ περὶ τούτων. ὁ δ' αὐτοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν ἰσοτέλειαν ἔδωκεν γράψας τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ὧν ὑπετάξαμεν τὰ ἀντίγραφα μαρτύρια τῆς διαθέσεως, ἣν ἔσχον ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἄνωθεν οἱ κρατοῦντες." '16.162. “Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ̔Υρκανός, 16.163. ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης.' "
16.166. “Καῖσαρ Νωρβανῷ Φλάκκῳ χαίρειν. ̓Ιουδαῖοι ὅσοι ποτ' οὖν εἰσίν, οἳ δι' ἀρχαίαν συνήθειαν εἰώθασιν χρήματά τε ἱερὰ φέροντες ἀναπέμπειν ἀκωλύτως τοῦτο ποιείτωσαν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα.” καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Καῖσαρ." '16.167. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον: “̓Αγρίππας ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀναφερομένων ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ φυλακὴν βούλομαι τοὺς ἐν ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. 16.168. τούς τε κλέπτοντας ἱερὰ γράμματα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καταφεύγοντάς τε εἰς τὰς ἀσυλίας βούλομαι ἀποσπᾶσθαι καὶ παραδίδοσθαι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, ᾧ δικαίῳ ἀποσπῶνται οἱ ἱερόσυλοι. ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἵνα σάββασιν μηδεὶς ἀναγκάζῃ ̓Ιουδαῖον ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν.” 16.169. “Μᾶρκος ̓Αγρίππας Κυρηναίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν Κυρήνῃ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδη ὁ Σεβαστὸς ἔπεμψεν πρὸς τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγὸν τόντε ὄντα Φλάβιον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐπιμελουμένους, ἵνα ἀνεπικωλύτως ἀναπέμπηται τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, ὡς ἔστιν αὐτοῖς πάτριον,' "16.171. “Γάιος Νωρβανὸς Φλάκκος ἀνθύπατος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. Καῖσάρ μοι ἔγραψεν κελεύων μὴ κωλύεσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ὅσα ἂν ὦσιν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναγαγόντες χρήματα ἀναπέμπειν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. ἔγραψα οὖν ὑμῖν, ἵν' εἰδῆτε, ὅτι Καῖσαρ κἀγὼ οὕτως θέλομεν γίνεσθαι.”" '16.172. Οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ ̓Ιούλιος ̓Αντώνιος ἀνθύπατος ἔγραψεν “̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰδοῖς Φεβρουαρίοις δικαιοδοτοῦντί μοι ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ὑπέδειξαν Καίσαρα τὸν Σεβαστὸν καὶ ̓Αγρίππαν συγκεχωρηκέναι αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν, ἀπαρχάς τε, ἃς ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον * ἀνακομιδῆς συμπορευομένους ποιεῖν ἀνεμποδίστως. 16.173. ᾔτουν τε, ὅπως κἀγὼ ὁμοίως τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα δοθεῖσιν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην βεβαιώσω. ὑμᾶς οὖν βούλομαι εἰδέναι ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα βουλήμασιν συνεπιτρέπειν αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι καὶ ποιεῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια χωρὶς ἐμποδισμοῦ.”' "
16.177. οὗ πλεῖστον οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν νόμοι λόγον ἔχοντες ἅπασιν ἡμᾶς, εἰ καθαρῶς ἐμμένοιμεν αὐτοῖς, εὔνους καὶ φίλους ἀπεργάζονται." '
16.285. τισάμενος δὲ τούτους τρισχιλίους ̓Ιδουμαίων ἐπὶ τῇ Τραχωνίτιδι κατοικίσας ἦγεν λῃστὰς τοὺς ἐκεῖ, καὶ περὶ τούτων τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἔπεμπεν περὶ Φοινίκην οὖσιν, ἀποδεικνὺς ὅτι μηδὲν πλέον ὧν ἀγνωμονοῦντας ἐπεξελθεῖν ἔδει τοὺς ̓́Αραβας αὐτῷ πέπρακται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνοι πολυπραγμονοῦντες εὕρισκον οὐ ψευδόμενον.
16.394. κἀκείνους μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἀεὶ τοῖς παρατυχοῦσιν βάλλοντες ἀπέκτειναν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀχθέντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἐπιτάξαντος τοῦ πατρὸς στραγγάλῃ κτείνονται. τὰ δὲ σώματα νύκτωρ εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἀπέθεντο τοῦ τε μητροπάτορος ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πλείστων αὐτοῖς προγόνων κειμένων.' "
16.401. τούτων γὰρ ἁπάντων μετεῖχον, ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ πρεσβύτερος: ἤρκει γάρ, εἰ καὶ κατέγνω, καὶ ζῶντας ὅμως ἐν δεσμοῖς ἢ ξενιτεύοντας ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχειν μεγάλην ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ περιβεβλημένῳ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων δύναμιν, δι' ἣν οὐδὲν οὐδ' ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ βίας παθεῖν ἐδύνατο." '
17.24. Καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος μὲν τοιάδε εἰπὼν καὶ μαρτύρων παραστάσεσιν τὰ εἰρημένα κρατυνάμενος πολλοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν παύεται τοῦ λέγειν. ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ ̓Αρχελάου καὶ ἔλεγεν τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γνώμῃ τῶν πεπονθότων ἀναθεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ ̓Αρχελάου: τοὺς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἄρχοντας οὐ μόνον τῷ καθ' αὑτοὺς ὑβρίζοντι εἶναι πονηρούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ἀναγκάζοντι εἰς τὴν ἄμυναν τῶν εὐγνωμονεῖν προαιρουμένων." "
17.24. καὶ ἐπιστάμενος ἄνδρα ̓Ιουδαῖον ἐκ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας σὺν πεντακοσίοις ἱπποτοξόταις πᾶσι καὶ συγγενῶν πλήθει εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν τὸν Εὐφράτην διαβεβηκότα κατὰ τύχας ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ Δάφνῃ τῆς Συρίας διαιτᾶσθαι Σατορνίνου τοῦ τότε στρατηγοῦντος εἰς ἐνοίκησιν αὐτῷ δεδωκότος χωρίον,' "
17.29. Τελευτᾷ δὲ Ζάμαρις ὁ Βαβυλώνιος, ὃς ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆσδε τῆς χώρας ̔Ηρώδῃ προσποιεῖται, ζήσας τε μετὰ ἀρετῆς καὶ παῖδας λειπόμενος ἀγαθούς, ̓Ιάκειμον μέν, ὃς ἀνδρείᾳ γενόμενος ἐπιφανὴς ἱππεύειν συνεκρότησε τὸ ὑφ' αὑτῷ Βαβυλώνιον, καὶ ἴλη τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐδορυφόρει τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέας." '
17.29. καὶ οἱ ̓́Αραβες μίσει τῷ ̔Ηρώδου ἐμπιπρᾶσιν αὐτὴν ἐχθρῶς καὶ πρὸς φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἔχοντες. κἀνθένδε προϊόντες Σαμφὼ κώμην ἑτέραν διήρπασάν τε οἱ ̓́Αραβες καὶ ἔκαυσαν πάνυ ἐρυμνὴν οὖσαν, καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐν τῇ προόδῳ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, 17.31. πολλῶν γοῦν ἀναστάσεων καὶ μεταστάσεων παραλαβουσῶν τὸ ἔθνος οὐδεμίαν ἱστορεῖσθαι πώποτε τοιάνδε δυστυχίαν ἐπελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ, παράδειγμά τε κακώσεως ἣν αὐτῷ ̔Ηρώδης ἐπετίθει τὸ ἔθνος:' "17.31. τε πιστὴ καὶ εὔνοια ἀσφαλὴς αὐτῷ πρὸς ̓Αγρίππαν γίνεται τὸν βασιλέα, στρατιάν τε ὁπόσην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔτρεφεν οὗτος ἀσκῶν διετέλει καὶ ὅπη ἐξοδεύειν δεήσειεν ἡγούμενος.
17.42. παντὸς γοῦν τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ βεβαιώσαντος δι' ὅρκων ἦ μὴν εὐνοήσειν Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν, οἵδε οἱ ἄνδρες οὐκ ὤμοσαν ὄντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχίλιοι, καὶ αὐτοὺς βασιλέως ζημιώσαντος χρήμασιν ἡ Φερώρου γυνὴ τὴν ζημίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν εἰσφέρει." "
17.151. ἦν γὰρ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ τινὰ πραγματευθέντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἃ δὴ ἐπεκάλουν οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιούδαν καὶ Ματθίαν. κατεσκευάκει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μεγάλου πυλῶνος τοῦ ναοῦ ἀνάθημα καὶ λίαν πολυτελές, ἀετὸν χρύσεον μέγαν: κωλύει δὲ ὁ νόμος εἰκόνων τε ἀναστάσεις ἐπινοεῖν καί τινων ζῴων ἀναθέσεις ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τοῖς βιοῦν κατ' αὐτὸν προῃρημένοις." "17.152. ὥστε ἐκέλευον οἱ σοφισταὶ τὸν ἀετὸν κατασπᾶν: καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος τῷ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακειμένῳ, πολὺ τῆς ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδονῆς λυσιτελεστέραν φαίνεσθαι τὴν προστιθεμένην ἀρετὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ πατρίου μελλήσουσι τελευτᾶν διὰ τὸ ἀίδιον τοῦ ἐπαινεῖσθαι φήμην κατασκευασαμένους ἔν τε τοῖς νῦν ἐπαινεθήσεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἀειμνημόνευτον καταλείπειν τὸν βίον." "17.153. καίτοι γε καὶ τοῖς ἀκινδύνως διαιτωμένοις ἄφυκτον εἶναι τὴν συμφοράν, ὥστε καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς ὀριγνωμένοις τὸ κατεψηφισμένον αὐτοῦ μετ' ἐπαίνων καὶ τιμῶν δεχομένοις ἀπιέναι τοῦ βίου." "17.154. φέρειν γὰρ κούφισιν πολλὴν τὸ ἐπὶ καλοῖς ἔργοις ὧν μνηστῆρα τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τελευτᾶν, καὶ ἅμα υἱέσι τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσοι τοῦ συγγενοῦς καταλείποιντο ἄνδρες γυναῖκες καὶ τοῖσδε περιποιῆσαι ὄφελος εὐκλείᾳ τῇ ἀπ' αὐτῶν." '17.155. Καὶ οἱ μὲν τοιούτοις λόγοις ἐξῆραν τοὺς νέους. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ λόγος εἰς αὐτοὺς τεθνάναι φράζων τὸν βασιλέα καὶ συνέπραττε τοῖς σοφισταῖς. καὶ μέσης ἡμέρας ἀνελθόντες κατέσπων τε καὶ πελέκεσιν ἐξέκοψαν τὸν ἀετὸν πολλῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διατριβόντων.' "17.156. καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀγγέλλεται γὰρ ἡ ἐπιχείρησις πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀπὸ μείζονος διανοίας ἢ ἐπράσσετο ὑπολαβὼν ἄνεισι χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀγόμενος, ὁπόσοι ἀνθέξοιεν τῷ πλήθει τῶν πειρωμένων καθαιρεῖν τὸ ἀνάθημα, ἐπιπεσών τε μὴ προσδεχομένοις, ἀλλ' ὁποῖα ὄχλος φιλεῖ δόξῃ μᾶλλον ἀμαθεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ τετολμηκότας, ἀσυντάκτοις τε καὶ μηδὲν τοῦ ὀνήσοντος προανεσκοπημένοις," "
17.161. καὶ παραγενομένων ἐξεκλησίασεν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ θέατρον ἐπὶ κλινιδίου κείμενος ἀδυναμίᾳ τοῦ στῆναι, γωνεῖστων τε ἐφόσον αἵτινες ἦσαν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς γεγονυῖαι ἀνηριθμεῖτο," '17.162. καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν κατασκευὴν ὡς μεγάλοις τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ γένοιτο μὴ δυνηθέντων ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιπέντε τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου ἐν οἷς ἐβασίλευον τοιόνδε τι ἐπὶ τιμῇ πρᾶξαι τοῦ θεοῦ, κοσμῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθήμασιν ἀξιολόγοις.' "
17.169. ἐπιθυμία δὲ δεινὴ τοῦ δέξασθαί τι ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν μὴ οὐχ ὑπουργεῖν, καὶ ἕλκωσις τῶν τε ἐντέρων καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ κόλου δειναὶ ἀλγηδόνες, καὶ φλέγμα ὑγρὸν περὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ διαυγές: παραπλησία δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον κάκωσις ἦν, ναὶ μὴν καὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα, πνεύματός τε ὀρθία ἔντασις καὶ αὐτὴ λίαν ἀηδὴς ἀχθηδόνι τε τῆς ἀποφορᾶς καὶ τῷ πυκνῷ τοῦ ἄσθματος, ἐσπασμένος τε περὶ πᾶν ἦν μέρος ἰσχὺν οὐχ ὑπομενητὴν προστιθέμενος." '
17.171. καίπερ δὲ μειζόνως ἢ ἀντίσχοι ἄν τις ταλαιπωρούμενος ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀνασφαλοῦντος ἦν, ἰατρούς τε μεταπέμπων καὶ ὁπόσα ἀρωγὰ ὑπαγορεύσειαν χρῆσθαι μὴ ἀποτετραμμένος, ποταμόν τε περάσας ̓Ιορδάνην θερμοῖς τοῖς κατὰ Καλλιρρόην αὑτὸν παρεδίδου, ἅπερ σὺν τῇ ἐς πάντα ἀρετῇ καὶ πότιμά ἐστιν: ἔξεισιν δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ τοῦτο εἰς λίμνην τὴν ἀσφαλτοφόρον λεγομένην.
17.173. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν καὶ φίλοις τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἐδωρεῖτο. καὶ παρῆν αὖθις ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος μέλαινά τε αὐτὸν ᾕρει χολὴ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξαγριαίνουσα, ὥστε δὴ τελευτῶν πρᾶξιν τοιάνδε ἐπινοεῖ: 17.174. ἀφικομένων προστάγματι τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνδρῶν παντὸς τοῦ ἔθνους ὁποίποτε ἀξιολόγων: πολλοὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο ὡς τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους κατακεκλημένου καὶ πάντων ἀκροασαμένων τοῦ διατάγματος, εἰς γὰρ θάνατον ἦν ἀνακείμενα τοῖς ἀλογήσασι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ἐμμαινομένου πᾶσιν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁμοίως τοῖς τε ἀναιτίοις καὶ παρεσχηκόσιν αἰτίαν: 17.175. συγκλείσας αὐτοὺς πάντας ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ τήν τε ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ Σαλώμην καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς ̓Αλεξᾶν μεταπέμψας τεθνήξεσθαι μὲν οὐ πόρρω ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε τῶν ἀλγηδόνων αὐτὸν περιεπουσῶν: καὶ τόδε μὲν οἰστόν τε καὶ πᾶσι φίλον παρατυγχάνειν, τὸ δὲ ὀλοφυρμῶν τε ἄπορον καὶ πένθους ἐνδεᾶ ὁποῖον ἐπὶ βασιλεῖ πράσσοιτο ἂν μάλιστα αὐτῷ λυπηρὸν εἶναι:' "17.176. οὐ γὰρ ἀποσκοποῦν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων διάνοιαν, ὡς εὐκτὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πάνυ κεχαρισμένος ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ καὶ ζῶντος ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει ἐπείγεσθαι καὶ ὕβρει τῶν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ προτιθεμένων:" '
17.196. ̓Εντεῦθεν δὲ τάφον ἡτοίμαζον τῷ βασιλεῖ μελῆσαν ̓Αρχελάῳ πολυτελεστάτην γενέσθαι τὴν ἐκκομιδὴν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ πάντα τὸν κόσμον προκομίσαντος εἰς ὃ συμπομπεύσειε τῷ νεκρῷ.' "
17.198. περί τε τὴν κλίνην οἵ τε υἱεῖς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν τῶν συγγενῶν, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τὸ στρατιωτικὸν κατὰ οἰκεῖα ἔθνη ἢ προσηγορίας διέκειντο αὐτοῖς νεμηθέντες, πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ δορυφόροι, μετὰ δὲ τὸ Θρᾴκιον, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ὁπόσοι Γερμανῶν, καὶ τὸ Γαλατικὸν μετ' αὐτούς, ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ πάντες τῷ πολεμιστηρίῳ." "
17.223. μεταπέμψας δὲ τοὺς φρουράρχους καὶ ὁπόσοι διοικηταὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦσαν λόγους τε ἀπαιτεῖν πρόδηλος ἦν καὶ τὰς ἄκρας καθίστατο ᾗ αὐτῷ δοκοῖ. οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὰς ̓Αρχελάου ἐπιστολὰς ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ' ἔμενον σώζοντες τὰ πάντα ᾗ προσετέτακτο αὐτοῖς. Καίσαρι δὲ φυλάσσειν ἕκαστ' ἦν προσποίησις αὐτοῖς." "
17.227. ἐπεὶ δ' εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἀφίκετο, καὶ πάντων τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπόστασις ἦν πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου, μίσει δὲ τῷ πρὸς ̓Αρχέλαον, μάλιστα μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐλευθερίας καὶ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ τετάχθαι, εἰ δ' ἄρα τι ἀντισταίη, λυσιτελέστερον ̓Αρχελάου τὸν ̓Αντίπαν λογιζόμενοι, συνέπραττον ̓Αντίπᾳ τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ Σαβῖνος κατηγόρει παρὰ Καίσαρι τοῦ ̓Αρχελάου διὰ γραμμάτων." "
17.229. ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε ἀναγνοὺς τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὰς Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου ἐπιστολὰς ὁπόσα τε χρήματα ἦν καὶ τί ἐπ' ἔτος ἐφοίτα καὶ ὅσα ̓Αντίπας ἐπ' οἰκειώσει τῆς βασιλείας ἐπεπόμφει γράμματα συνῆγεν ἐπὶ παροκωχῇ γνωμῶν τοὺς φίλους, σὺν οἷς καὶ Γάιον τὸν ̓Αγρίππου μὲν καὶ ̓Ιουλίας τῆς αὐτοῦ θυγατρὸς υἱὸν ποιητὸν δὲ αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρῶτόν τε καθεδούμενον παρέλαβε, καὶ κελεύει λέγειν τοῖς βουλομένοις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων." '
17.273. ̓͂Ην δὲ καὶ Σίμων δοῦλος μὲν ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἄλλως δὲ ἀνὴρ εὐπρεπὴς καὶ μεγέθει καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος ἐπὶ μέγα προύχων τε καὶ πεπιστευμένος. οὗτος ἀρθεὶς τῇ ἀκρισίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων διάδημά τε ἐτόλμησε περιθέσθαι,' "17.274. καί τινος πλήθους συστάντος καὶ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀναγγελθεὶς μανίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων καὶ εἶναι ἄξιος ἐλπίσας παρ' ὁντινοῦν τό τε ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι βασίλειον πίμπρησιν δι' ἁρπαγῆς ἄγων τὰ ἐγκατειλημμένα, πολλάς τε καὶ ἄλλας τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰκήσεων πολλαχοῦ τῆς χώρας πῦρ ἐνιεὶς ἠφάνιζεν, τοῖς συνεστηκόσιν λείαν ἄγειν τὰ ἐγκαταλελειμμένα ἐπιτρέπων." "17.275. ἐπέπρακτο δ' ἄν τι μεῖζον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μὴ ταχείας ἐπιστροφῆς γενομένης: ὁ γὰρ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν στρατιωτῶν ̔Ρωμαίοις προστεθειμένος μεθ' ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως ὑπαντιάζει τὸν Σίμωνα," '17.276. καὶ μάχης αὐτοῖς μεγάλης ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης τό τε πολὺ τῶν Περαίων ἀσύντακτοι ὄντες καὶ τόλμῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ μαχόμενοι ἐφθάρησαν, καὶ αὐτοῦ Σίμωνος διά τινος φάραγγος σώζοντος αὑτὸν Γρᾶτος ἐντυχὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνει.' "17.277. κατεπρήσθη δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπ' ̓Ιορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ἐν ̓Αμμάθοις βασίλεια ὑπό τινων συστάντων ἀνδρῶν Σίμωνι παραπλησίων. οὕτως πολλὴ ἀφροσύνη ἐνεπολίτευσε τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τὸ βασιλέα μὲν οἰκεῖον οὐκ εἶναι τὸν καθέξοντα τὸ πλῆθος ἀρετῇ, τοὺς δ' ἀλλοφύλους ἐπελθόντας σωφρονιστὰς τοῦ μὴ στασιάσοντος τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπέκκαυμα αὐτῶν διά τε τοῦ ὑβρίζειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν γενέσθαι." '17.281. διέμενέ τε ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἡ ἰσχὺς βασιλεῖ τε κεκλημένῳ καὶ ἃ πράσσειν ἐθέλοι μὴ ἀποστερουμένῳ, φόνῳ τε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα προσκείμενοι ̔Ρωμαίων τε καὶ βασιλικῶν μίσει πολιτεύοντες ὁμοίως πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τοῦτο μὲν ὕβρει ᾗ χρήσαιντο ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ηρώδου ἀρχῆς, ̔Ρωμαίους δὲ ὧν τὸ παρὸν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν.
17.289. ὃς ἐμβαλὼν τούς τε ἀντικαταστάντας εἰς μάχην τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἠνδραποδίσατο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν. αὐτὸς δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπὶ Σαμαρείας τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ προιὼν τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο διὰ τὸ ἀνέγκλητον ἐπὶ τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς εἶναι, στρατοπεδεύεται δὲ ἔν τινι κώμῃ Πτολεμαίου κτήματι, ̓Αροὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ.' "
17.318. τὴν δ' ἑτέραν ἡμίσειαν νείμας διχῇ δυσὶν ̔Ηρώδου παισὶν ἑτέροις παρεδίδου Φιλίππῳ καὶ ̓Αντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς ̓Αρχέλαον τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀμφισβητήσαντι περὶ τῆς ὅλης ἀρχῆς. καὶ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ τὸ Γαλιλαῖον ὑπετέλουν, φορά τε ἦν τάλαντα διακόσια τὸ ἐπ' ἔτος." "17.319. Βαταναία δὲ σὺν Τράχωνι καὶ Αὐρανῖτις σύν τινι μέρει οἴκου τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου λεγομένου Φιλίππῳ τάλαντα ἑκατὸν προσέφερεν: τὰ δ' ̓Αρχελάῳ συντελοῦντα ̓Ιδουμαῖοί τε καὶ ̓Ιουδαία τό τε Σαμαρειτικόν. τετάρτην μοῖραν οὗτοι τῶν φόρων παραλέλυντο Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς κούφισιν ψηφισαμένου διὰ τὸ μὴ συναποστῆναι τῇ λοιπῇ πληθύι." '
17.339. ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν παραλαβὼν ἐπεὶ εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικνεῖται, ̓Ιωάζαρον τὸν Βοηθοῦ ἀφελόμενος τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπικαλῶν αὐτῷ συστάντι τοῖς στασιώταις ̓Ελεάζαρον τὸν ἐκείνου ἐπικαθίσταται ἀδελφόν.
17.342. Δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ̓Αρχελάου οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔν τε ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι μὴ φέροντες τὴν ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννίδα κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος, καὶ μάλιστα ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν αὐτὸν παραβεβηκότα τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, ἵνα ἐπιεικῶς ἀναστραφῇ τὰ πρὸς αὐτούς. 17.343. ὁ τοίνυν Καῖσαρ ὡς ἤκουσεν, ὀργῇ φέρων τὸν ἐπίτροπον τὸν ̓Αρχελάου τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πραγμάτων, ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν, μετακαλέσας γράφειν μὲν ̓Αρχελάῳ ταπεινὸν ἡγεῖται, “σὺ δὲ παραχρῆμα, φησίν, πλέων μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἐπαναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς.” 17.344. καὶ ὃς ἔκπλουν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ποιησάμενος καὶ ἀφικόμενος εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αρχέλαον ἐν εὐωχίαις ὄντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων, τήν τε διάνοιαν ἀποσημαίνει τὴν Καίσαρος καὶ ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀφικομένου ἐπί τινων κατηγόρων ἀκροᾶται καὶ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἐκεῖνον μὲν φυγάδα ἐλαύνει δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλατίας, τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἀπηνέγκατο.' "
17.346. σκιδναμένων δὲ ἑτέρων ἐφ' ἑτέροις, οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἕνα ἔκειτο πᾶσιν ἀφήγησις, Σίμων ἀνὴρ γένος ̓Εσσαῖος ἀσφάλειαν αἰτησάμενος, μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ̓Αρχελάῳ φέρειν τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν:" "
17.354. ̓Εγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀλλότρια νομίσας αὐτὰ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ εἶναι διὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐνεστηκέναι καὶ ἄλλως ἐπὶ παραδείγματι φέρειν τοῦ τε ἀμφὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀθανασίας ἐμφεροῦς καὶ τοῦ θείου προμηθείᾳ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια περιειληφότος τῇ αὐτοῦ, καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισα εἰπεῖν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖται τὰ τοιάδε γνώμης ὀνινάμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κώλυμα οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο τῷ ἐπ' ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ προστιθεμένῳ." '
18.1. Κυρίνιος δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ Συρίας παρῆν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος,' "
18.1. καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας Δαῶν τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχήν.
18.1. περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε." '18.2. Κωπώνιός τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων, ἡγησόμενος ̓Ιουδαίων τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ. παρῆν δὲ καὶ Κυρίνιος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προσθήκην τῆς Συρίας γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ ̓Αρχελάου χρήματα.' "18.2. ἄξιον δ' αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν ̔Ελλήνων ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν, ἀλλὰ μηδ' εἰς ὀλίγον, ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι: τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ' ὁτιοῦν κεκτημένος: καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες." "18.2. οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως ἀπαλλαγή τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως, ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν, οἳ νῦν δι' οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν, εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν τελευτὴν παισίν, οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος. μνημονεύειν δέ, ὁπότε εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον, πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν τελευτὴν ἐσομένην." "18.3. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὴν ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ αὔξειν τὴν οἰκείαν ἀρχὴν ἤτοι προσόδοις χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει τοῦ κοινοῦ δὲ τῆς εὐθυμίας ἐπιμελοῖτο πρεσβεύων τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ θεῖον, συνεχώρει καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον, ἐκεῖνον τῆς τε ἀθροίσεως τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπεσταλκότος:' "18.3. καὶ τότε οὖν ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον γίνεται ἡ ἄνοιξις αὐτῶν, ἄνδρες Σαμαρεῖται κρύφα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἐλθόντες διάρριψιν ἀνθρωπείων ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἤρξαντο μὴ πρότερον ἐπὶ τοιούτοις νομίζοντες τά τε ἄλλα διὰ φυλακῆς μείζονος ἦγον τὸ ἱερόν. 18.3. οἱ δὲ καίπερ τὸ κατ' ἀρχὰς ἐν δεινῷ φέροντες τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς ἀκρόασιν ὑποκατέβησαν τοῦ μὴ εἰς πλέον ἐναντιοῦσθαι πείσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιωαζάρου, Βοηθοῦ δὲ οὗτος υἱὸς ἦν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡττηθέντες τοῦ ̓Ιωαζάρου τῶν λόγων ἀπετίμων τὰ χρήματα μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντες:" '18.4. ̓Ιούδας δὲ Γαυλανίτης ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα Γάμαλα Σάδδωκον Φαρισαῖον προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ' ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος:" "18.4. Φραάτης παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων ̓Ιταλικῆς παιδίσκης * ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ ̓Ιουλίου Καίσαρος μετ' ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν." "
18.15. καὶ δι' αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ ὁπόσα θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα. εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις." "
18.15. οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε ̔Ηρώδης ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις, καίτοι γε οὐδ' ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν: ἐν γὰρ Τύρῳ παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν, ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος ̓Αγρίππας τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν, ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν ὑπατικὸν εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον: Συρίαν δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν." '
18.27. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης Σέπφωριν τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα: Βηθαραμφθᾶ δέ, πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει, τείχει περιλαβὼν ̓Ιουλιάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός.
18.27. καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πολέμου κίνδυνον, πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν, αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον Πετρώνιον εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα γενόμενον, 18.28. Φίλιππος δὲ Πανεάδα τὴν πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου κατασκευάσας ὀνομάζει Καισάρειαν, κώμην δὲ Βηθσαϊδὰ πρὸς λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι πόλεως παρασχὼν ἀξίωμα πλήθει τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει ̓Ιουλίᾳ θυγατρὶ τῇ Καίσαρος ὁμώνυμον ἐκάλεσεν. 18.28. “οὐ μὴν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ τιμὴν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ μὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου μὴ ἀπολουμένου τοσούτων ὄντων ἀναλοῦν διακονούμενον τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου, ὃν πάτριον ὄντα περιμάχητον ἡγεῖσθε, καὶ τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀξιώσει καὶ δυνάμει τοῦ θεοῦ, οὗ τὸν ναὸν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τολμήσαιμι ὕβρει πεσεῖν τῆς τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων ἐξουσίας.
18.36. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ὁ τετράρχης, ἐπὶ μέγα γὰρ ἦν τῷ Τιβερίῳ φιλίας προελθών, οἰκοδομεῖται πόλιν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ Τιβεριάδα τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπικτίσας αὐτὴν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐπὶ λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι. θερμά τε οὐκ ἄπωθέν ἐστιν ἐν κώμῃ, ̓Αμμαθοὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ.
18.36. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς καὶ φράσας ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ πιθανὸς ἦν ἀφίεταί τε Μιθριδάτης, ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ γυνή, εἰ μὴ προμηθήσεται βασιλέως τε γαμβρὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτῃ τιμωρῶν τιμωρηθήσεσθαι τοὺς ὑβρίσαντας εἰς αὐτὸν περιορώμενος,' "18.37. οἱ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι κατοπτίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης μαθόντες τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἱδρυμένος ὁ ̓Ανιλαῖος ἦν, ἐπιπεσόντες κρύφα νυκτὸς μεθύουσι καὶ καθ' ὕπνον τετραμμένοις κτείνουσιν ἀδεῶς πάντας ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβον καὶ ̓Ανιλαῖον αὐτόν." "18.37. σύγκλυδες δὲ ᾤκισαν, οὐκ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὸ Γαλιλαῖον ἦν, καὶ ὅσοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς ὑπ' αὐτῷ γῆς ἀναγκαστοὶ καὶ πρὸς βίαν εἰς τὴν κατοικίαν ἀγόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει. ἐδέξατο δὲ αὐτοῖς συνοίκους καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυναγομένους ἄνδρας ἀπόρους," "18.38. ἔστι δ' οὓς μηδὲ σαφῶς ἐλευθέρους, πολλά τε αὐτοὺς κἀπὶ πολλοῖς ἠλευθέρωσεν καὶ εὐηργέτησεν ἀνάγκασμα τοῦ μὴ ἀπολείψειν τὴν πόλιν ἐπιθείς, κατασκευαῖς τε οἰκήσεων τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ γῆς ἐπιδόσει, εἰδὼς παράνομον τὸν οἰκισμὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίοις πατρίου διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ μνήμασιν, ἃ πολλὰ τῇδε ἦν, ἀνῃρημένοις τὴν ἵδρυσιν τῇ Τιβεριάδι γενέσθαι: μιαροὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας εἶναι τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀγορεύει ἡμῖν τὸ νόμιμον." "18.91. τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ ̓Αντωνίᾳ, φρούριον δ' ἐστὶν οὕτως λεγόμενον, ἡ ἀπόθεσις αὐτῆς ἦν διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: τῶν ἱερέων τις ̔Υρκανός, πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων οἳ τόδε ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ ὄνομα ὁ πρῶτος, ἐπεὶ πλησίον τῷ ἱερῷ βᾶριν κατασκευασάμενος ταύτῃ τὰ πολλὰ τὴν δίαιταν εἶχεν καὶ τὴν στολήν, φύλαξ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ καὶ μόνῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῦ ἐνδύεσθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ταύτην εἶχεν ἀποκειμένην, ὁπότε εἰς τὴν πόλιν κατιὼν ἀναλαμβάνοι τὴν ἰδιωτικήν." "18.92. καὶ οἵ τε υἱεῖς αὐτοῦ ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπετήδευσαν καὶ τέκνα ἐκείνων. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ βασιλεύσας τήν τε βᾶριν ταύτην ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ κειμένην κατασκευάσας πολυτελῶς ̓Αντωνίαν καλεῖ ὀνόματι ̓Αντωνίου φίλος ὤν, καὶ τὴν στολὴν ὥσπερ καὶ λαμβάνει τῇδε κειμένην κατεῖχεν, πιστεύων οὐδὲν νεωτεριεῖν ἐπ' αὐτῷ τὸν λαὸν διὰ τάδε." "18.93. ἔπρασσε δὲ ὅμοια τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ ὁ ἐπικατασταθεὶς αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ̓Αρχέλαος υἱὸς ὤν, οὗ ̔Ρωμαῖοι παραδεξάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκράτουν τῆς στολῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκειμένης ἐν οἴκῳ λίθοις οἰκοδομηθέντι ὑπὸ σφραγῖδι τῶν τε ἱερέων καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων τοῦ φρουράρχου τὸ ἐφ' ἡμέραν ἑκάστην λύχνον ἅπτοντος." "18.94. ἑπτὰ δ' ἡμέραις πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀπεδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ φρουράρχου, καὶ ἁγνισθείσῃ χρησάμενος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέραν ἀπετίθετο αὖθις εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ᾗπερ ἔκειτο καὶ πρότερον. τοῦτο ἐπράττετο τρισὶν ἑορταῖς ἑκάστου ἔτους καὶ τὴν νηστείαν." "18.95. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατρίῳ ποιεῖται τὴν στολήν, ᾗ τε κείσοιτο μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπισκήψας τῷ φρουράρχῳ καὶ ὁπότε δέοι χρῆσθαι. καὶ ταῦτα πράξας ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν Καϊάφαν ἐπικαλούμενον ἀπαλλάξας τῆς ἱερωσύνης ̓Ιωνάθην καθίστησιν ̓Ανάνου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱόν. ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας δ' αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁδόν." "
18.108. τελευτᾷ δ' ἐν ̓Ιουλιάδι καὶ αὐτοῦ κομισθέντος ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὃ ἔτι πρότερον ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτός, ταφαὶ γίνονται πολυτελεῖς. τὴν δ' ἀρχήν, οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας, Τιβέριος παραλαβὼν προσθήκην ἐπαρχίας ποιεῖται τῆς Σύρων, τοὺς μέντοι φόρους ἐκέλευσε συλλεγομένους ἐν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου γενομένῃ κατατίθεσθαι." '
18.149. ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν, ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν. οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν Τιβεριάδα καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν δίαιταν, ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς Τιβεριάδος ἐτίμησαν.
18.156. καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει Βερενίκης ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς ̓Αγρίππου μητρός, διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς ̓Αντωνίας, αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ.' "
18.158. εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου ̓Αγρίππας εἰς ̓Ανθηδόνα παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν. καὶ γνοὺς ̓Ερέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς ̓Ιαμνείας ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας, οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ Καίσαρος ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος." "
18.159. καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν." '
18.164. ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος καταπλαγεὶς ̓Αντωνίας δεῖται Γερμανικοῦ μητρὸς καὶ Κλαυδίου τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου Καίσαρος, δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων, ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς Τιβέριον.
18.165. ἡ δὲ Βερενίκης τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ Κλαύδιον γεγενημένης, δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ Τιβερίου.' "
18.179. Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε: καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο. χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης, καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀξιοῖ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐφ' οἷστισι τὴν κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ." "
18.181. ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ Τιβερίου: ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο, προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας." '
18.182. ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ Τιβερίῳ συντεθειμένα, γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς Τιβέριον εἰς τὰς Καπρέας. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους, τήν τε ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν.' "
18.183. ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς ̓Αντωνίας ὁ Τιβέριος παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον, “ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε, φησὶν ὁ Τιβέριος, ἔτι δε ̓Αγρίππου τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος, ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ' αὐτοῦ τιμωρίαν, ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός: εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα, μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ' αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν δίκην”." '
18.184. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν ̓Αντωνίας πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν ἐξέτασιν γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος, καὶ ἡ ̓Αντωνία, οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι, καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον:' "
18.185. αἰωρεῖτο μὲν Τιβέριος ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος, προϊόντων Γαί̈ου τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα, ἀπ' ἀρίστου δ' ἦσαν, παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι." "
18.186. ὁ δέ “ἀλλ' ἴστων μὲν ̓Αντωνία, εἶπεν, οἱ θεοί, ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα, ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν, τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν. Τιβέριος δ' αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ' ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος." "
18.187. ὁ δέ φησιν, “ὦ δέσποτα, αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ' ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ ̓Αγρίππας σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν, λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων ̓Αγρίππας φησὶ πρὸς Γάιον: εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα, ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν Τιβέριος ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ γένοιτ' ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν, καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ' ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς.”" '
18.188. Τιβέριος δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ παλαιάν, διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ θεραπεύειν Τιβέριον υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ γεγονότα καὶ Δρούσου παῖδα ὄντα, ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν Γάιον μετεκάθιζεν,
18.189. “τοῦτον μὲν δή, φησί, Μάκρων, δῆσον.” Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος, τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα.' "
18.191. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις, τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου τῆς ἐκτροφῆς, οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι, ἀλλ' ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον." "
18.192. καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν, καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ' ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν, θεασάμενός τινα τῶν Γαί̈ου παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν." "
18.193. καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών, “ἀλλ' εἴπερ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς, φησίν, ὦ παῖ, τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν, διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ Γαί̈ου, ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ ἀξιώσεως οὐκ ἐνέλιπες.” καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο ταῦτα εἰπών, ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο:" '
18.194. ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ ̓Αγρίππᾳ καὶ Βερενίκῃ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν, ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.
18.195. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο. καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου, ᾧ ̓Αγρίππας προσεκέκλιτο, βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν, τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι.
18.196. καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ̓Αγρίππαν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, ̓Ιουδαῖον δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων: βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν.' "
18.197. καὶ τυχών, ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται, δι' ἑρμηνέως “ὦ νεανία, φησίν, καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν τύχην, ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων, οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν πρόνοιαν." "
18.198. ἴσθι γε μήν, θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους, οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον, ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς." "
18.199. αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ' εἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον ἡγησάμην σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν." "
18.201. ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν. προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν παραγενομένην ἀποστερεῖν σε ἄδικον ἡγησάμην, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο. μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν, ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν.”" "18.202. καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε προειπὼν εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ γέλωτα, ἐφ' ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος. ἡ δὲ ̓Αντωνία χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὴν δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν Τιβερίῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον," "18.203. εὑρίσκετο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ' ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ' ἄν." "18.204. εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν φίλος τε Σίλας καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι' ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες, ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως ὁπότε νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος: καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ̓Αγρίππαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν." '
18.237. διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν, εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν Λυσανίου τετραρχίαν, ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον. ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον.
18.252. τοῦ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα, πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα, τὴν τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν προσθήκην τῇ ̓Αγρίππου βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας. 18.253. ̔Ηρωδιάδα δὲ μαθὼν ̓Αγρίππου ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τά τε χρήματα ἐδίδου ὁπόσα ἐκείνῃ ἰδίᾳ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μὴ κοινωνεῖν νομίσας τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς τεῖχος αὐτῇ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγεν. 18.254. ἡ δέ “ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν, αὐτόκρατορ, εἶπεν, μεγαλοφρόνως τε καὶ ἀξιώματι τῷ σαυτοῦ πρεπόντως τάδε λέγεις, κώλυμα δέ μοί ἐστιν χρῆσθαί σου τῇ χάριτι τῆς δωρεᾶς εὔνοια ἡ πρὸς τὸν γεγαμηκότα, οὗ κοινωνόν με τῆς εὐδαιμονίας γενομένην οὐ δίκαιον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὸ ἐπὶ ταῖς τύχαις καθεσταμένον.” 18.255. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος αὐτὴν ποιησάμενος συνήλαυνεν καὶ αὐτὴν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν. ̔Ηρωδιάδι μὲν δὴ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ ̔Ηρώδῃ γυναικείων ἀκροασαμένῳ κουφολογιῶν δίκην ταύτην ἐπετίμησεν ὁ θεός.' "
18.259. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ̓Απίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ̓Αλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν," '
19.275. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ὀφειλόμενα τῇ οἰκειότητι τοῦ γένους ἀπεδίδου: ̓́Αβιλαν δὲ τὴν Λυσανίου καὶ ὁπόσα ἐν τῷ Λιβάνῳ ὄρει ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ προσετίθει, ὅρκιά τε αὐτῷ τέμνεται πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης ἐν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλει. 19.276. ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα. 19.277. καὶ ταύτην μέν, τελευτᾷ γὰρ Μᾶρκος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸς παρθένον λαβών, ἀδελφῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Αγρίππας ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν Χαλκίδος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν εἶναι αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίου.' "
19.328. ̓Επεφύκει δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος εὐεργετικὸς εἶναι ἐν δωρεαῖς καὶ μεγαλοφρονῆσαι ἔθνη φιλότιμος καὶ πολλοῖς ἀθρόως δαπανήμασιν ἀνιστὰς αὑτὸν εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν ἡδόμενος τῷ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ τῷ βιοῦν ἐν εὐφημίᾳ χαίρων, κατ' οὐδὲν ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖ τὸν τρόπον συμφερόμενος:" "
19.336. ἐπεδαψιλεύσατο δ' αὐτῶν τὴν καθιέρωσιν μεγαλοπρεπῶς, ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ μὲν θεωρίας ἐπιτελῶν πάνθ' ὅσα μουσικῆς ἔργα παράγων καὶ ποικίλης ποιητικὰ τέρψεως, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἀμφιθεάτρῳ πλήθει μονομάχων τὴν αὐτοῦ δεικνὺς μεγαλόνοιαν." "
19.343. Τρίτον δὲ ἔτος αὐτῷ βασιλεύοντι τῆς ὅλης ̓Ιουδαίας πεπλήρωτο, καὶ παρῆν εἰς πόλιν Καισάρειαν, ἣ τὸ πρότερον Στράτωνος πύργος ἐκαλεῖτο. συνετέλει δ' ἐνταῦθα θεωρίας εἰς τὴν Καίσαρος τιμὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου σωτηρίας ἑορτήν τινα ταύτην ἐπιστάμενος, καὶ παρ' αὐτὴν ἤθροιστο τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἐν τέλει καὶ προβεβηκότων εἰς ἀξίαν πλῆθος." '
19.345. εὐθὺς δὲ οἱ κόλακες τὰς οὐδὲ ἐκείνῳ πρὸς ἀγαθοῦ ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν φωνὰς ἀνεβόων, θεὸν προσαγορεύοντες εὐμενής τε εἴης ἐπιλέγοντες, “εἰ καὶ μέχρι νῦν ὡς ἄνθρωπον ἐφοβήθημεν,' "19.346. ἀλλὰ τοὐντεῦθεν κρείττονά σε θνητῆς φύσεως ὁμολογοῦμεν.” οὐκ ἐπέπληξεν τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲ τὴν κολακείαν ἀσεβοῦσαν ἀπετρίψατο. ἀνακύψας δ' οὖν μετ' ὀλίγον τὸν βουβῶνα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κεφαλῆς ὑπερκαθιζόμενον εἶδεν ἐπὶ σχοινίου τινός. ἄγγελον τοῦτον εὐθὺς ἐνόησεν κακῶν εἶναι τὸν καί ποτε τῶν ἀγαθῶν γενόμενον, καὶ διακάρδιον ἔσχεν ὀδύνην, ἄθρουν δ' αὐτῷ τῆς κοιλίας προσέφυσεν ἄλγημα μετὰ σφοδρότητος ἀρξάμενον." "19.347. ἀναθορὼν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, “ὁ θεὸς ὑμῖν ἐγώ, φησίν, ἤδη καταστρέφειν ἐπιτάττομαι τὸν βίον, παραχρῆμα τῆς εἱμαρμένης τὰς ἄρτι μου κατεψευσμένας φωνὰς ἐλεγχούσης: ὁ κληθεὶς ἀθάνατος ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἤδη θανεῖν ἀπάγομαι. δεκτέον δὲ τὴν πεπρωμένην, ᾗ θεὸς βεβούληται: καὶ γὰρ βεβιώκαμεν οὐδαμῇ φαύλως, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς μακαριζομένης λαμπρότητος.”" "19.348. ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων ἐπιτάσει τῆς ὀδύνης κατεπονεῖτο: μετὰ σπουδῆς οὖν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἐκομίσθη καὶ διῇξε λόγος εἰς πάντας, ὡς ἔχοι τοῦ τεθνάναι παντάπασι μετ' ὀλίγον." "19.349. ἡ πληθὺς δ' αὐτίκα σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶν ἐπὶ σάκκων καθεσθεῖσα τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως, οἰμωγῆς δὲ πάντ' ἦν ἀνάπλεα καὶ θρήνων. ἐν ὑψηλῷ δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς δωματίῳ κατακείμενος καὶ κάτω βλέπων αὐτοὺς πρηνεῖς καταπίπτοντας ἄδακρυς οὐδ' αὐτὸς διέμενεν." '
19.356. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅτε ἐγνώσθη τὸν βίον ἐκλιπὼν ̓Αγρίππας, Καισαρεῖς καὶ Σεβαστηνοὶ τῶν εὐποιιῶν αὐτοῦ λαθόμενοι τὰ τῶν δυσμενεστάτων ἐποίησαν:' "19.357. βλασφημίας τε γὰρ ἀπερρίπτουν εἰς τὸν κατοιχόμενον ἀπρεπεῖς λέγεσθαι καὶ ὅσοι στρατευόμενοι τότε ἔτυχον, συχνοὶ δ' ἦσαν, οἴκαδε ἀπῆλθον καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρων ἁρπάσαντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐκόμισαν εἰς τὰ πορνεῖα καὶ στήσαντες ἐπὶ τῶν τεγῶν ὡς δυνατὸν ἦν ἀφύβριζον ἀσχημονέστερα διηγήσεως δρῶντες," '19.358. ἐπί τε τοῖς δημοσίοις κατακλινόμενοι τόποις πανδήμους ἑστιάσεις ἐπετέλουν στεφανούμενοι καὶ μυριζόμενοι καὶ σπένδοντες τῷ Χάρωνι προπόσεις τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκπνοῆς ἀλλήλοις ἀνταποδιδόντες.' "19.359. ἀμνήμονες δ' ἦσαν οὐκ ̓Αγρίππα μόνον χρησαμένου πολλαῖς εἰς αὐτοὺς φιλοτιμίαις, καὶ τοῦ πάππου δὲ ̔Ηρώδου: τὰς πόλεις ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῖς ἔκτισεν λιμένας τε καὶ ναοὺς κατεσκεύασεν λαμπροῖς δαπανήμασιν." "19.361. πυθόμενός γε μὴν Καῖσαρ, ὅτι τέθνηκεν ̓Αγρίππας, Σεβαστηνοὶ δὲ καὶ Καισαρεῖς ὑβρίκασιν εἰς αὐτόν, ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἤλγησεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀχαριστήσαντας ὠργίσθη." "19.362. πέμπειν οὖν εὐθέως ὥρμητο τὸν νεώτερον ̓Αγρίππαν τὴν βασιλείαν διαδεξόμενον ἅμα βουλόμενος ἐμπεδοῦν τοὺς ὀμωμοσμένους ὅρκους, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐξελευθέρων καὶ φίλων οἱ πολὺ παρ' αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι ἀπέτρεψαν, σφαλερὸν εἶναι λέγοντες κομιδῇ νέῳ μηδὲ τοὺς παιδὸς ἐκβεβηκότι χρόνους ἐπιτρέπειν βασιλείας τηλικοῦτον μέγεθος, ᾧ μὴ δυνατὸν τὰς τῆς διοικήσεως φροντίδας ἐνεγκεῖν, καὶ τελείῳ δ' οὖν εἶναι βαρὺ βάσταγμα βασιλείαν." '19.363. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοὺς εἰκότα λέγειν ὁ Καῖσαρ. ἔπαρχον οὖν τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ τῆς ἁπάσης βασιλείας ἀπέστειλεν Κούσπιον Φᾶδον τῷ κατοιχομένῳ διδοὺς τιμὴν τὸ μὴ Μάρσον ἐπαγαγεῖν εἰς βασιλείαν αὐτῷ διάφορον.
20.49. ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι.' "20.51. γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας." "20.52. ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε." '20.53. πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν.
20.159. καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν δὲ δωρεῖται μοίρᾳ τινὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὁ Καῖσαρ Τιβεριάδα καὶ Ταριχέας ὑπακούειν αὐτῷ κελεύσας, δίδωσι δὲ καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα πόλιν τῆς Περαίας καὶ κώμας τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν δεκατέσσαρας.
20.219. ̓́Ηδη δὲ τότε καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτετέλεστο. βλέπων οὖν ὁ δῆμος ἀργήσαντας τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας καὶ μισθοφορίας ἐνδεεῖς ἐσομένους διὰ τὸ τὴν τροφὴν ἐκ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐργασίας πορίζεσθαι,' "20.221. ἦν δὲ ἡ στοὰ τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ, κειμένη δ' ἐν φάραγγι βαθείᾳ τετρακοσίων πηχῶν τοὺς τοίχους ἔχουσα ἐκ λίθου τετραγώνου κατεσκεύαστο καὶ λευκοῦ πάνυ, τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἑκάστου λίθου πήχεις εἴκοσι, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἕξ, ἔργον Σολόμωνος τοῦ βασιλέως πρώτου δειμαμένου τὸ σύμπαν ἱερόν." "20.222. ὁ βασιλεὺς δ', ἐπεπίστευτο γὰρ ὑπὸ Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ, λογισάμενος παντὸς μὲν ἔργου τὴν καθαίρεσιν εἶναι ῥᾳδίαν δυσχερῆ δὲ τὴν κατασκευήν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς στοᾶς ταύτης καὶ μᾶλλον, χρόνου τε γὰρ καὶ πολλῶν χρημάτων εἰς τοὖργον δεήσειν, ἠρνήσατο μὲν περὶ τούτου δεομένοις, καταστορέσαι δὲ λευκῷ λίθῳ τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν." ". None | 1.14. 3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted,
1.14. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable; and whatsoever they set about as a good thing is converted into an incurable calamity.
4.203. 7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together,
4.217. otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself.
4.223. 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; 4.224. let him submit to the laws, and esteem God’s commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare.
7.394. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters.
10.269. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations.
10.275. and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years’ time. 10.276. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them.
11.111. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government;
12.274. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day.
12.389. 1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him.
13.294. for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments.
13.298. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.
13.311. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come?
13.319. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.”
13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.
14.8. 1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus.
14.8. 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. 14.9. It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. 14.9. which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; 14.11. 2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. 14.11. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth.
14.14. 4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater’s means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself.
14.14. 4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist himand go with him. 14.15. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. 14.15. when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Meder of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellowpresidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. 14.16. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; 14.16. for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. 14.17. However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. 14.17. and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. 14.18. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; 14.18. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.
14.24. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.”
14.24. “O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those.” Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.
14.28. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar:
14.28. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
14.34. 1. A little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine of the value of five hundred talents.
14.34. yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. 14.35. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: “There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. 14.35. who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had had. 14.36. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, ‘The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.’ It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it.” 14.36. whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium.
14.41. However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things.
14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and they complained, that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them.
14.43. He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors’ countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater.
14.43. but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.
14.46. 3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return;
14.46. o they threw stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another. 14.47. 2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; 14.47. which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea. 14.48. 4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; 14.48. o they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; 14.49. but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him. 14.49. in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod’s fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; 14.51. and this he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. 14.52. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. 14.53. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharnaces. 14.54. 1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence like a juice,) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. 14.55. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, and promised to give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and the city: 14.56. yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristobulus’s soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed. 14.57. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall. 14.58. 2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus’s party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; 14.59. but the others admitted Pompey’s army in, and delivered up both the city and the king’s palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutet Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it. 14.61. but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round about. 14.62. And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against it. 14.63. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else. 14.64. 3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next days. 14.65. And any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice a day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones that were thrown among them; 14.66. for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple; 14.67. yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them. 14.68. And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus of Damascus; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. 14.69. 4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter;
14.71. of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. 14.73. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; 14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: 14.76. these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato’s Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria. 14.77. 5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. 14.78. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. 14.79. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.
14.91. and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.
14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, 14.107. for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, 14.108. but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand shekels. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 14.111. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: 14.112. “Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.” 14.113. Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates.
14.121. who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros, by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome.
14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133. 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134. and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137. 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;
14.168. 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. 14.169. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded to his enemies. 14.171. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. 14.172. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: 14.173. but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. 14.174. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.” 14.175. Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, 14.176. for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places. 14.177. 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape.
14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them, 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters:
14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let in the Sabbatic period, a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 1
4.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year of that sabbatical period, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts.
14.211. 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.
14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself;
1
4.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 1
4.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls,
14.355. 8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had.
14.385. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.
14.417. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; 14.491. but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.
15.3. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited.
15.3. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them.
15.3. for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another;
15.39. 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Aelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia,
15.39. but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.
15.53. Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. 15.54. Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves by bathing, because it was in the midst of a hot day. 15.55. At first they were only spectators of Herod’s servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod’s acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated. 15.56. And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years, and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Aelus now recovered again.
15.95. Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also. 15.96. 2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind.
15.189. for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn,
15.194. 7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar’s good-will. 15.195. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators. 15.196. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar’s donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magimity. 15.197. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. 15.198. And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; 15.199. and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. 15.201. by which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them.
15.217. upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower.
15.254. but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of his uncle Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already.
15.268. for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us;
15.274. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. 15.275. It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: 15.276. but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.
15.293. upposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day’s journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato’s Tower, but it was by him named Caesarea. 15.294. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built for them a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. 15.295. And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it.
15.302. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left at the end of it, but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year.
15.303. This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built;
15.304. nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern.
15.305. 2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price.
15.306. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers,
15.307. but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had.
15.308. And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them;
15.309. for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them.
15.311. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food.
15.312. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities;
15.313. for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of,
15.314. insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand.
15.315. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature,
15.316. as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be.
15.328. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,—
15.329. not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country properly out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof.
15.362. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him.
15.368. and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government;
15.369. and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them.
15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere.
15.372. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes.
15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews;
15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune.
15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice towards men, and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one,
15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.”
15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign.
15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes.
15.381. but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them:
15.382. “I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself;
15.383. for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God’s assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before;
15.384. and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you.
15.385. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple;
15.386. nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude;
15.387. but since I am now, by God’s will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.”
15.388. 2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech affrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished.
15.389. But while they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them,
15.391. 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which twenty, upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero.
15.395. and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done.
15.403. 4. Now on the north side of the temple was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.
15.405. under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa;
15.409. And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards about them are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.
15.421. 6. But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple:
16.38. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted?
16.38. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions?
16.53. and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him;
16.61. upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; 16.62. after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. 16.63. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. 16.64. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. 16.65. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.
16.137. There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. 16.138. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; 16.139. nay, Julia, Caesar’s wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture from Rome, insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents.
16.145. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus. 16.146. 3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues: 16.147. but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo’s temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; 16.148. and for the Antiochians, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. 16.149. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintece, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games. 16.151. but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; 16.152. insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; 16.153. for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; 16.154. and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; 16.155. and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains.
16.157. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. 16.158. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; 16.159. And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him.
16.161. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour.
16.166. 3. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.168. and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.” 16.169. 5. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, 16.171. 6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.” 16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 16.173. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.”
16.177. but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men;
16.285. So when he had brought these to punishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.
16.394. whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father’s command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their uncle by the mother’s side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.
16.401. for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force;
17.24. 6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus’s own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, “That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them.
17.24. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha,
17.29. 3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings.
17.29. which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter. 17.31. and that although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of government, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation; 17.31. on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.
17.42. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king’s government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras’s wife paid their fine for them.
17.151. for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature. 17.152. So these wise men persuaded their scholars to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; 17.153. ince that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor; 17.154. and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward. 17.155. 3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. 17.156. And now the king’s captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage;
17.161. and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account, 17.162. and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was;
17.169. for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an insufferable degree.
17.171. yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltitis.
17.173. and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. 17.174. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations; 17.175. and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: “I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king’s death.” 17.176. For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God
17.196. 3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus’s care that the procession to his father’s sepulcher should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeral.
17.198. About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war,
17.223. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod’s effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar.
17.227. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.
17.229. but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus’s and Sabinus’s letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them.
17.273. 6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, 17.274. while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king’s houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; 17.275. and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, 17.276. and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. 17.277. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs. 17.281. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them.
17.289. who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus,
17.318. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, 17.319. while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude.
17.339. 1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place.
17.342. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. 17.343. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus’s steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: 17.344. o the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come to Rome, Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him.
17.346. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essenes, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better;
17.354. So Archelaus’s country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people’s effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.
18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.
18.1. concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.
18.1. when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.2. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, 18.2. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. 18.3. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. 18.3. and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. 18.3. but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. 18.4. When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty;
18.15. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.
18.15. on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.
18.27. and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence,
18.27. while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife. 18.28. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Caesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter. 18.28. “yet,” said he, “I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority.
18.36. 3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus.
18.36. By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it, 18.37. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also. 18.37. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. 18.38. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days. 18.91. although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the high priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments; 18.92. the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him. 18.93. The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day; 18.94. and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day; 18.95. but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Aus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.
18.108. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.
18.149. and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintece, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him.
18.156. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security;
18.158. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay.
18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;
18.164. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship;
18.165. o, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him.
18.179. 6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would.
18.181. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice;
18.182. for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things.
18.183. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.”
18.184. Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity:
18.185. As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined;
18.186. to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty.
18.187. Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.”
18.188. Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;
18.189. he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said.
18.191. Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius his grandson whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments.
18.192. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel,
18.193. he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.”
18.194. Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.
18.195. 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) an owl, one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was;
18.196. and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country;
18.197. which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee.
18.198. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause;
18.199. for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods.
18.201. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.” 18.202. So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; 18.203. yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. 18.204. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs.
18.237. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.
18.252. and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. 18.253. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband. 18.254. But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.” 18.255. Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman.
18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;
19.275. and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.
19.328. 3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him;
19.336. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators;
19.343. 2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Caesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province.
19.345. and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, “Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.” 19.346. Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. 19.347. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, “I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.” 19.348. When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. 19.349. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king’s recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping.
19.356. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of Caesarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies; 19.357. for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which were a great number, went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues of this king’s daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses, and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent to be related. 19.358. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and libations to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the king was expired. 19.359. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended his liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also, who had himself rebuilt their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses. 19.361. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Caesarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those cities. 19.362. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at the years of discretion, who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be reasonable. 19.363. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to the deceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his daughters that were still alive;
20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter.
20.159. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.
20.219. 7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; 20.221. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits in length, and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple. 20.222. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone.' '. None |
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17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.19, 1.61, 1.78, 1.104-1.106, 1.108, 1.113, 1.118, 1.120-1.129, 1.131-1.149, 1.151-1.158, 1.169-1.170, 1.179, 1.181, 1.203-1.212, 1.255, 1.266, 1.281-1.283, 1.307, 1.319, 1.328, 1.331, 1.357, 1.361-1.362, 1.387-1.388, 1.393-1.396, 1.401-1.419, 1.421-1.428, 1.437, 1.483, 1.512, 1.562, 1.575-1.577, 1.595, 1.648-1.657, 1.659, 1.668, 2.1-2.4, 2.14-2.25, 2.37-2.38, 2.50, 2.55, 2.57-2.59, 2.69, 2.76-2.78, 2.80-2.89, 2.91, 2.93-2.100, 2.111-2.113, 2.117-2.118, 2.128-2.133, 2.159, 2.164-2.168, 2.182-2.183, 2.185-2.199, 2.201-2.203, 2.215, 2.219, 2.252, 2.293-2.294, 2.345-2.348, 2.372, 2.379, 2.397, 2.411-2.418, 2.421, 2.433, 2.458, 2.460, 2.463, 2.497, 3.354, 4.451, 4.468, 5.205, 5.210, 5.365-5.368, 5.390, 5.419, 6.105, 7.150, 7.161-7.162, 7.172-7.177, 7.218, 7.253, 7.268, 7.323, 7.327-7.329 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Agrippa I, compared to Herod • Agrippa I, grandson of Herod the Great • Alexander, son of Herod the Great • Alexander, son of Herod, • Anthedon (Agrippias), Herods benefactor • Anthedon (Agrippias), minimal taxes of, under Herod • Anthedon (Agrippias), restored and named Agrippias by Herod • Antipas (Herod) • Antipater father of Herod, Roman citizenship of • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater exempted from taxes by Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater granted Roman citizenship by Caesar and named procurator • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support for Caesar in Egypt • Antipater father of Herod, friendship of, with Roman generals • Antipater father of Herod, influence of, with Arabs • Antipater father of Herod, permission to rebuild walls given to • Antipater, son of Herod, • Antonia, fortress, rebuilt by Herod • Antony (Mark Antony), Herods assistance of • Antony (Mark Antony), and Herods appointment as king • Antony (Mark Antony), grants by, of part of Herods realm to Cleopatra • Appian, on Herods appointment • Archelaus (son of Herod), Augustuss treatment of territory of • Archelaus (son of Herod), annual tax income of, from Judea et al. • Archelaus son of Herod, banishment of, in • Archelaus son of Herod, deposition of • Archelaus son of Herod, length of reign of • Archelaus son of Herod, removal of taxes by • Archelaus son of Herod, taxation under • Archelaus, Son of Herod, • Aristobulus son of Herod the Great • Aristobulus II, revolt of, in , murder of by Herod • Augustus, Herods kingdom extended by • Augustus, Jewish embassy to, after death of Herod • Augustus, and Herods estate after Herods death • Augustus, gift of copper mines of Cyprus to Herod • Caesarea, minimal taxes of, under Herod • Callirhoe [Kallirrhoë],as Herods healing centre • Cassius (C. Longinius Cassius), and Herod • Cleopatra of Egypt, Dead Sea and Herods gift • Cleopatra, part of Herods realm granted to, by Antony • Costobarus, appointed governor of Idumea and Gaza by Herod • Costobarus, executed by Herod • Dead Sea and area, Herod the Greats development of • En Boqeq, as Herods pharmacological site • Eusebius, writings on Herod the Great (Africanus) • Hasmoneans, estate of, inherited by Herod • Herod • Herod (king) • Herod (the Great, and the Temple) • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Agrippa II • Herod Antipas • Herod Antipas (Antipater) • Herod Antipas, deposition and banishment of, in 39 B.C.E. • Herod Antipas, revenue of • Herod Antipas, revenue of, from Galilee and Perea • Herod Antipas, taxes of, custom duties • Herod Antipas, taxes of, fishing tolls • Herod Antipas, taxes of, land tax (on produce) • Herod Antipas, taxes of, poll tax • Herod Antipas, territory of, coming under Roman rule • Herod Archelaus • Herod Philip II • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, Arab territory invaded by • Herod the Great, Aristobulus drowning of • Herod the Great, Callirhoe and Dead Sea development • Herod the Great, Menahems prediction • Herod the Great, Perea given to brother Pheroras by • Herod the Great, and economic exploitation of people • Herod the Great, and temple tax • Herod the Great, as Messiah • Herod the Great, as king, client • Herod the Great, as king, of Jews • Herod the Great, as socius et amicus populi Romani • Herod the Great, assisting Antony • Herod the Great, collecting tribute in Galilee • Herod the Great, entertaining Octavian • Herod the Great, kingdom of, division of • Herod the Great, kingdom of, free from tribute • Herod the Great, kingdom of, part granted to Cleopatra • Herod the Great, kingdom of, reflecting patterns of taxation in Roman Empire • Herod the Great, kingdom of, revenue of • Herod the Great, medicinal garden of • Herod the Great, money-lending ventures of • Herod the Great, personal resources of • Herod the Great, questions surrounding payment of tribute by • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod the Great, taxation under, complaints against • Herod the Great, taxes of • Herod the Great, taxes of, custom duties and tolls (portaria) • Herod the Great, taxes of, direct taxes • Herod the Great, taxes of, indirect taxes • Herod the Great, taxes of, land and property tax (tributum soli) • Herod the Great, taxes of, poll tax (tributum capitis) • Herod the Great, taxes of, reduction of • Herod the Great, taxes of, sales • Herod the Great, taxes of, viewed as excessive • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, in cities outside kingdom • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, scholarly debate about strategy and rationale of • Herod the Great, territories of, intervention of Rome in • Herod the Great, trial of • Herod the Great, trial of, by Antony • Herod the Great, war of, against Malchus • Herod, • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, AgrippaI • Herod, Herod the Great • Herod, Herodian • Herod, King, • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Herod, religious benefaction of • Herod, wealth of • Herods tomb • Herods, and Roman tribute • Herods, taxation under, lack of evidence for • Hyrcania, fortress, embellished by Herod • Idumea, as Herods native land • Jericho,Herods expansion of • Jerusalem, fall of, to Herod • Josephus Essenes, gifts and favours from Herod • Josephus, on Agrippa I, contrasted with Herod • Josephus, on Augustus and revenues from Herod • Josephus, on Herod • Josephus, on Herod, building projects of • Josephus, on Herod, contrasted with Agrippa I • Josephus, on Herod, estate of, inconsistencies in amounts of money in relation to • Josephus, on Herod, events after death of • Josephus, on Herod, gift of Perea to Pheroras by • Josephus, on Herod, revenues from, and Augustus • Josephus, on Herod, trial of • Josephus, on taxation, and Herod • Macherus, fortification at, refortified and embellished by Herod • Malchus, war of Herod against • Masada inscription found at, refortified and embellished by Herod • Messiah, prediction of coming, and Herod the Great • Octavian, Herods cause championed by • Octavian, territory granted to Cleopatra returned to Herod by • Pheroras (brother of Herod), gift of Perea to • Philip (son of Herod), Tiberiuss treatment of territory after Philips death • Philip (son of Herod), and tribute to Rome • Philip (son of Herod), annual tax income of, from Batanea et al. • Philip (son of Herod), taxes imposed on Batanea by • Qumran and the Essenes, as a gift from Herod • Salome (Herods sister) • Samaria (city of)/Sebaste, granted to Herod by Octavian • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), intervening on behalf of Herod • Temple, Jerusalem, renovated by Herod • Trachonitis, granted to Herod • balsam (opobalsam), and Herod • benefaction, religious, by Herod • citizenship, Roman, of Herod the Great • citizenship, Roman, of the Herods and tria nomina • copper mines of, given to Herod • copper mines of, given to Herod, given to Cleopatra by Antony • healing and medicines,Herods medicinal garden • rue, Herods giant rue • socius et amicus popoli Romani, Herod as • taxation, under Herod(s) • taxation, under Herod(s), lack of evidence for • taxes, Herod • taxes, sales tax, under Herod • tribute, and Herods
Found in books: Augoustakis et al (2021) 47, 48; Bay (2022) 24, 29, 80, 212, 282; Bloch (2022) 185; Brodd and Reed (2011) 120; Crabb (2020) 102, 175, 205, 234, 246, 286; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 112, 115, 116, 117, 119, 121, 122, 125, 126, 128, 129; Faßbeck and Killebrew (2016) 176, 252, 273, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283; Fonrobert and Jaffee (2007) 93; Goodman (2006) 49, 104, 211; Gordon (2020) 172, 173, 174, 175; Gruen (2020) 39, 170, 177, 178, 181; Hachlili (2005) 40, 213, 482, 521; Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 280, 283; Hayes (2022) 22; Huttner (2013) 218; Jonquière (2007) 54, 140, 259, 260; Kalmin (2014) 25, 26; Moss (2012) 44; Noam (2018) 140; Petropoulou (2012) 140; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 180; Salvesen et al (2020) 264, 356, 357; Taylor (2012) 84, 92, 93, 94, 99, 103, 115, 126, 129, 225, 227, 228, 233, 240, 241, 270, 306, 312; Taylor and Hay (2020) 3; Udoh (2006) 20, 27, 29, 34, 81, 99, 106, 113, 115, 117, 118, 124, 126, 128, 130, 131, 136, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 164, 174, 175, 176, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 191, 192, 193, 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 204, 207; van Maaren (2022) 169, 170, 173
1.19. Καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ' αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου προσαγορευομένην χώραν κατέχοντες: ἦσαν δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτους ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν: ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο Μιθριδάτῃ." "
1.19. ὡς ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ' ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον. καὶ ὡς ̔Ηρώδης ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατέλυσε τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν Σόσσιον," "
1.61. ̓Αντίοχος δὲ κατ' ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν, στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν προσκαθεζόμενος τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις. ὁ δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς δὴ πλουσιώτατος βασιλέων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὑφελόμενος ὑπὲρ τρισχίλια τάλαντα χρημάτων τόν τε ̓Αντίοχον ἀνίστησι τῆς πολιορκίας πείσας τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις καὶ δὴ καὶ ξενοτροφεῖν πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τῆς περιουσίας ἤρξατο." "
1.61. τότε δ' ἐν Κιλικίᾳ λαβὼν ἣν προειρήκαμεν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολὴν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔσπευδεν, ὡς δὲ εἰς Κελένδεριν κατέπλει, λαμβάνει τις αὐτὸν ἔννοια τῶν περὶ τὴν μητέρα κακῶν προμαντευομένης ἤδη καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς." "
1.78. Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων," '
1.104. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ Πέλλαν ἑλὼν ἐπὶ Γέρασαν ᾔει πάλιν τῶν Θεοδώρου κτημάτων γλιχόμενος, καὶ τρισὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς περιβόλοις ἀποτειχίσας διὰ μάχης τὸ χωρίον παραλαμβάνει.' "1.105. καταστρέφεται δὲ καὶ Γαυλάνην καὶ Σελεύκειαν καὶ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου φάραγγα καλουμένην, πρὸς οἷς Γάμαλα φρούριον καρτερὸν ἑλών, τὸν ἄρχοντα Δημήτριον ἐν αὐτῷ παραλύσας ἐκ πολλῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐπάνεισιν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν, τρία πληρώσας ἔτη τῆς στρατείας. ἀσμένως δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐδέχθη διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν, καὶ λαμβάνει τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἀρχὴν νόσου." '1.106. τεταρταίαις δὲ περιόδοις πυρετῶν ἐνοχλούμενος ᾠήθη διακρούσεσθαι τὴν νόσον πάλιν ἁψάμενος πραγμάτων. διὸ δὴ στρατείαις ἀκαίροις ἑαυτὸν ἐπιδιδοὺς καὶ βιαζόμενος παρὰ δύναμιν τὸ σῶμα πρὸς τὰς ἐνεργείας ἀπήλλαξεν. τελευτᾷ γοῦν ἐν μέσοις τοῖς θορύβοις στρεφόμενος βασιλεύσας ἑπτὰ πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν ἔτη.
1.108. καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας: ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο.' "
1.113. Διογένην γοῦν τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων φίλον ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ γεγενημένον κτείνουσιν αὐτοὶ σύμβουλον ἐγκαλοῦντες γεγονέναι περὶ τῶν ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀκτακοσίων. ἐνῆγον δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν εἰς τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν παροξυνάντων ἐπ' ἐκείνους τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον: ἐνδιδούσης δ' ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἀνῄρουν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν αὐτοί." "
1.118. πρὸς ταῦτα ὀδυρόμενον τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἡ μήτηρ οἰκτείρασα τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ̓Αριστοβούλου καθείργνυσιν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν: φρούριον δ' ἦν τῷ βορείῳ κλίματι τοῦ ἱεροῦ προσκείμενον, πάλαι μέν, ὡς ἔφην, βᾶρις ὀνομαζόμενον, αὖθις δὲ ταύτης τυχὸν τῆς προσηγορίας ἐπικρατήσαντος ̓Αντωνίου, καθάπερ ἀπό τε τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα Σεβαστὴ καὶ ̓Αγριππιὰς πόλεις ἐπωνομάσθησαν." "1.121. ὁ δὲ μετὰ τῶν συμμεινάντων φθάνει συμφυγὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ κυριεύσας τῶν πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὁμήρων: ταῦτα δ' ἦν ἡ ̓Αριστοβούλου γυνὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων. ἀμέλει πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους διελύθησαν, ὥστε βασιλεύειν μὲν ̓Αριστόβουλον, ̔Υρκανὸν δὲ ἐκστάντα τῆς ἄλλης ἀπολαύειν τιμῆς ὥσπερ ἀδελφὸν βασιλέως." '1.122. ἐπὶ τούτοις διαλλαγέντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ περιεστῶτος φιλοφρόνως ἀλλήλους ἀσπασάμενοι διήμειψαν τὰς οἰκίας: ̓Αριστόβουλος μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου οἰκίαν.' "1.123. Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ̓Αντιπάτρῳ πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ' ἦν ̓Ιδουμαῖος προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους." "1.124. οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αρέτᾳ προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρέταν δέξασθαί τε τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν παρῄνει δέξασθαι, καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ: ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς." '1.125. προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν διασώζεται: βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἐστίν.' "1.126. ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται." "1.127. κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη." "1.128. Παρελθόντος γοῦν εἰς τὴν χώραν πρέσβεις εὐθέως ἧκον παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑκατέρου δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ. γίνεται δ' ἐπίπροσθεν τοῦ δικαίου τὰ παρὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου τριακόσια τάλαντα: τοσοῦτον γὰρ λαβὼν Σκαῦρος ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρός τε ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τοὺς ̓́Αραβας ἀπειλῶν ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον, εἰ μὴ λύσειαν τὴν πολιορκίαν." '1.129. ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας εἰς Φιλαδέλφειαν ̓Αρέτας καταπλαγείς, καὶ πάλιν εἰς Δαμασκὸν Σκαῦρος.' "
1.131. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφαιρεθέντες μετέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν ἐλπίδα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ Πομπήιος ἐπιὼν τὴν Συρίαν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἧκεν, ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταφεύγουσιν καὶ δίχα δωρεῶν αἷς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν δικαιολογίαις χρώμενοι κατηντιβόλουν μισῆσαι μὲν τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου βίαν, κατάγειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὸν καὶ τρόπῳ καὶ καθ' ἡλικίαν προσήκοντα." "1.132. οὐ μὴν οὐδ' ̓Αριστόβουλος ὑστέρει πεποιθὼς τῇ Σκαύρου δωροδοκίᾳ παρῆν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς οἷόν τε βασιλικώτατα κεκοσμηκὼς ἑαυτόν. ἀδοξήσας δὲ πρὸς τὰς θεραπείας καὶ μὴ φέρων δουλεύειν ταῖς χρείαις ταπεινότερον τοῦ σχήματος ἀπὸ διὸς ἡλίου πόλεως χωρίζεται." "1.133. Πρὸς ταῦτ' ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος πολλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἱκετευόντων ὥρμησεν ἐπ' ̓Αριστόβουλον, ἀναλαβὼν τήν τε ̔Ρωμαϊκὴν δύναμιν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχους." "1.134. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρελαύνων Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν ἧκεν εἰς Κορέας. ὅθεν ἡ ̓Ιουδαίων ἄρχεται χώρα κατὰ τὴν μεσόγειον ἀνιόντων, ἀκούσας συμπεφευγέναι τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειον, τοῦτο δ' ἐστὶν φρούριον τῶν πάνυ φιλοτίμως ἐξησκημένων ὑπὲρ ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ κείμενον, πέμψας καταβαίνειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν." "1.135. τῷ δ' ἦν μὲν ὁρμὴ καλουμένῳ δεσποτικώτερον διακινδυνεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπακοῦσαι, καθεώρα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὀρρωδοῦν, καὶ παρῄνουν οἱ φίλοι σκέπτεσθαι τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἰσχὺν οὖσαν ἀνυπόστατον. οἷς πεισθεὶς κάτεισιν πρὸς Πομπήιον καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τοῦ δικαίως ἄρχειν ἀπολογηθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα." "1.136. πάλιν τε τἀδελφοῦ προκαλουμένου καταβὰς καὶ διαλεχθεὶς περὶ τῶν δικαίων ἄπεισιν μὴ κωλύοντος τοῦ Πομπηί̈ου. μέσος δ' ἦν ἐλπίδος καὶ δέους, καὶ κατῄει μὲν ὡς δυσωπήσων Πομπήιον πάντ' ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ, πάλιν δὲ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ὡς μὴ προκαταλύειν δόξειεν αὑτόν." '1.137. ἐπεὶ μέντοι Πομπήιος ἐξίστασθαί τε τῶν φρουρίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ καὶ παράγγελμα τῶν φρουράρχων ἐχόντων μόναις πειθαρχεῖν ταῖς αὐτογράφοις ἐπιστολαῖς, ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἑκάστοις γράφειν ἐκχωρεῖν, ποιεῖ μὲν τὰ προσταχθέντα, ἀγανακτήσας δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πολεμεῖν πρὸς Πομπήιον. 1.138. ̔Ο δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐδίδου χρόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, εὐθέως εἵπετο, καὶ προσεπέρρωσεν τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁ Μιθριδάτου θάνατος ἀγγελθεὶς αὐτῷ περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἔνθα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τὸ πιότατον φοίνικά τε πάμπολυν καὶ βάλσαμον τρέφει. τοῦτο λίθοις ὀξέσιν ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πρέμνα συνάγουσιν κατὰ τὰς τομὰς ἐκδακρῦον. 1.139. καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἕωθεν ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον ̓Αριστόβουλος ἱκέτης ἀπαντᾷ χρημάτων τε ὑποσχέσει καὶ τῷ μετὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπιτρέπειν καὶ ἑαυτὸν χαλεπαίνοντα καταστέλλει τὸν Πομπήιον. 1.141. Πρὸς ταῦτα ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν ἐφρούρει, πρὸς δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐλθὼν περιεσκόπει ὅπως δεῖ προσβαλεῖν, τήν τε ὀχυρότητα τῶν τειχῶν δυσμεταχείριστον ὁρῶν καὶ τὴν πρὸ τούτων φάραγγα φοβερὰν τό τε ἱερὸν ἐντὸς τῆς φάραγγος ὀχυρώτατα τετειχισμένον, ὥστε τοῦ ἄστεος ἁλισκομένου δευτέραν εἶναι καταφυγὴν τοῦτο τοῖς πολεμίοις.' "1.142. Διαποροῦντος δ' ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον στάσις τοῖς ἔνδον ἐμπίπτει, τῶν μὲν ̓Αριστοβούλου πολεμεῖν ἀξιούντων καὶ ῥύεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ τὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ φρονούντων ἀνοίγειν Πομπηίῳ τὰς πύλας: πολλοὺς δὲ τούτους ἐποίει τὸ δέος ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν." "1.143. ἡττώμενον δὲ τὸ ̓Αριστοβούλου μέρος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρησεν καὶ τὴν συνάπτουσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τῇ πόλει γέφυραν ἀποκόψαντες ἀντισχεῖν εἰς ἔσχατον παρεσκευάζοντο. τῶν δὲ ἑτέρων δεχομένων ̔Ρωμαίους τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ βασίλεια παραδιδόντων ἐπὶ μὲν ταῦτα Πομπήιος ἕνα τῶν ὑφ' ἑαυτῷ στρατηγῶν Πείσωνα εἰσπέμπει μετὰ στρατιᾶς:" '1.144. ὃς διαλαβὼν φρουραῖς τὴν πόλιν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφυγόντων οὐδένα λόγοις ἔπειθεν συμβῆναι, τὰ πέριξ εἰς προσβολὰς εὐτρέπιζεν ἔχων τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἴς τε τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπηρεσίας προθύμους.' "1.145. Αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα τήν τε τάφρον ἔχου καὶ τὴν φάραγγα πᾶσαν ὕλην συμφορούσης τῆς δυνάμεως. χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν τὸ ἀναπληροῦν διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πάντα τρόπον εἰργόντων ἄνωθεν," '1.146. κἂν ἀτέλεστος ἔμεινεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ὁ πόνος, εἰ μὴ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἐπιτηρῶν ὁ Πομπήιος, ἐν αἷς παντὸς ἔργου διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν χεῖρας ἀπίσχουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τὸ χῶμα ὕψου τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμβολῆς εἴργων τοὺς στρατιώτας: ὑπὲρ μόνου γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἀμύνονται τοῖς σαββάτοις.' "1.147. ἤδη δὲ ἀναπεπληρωμένης τῆς φάραγγος πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐπιστήσας τῷ χώματι καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὰς ἐκ Τύρου κομισθείσας μηχανὰς ἐπειρᾶτο τοῦ τείχους: ἀνέστελλον δὲ αἱ πετροβόλοι τοὺς καθύπερθεν κωλύοντας. ἀντεῖχον δ' ἐπὶ πλεῖον οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος πύργοι μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντες." "1.148. ̓́Ενθα δὴ πολλὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κακοπαθούντων ὁ Πομπήιος τά τε ἄλλα τῆς καρτερίας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπεθαύμαζεν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ μηδὲν παραλῦσαι: τῆς θρησκείας ἐν μέσοις τοῖς βέλεσιν ἀνειλημένους: ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰρήνης βαθείας κατεχούσης τὴν πόλιν αἵ τε θυσίαι καθ' ἡμέραν καὶ οἱ ἐναγισμοὶ καὶ πᾶσα θεραπεία κατὰ τἀκριβὲς ἐξετελεῖτο τῷ θεῷ, καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὴν ἅλωσιν περὶ τῷ βωμῷ φονευόμενοι τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν νομίμων εἰς τὴν θρησκείαν ἀπέστησαν." "1.149. τρίτῳ γὰρ μηνὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μόλις ἕνα τῶν πύργων καταρρίψαντες εἰσέπιπτον εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος ὑπερβῆναι τολμήσας τὸ τεῖχος Σύλλα παῖς ἦν Φαῦστος Κορνήλιος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχαι δύο Φούριος καὶ Φάβιος. εἵπετο δὲ ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἴδιον στῖφος, καὶ περισχόντες πανταχοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔκτεινον οὓς μὲν τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντας, οὓς δὲ ἀμυνομένους πρὸς ὀλίγον." "
1.151. ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν ἀνῃρέθησαν μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν πάνυ νεκροί, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο πλείους." '1.152. Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια.' "1.153. οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." "1.154. ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον." "1.155. ̓Αφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ Γάδαρα ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων κατεστραμμένην Γαδαρεῖ τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος." "1.156. ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσας μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ̔́Ιππον Σκυθόπολίν τε καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ Μάρισαν ̓́Αζωτόν τε καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους Γάζαν ̓Ιόππην Δῶρα καὶ τὴν πάλαι μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν Καισάρειαν." '1.157. ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.' "1.158. δύο δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ δύο υἱεῖς, ὧν ὁ ἕτερος μὲν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ διαδιδράσκει, σὺν δὲ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίγονος εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐκομίζετο." '
1.169. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα Γαβίνιος ̔Υρκανὸν καταγαγὼν καὶ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ παραδοὺς κηδεμονίαν αὐτῷ καθίστατο τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν ἐπὶ προστασίᾳ τῶν ἀρίστων.
1.179. Κἀν τούτῳ Κράσσος αὐτῷ διάδοχος ἐλθὼν παραλαμβάνει Συρίαν. οὗτος εἰς τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν τόν τε ἄλλον τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ναοῦ χρυσὸν πάντα περιεῖλεν καὶ τὰ δισχίλια τάλαντα ἦρεν, ὧν ἀπέσχετο Πομπήιος. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Εὐφράτην αὐτός τε ἀπώλετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, περὶ ὧν οὐ νῦν καιρὸς λέγειν.
1.181. τούτῳ γήμαντι γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐξ ̓Αραβίας Κύπρον τοὔνομα τέσσαρες μὲν υἱεῖς γίνονται, Φασάηλος καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὖθις ̔Ηρώδης, πρὸς οἷς ̓Ιώσηπος καὶ Φερώρας καὶ Σαλώμη θυγάτηρ. ἐξῳκειωμένος δὲ τοὺς πανταχοῦ δυνατοὺς φιλίαις τε καὶ ξενίαις μάλιστα προσηγάγετο τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα διὰ τὴν ἐπιγαμβρίαν, κἀπειδὴ τὸν πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἀνείλετο πόλεμον, ἐκείνῳ παρακαταθήκην ἔπεμψεν τὰ τέκνα.' "
1.203. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα λέγων καὶ δι' αὑτοῦ καθίστατο τὴν χώραν ὁρῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν νωθῆ τε καὶ βασιλείας ἀτονώτερον. Φασάηλον μὲν δὴ τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τῶν πέριξ στρατηγὸν καθίστησιν, τὸν δὲ μετ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις ἔστειλεν εἰς Γαλιλαίαν κομιδῇ νέον." '1.204. ̔Ο δὲ ὢν φύσει δραστήριος ὕλην εὐθέως εὑρίσκει τῷ φρονήματι. καταλαβὼν οὖν ̓Εζεκίαν τὸν ἀρχιλῃστὴν τὰ προσεχῆ τῇ Συρίᾳ κατατρέχοντα μετὰ μεγίστου στίφους αὐτόν τε συλλαβὼν ἀποκτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν λῃστῶν.' "1.205. ὃ δὴ μάλιστα τοῖς Σύροις ἡγεῖτο κεχαρισμένον: ὑμνεῖτο γοῦν ἀνά τε τὰς κώμας καὶ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ̔Ηρώδης ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἀνασεσωκώς. γίνεται δ' ἐκ τούτου καὶ Σέξτῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διοικοῦντι τὴν Συρίαν." "1.206. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν εὐδοκιμοῦντα καὶ Φασάηλος ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἔριν τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις εὐνουστέρους καθιστάμενος καὶ δι' αὑτοῦ μὲν ἔχων τὴν πόλιν μηδὲν δὲ ἀπειροκάλως εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐξυβρίζων." '1.207. ἐντεῦθεν ̓Αντιπάτρῳ θεραπεία τε ἦν ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους βασιλικὴ καὶ τιμαὶ παρὰ πάντων ὡς δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων: οὐ μὴν αὐτὸς τῆς πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν εὐνοίας ἢ πίστεώς τι μετεκίνησεν.' "1.208. ̓Αμήχανον δ' ἐν εὐπραγίαις φθόνον διαφυγεῖν: ̔Υρκανὸς γοῦν ἤδη μὲν καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ κλέος τῶν νεανίσκων ἐδάκνετο, μάλιστα δὲ ἐλύπει τὰ ̔Ηρώδου κατορθώματα καὶ κήρυκες ἐπάλληλοι τῆς καθ' ἕκαστον εὐδοξίας προστρέχοντες πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις βασκάνων ἠρέθιζον, οἷς ἢ τὸ τῶν παίδων ἢ τὸ ̓Αντιπάτρου σωφρονικὸν προσίστατο," "1.209. λέγοντες ὡς ̓Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ παραχωρήσας τῶν πραγμάτων καθέζοιτο τοὔνομα μόνον βασιλέως ἔχων ἔρημον ἐξουσίας. καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πλανηθήσεται καθ' ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιτρέφων; οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτι, φανεροὺς δὲ εἶναι δεσπότας παρωσαμένους ἐκεῖνον, εἴ γε μήτε ἐντολὰς δόντος μήτε ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτοῦ τοσούτους παρὰ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νόμον ἀνῄρηκεν ̔Ηρώδης: ὅν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἀλλ' ἔτι ἰδιώτης, δεῖν ἐπὶ δίκην ἥκειν ἀποδώσοντα λόγον αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οἳ κτείνειν ἀκρίτους οὐκ ἐφιᾶσιν." '1.211. Σέξτος δὲ Καῖσαρ δείσας περὶ τῷ νεανίᾳ, μή τι παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀποληφθεὶς πάθῃ, πέμπει πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τοὺς παραγγελοῦντας διαρρήδην ἀπολύειν ̔Ηρώδην τῆς φονικῆς δίκης. ὁ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ὡρμημένος, ἠγάπα γὰρ ̔Ηρώδην, ἀποψηφίζεται.' "1.212. Καὶ ὃς ὑπολαμβάνων ἄκοντος τοῦ βασιλέως διαφυγεῖν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἀνεχώρησεν πρὸς Σέξτον παρασκευαζόμενος οὐδὲ αὖθις ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι. καὶ πάλιν οἱ πονηροὶ παρώξυνον τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν κατ' ὀργήν τε οἴχεσθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην λέγοντες καὶ παρεσκευασμένον κατ' αὐτοῦ: πιστεύων δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ τι χρὴ δρᾶν." "
1.255. τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ̓Αντιγόνῳ βοηθόν. τὸν γοῦν Φασάηλον ἐνεδρεύων ἀνέπεισεν πρὸς Βαζαφράνην πρεσβεύσασθαι περὶ καταλύσεως, καίτοι γε πολλὰ ἀποτρέποντος ̔Ηρώδου καὶ παραινοῦντος ἀναιρεῖν τὸν ἐπίβουλον, ἀλλὰ μὴ ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς ἑαυτὸν ἐκδιδόναι, φύσει γὰρ ἀπίστους εἶναι τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἔξεισιν ̔Υρκανὸν παραλαβών, καὶ Πάκορος, ὡς ἧττον ὑποπτεύοιτο, καταλιπὼν παρ' ̔Ηρώδῃ τινὰς τῶν καλουμένων ̓Ελευθέρων ἱππέων τοῖς λοιποῖς προέπεμψεν Φασάηλον." "
1.266. τηνικαῦτά γε μὴν φεύγοντι καθ' ἡμέραν αὐτῷ προσεγίνοντο πολλοί, καὶ κατὰ ̔Ρῆσαν γενομένῳ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας ̓Ιώσηπος ἀδελφὸς ὑπαντήσας συνεβούλευεν τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἑπομένων ἀποφορτίσασθαι: μὴ γὰρ ἂν τοσοῦτον ὄχλον δέξασθαι τὴν Μασάδαν." "
1.281. ἐν ᾗ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς Βρεντέσιον καταπλεύσας κἀκεῖθεν εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐπειχθεὶς πρώτῳ διὰ τὴν πατρῴαν φιλίαν ἐνετύγχανεν ̓Αντωνίῳ καὶ τάς τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ γένους συμφορὰς ἐκδιηγεῖτο, ὅτι τε τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐν φρουρίῳ καταλιπὼν πολιορκουμένους διὰ χειμῶνος πλεύσειεν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἱκέτης." '1.282. ̓Αντωνίου δὲ ἥπτετο πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν οἶκτος, καὶ κατὰ μνήμην μὲν τῆς ̓Αντιπάτρου ξενίας, τὸ δὲ ὅλον καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ παρόντος ἀρετὴν ἔγνω καὶ τότε βασιλέα καθιστᾶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὃν πρότερον αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν τετράρχην. ἐνῆγεν δὲ οὐκ ἔλαττον τῆς εἰς ̔Ηρώδην φιλοτιμίας ἡ πρὸς ̓Αντίγονον διαφορά: τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ στασιώδη τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐχθρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν.' "1.283. Καίσαρα μὲν οὖν εἶχεν ἑτοιμότερον αὐτοῦ τὰς ̓Αντιπάτρου στρατείας ἀνανεούμενον, ἃς κατ' Αἴγυπτον αὐτοῦ τῷ πατρὶ συνδιήνεγκεν, τήν τε ξενίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν ἅπασιν εὔνοιαν, ὁρῶντά γε μὴν καὶ τὸ ̔Ηρώδου δραστήριον:" "
1.307. ̔Ο δὲ ἕως ̓Ιορδάνου κτείνων εἵπετο καὶ πολὺ μὲν αὐτῶν μέρος διέφθειρεν, οἱ λοιποὶ δ' ὑπὲρ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐσκεδάσθησαν, ὥστε τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἐκκεκαθάρθαι φόβων, πλὴν καθόσον οἱ τοῖς σπηλαίοις ἐμφωλεύοντες ὑπελείποντο: κἀπὶ τούτοις ἔδει διατριβῆς." "
1.319. προαισθόμενος δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν ̓Αντίγονος τήν τε πόλιν ἀπέκλεισεν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ὡς πολέμιον ἠμύνατο, μέχρις αἰδούμενος Μαχαιρᾶς εἰς ̓Αμμαοῦντα πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἀναχωρεῖ καὶ πρὸς τὴν διαμαρτίαν θυμούμενος ὅσοις ἐπετύγχανεν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀνῄρει, μηδεμίαν τῶν ̔Ηρωδείων φειδὼ ποιούμενος, ἀλλ' ὡς ̓Αντιγονείοις χρώμενος ἅπασιν." "
1.328. ̓́Οντι δ' ̔Ηρώδῃ κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ̓Αντιόχειαν Δάφνην ὄνειροι σαφεῖς τὸν τἀδελφοῦ θάνατον προσημαίνουσιν, καὶ μετὰ ταραχῆς ἐκθορόντι τῆς κοίτης εἰσῄεσαν ἄγγελοι τῆς συμφορᾶς. ὁ δὲ ὀλίγον μὲν προσοιμώξας τῷ πάθει, τὸ πλεῖον δὲ τοῦ πένθους ὑπερθέμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἠπείγετο ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν." "
1.331. Καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν διὰ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος ᾔει σπεύδων ᾗ τάχιστα τοὺς τἀδελφοῦ φονεῖς μετελθεῖν: ἔνθα καὶ δαιμόνιόν τι αὐτῷ συμβαίνει τέρας, ἐξ οὗ παρ' ἐλπίδα σωθεὶς ἀνδρὸς θεοφιλεστάτου δόξαν ἀπηνέγκατο: πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ τῶν ἐν τέλει συνειστιάθησαν κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἑσπέραν, διαλυθέντος δὲ τοῦ συμποσίου μετὰ τὸ πάντας ἐξελθεῖν ὁ οἶκος εὐθέως συνέπεσεν." '
1.357. Σόσσιος δὲ χρυσοῦν ἀναθεὶς τῷ θεῷ στέφανον ἀνέζευξεν ἀπὸ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἄγων δεσμώτην ̓Αντίγονον ̓Αντωνίῳ. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν φιλοψυχήσαντα μέχρις ἐσχάτου διὰ ψυχρᾶς ἐλπίδος ἄξιος τῆς ἀγεννείας πέλεκυς ἐκδέχεται.
1.361. ̓Εν μέρει γοῦν τῶν προσταγμάτων ἐπινήψας ̓Αντώνιος τὸ κτεῖναι μὲν ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ βασιλεῖς τηλικούτους ἀνόσιον ἡγήσατο, τὸ δὲ τούτων ἔγγιον φίλους διεκρούσατο, πολλὰ δὲ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι φοινικῶνα, ἐν ᾧ γεννᾶται τὸ βάλσαμον, δίδωσιν αὐτῇ πόλεις τε πλὴν Τύρου καὶ Σιδῶνος τὰς ἐντὸς ̓Ελευθέρου ποταμοῦ πάσας.' "1.362. ὧν γενομένη κυρία καὶ προπέμψασα μέχρις Εὐφράτου τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἐπιστρατεύοντα Πάρθοις ἦλθεν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν δι' ̓Απαμείας καὶ Δαμασκοῦ. κἀνταῦθα μεγάλαις μὲν αὐτῆς τὴν δυσμένειαν δωρεαῖς ̔Ηρώδης ἐκμειλίσσεται, μισθοῦται δὲ καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπορραγέντα χωρία διακοσίων ταλάντων εἰς ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, προπέμπει δ' αὐτὴν μέχρι Πηλουσίου πάσῃ θεραπείᾳ καταχρώμενος." '
1.387. ὅ γε μὴν βασιλεὺς ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τῷ κινδύνῳ διέγνω, καὶ πλεύσας εἰς ̔Ρόδον, ἔνθα διέτριβεν Καῖσαρ, πρόσεισιν αὐτῷ δίχα διαδήματος, τὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸ σχῆμα ἰδιώτης, τὸ δὲ φρόνημα βασιλεύς: μηδὲν γοῦν τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποστειλάμενος ἄντικρυς εἶπεν:' "1.388. “ἐγώ, Καῖσαρ, ὑπὸ ̓Αντωνίου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμολογῶ γεγονέναι χρήσιμος ̓Αντωνίῳ. καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτ' ἂν ὑποστειλαίμην εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πάντως ἄν με μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπείρασας εὐχάριστον, εἰ μὴ διεκώλυσαν ̓́Αραβες. καὶ συμμαχίαν μέντοι γε αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν καὶ σίτου πολλὰς ἔπεμψα μυριάδας, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐν ̓Ακτίῳ πληγὴν κατέλιπον τὸν εὐεργέτην," '
1.393. Τούτοις φιλοφρονησάμενος τὸν βασιλέα καὶ περιθεὶς αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα δόγματι διεσήμαινεν τὴν δωρεάν, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ μεγαλοφρόνως εἰς ἔπαινον τἀνδρὸς ἐφθέγξατο. ὁ δὲ δώροις ἐπιμειλιξάμενος αὐτὸν ἐξῃτεῖτό τινα τῶν ̓Αντωνίου φίλων ̓Αλεξᾶν ἱκέτην γενόμενον: ἐνίκα δὲ ἡ Καίσαρος ὀργὴ πολλὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ μεμφομένου τὸν ἐξαιτούμενον οἷς διεκρούσατο τὴν δέησιν.' "1.394. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πορευόμενον ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον διὰ Συρίας Καίσαρα παντὶ τῷ βασιλικῷ πλούτῳ δεξάμενος ̔Ηρώδης τότε πρῶτον καὶ συνιππάσατο ποιουμένου περὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέτασιν εἱστίασέν τε σὺν ἅπασιν τοῖς φίλοις: μεθ' οὓς καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ στρατιᾷ πρὸς εὐωχίαν πάντα διέδωκεν." '1.395. προυνόησεν δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου πορευομένοις μέχρι Πηλουσίου παρασχεῖν ὕδωρ ἄφθονον ἐπανιοῦσί τε ὁμοίως, οὐδὲ ἔστιν ὅ τι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνεδέησεν τῇ δυνάμει. δόξα γοῦν αὐτῷ τε Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη πολλῷ βραχυτέραν περιεῖναι ̔Ηρώδῃ βασιλείαν πρὸς ἃ παρέσχεν. 1.396. διὰ τοῦτο, ὡς ἧκεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἤδη Κλεοπάτρας καὶ ̓Αντωνίου τεθνεώτων, οὐ μόνον αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ προσέθηκεν τήν τε ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρας ἀποτμηθεῖσαν χώραν καὶ ἔξωθεν Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σαμάρειαν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν παραλίων Γάζαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον:' "
1.401. Πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ γοῦν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτόν τε τὸν ναὸν ἐπεσκεύασεν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀνετειχίσατο χώραν τῆς οὔσης διπλασίονα, ἀμέτροις μὲν χρησάμενος τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν ἀνυπερβλήτῳ δὲ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ. τεκμήριον δὲ ἦσαν αἱ μεγάλαι στοαὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ βόρειον ἐπ' αὐτῷ φρούριον: ἃς μὲν γὰρ ἀνῳκοδόμησεν ἐκ θεμελίων, ὃ δ' ἐπισκευάσας πλούτῳ δαψιλεῖ κατ' οὐδὲν τῶν βασιλείων ἔλαττον ̓Αντωνίαν ἐκάλεσεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίου τιμήν." '1.402. τό γε μὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασίλειον κατὰ τὴν ἄνω δειμάμενος πόλιν δύο τοὺς μεγίστους καὶ περικαλλεστάτους οἴκους, οἷς οὐδὲ ναός πῃ συνεκρίνετο, προσηγόρευσεν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων τὸν μὲν Καισάρειον τὸν δὲ ̓Αγρίππειον. 1.403. ̓Αλλὰ γὰρ οὐκ οἴκοις μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν μνήμην καὶ τὰς ἐπικλήσεις περιέγραψεν, διέβη δὲ εἰς ὅλας πόλεις αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον. ἐν μέν γε τῇ Σαμαρείτιδι πόλιν καλλίστῳ περιβόλῳ τειχισάμενος ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ καταγαγὼν ἑξακισχιλίους εἰς αὐτὴν οἰκήτορας, γῆν δὲ τούτοις προσνείμας λιπαρωτάτην καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ κτίσματι ναόν τε ἐνιδρυσάμενος μέγιστον καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τέμενος ἀποδείξας τῷ Καίσαρι τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ ἄστυ Σεβαστὴν ἐκάλεσεν: ἐξαίρετον δὲ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν εὐνομίαν. 1.404. ̓Επὶ τούτοις δωρησαμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὸν ἑτέρας προσθέσει χώρας, ὁ δὲ κἀνταῦθα ναὸν αὐτῷ λευκῆς μαρμάρου καθιδρύσατο παρὰ τὰς ̓Ιορδάνου πηγάς: καλεῖται δὲ Πάνειον ὁ τόπος:' "1.405. ἔνθα κορυφὴ μέν τις ὄρους εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἀνατείνεται, παρὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόρειον λαγόνα συνηρεφὲς ἄντρον ὑπανοίγει, δι' οὗ βαραθρώδης κρημνὸς εἰς ἀμέτρητον ἀπορρῶγα βαθύνεται πλήθει τε ὕδατος ἀσαλεύτου καὶ τοῖς καθιμῶσίν τι πρὸς ἔρευναν γῆς οὐδὲν μῆκος ἐξαρκεῖ." "1.406. τοῦ δὲ ἄντρου κατὰ τὰς ἔξωθεν ῥίζας ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαί: καὶ γένεσις μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἔνθεν ̓Ιορδάνου, τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν." '1.407. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ μεταξὺ Κύπρου τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλείων ἄλλα κατασκευάσας ἀμείνω καὶ χρησιμώτερα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδημίας ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ὠνόμασεν φίλων. καθόλου δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ὅντινα τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιτήδειον τόπον τῆς πρὸς Καίσαρα τιμῆς γυμνὸν εἴασεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν χώραν ἐπλήρωσεν ναῶν, εἰς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὰς τιμὰς ὑπερεξέχεεν καὶ πολλαῖς πόλεσιν ἐνιδρύσατο Καισάρεια. 1.408. Κατιδὼν δὲ κἀν τοῖς παραλίοις πόλιν ἤδη μὲν κάμνουσαν, Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, διὰ δὲ εὐφυίαν τοῦ χωρίου δέξασθαι δυναμένην τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ, πᾶσαν ἀνέκτισεν λευκῷ λίθῳ καὶ λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησεν βασιλείοις, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα τὸ φύσει μεγαλόνουν ἐπεδείξατο.' "1.409. μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ ̓Ιόππης, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν θάλασσαν." "1.411. Καθάπαν δ' ἔχων ἀντιπράσσοντα τὸν τόπον ἐφιλονείκησεν πρὸς τὴν δυσχέρειαν, ὡς τὴν μὲν ὀχυρότητα τῆς δομήσεως δυσάλωτον εἶναι τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι: συμμετρησάμενος γὰρ ὅσον εἰρήκαμεν τῷ λιμένι μέγεθος καθίει λίθους ἐπ' ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ὧν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι μῆκος ποδῶν πεντήκοντα, βάθος ἐννέα, εὖρος δέκα, τινὲς δὲ καὶ μείζους." '1.412. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεπληρώθη τὸ ὕφαλον, οὕτως ἤδη τὸ ὑπερέχον τοῦ πελάγους τεῖχος ἐπὶ διακοσίους πόδας ηὐρύνετο: ὧν οἱ μὲν ἑκατὸν προδεδόμηντο πρὸς τὴν ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ κύματος, προκυμία γοῦν ἐκλήθη, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὑπόκειται τῷ περιθέοντι λιθίνῳ τείχει. τοῦτο δὲ πύργοις τε διείληπται μεγίστοις, ὧν ὁ προύχων καὶ περικαλλέστατος ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου Δρούσιον κέκληται,' "1.413. ψαλίδες τε πυκναὶ πρὸς καταγωγὴν τῶν ἐνορμιζομένων καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτῶν πᾶν κύκλῳ νάγμα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσιν πλατὺς περίπατος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους βόρειος, αἰθριώτατος γὰρ ἀνέμων τῷ τόπῳ βορέας: καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος κολοσσοὶ τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπεστηριγμένοι κίοσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ λαιᾶς χειρὸς εἰσπλεόντων πύργος ναστὸς ἀνέχει, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ δεξιοῦ δύο ὀρθοὶ λίθοι συνεζευγμένοι τοῦ κατὰ θάτερον χεῖλος πύργου μείζονες." "1.414. προσεχεῖς δ' οἰκίαι τῷ λιμένι λευκοῦ καὶ αὗται λίθου, καὶ κατατείνοντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν οἱ στενωποὶ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἓν διάστημα μεμετρημένοι. καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἀντικρὺ ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διάφορος: ἐν δ' αὐτῷ κολοσσὸς Καίσαρος οὐκ ἀποδέων τοῦ ̓Ολυμπίασιν Διός, ᾧ καὶ προσείκασται, ̔Ρώμης δὲ ἴσος ̔́Ηρᾳ τῇ κατ' ̓́Αργος. ἀνέθηκεν δὲ τῇ μὲν ἐπαρχίᾳ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς ταύτῃ δὲ πλοϊζομένοις τὸν λιμένα, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ κτίσματος: Καισάρειαν γοῦν ὠνόμασεν αὐτήν." "1.415. Τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων, ἀμφιθέατρον καὶ θέατρον καὶ ἀγοράς, ἄξια τῆς προσηγορίας ἐνιδρύσατο. καὶ πενταετηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας καταστησάμενος ὁμοίως ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἆθλα μέγιστα προθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ νικῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ μετ' αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ τρίτοι τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετελάμβανον." "1.416. ἀνακτίσας δὲ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν παράλιον καταρριφθεῖσαν ἐν πολέμῳ ̓Αγρίππειον προσηγόρευσε: τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ φίλου δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐνοίας καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ἐχάραξεν τὸ ὄνομα, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κατεσκεύασεν." '1.417. Φιλοπάτωρ γε μήν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος: καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέθηκεν πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσιν πλουσίαν ὠνόμασεν ̓Αντιπατρίδα, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος φρούριον ὀχυρότητι καὶ κάλλει διάφορον τειχίσας ἀνέθηκεν τῇ μητρὶ προσειπὼν Κύπρον. 1.418. Φασαήλῳ δὲ τἀδελφῷ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ὁμώνυμον πύργον, οὗ τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει πολυτέλειαν διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. καὶ πόλιν ἄλλην κτίσας κατὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ιεριχοῦς ἰόντων αὐλῶνα πρὸς βορέαν Φασαηλίδα ὠνόμασεν.' "1.419. Παραδοὺς δ' αἰῶνι τούς τε οἰκείους καὶ φίλους οὐδὲ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μνήμης ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον μὲν ἐπιτειχίσας τῷ πρὸς ̓Αραβίαν ὄρει προσηγόρευσεν ̔Ηρώδειον ἀφ' ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν δὲ μαστοειδῆ κολωνὸν ὄντα χειροποίητον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων ἄπωθεν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐκάλεσεν μὲν ὁμοίως, ἐξήσκησεν δὲ φιλοτιμότερον." '
1.421. κατεσκεύασεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς ῥίζας ἄλλα βασίλεια τήν τε ἀποσκευὴν καὶ τοὺς φίλους δέξασθαι δυνάμενα, ὥστε τῷ μὲν πάντα ἔχειν πόλιν εἶναι δοκεῖν τὸ ἔρυμα, τῇ περιγραφῇ δὲ βασίλειον.' "1.422. Τοσαῦτα συγκτίσας πλείσταις καὶ τῶν ἔξω πόλεων τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἐπεδείξατο. Τριπόλει μὲν γὰρ καὶ Δαμασκῷ καὶ Πτολεμαί̈δι γυμνάσια, Βύβλῳ δὲ τεῖχος, ἐξέδρας τε καὶ στοὰς καὶ ναοὺς καὶ ἀγορὰς Βηρυτῷ κατασκευάσας καὶ Τύρῳ, Σιδῶνί γε μὴν καὶ Δαμασκῷ θέατρα, Λαοδικεῦσι δὲ τοῖς παραλίοις ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγήν, ̓Ασκαλωνίταις δὲ βαλανεῖα καὶ κρήνας πολυτελεῖς, πρὸς δὲ περίστυλα θαυμαστὰ τήν τε ἐργασίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος: εἰσὶ δ' οἷς ἄλση καὶ λειμῶνας ἀνέθηκεν." "1.423. πολλαὶ δὲ πόλεις ὥσπερ κοινωνοὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον παρ' αὐτοῦ: γυμνασιαρχίαις δ' ἄλλας ἐπετησίοις τε καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἐδωρήσατο προσόδους κατατάξας, ὥσπερ Κῴοις, ἵνα μηδέποτε ἐκλείπῃ τὸ γέρας." '1.424. σῖτόν γε μὴν πᾶσιν ἐχορήγησεν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τῇ ̔Ρόδῳ χρήματα μὲν εἰς ναυτικοῦ κατασκευὴν παρέσχεν πολλαχοῦ καὶ πολλάκις, ἐμπρησθὲν δὲ τὸ Πύθιον ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν ἄμεινον ἀνεδείματο.' "1.425. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν τὰς εἰς Λυκίους ἢ Σαμίους δωρεὰς ἢ τὴν δι' ὅλης τῆς ̓Ιωνίας ἐν οἷς ἐδεήθησαν ἕκαστοι δαψίλειαν; ἀλλ' ̓Αθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Νικοπολῖταί τε καὶ τὸ κατὰ Μυσίαν Πέργαμον οὐ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου γέμουσιν ἀναθημάτων; τὴν δ' ̓Αντιοχέων τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ πλατεῖαν οὐ φευκτὴν οὖσαν ὑπὸ βορβόρου κατέστρωσέν τε σταδίων εἴκοσι τὸ μῆκος οὖσαν ξεστῇ μαρμάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ὑετῶν ἀποφυγὰς ἐκόσμησεν ἰσομήκει στοᾷ." "1.426. Ταῦτα μὲν ἄν τις εἴποι ἴδια τῶν εὖ παθόντων δήμων ἑκάστου, τὸ δὲ ̓Ηλείοις χαρισθὲν οὐ μόνον κοινὸν τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἀλλ' ὅλης τῆς οἰκουμένης δῶρον, εἰς ἣν ἡ δόξα τῶν ̓Ολυμπίασιν ἀγώνων διικνεῖται." '1.427. τούτους γὰρ δὴ καταλυομένους ἀπορίᾳ χρημάτων ὁρῶν καὶ τὸ μόνον λείψανον τῆς ἀρχαίας ̔Ελλάδος ὑπορρέον, οὐ μόνον ἀγωνοθέτης ἧς ἐπέτυχεν πενταετηρίδος εἰς ̔Ρώμην παραπλέων ἐγένετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸ διηνεκὲς πόρους χρημάτων ἀπέδειξεν, ὡς μηδέποτε ἀγωνοθετοῦσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν μνήμην ἀπολιπεῖν. 1.428. ἀνήνυτον ἂν εἴη χρεῶν διαλύσεις ἢ φόρων ἐπεξιέναι, καθάπερ Φασηλίταις καὶ Βαλανεώταις καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν Κιλικίαν πολιχνίοις τὰς ἐτησίους εἰσφορὰς ἐπεξεκούφισεν. πλεῖστόν γε μὴν αὐτοῦ τῆς μεγαλονοίας ἔθραυσεν ὁ φόβος, ὡς μὴ δόξειεν ἐπίφθονος ἤ τι θηρᾶσθαι μεῖζον εὐεργετῶν τὰς πόλεις πλέον τῶν ἐχόντων.' "
1.437. ἔχουσα δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀπέχθειαν ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων εὔλογον, τὴν δὲ παρρησίαν ἐκ τοῦ φιλεῖσθαι, φανερῶς ὠνείδιζεν αὐτῷ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πάππον ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ̓Ιωνάθην: οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτου καίπερ ὄντος παιδὸς ἐφείσατο, δοὺς μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἑπτακαιδεκαέτει, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τιμὴν κτείνας εὐθέως, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα λαβόντι καὶ τῷ βωμῷ προσελθόντι καθ' ἑορτὴν ἄθρουν ἐπεδάκρυσεν τὸ πλῆθος. πέμπεται μὲν οὖν ὁ παῖς διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἐκεῖ δὲ κατ' ἐντολὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν βαπτιζόμενος ἐν κολυμβήθρᾳ τελευτᾷ." "
1.483. Τούτοις ὡς πατέρα πείσαντες ταχέως τὸν μὲν ἐν χερσὶν φόβον διεκρούσαντο, τὴν δ' εἰς τὰ μέλλοντα λύπην προσέλαβον: ἔγνωσαν γὰρ τήν τε Σαλώμην ἐχθρὰν καὶ τὸν θεῖον Φερώραν: ἦσαν δὲ βαρεῖς μὲν ἀμφότεροι καὶ χαλεποί, Φερώρας δὲ μείζων, ὃς πάσης μὲν ἐκοινώνει τῆς βασιλείας πλὴν διαδήματος, προσόδους δὲ ἰδίας εἶχεν ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, τὴν δὲ πέραν ̓Ιορδάνου πᾶσαν ἐκαρποῦτο χώραν λαβὼν παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ δῶρον, ὃς αὐτὸν ἐποίησεν καὶ τετράρχην αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Καίσαρος, βασιλικῶν τε γάμων ἠξίωσεν συνοικίσας ἀδελφὴν τῆς ἰδίας γυναικός: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνης τελευτὴν καθωσίωσε τὴν πρεσβυτάτην τῶν ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρων ἐπὶ προικὶ τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις." '
1.512. ὁμοίως τε καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς προστάξαντος τοῦ βασιλέως πάντες ̓Αρχελάῳ δῶρα λαμπρὰ ἔδοσαν, προεπέμφθη τε ὑπό τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τῶν δυνατῶν ἕως ̓Αντιοχείας.' "
1.562. κατηντιβόλει δὲ πολλῆς οὔσης γενεᾶς κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον μεταθεῖναι τοὺς γάμους: ἦσαν γὰρ τῷ βασιλεῖ γυναῖκες μὲν ἐννέα, τέκνα δὲ ἐκ τούτων ἑπτά, αὐτὸς μὲν ̓Αντίπατρος ἐκ Δωρίδος, ̔Ηρώδης δ' ἐκ Μαριάμμης τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρός, ̓Αντίπας δὲ καὶ ̓Αρχέλαος ἐκ Μαλθάκης τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, καὶ θυγάτηρ ̓Ολυμπιάς, ἣν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς αὐτοῦ ̓Ιώσηπος εἶχεν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτιδος Κλεοπάτρας ̔Ηρώδης καὶ Φίλιππος, ἐκ δὲ Παλλάδος Φασάηλος." "
1.575. πείσας δὲ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν Φάβατον τὸν Καίσαρος διοικητὴν ἐχρῆτο βοηθῷ καὶ καθ' ̔Ηρώδου. πλείονα δὲ δοὺς ̔Ηρώδης ἀφίστησίν τε ἀπὸ Συλλαίου Φάβατον καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ Καίσαρος εἰσέπραττεν. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν ἀποδοὺς ἔτι καὶ κατηγόρει Φαβάτου παρὰ Καίσαρι, διοικητὴν εἶναι λέγων οὐ τῶν ἐκείνῳ, τῶν δὲ ̔Ηρώδῃ συμφερόντων." "1.576. ἐφ' οἷς ὀργισθεὶς Φάβατος, ἦν δ' ἔτι παρὰ ̔Ηρώδῃ μάλιστα τιμώμενος, γίνεται προδότης Συλλαίου τῶν ἀπορρήτων τῷ τε βασιλεῖ φησιν, ὅτι Συλλαῖος διαφθείρειεν αὐτοῦ τὸν σωματοφύλακα Κόρινθον χρήμασιν, ὃν δεῖ φυλάττεσθαι. πείθεται δ' ὁ βασιλεύς: καὶ γὰρ τέθραπτο μὲν ὁ Κόρινθος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ, γένος δ' ἦν ̓́Αραψ." "1.577. συλλαμβάνει δ' εὐθέως οὐκ αὐτὸν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ δύο ἑτέρους ̓́Αραβας εὑρὼν παρ' αὐτῷ, τὸν μὲν φίλον Συλλαίου τὸν δὲ φύλαρχον. οἱ δὲ βασανιζόμενοι πεῖσαι Κόρινθον ὡμολόγησαν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ̔Ηρώδην ἀνελεῖν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀνακριθέντες καὶ παρὰ Σατορνίνῳ τῷ διέποντι τὴν Συρίαν ἀνεπέμφθησαν εἰς ̔Ρώμην." "
1.595. Πρὸς ταῦθ' ἡ γυνὴ μικρὸν διαλιποῦσα “καὶ τί γάρ, εἶπεν, ἔτι φείδομαι τῶν ἀπορρήτων Φερώρα τεθνεῶτος ἢ σώζουσα τὸν ἀπολέσαντα πάντας ἡμᾶς ̓Αντίπατρον; ἄκουε, βασιλεῦ, καὶ μετὰ σοῦ θεὸς ὁ μάρτυς ἐμοὶ τῆς ἀληθείας πλανηθῆναι μὴ δυνάμενος:" "
1.648. Γίνεται δ' ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς αὐτῷ καὶ δημοτική τις ἐπανάστασις. δύο ἦσαν σοφισταὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν μάλιστα δοκοῦντες ἀκριβοῦν τὰ πάτρια καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν παντὶ τῷ ἔθνει μεγίστης ἠξιωμένοι δόξης, ̓Ιούδας τε υἱὸς Σεπφεραίου καὶ Ματθίας ἕτερος Μαργάλου." '1.649. τούτοις οὐκ ὀλίγοι προσῄεσαν τῶν νέων ἐξηγουμένοις τοὺς νόμους, καὶ συνεῖχον ὁσημέραι τῶν ἡβώντων στρατόπεδον. οἳ τότε τὸν βασιλέα πυνθανόμενοι ταῖς ἀθυμίαις ὑπορρέοντα καὶ τῇ νόσῳ λόγον καθίεσαν εἰς τοὺς γνωρίμους, ὡς ἄρα καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότατος εἴη τιμωρεῖν ἤδη τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰ κατασκευασθέντα παρὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἔργα κατασπᾶν. 1.651. ̔́Αμα δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνων λόγοις διεφημίσθη καὶ θνήσκειν ὁ βασιλεύς, ὥστε θαρραλεώτερον ἥπτοντο τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως οἱ νέοι. μέσης γοῦν ἡμέρας καὶ πολλῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναστρεφομένων σχοίνοις παχείαις καθιμήσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους τὸν χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν ἐξέκοπτον πελέκεσιν.' "1.652. ἠγγέλθη δ' εὐθέως τῷ βασιλέως στρατηγῷ, κἀκεῖνος μετὰ χειρὸς οὐκ ὀλίγης ἀναδραμὼν περὶ τεσσαράκοντα νεανίας συλλαμβάνει καὶ κατήγαγεν πρὸς βασιλέα." "1.653. πυνθανομένῳ δ' αὐτῷ πρῶτον, εἰ τολμήσειαν τὸν χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν ἐκκόπτειν, ὡμολόγουν. ἔπειτα, τίνος κελεύσαντος, ἀπεκρίναντο τοῦ πατρίου νόμου. τί δ' οὕτως γεγήθασιν διερωτήσαντος, ἀναιρεῖσθαι μέλλοντες ἔλεγον, ὅτι πλειόνων ἀγαθῶν ἀπολαύσουσιν μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν." "1.654. ̓Επὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς δι' ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς κρείττων τῆς νόσου γενόμενος πρόεισιν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν κατηγορήσας ὡς ἱεροσύλων καὶ προφάσει τοῦ νόμου πειραζόντων τι μεῖζον ἠξίου κολάζειν ὡς ἀσεβεῖς." '1.655. ὁ δὲ δῆμος δείσας μὴ διὰ πολλῶν ὁ ἔλεγχος ἔλθῃ, παρεκάλει πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ὑποθεμένους τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἔπειτα τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ συλληφθέντας κολάσαντα τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν ὀργὴν ἀφιέναι. πείθεται μόλις ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν καθιμήσαντας ἑαυτοὺς ἅμα τοῖς σοφισταῖς κατέκαυσε ζῶντας, τοὺς λοιποὺς δὲ τῶν συλληφθέντων παρέδωκεν τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἀνελεῖν. 1.656. ̓́Ενθεν αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα πᾶν ἡ νόσος διαλαβοῦσα ποικίλοις πάθεσιν ἐμερίζετο: πυρετὸς μὲν γὰρ ἦν οὐ λάβρος, κνησμὸς δὲ ἀφόρητος τῆς ἐπιφανείας ὅλης καὶ κόλου συνεχεῖς ἀλγηδόνες περί τε τοὺς πόδας ὥσπερ ὑδρωπιῶντος οἰδήματα τοῦ τε ἤτρου φλεγμονὴ καὶ δὴ αἰδοίου σηπεδὼν σκώληκας γεννῶσα, πρὸς τούτοις ὀρθόπνοια καὶ δύσπνοια καὶ σπασμοὶ πάντων τῶν μελῶν, ὥστε τοὺς ἐπιθειάζοντας ποινὴν εἶναι τῶν σοφιστῶν τὰ νοσήματα λέγειν.' "1.657. ὁ δὲ παλαίων τοσούτοις πάθεσιν ὅμως τοῦ ζῆν ἀντείχετο σωτηρίαν τε ἤλπιζεν καὶ θεραπείας ἐπενόει: διαβὰς γοῦν τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην τοῖς κατὰ Καλλιρρόην ἐχρῆτο θερμοῖς: ταῦτα δ' ἔξεισι μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Ασφαλτῖτιν λίμνην, ὑπὸ γλυκύτητος δ' ἐστὶ καὶ πότιμα. δόξαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα τοῖς ἰατροῖς ἐλαίῳ θερμῷ πᾶν ἀναθάλψαι τὸ σῶμα χαλασθὲν εἰς πλήρη πύελον ἐκλύει καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ὡς τεθνεὼς ἀνέστρεψεν." "
1.659. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὑποστρέφων εἰς ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται μελαγχολῶν ἤδη, καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἀπειλῶν αὐτῷ τῷ θανάτῳ προέκοπτεν εἰς ἐπιβολὴν ἀθεμίτου πράξεως: τοὺς γὰρ ἀφ' ἑκάστης κώμης ἐπισήμους ἄνδρας ἐξ ὅλης ̓Ιουδαίας συναγαγὼν εἰς τὸν καλούμενον ἱππόδρομον ἐκέλευσεν συγκλεῖσαι." "
1.668. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν λύσας τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας ἀνεγίνωσκεν, ἐν αἷς Φίλιππος μὲν τοῦ Τράχωνος καὶ τῶν γειτνιώντων χωρίων κληρονόμος, τετράρχης δ', ὡς προείπαμεν, ̓Αντίπας, βασιλεὺς δ' ̓Αρχέλαος ἀπεδείκνυτο." '
2.1. ̓Αρχελάῳ δὲ νέων ἦρξε θορύβων ἡ τῆς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμην ἀποδημίας ἀνάγκη. πενθήσας γὰρ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν ἐπιτάφιον ἑστίασιν πολυτελῆ τῷ πλήθει παρασχών: ἔθος δὲ τοῦτο παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις πολλοῖς πενίας αἴτιον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑστιᾶν οὐκ ἄνευ ἀνάγκης: εἰ γὰρ παραλείποι τις, οὐχ ὅσιος: μεταλαμβάνει μὲν ἐσθῆτα λευκήν, πρόεισι δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἔνθα ποικίλαις αὐτὸν εὐφημίαις ὁ λαὸς ἐκδέχεται.
2.1. καὶ δὴ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἐνστάσης ἑορτῆς, ἣ πάσχα παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις καλεῖται πολύ τι θυμάτων πλῆθος ἐκδεχομένη, κάτεισι μὲν ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς ἄπειρος ἐπὶ τὴν θρησκείαν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς σοφιστὰς πενθοῦντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνειστήκεσαν τροφὴν τῇ στάσει ποριζόμενοι.' "
2.1. μετὰ δὲ τὸν οἶκον ἐπιδιένειμεν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἑαυτῷ καταλειφθεῖσαν ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου δωρεὰν οὖσαν χιλίων ταλάντων, εὐτελῆ τινα τῶν κειμηλίων εἰς τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου τιμὴν ἐξελόμενος." "2.2. Κἀν τούτῳ πάλιν ̓Αντίπας ἀμφισβητῶν περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπέξεισιν ἀξιῶν τῆς ἐπιδιαθήκης κυριωτέραν εἶναι τὴν διαθήκην, ἐν ᾗ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἐγέγραπτο. συλλήψεσθαι δ' αὐτῷ προϋπέσχετο Σαλώμη καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν σὺν ̓Αρχελάῳ πλεόντων συγγενῶν." '2.2. κἀκεῖνος τὸ πλῆθος ἀφ' ὑψηλοῦ βήματος καὶ χρυσοῦ θρόνου δεξιωσάμενος τῆς τε σπουδῆς, ἣν ἐνεδείξαντο περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῦ πατρός, εὐχαριστεῖ καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν θεραπείας ὡς πρὸς βέβαιον ἤδη βασιλέα: φείδεσθαί γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἕως ἂν αὐτῷ Καῖσαρ ἐπικυρώσῃ τὴν διαδοχήν, ὁ καὶ κατὰ τὰς διαθήκας τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης:" "2.2. πρὸς δὲ μηδεμίαν πεῖραν ἐνδιδόντων ὡς ἑώρα καὶ τὴν χώραν κινδυνεύουσαν ἄσπορον μεῖναι, κατὰ γὰρ ὥραν σπόρου πεντήκοντα ἡμέρας ἀργὰ προσδιέτριβεν αὐτῷ τὰ πλήθη, τελευταῖον ἀθροίσας αὐτοὺς καὶ “παρακινδυνευτέον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον, 2.3. καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ λόγου παντὸς ἐναπηρείσατο τῷ πλήθει τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν φονευθέντων, οὓς ἐληλυθέναι μὲν ἐφ' ἑορτήν, παρὰ δὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις θυσίαις ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάχθαι: καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ σεσωρεῦσθαι νεκρῶν πλῆθος, ὅσον οὐδ' ἂν ἀλλόφυλος ἐσώρευσεν πόλεμος ἐπελθὼν ἀκήρυκτος." '2.3. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ διάδημα περιαπτούσης αὐτῷ δεδέχθαι: τοῦ μέντοι προθύμου καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ὥσπερ τοῖς στρατιώταις οὕτω καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πλήρεις ἀποδώσειν τὰς ἀμοιβάς, ὁπόταν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων βασιλεὺς ἀποδειχθῇ βέβαιος: σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων.' "2.3. τούτοις καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος, ἅμα καὶ τῶν περὶ Καπίτωνα ἱππέων εἰς μέσον φερομένων, διεσκεδάσθη πρὶν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Φλῶρον ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φανερὸν ποιῆσαι τὸ πειθήνιον. ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας μετὰ δέους καὶ ταπεινότητος ἐνυκτέρευσαν.' "2.4. ̓Επὶ τούτοις ἡδόμενον τὸ πλῆθος εὐθέως ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ μεγάλοις αἰτήμασιν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐβόων ἐπικουφίζειν τὰς εἰσφοράς, οἱ δὲ ἀναιρεῖν τὰ τέλη, τινὲς δὲ ἀπολύειν τοὺς δεσμώτας. ἐπένευσε δ' ἑτοίμως ἅπασι θεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος." '2.4. εἰσελθέτω δ' οἶκτος ὑμᾶς εἰ καὶ μὴ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γε μητροπόλεως ταύτης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν περιβόλων. φείσασθε τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἑαυτοῖς μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων τηρήσατε: ἀφέξονται γὰρ οὐκέτι ̔Ρωμαῖοι τούτων κρατήσαντες, ὧν φεισάμενοι πρότερον ἠχαρίστηνται." '2.4. ἣν προϊδόμενος ὁ Οὔαρος, ἀνέβη γὰρ μετὰ τὸν ̓Αρχελάου πλοῦν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τοὺς παρακινοῦντας καθέξων, ἐπειδὴ πρόδηλον ἦν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἠρεμῆσον, ἓν τῶν τριῶν ἀπὸ Συρίας ταγμάτων, ὅπερ ἄγων ἧκεν, ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλείπει.' "
2.14. Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων Ποπλᾶ καὶ Πτολεμαίου καὶ Νικολάου κατῄει πρὸς θάλασσαν καταλιπὼν ἐπίτροπόν τε τῶν βασιλείων καὶ κηδεμόνα τῶν οἰκείων Φίλιππον.' "
2.14. τὸ πιστὸν ἀεὶ πᾶσιν παρέξειν, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν: οὐ γὰρ δίχα θεοῦ περιγενέσθαι τινὶ τὸ ἄρχειν: κἂν αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ, μηδέποτε ἐξυβρίσειν εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν μηδ' ἐσθῆτί τινι ἢ πλείονι κόσμῳ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους ὑπερλαμπρύνεσθαι." "
2.15. Διῄρηνται δὲ κατὰ χρόνον τῆς ἀσκήσεως εἰς μοίρας τέσσαρας, καὶ τοσοῦτον οἱ μεταγενέστεροι τῶν προγενεστέρων ἐλαττοῦνται, ὥστ' εἰ ψαύσειαν αὐτῶν, ἐκείνους ἀπολούεσθαι καθάπερ ἀλλοφύλῳ συμφυρέντας." "
2.15. συνεξῄει δ' ἅμα τοῖς τέκνοις Σαλώμη καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῖ τε καὶ γαμβροί, τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν συναγωνιούμενοι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς ̓Αρχελάῳ, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς κατηγορήσοντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν παρανομηθέντων." "
2.16. ̓́Εστιν δὲ καὶ ἕτερον ̓Εσσηνῶν τάγμα, δίαιταν μὲν καὶ ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοφρονοῦν, διεστὼς δὲ τῇ κατὰ γάμον δόξῃ: μέγιστον γὰρ ἀποκόπτειν οἴονται τοῦ βίου μέρος, τὴν διαδοχήν, τοὺς μὴ γαμοῦντας, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ πάντες τὸ αὐτὸ φρονήσειαν, ἐκλιπεῖν ἂν τὸ γένος τάχιστα.' "
2.16. Συναντᾷ δ' αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν Σαβῖνος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἐπίτροπος εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χρημάτων. τοῦτον ἐπέσχεν προσωτέρω χωρεῖν ἐπελθὼν Οὔαρος, ὃν διὰ Πτολεμαίου πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ̓Αρχέλαος μετεπέμψατο." '
2.17. τότε μὲν οὖν Σαβῖνος Οὐάρῳ χαριζόμενος οὔτ' ἐπὶ τὰς ἄκρας ἔσπευσεν οὔτε τὰ ταμιεῖα τῶν πατρῴων χρημάτων ἀπέκλεισεν ̓Αρχελάῳ, μέχρι δὲ τῆς Καίσαρος διαγνώσεως ἠρεμήσειν ὑπέσχετο καὶ διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τῆς Καισαρείας." "
2.17. τοῦτο μεθ' ἡμέραν μεγίστην ταραχὴν ἤγειρεν ̓Ιουδαίοις: οἵ τε γὰρ ἐγγὺς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐξεπλάγησαν ὡς πεπατημένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τῇ πόλει δείκηλον τίθεσθαι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἄθρους ὁ ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς συνέρρευσεν." '
2.18. τοῦτό τις τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ διαγγέλλει τῷ Τιβερίῳ, καὶ ὃς ἀγανακτήσας εἵργνυσιν τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν καὶ μετ' αἰκίας εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ, μέχρις αὐτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν ἡγεμονεύσας ἔτη δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μησὶν ἕξ." '
2.18. ὡς δὲ τῶν ἐμποδιζόντων ὁ μὲν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν ἀπῆρεν, ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἀνήχθη, διὰ τάχους ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὁρμήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος τούς τε φρουράρχους καὶ διοικητὰς ἐπειρᾶτο διερευνᾶν τοὺς τῶν χρημάτων ἀναλογισμοὺς τάς τε ἄκρας παραλαμβάνειν.' "
2.19. κυκλοτερὴς μὲν γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κοῖλος, ἀναδίδωσιν δὲ τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον, ἣν ὅταν ἐκκενώσῃ πολλὰ πλοῖα προσσχόντα, πάλιν ἀντιπληροῦται τὸ χωρίον, κατασυρόντων μὲν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τότε τῶν ἀνέμων εἰς αὐτὸ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀργὴν ψάμμον, τοῦ δὲ μετάλλου πᾶσαν εὐθέως μεταβάλλοντος εἰς ὕελον.
2.19. οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες τῶν ̓Αρχελάου κατημέλουν ἐντολῶν, ἔμενον δὲ φρουροῦντες ἕκαστα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνατιθέντες Καίσαρι μᾶλλον ἢ ̓Αρχελάῳ. 2.21. δεῖν μέντοι προαποδειχθῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως: οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον διὰ τὴν αὐτῶν κακοβουλίαν ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ μιαίνεσθαι τὰ τεμένη τῆς πατρίδος. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀκούσας ταῦτα τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἀπήγγειλεν. 2.21. ἐπήγετο δὲ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον ῥοπὴν εἶναι δοκοῦντα διὰ τὴν παρὰ ̔Ηρώδῃ πίστιν: γεγόνει γὰρ δὴ τῶν φίλων ἐκείνου τιμιώτατος: πλεῖστον μέντοι πεποίθει διὰ δεινότητα λόγων Εἰρηναίῳ τῷ ῥήτορι, διὸ καὶ τοὺς νουθετοῦντας εἴκειν ̓Αρχελάῳ κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον καὶ τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας διεκρούσατο. 2.22. καταλείπει δὲ τρεῖς μὲν θυγατέρας ἐκ Κύπρου γεγενημένας, Βερνίκην καὶ Μαριάμμην καὶ Δρουσίλλαν, υἱὸν δὲ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ̓Αγρίππαν. οὗ παντάπασιν ὄντος νηπίου πάλιν τὰς βασιλείας Κλαύδιος ἐπαρχίαν ποιήσας ἐπίτροπον πέμπει Κούσπιον Φᾶδον, ἔπειτα Τιβέριον ̓Αλέξανδρον, οἳ μηδὲν παρακινοῦντες τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξαν.' "2.22. μεθίστατο δὲ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ σπουδὴ τῶν συγγενῶν, οἷς διὰ μίσους ἦν ̓Αρχέλαος, καὶ προηγουμένως ἕκαστος αὐτονομίας ἐπεθύμει στρατηγῷ ̔Ρωμαίων διοικουμένης, εἰ δὲ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοι, βασιλεύειν ̓Αντίπαν ἤθελεν. 2.23. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ ὡς ὅλης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας καταφλεγείσης συνεχύθησαν, καὶ καθάπερ ὀργάνῳ τινὶ τῇ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ συνελκόμενοι πρὸς ἓν κήρυγμα πάντες εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐπὶ Κουμανὸν συνέδραμον ἱκετεύοντες τὸν οὕτως εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν νόμον αὐτῶν ἐξυβρίσαντα μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀτιμώρητον. 2.23. Συνήργει δ' αὐτοῖς εἰς τοῦτο καὶ Σαβῖνος δι' ἐπιστολῶν κατηγορήσας μὲν ̓Αρχελάου παρὰ Καίσαρι, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινέσας ̓Αντίπαν." '2.24. παρόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ γνώριμοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιωνάθης υἱὸς ̓Ανάνου κατάρξαι μὲν ἔλεγον τῆς ταραχῆς Σαμαρέας διὰ τὸν φόνον, αἴτιον δὲ τῶν ἀποβεβηκότων Κουμανὸν γεγονέναι μὴ θελήσαντα τοὺς αὐθέντας τοῦ σφαγέντος ἐπεξελθεῖν.' "2.24. συντάξαντες δὲ τὰ ἐγκλήματα οἱ περὶ Σαλώμην ἐνεχείρισαν Καίσαρι, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ̓Αρχέλαος τά τε κεφάλαια τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δικαίων γράψας καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λόγους εἰσπέμπει διὰ Πτολεμαίου. 2.25. ̔́Οσα μὲν οὖν Νέρων δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐδαιμονίας τε καὶ πλούτου παραφρονήσας ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην, ἢ τίνα τρόπον τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν μητέρα διεξῆλθεν, ἀφ' ὧν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους μετήνεγκεν τὴν ὠμότητα," '2.25. προσκεψάμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ παρ' ἀμφοῖν κατ' ἰδίαν τό τε μέγεθος τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς προσόδου, πρὸς οἷς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῆς ̔Ηρώδου γενεᾶς, προαναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου περὶ τούτων ἐπεσταλμένα, συνέδριον μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἐν τέλει ̔Ρωμαίων, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν ἐξ ̓Αγρίππα καὶ ̓Ιουλίας τῆς θυγατρὸς θετὸν παῖδα Γάιον πρώτως ἐκάθισεν, ἀποδίδωσι δὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς." "
2.37. Διεξελθόντος δὲ πάντα καὶ Νικολάου παρελθὼν ̓Αρχέλαος προπίπτει τῶν Καίσαρος γονάτων ἡσυχῆ. κἀκεῖνος αὐτὸν μάλα φιλοφρόνως ἀναστήσας ἐνέφηνεν μὲν ὡς ἄξιος εἴη τῆς πατρῴας διαδοχῆς, οὐ μήν τι βέβαιον ἀπεφήνατο.' "
2.37. οἱ δὲ τοσαυτάκις πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν ἀναχαιτίσαντες Δαλμάται καὶ πρὸς τὸ μόνον ἀεὶ χειρωθέντες τότε συλλεξάμενοι τὴν ἰσχὺν πάλιν ἀποστῆναι, νῦν οὐχ ὑφ' ἑνὶ τάγματι ̔Ρωμαίων ἡσυχίαν ἄγουσιν;" "2.38. διαλύσας δὲ τοὺς συνέδρους ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας καθ' ἑαυτὸν περὶ ὧν διήκουσεν ἐσκέπτετο, εἴτε χρὴ τῶν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις καταστῆσαί τινα διάδοχον, εἴτε καὶ πάσῃ τῇ γενεᾷ διανεῖμαι τὴν ἀρχήν: ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐπικουρίας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσώπων χρῄζειν." "2.38. πάντων δὴ σχεδὸν τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλα προσκυνούντων ὑμεῖς μόνοι πολεμήσετε μηδὲ τὸ Καρχηδονίων τέλος σκοποῦντες, οἳ τὸν μέγαν αὐχοῦντες ̓Αννίβαν καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Φοινίκων εὐγένειαν ὑπὸ τὴν Σκιπίωνος δεξιὰν ἔπεσον;" '
2.55. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πολλαχόθεν ἐταράσσετο, καὶ συχνοὺς βασιλειᾶν ὁ καιρὸς ἀνέπειθεν. κατὰ μέν γε τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν δισχίλιοι τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδῃ πάλαι στρατευσαμένων συστάντες ἔνοπλοι διεμάχοντο τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἷς ̓Αχίαβος ἀνεψιὸς βασιλέως ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμνοτάτων χωρίων ἐπολέμει ὑποφεύγων τὴν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις συμπλοκήν:
2.55. ὀλίγου δὲ δεῖν πᾶσαν ἀνήρπασαν τὴν ἅμα Κεστίῳ δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ νὺξ ἐπέλαβεν, ἐν ᾗ ̔Ρωμαῖοι μὲν εἰς τὴν Βεθώραν κατέφυγον, ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ περισχόντες ἐφρούρουν αὐτῶν τὴν ἔξοδον.' "
2.57. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Σίμων τις τῶν βασιλικῶν δούλων εὐμορφίᾳ σώματος καὶ μεγέθει πεποιθὼς περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, περιιὼν δὲ μεθ' ὧν συνήθροισεν λῃστῶν τά τε ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ βασίλεια καταπίμπρησιν καὶ πολλὰς ἑτέρας τῶν πολυτελῶν ἐπαύλεις, ἁρπαγὰς ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς αὑτῷ ποριζόμενος." "
2.57. συνιδὼν δὲ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν δυνατοὺς οἰκειώσεται μεταδιδοὺς τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς, τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος εἰ δι' ἐπιχωρίων καὶ συνήθων τὰ πολλὰ προστάσσοι, τῶν μὲν γηραιῶν ἑβδομήκοντα τοὺς σωφρονεστάτους ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατέστησεν ἄρχοντας ὅλης τῆς Γαλιλαίας," '2.58. κἂν ἔφθη πᾶσαν οἴκησιν εὐπρεπῆ καταφλέξας, εἰ μὴ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμὼν τούς τε Τραχωνίτας τοξότας καὶ τὸ μαχιμώτατον τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἀναλαβὼν ὑπαντιάζει τὸν ἄνδρα.' "2.58. ὅσα τε εἰς παράστασιν ψυχῆς ἢ καρτερίαν συνετέλει σώματος ἀφηγεῖτο: μάλιστα δ' αὐτοὺς ἤσκει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρ' ἕκαστα τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν διηγούμενος, καὶ ὡς πολεμήσουσιν πρὸς ἄνδρας, οἳ δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα πάσης ὀλίγου δεῖν τῆς οἰκουμένης κρατοῦσιν." "2.59. ̓́Ηδη δ' αὐτὸν στρατηγιῶντα καὶ μειζόνων ἐφιέμενον ἔνδεια χρημάτων κατεῖχεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ὁρῶν αὐτοῦ σφόδρα χαίροντα τῷ δραστηρίῳ πείθει πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῷ πιστεῦσαι τὸ τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομῆσαι τῆς πατρίδος, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν πλουσίων ἐκέρδανεν:" '2.59. τῶν μὲν οὖν Περαίων συχνοὶ διεφθάρησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, τὸν Σίμωνα δ' αὐτὸν ἀναφεύγοντα δι' ὀρθίου φάραγγος ὁ Γρᾶτος ὑποτέμνεται καὶ φεύγοντος ἐκ πλαγίου τὸν αὐχένα πλήξας ἀπέρραξε. κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ τὰ πλησίον ̓Ιορδάνου βασίλεια κατὰ βηθαραμινενθα συστάντων ἑτέρων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας." "
2.69. μετὰ δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς Οὔαρος εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐλάσας τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο μηδὲν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων θορύβοις παρακεκινηκυῖαν εὑρών, αὐλίζεται δὲ περί τινα κώμην ̓Αροῦν καλουμένην: κτῆμα δὲ ἦν Πτολεμαίου καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αράβων διηρπάσθη μηνιόντων καὶ τοῖς ̔Ηρώδου φίλοις.' "
2.76. ̓Ηγγέλθη δ' αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ἔτι συμμένειν μυρίους ὁπλίτας. ὁ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ̓́Αραβας εὑρὼν οὐ συμμάχων ἦθος ἔχοντας, ἀλλ' ἰδίῳ πάθει στρατευομένους καὶ πέρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τὴν χώραν κακοῦντας ἔχθει τῷ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἀποπέμπεται, μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων ταγμάτων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας ἠπείγετο." '2.77. κἀκεῖνοι πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ̓Αχιάβου συμβουλεύσαντος σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν, Οὔαρος δὲ τῷ πλήθει μὲν ἠφίει τὰς αἰτίας, τοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἐξετασθησομένους ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα.' "2.78. Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συνέγνω, τινὰς δὲ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενῶν, ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἔνιοι προσήκοντες ̔Ηρώδῃ κατὰ γένος, κολάσαι προσέταξεν, ὅτι κατ' οἰκείου βασιλέως ἐστρατεύσαντο." "2.81. ἀθροίσαντος δὲ Καίσαρος συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον ̓Απόλλωνος ἱερῷ, κτίσμα δ' ἦν ἴδιον αὐτοῦ θαυμασίῳ πολυτελείᾳ κεκοσμημένον, μετὰ μὲν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν πλῆθος ἔστη," "2.82. σὺν δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἄντικρυς ̓Αρχέλαος, τῶν δὲ τούτου συγγενῶν οἱ φίλοι παρ' οὐδετέροις, συμπαρίστασθαι μὲν ̓Αρχελάῳ διὰ μῖσος καὶ φθόνον οὐχ ὑπομένοντες, ὀφθῆναι δὲ μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αἰδούμενοι." "2.83. τούτοις παρῆν καὶ Φίλιππος ἀδελφὸς ̓Αρχελάου, προπεμφθεὶς κατ' εὔνοιαν ὑπὸ Οὐάρου δυοῖν ἕνεκα, ̓Αρχελάῳ τε συναγωνίσασθαι, κἂν διανέμῃ τὸν ̔Ηρώδου Καῖσαρ οἶκον πᾶσι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις, κλήρου τινὸς ἀξιωθῆναι." "2.84. ̓Επιτραπὲν δὲ λέγειν τοῖς κατηγόροις τὰς ̔Ηρώδου παρανομίας πρῶτον διεξῄεσαν, οὐ βασιλέα λέγοντες ἀλλὰ τῶν πώποτε τυραννησάντων ὠμότατον ἐνηνοχέναι τύραννον: πλείστων γοῦν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι τοὺς καταλειφθέντας, ὥστε μακαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολωλότας:" '2.85. βεβασανικέναι γὰρ οὐ μόνον τὰ σώματα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πόλεις: τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἰδίας λελωβῆσθαι, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων κεκοσμηκέναι καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας αἷμα κεχαρίσθαι τοῖς ἔξωθεν δήμοις. 2.86. ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς παλαιᾶς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πενίας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ παρανομίας ἐσχάτης πεπληρωκέναι, καθόλου δὲ πλείους ὑπομεμενηκέναι τὰς ἐξ ̔Ηρώδου συμφορὰς ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσιν ̓Ιουδαίους ὧν ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀναχώρησιν ἔπαθον οἱ πρόγονοι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος ἀπαναστάντες. 2.87. εἰς τοσοῦτον μέντοι μετριότητος καὶ τοῦ δυστυχεῖν ἔθους προελθεῖν, ὥστε ὑπομεῖναι τῆς πικρᾶς δουλείας καὶ διαδοχὴν αὐθαίρετον: 2.88. ̓Αρχέλαον γοῦν τὸν τηλικούτου τυράννου παῖδα μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν βασιλέα τε προσειπεῖν ἑτοίμως καὶ συμπενθῆσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδου θάνατον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεύξασθαι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς.' "2.89. τὸν δ' ὥσπερ ἀγωνιάσαντα, μὴ νόθος υἱὸς εἶναι δόξειεν ̔Ηρώδου, προοιμιάσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν τρισχιλίων πολιτῶν φόνῳ, καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν παρεστακέναι θύματα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ θεῷ, τοσούτοις δ' ἐμπεπληκέναι νεκροῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ." "
2.91. συνάψαντας δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διοικεῖν ἐπ' ἰδίοις ἡγεμόσιν: ἐπιδείξεσθαι γάρ, ὡς οἱ νῦν στασιώδεις διαβαλλόμενοι καὶ πολεμικοὶ φέρειν οἴδασιν μετρίους ἡγεμόνας." "
2.93. Τότε μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων διέλυσε τὸ συνέδριον, μετὰ δ' ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῆς βασιλείας ̓Αρχελάῳ δίδωσιν ἐθνάρχην προσειπών, ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ποιήσειν," '2.94. εἰ ἄξιον ἑαυτὸν παράσχοι, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἥμισυ διελὼν εἰς δύο τετραρχίας δυσὶν ἑτέροις παισὶν ̔Ηρώδου δίδωσιν, τὴν μὲν Φιλίππῳ, τὴν δὲ ̓Αντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς ̓Αρχέλαον ἀμφισβητοῦντι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας. 2.95. ἐγένετο δὲ ὑπὸ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ Γαλιλαία, πρόσοδος διακόσια τάλαντα, Βατανέα δὲ καὶ Τράχων Αὐρανῖτίς τε καὶ μέρη τινὰ τοῦ Ζήνωνος οἴκου τὰ περὶ ἰννάνω, πρόσοδον ἔχοντα ταλάντων ἑκατόν, ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ τέτακτο.' "2.96. τῆς ̓Αρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας ̓Ιδουμαία τε καὶ ̓Ιουδαία πᾶσα καὶ Σαμαρεῖτις ἦν κεκουφισμένη τετάρτῳ μέρει τῶν φόρων εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ μὴ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποστῆναι." "2.97. πόλεις δ' ὑπηκόους παρέλαβεν Στράτωνος πύργον καὶ Σεβαστὴν καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα: τὰς γὰρ ̔Ελληνίδας Γάζαν καὶ Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βασιλείας προσέθηκεν Συρίᾳ. πρόσοδος ἦν τῆς ̓Αρχελάῳ δοθείσης χώρας τετρακοσίων ταλάντων." "2.98. Σαλώμη δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις κατέλιπεν ̓Ιαμνείας τε καὶ ̓Αζώτου καὶ Φασαηλίδος ἀποδείκνυται δεσπότις, χαρίζεται δ' αὐτῇ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὰ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι βασίλεια: συνήγετο δ' ἐκ πάντων ἑξήκοντα προσόδου τάλαντα: τὸν δὲ οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τὴν ̓Αρχελάου τοπαρχίαν ἔταξεν." "2.99. τῆς δ' ἄλλης ̔Ηρώδου γενεᾶς ἕκαστος τὸ καταλειφθὲν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἐκομίζετο. δυσὶ δ' αὐτοῦ θυγατράσι παρθένοις Καῖσαρ ἔξωθεν χαρίζεται πεντήκοντα μυριάδας ἀργυρίου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς Φερώρα παισίν." "
2.111. Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν ̓Αρχέλαος καὶ κατὰ μνήμην τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν οὐ μόνον ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι χρησάμενος ὠμῶς, πρεσβευσαμένων ἑκατέρων κατ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνάτῳ φυγαδεύεται μὲν αὐτὸς εἰς Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας, ἡ οὐσία δ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς Καίσαρος θησαυροῖς ἐγκατατάσσεται." "
2.112. πρὶν κληθῆναι δ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὄναρ ἰδεῖν φασιν τοιόνδε: ἔδοξεν ὁρᾶν στάχυς ἐννέα πλήρεις καὶ μεγάλους ὑπὸ βοῶν καταβιβρωσκομένους. μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς μάντεις καὶ τῶν Χαλδαίων τινὰς ἐπυνθάνετο, τί σημαίνειν δοκοῖεν." "
2.113. ἄλλων δ' ἄλλως ἐξηγουμένων Σίμων τις ̓Εσσαῖος τὸ γένος ἔφη τοὺς μὲν στάχυς ἐνιαυτοὺς νομίζειν, βόας δὲ μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν χώραν ἀροτριῶντας ἀλλάσσειν: ὥστε βασιλεύσειν μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀσταχύων ἀριθμόν, ἐν ποικίλαις δὲ πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς γενόμενον τελευτήσειν. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ̓Αρχέλαος μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκλήθη." '
2.117. Τῆς δὲ ̓Αρχελάου χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν περιγραφείσης ἐπίτροπος τῆς ἱππικῆς παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις τάξεως Κωπώνιος πέμπεται μέχρι τοῦ κτείνειν λαβὼν παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν.' "
2.118. ἐπὶ τούτου τις ἀνὴρ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ὄνομα εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους κακίζων, εἰ φόρον τε ̔Ρωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦσιν καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν οἴσουσι θνητοὺς δεσπότας. ἦν δ' οὗτος σοφιστὴς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις προσεοικώς." '
2.128. Πρός γε μὴν τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖς ἰδίως: πρὶν γὰρ ἀνασχεῖν τὸν ἥλιον οὐδὲν φθέγγονται τῶν βεβήλων, πατρίους δέ τινας εἰς αὐτὸν εὐχὰς ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντες ἀνατεῖλαι.
2.129. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται, καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον, ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν, ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν: αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον.' "
2.131. προκατεύχεται δ' ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς, καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον: ἀριστοποιησάμενος δ' ἐπεύχεται πάλιν: ἀρχόμενοί τε καὶ παυόμενοι γεραίρουσι θεὸν ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς. ἔπειθ' ὡς ἱερὰς καταθέμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας πάλιν ἐπ' ἔργα μέχρι δείλης τρέπονται." "
2.132. δειπνοῦσι δ' ὁμοίως ὑποστρέψαντες συγκαθεζομένων τῶν ξένων, εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοῖς παρόντες. οὔτε δὲ κραυγή ποτε τὸν οἶκον οὔτε θόρυβος μιαίνει, τὰς δὲ λαλιὰς ἐν τάξει παραχωροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις." "
2.133. καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν ὡς μυστήριόν τι φρικτὸν ἡ τῶν ἔνδον σιωπὴ καταφαίνεται, τούτου δ' αἴτιον ἡ διηνεκὴς νῆψις καὶ τὸ μετρεῖσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν μέχρι κόρου." "
2.159. Εἰσὶν δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται, βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν." '
2.164. Σαδδουκαῖοι δέ, τὸ δεύτερον τάγμα, τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην παντάπασιν ἀναιροῦσιν καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔξω τοῦ δρᾶν τι κακὸν ἢ ἐφορᾶν τίθενται:' "
2.165. φασὶν δ' ἐπ' ἀνθρώπων ἐκλογῇ τό τε καλὸν καὶ τὸ κακὸν προκεῖσθαι καὶ κατὰ γνώμην ἑκάστου τούτων ἑκατέρῳ προσιέναι. ψυχῆς τε τὴν διαμονὴν καὶ τὰς καθ' ᾅδου τιμωρίας καὶ τιμὰς ἀναιροῦσιν." '
2.166. καὶ Φαρισαῖοι μὲν φιλάλληλοί τε καὶ τὴν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ὁμόνοιαν ἀσκοῦντες, Σαδδουκαίων δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὸ ἦθος ἀγριώτερον αἵ τε ἐπιμιξίαι πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους ἀπηνεῖς ὡς πρὸς ἀλλοτρίους. τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν ἐν ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφούντων εἶχον εἰπεῖν.' "
2.167. Τῆς ̓Αρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας μεταπεσούσης εἰς ἐπαρχίαν οἱ λοιποί, Φίλιππος καὶ ̔Ηρώδης ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Αντίπας, διῴκουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν τετραρχίας: Σαλώμη γὰρ τελευτῶσα ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ γυναικὶ τήν τε αὐτῆς τοπαρχίαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν Φασαηλίδι φοινικῶνας κατέλιπεν." "
2.168. μεταβάσης δὲ εἰς Τιβέριον τὸν ̓Ιουλίας υἱὸν τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας μετὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου τελευτήν, ἀφηγησαμένου τῶν πραγμάτων ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ πεντήκοντα πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ἓξ καὶ ἡμέραις δύο, διαμείναντες ἐν ταῖς τετραρχίαις ὅ τε ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος, ὁ μὲν πρὸς ταῖς τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου πηγαῖς ἐν Πανεάδι πόλιν κτίζει Καισάρειαν κἀν τῇ κάτω Γαυλανιτικῇ ̓Ιουλιάδα, ̔Ηρώδης δ' ἐν μὲν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Τιβεριάδα, ἐν δὲ τῇ Περαίᾳ φερώνυμον ̓Ιουλίας." "
2.182. ἐνῆγε δὲ μάλιστα τοῦτον εἰς ἐλπίδα βασιλείας ̔Ηρωδιὰς ἡ γυνὴ κατονειδίζουσα τὴν ἀργίαν καὶ φαμένη παρὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι πλεῖν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα στερίσκεσθαι μείζονος ἀρχῆς: ὅπου μὲν γὰρ ̓Αγρίππαν ἐξ ἰδιώτου βασιλέα πεποίηκεν, ἦπου γ' ἂν ἐκεῖνον διστάσειεν ἐκ τετράρχου; τούτοις ἀναπεισθεὶς ̔Ηρώδης ἧκεν πρὸς Γάιον," "
2.183. ὑφ' οὗ τῆς πλεονεξίας ἐπιτιμᾶται φυγῇ εἰς Γαλλίαν: ἠκολούθησεν γὰρ αὐτῷ κατήγορος ̓Αγρίππας, ᾧ καὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου προσέθηκεν Γάιος. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης μὲν ἐν Γαλλίᾳ συμφυγούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτᾷ." '
2.185. Πετρώνιον μὲν οὖν μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἔπεμψεν ἐγκαθιδρύσοντα τῷ ναῷ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας αὐτοῦ, προστάξας, εἰ μὴ δέχοιντο ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τούς τε κωλύοντας ἀνελεῖν καὶ πᾶν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔθνος ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι.' "
2.186. θεῷ δ' ἄρα τῶν προσταγμάτων ἔμελεν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν σὺν τρισὶ τάγμασι καὶ πολλοῖς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχοις εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἤλαυνεν ἐκ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας," "
2.187. ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἠπίστουν ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου φήμαις, οἱ δὲ πιστεύοντες ἦσαν ἐν ἀμηχάνῳ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν: ταχὺ δ' ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων τὸ δέος ἤδη παρούσης εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα τῆς στρατιᾶς." "
2.188. Πόλις δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας παράλιος κατὰ τὸ μέγα πεδίον ἐκτισμένη, περιέχεται δὲ ὄρεσιν ἐκ μὲν τοῦ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν κλίματος ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα τῷ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μεσημβρινοῦ τῷ Καρμήλῳ διέχοντι σταδίους ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, τῷ δ' ὑψηλοτάτῳ κατ' ἄρκτον, ὃ καλοῦσιν κλίμακα Τυρίων οἱ ἐπιχώριοι:" "
2.189. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ σταδίους ἀφέστηκεν ἑκατόν. τοῦ δ' ἄστεος ὅσον ἀπὸ δύο σταδίων ὁ καλούμενος Βήλεος ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ παντάπασιν ὀλίγος, παρ' ᾧ τὸ Μέμνονος μνημεῖόν ἐστιν ἔχον ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ τόπον ἑκατονταπήχη θαύματος ἄξιον:" '
2.191. θαυμασιώτερον δὲ τούτου μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τὴν ὑπερχυθεῖσαν ὕελον ἐκ τοῦ τόπου πάλιν ψάμμον γίνεσθαι εἰκαίαν. τὸ μὲν οὖν χωρίον τοῦτο τοιαύτην εἴληχεν φύσιν.
2.192. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἀθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ πρὸς Πτολεμαί̈δι καθικέτευον τὸν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν. ὁ δὲ πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ἐνδοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς στρατιὰς ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι λείπει,
2.193. προελθὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ συγκαλέσας τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους πάντας εἰς Τιβεριάδα τήν τε ̔Ρωμαίων διεξῄει δύναμιν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἀπειλάς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἀπέφαινεν ἀγνώμονα:' "
2.194. πάντων γὰρ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐθνῶν κατὰ πόλιν συγκαθιδρυκότων τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας τὸ μόνους ἐκείνους ἀντιτάσσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦτο σχεδὸν ἀφισταμένων εἶναι καὶ μεθ' ὕβρεως." "
2.195. Τῶν δὲ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος προτεινομένων καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ θεοῦ τι δείκηλον, οὐχ ὅπως ἀνδρός, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ναὸν μόνον ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἐν εἰκαίῳ τινὶ τόπῳ τῆς χώρας θέσθαι θεμιτὸν εἴη, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Πετρώνιος “ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐμοὶ φυλακτέος ὁ τοὐμοῦ δεσπότου νόμος”, ἔφη: “παραβὰς γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ φεισάμενος ὑμῶν ἀπολοῦμαι δικαίως. πολεμήσει δ' ὑμᾶς ὁ πέμψας με καὶ οὐκ ἐγώ:" "
2.196. καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς, ἐπιτάσσομαι.” πρὸς ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος πάντ' ἐβόα πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάσχειν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν. καταστείλας δ' αὐτῶν ὁ Πετρώνιος τὴν βοήν, “πολεμήσετε, εἶπεν, ἄρα" '
2.197. Καίσαρι;” καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι περὶ μὲν Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας θύειν ἔφασαν, εἰ δὲ βούλεται τὰς εἰκόνας ἐγκαθιδρύειν, πρότερον αὐτὸν δεῖν ἅπαν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος προθύσασθαι: παρέχειν δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὴν σφαγὴν ἅμα τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξίν.
2.198. ἐπὶ τούτοις θαῦμα καὶ οἶκτος εἰσῄει τὸν Πετρώνιον τῆς τε ἀνυπερβλήτου θρησκείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοίμου παραστήματος. καὶ τότε μὲν ἄπρακτοι διελύθησαν.' "
2.199. Ταῖς δ' ἑξῆς ἀθρόους τε τοὺς δυνατοὺς κατ' ἰδίαν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐν κοινῷ συλλέγων ποτὲ μὲν παρεκάλει, ποτὲ δὲ συνεβούλευεν, τὸ πλέον μέντοι διηπείλει τήν τε ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπανατεινόμενος ἰσχὺν καὶ τοὺς Γαί̈ου θυμοὺς τήν τε ἰδίαν πρὸς τούτοις ἀνάγκην." "
2.201. εἰπών, ἢ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ συνεργοῦντος πείσας Καίσαρα σωθήσομαι μεθ' ὑμῶν ἡδέως ἢ παροξυνθέντος ὑπὲρ τοσούτων ἑτοίμως ἐπιδώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχήν”, διαφῆκεν τὸ πλῆθος πολλὰ κατευχομένων αὐτῷ, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς Πτολεμαί̈δος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντιόχειαν." '2.202. ἔνθεν εὐθέως ἐπέστελλεν Καίσαρι τήν τε ἐμβολὴν τὴν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἱκεσίας τοῦ ἔθνους, ὅτι τε, εἰ μὴ βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολέσαι, δέοι φυλάττειν τε αὐτοὺς τὸν νόμον καὶ παριέναι τὸ πρόσταγμα.' "2.203. ταύταις ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐ σφόδρα μετρίως ἀντέγραψεν ὁ Γάιος, ἀπειλῶν Πετρωνίῳ θάνατον, ὅτι τῶν προσταγμάτων αὐτοῦ βραδὺς ὑπηρέτης ἐγίνετο. ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν τούτων γραμματοφόρους συνέβη χειμασθῆναι τρεῖς μῆνας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸν δὲ Γαί̈ου θάνατον ἄλλοι καταγγέλλοντες εὐπλόουν. ἔφθη γοῦν τὰς περὶ τούτων Πετρώνιος λαβὼν ἐπιστολὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις ἢ τὰς καθ' ἑαυτοῦ." "
2.215. καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ' Αὐγούστου δοθείσας ̔Ηρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην." "
2.219. ἀλλ' ἔφθη πρὶν ὑψῶσαι τὸ ἔργον τελευτήσας ἐν Καισαρείᾳ, βεβασιλευκὼς μὲν ἔτη τρία, πρότερον δὲ τῶν τετραρχιῶν τρισὶν ἑτέροις ἔτεσιν ἀφηγησάμενος." "
2.252. Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν ̓Αρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου, τῇ δ' ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις, ̓́Αβελα μὲν καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν, Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας, εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν Φήλικα κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον." '
2.293. Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας.' "2.294. σύγχυσις δ' εὐθέως εἶχεν τὸν δῆμον, καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν βοαῖς διαπρυσίοις τὸ Καίσαρος ἀνεκάλουν ὄνομα καὶ τῆς Φλώρου τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦν σφᾶς ἱκέτευον." "
2.345. “Εἰ μὲν ἑώρων πάντας ὑμᾶς πολεμεῖν ̔Ρωμαίοις ὡρμημένους καὶ μὴ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον καὶ εἰλικρινέστατον εἰρήνην ἄγειν προῃρημένους, οὔτ' ἂν παρῆλθον εἰς ὑμᾶς οὔτε συμβουλεύειν ἐθάρρησα: περισσὸς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν πᾶς λόγος, ὅταν ᾖ τῶν ἀκουόντων πάντων ἡ πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ὁμόνοια." '2.346. ἐπεὶ δὲ τινὰς μὲν ἡλικία τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κακῶν ἄπειρος, τινὰς δὲ ἐλπὶς ἀλόγιστος ἐλευθερίας, ἐνίους δὲ πλεονεξία τις παροξύνει καὶ τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων, ἐὰν τὰ πράγματα συγχυθῇ, κέρδος, ὅπως αὐτοί τε σωφρονισθέντες μεταβάλωνται καὶ μὴ τῆς ἐνίων κακοβουλίας οἱ ἀγαθοὶ παραπολαύσωσιν, ᾠήθην δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας ὑμᾶς συναγαγὼν εἰπεῖν ἃ νομίζω συμφέρειν. 2.347. θορυβήσῃ δέ μοι μηδείς, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούῃ: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀνηκέστως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὡρμημένοις ἔνεστι καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν ταῦτα φρονεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ διαπίπτει καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐθέλοντας ὁ λόγος, ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ πάντων ἡσυχία γένηται. 2.348. οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτι πολλοὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ὕβρεις καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐγκώμια τραγῳδοῦσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ πρὶν ἐξετάζειν τίνες ὄντες καὶ τίσιν ἐπιχειρεῖτε πολεμεῖν, πρῶτον διαζεύξω τὴν συμπλοκὴν τῶν προφάσεων.' "
2.372. ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι, πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν, τὰς δὲ πηγάς, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἀνέχονται ̔Ρωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν." '
2.379. καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν, ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι, τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον, τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν.' "
2.397. πλὴν εἰ μή τις ὑπολαμβάνει κατὰ συνθήκας πολεμήσειν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίους κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν μετριάσειν, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς ὑπόδειγμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καταφλέξειν μὲν τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν, ἀναιρήσειν δὲ πᾶν ὑμῶν τὸ φῦλον: οὐδὲ γὰρ περιλειφθέντες φυγῆς εὑρήσετε τόπον ἁπάντων ἐχόντων ̔Ρωμαίους δεσπότας ἢ δεδοικότων σχεῖν." "
2.411. Συνελθόντες γοῦν οἱ δυνατοὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων γνωρίμοις ὡς ἐπ' ἀνηκέστοις ἤδη συμφοραῖς ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν ὅλων: καὶ δόξαν ἀποπειραθῆναι τῶν στασιαστῶν λόγοις πρὸ τῆς χαλκῆς πύλης ἀθροίζουσι τὸν δῆμον, ἥτις ἦν τοῦ ἔνδον ἱεροῦ τετραμμένη πρὸς ἀνατολὰς ἡλίου." '2.412. καὶ πρῶτον αὐτῶν πολλὰ πρὸς τὴν τόλμαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως χαλεπήναντες καὶ τὸ τηλικοῦτον ἐπισείειν τῇ πατρίδι πόλεμον, ἔπειτα τὸ τῆς προφάσεως ἄλογον διήλεγχον, φάμενοι τοὺς μὲν προγόνους αὐτῶν κεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων τὸ πλέον ἀεὶ προσδεχομένους τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐθνῶν δωρεάς, 2.413. καὶ οὐ μόνον οὐ διακεκωλυκέναι θυσίας τινῶν, τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἀσεβέστατον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ βλεπόμενα καὶ τὰ παραμένοντα τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἀναθήματα περὶ τῷ ἱερῷ καθιδρυκέναι.' "2.414. αὐτοὺς δὲ νῦν ἐρεθίζοντας τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλα καὶ μνηστευομένους τὸν ἀπ' ἐκείνων πόλεμον καινοτομεῖν θρησκείαν ξένην καὶ μετὰ τοῦ κινδύνου καταψηφίσασθαι τῆς πόλεως ἀσέβειαν, εἰ παρὰ μόνοις ̓Ιουδαίοις οὔτε θύσει τις ἀλλότριος οὔτε προσκυνήσει." "2.415. κἂν μὲν ἐπὶ ἰδιώτου τις ἑνὸς τοῦτον εἰσφέρῃ τὸν νόμον, ἀγανακτεῖν ὡς ὁριζομένης ἀπανθρωπίας, περιορᾶν δ' ὅτε ̔Ρωμαῖοι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔκσπονδος γίνεται." "2.416. δεδοικέναι μέντοι, μὴ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ἀπορρίψαντες θυσίας κωλυθῶσι θύειν καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν γένηταί τε ἔκσπονδος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἡ πόλις, εἰ μὴ ταχέως σωφρονήσαντες ἀποδώσουσιν τὰς θυσίας καὶ πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν ἐφ' οὓς ὑβρίκασιν τὴν φήμην διορθώσονται τὴν ὕβριν." "2.417. ̔́Αμα ταῦτα λέγοντες παρῆγον τοὺς ἐμπείρους τῶν πατρίων ἱερεῖς ἀφηγουμένους, ὅτι πάντες οἱ πρόγονοι τὰς παρὰ τῶν ἀλλογενῶν θυσίας ἀπεδέχοντο. προσεῖχεν δὲ οὐδεὶς τῶν νεωτεριζόντων, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ προσίεσαν οἱ λῃστρικοὶ καὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου καταβολὴν ἐνσκευαζόμενοι." "2.418. συνιδόντες οὖν οἱ δυνατοὶ τήν τε στάσιν ἤδη δυσκαθαίρετον ὑπ' αὐτῶν οὖσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων κίνδυνον ἐπὶ πρώτους αὐτοὺς ἀφιξόμενον ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας, καὶ πρέσβεις οὓς μὲν πρὸς Φλῶρον ἔπεμπον, ὧν ἦρχεν υἱὸς ̓Ανανίου Σίμων, οὓς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αγρίππαν, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπίσημοι Σαῦλός τε καὶ ̓Αντίπας καὶ Κοστόβαρος προσήκοντες τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ γένος." "
2.421. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ κηδόμενος ἐπίσης τῶν τε ἀφισταμένων καὶ πρὸς οὓς ὁ πόλεμος ἠγείρετο, βουλόμενός τε ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ̓Ιουδαίους σώζεσθαι, ̓Ιουδαίοις δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἀλλ' οὐδ' ἑαυτῷ λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ταραχὴν ἐπιστάμενος, ἔπεμπεν τοὺς ἐπαμυνοῦντας τῷ δήμῳ δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, Αὐρανίτας τε καὶ Βαταναίους καὶ Τραχωνίτας, ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ μὲν ἱππάρχῃ, στρατηγῷ δὲ τῷ ̓Ιακίμου Φιλίππῳ." '
2.433. Κἀν τούτῳ Μανάημός τις, υἱὸς ̓Ιούδα τοῦ καλουμένου Γαλιλαίου, σοφιστὴς δεινότατος, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ Κυρινίου ποτὲ ̓Ιουδαίους ὀνειδίσας ὅτι ̔Ρωμαίοις ὑπετάσσοντο μετὰ τὸν θεόν, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Μασάδαν,
2.458. πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Καισαρείας πληγὴν ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἐξαγριοῦται, καὶ διαμερισθέντες τάς τε κώμας τῶν Σύρων καὶ τὰς προσεχούσας ἐπόρθουν πόλεις, Φιλαδέλφειάν τε καὶ ̓Εσεβωνῖτιν καὶ Γέρασα καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν.' "
2.463. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον, τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας: καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαί̈ζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο." "
2.497. ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἡλικίας ἐχώρουν κτείνοντες, ὡς ἐπικλυσθῆναι μὲν αἵματι πάντα τὸν χῶρον, πέντε δὲ μυριάδες ἐσωρεύθησαν νεκρῶν, περιελείφθη δ' ἂν οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἱκετηρίας ἐτράποντο. κατοικτείρας δ' αὐτοὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν." '
3.354. κἀπειδὴ τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων, ἔφη, φῦλον ὀκλάσαι δοκεῖ σοι τῷ κτίσαντι, μετέβη δὲ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἡ τύχη πᾶσα, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν ἐπελέξω τὰ μέλλοντα εἰπεῖν, δίδωμι μὲν ̔Ρωμαίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἑκὼν καὶ ζῶ, μαρτύρομαι δὲ ὡς οὐ προδότης, ἀλλὰ σὸς εἶμι διάκονος.”
4.451. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκ τῆς ̔Ιεριχοῦς φθάσαν τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν ἄντικρυς ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὀρεινὴν διαπεφεύγει, καταλειφθὲν δὲ οὐκ ὀλίγον διαφθείρεται.
4.468. τῶν δὲ φοινίκων ἐπαρδομένων γένη πολλὰ ταῖς γεύσεσι καὶ ταῖς παρηγορίαις διάφορα: τούτων οἱ πιότεροι πατούμενοι καὶ μέλι δαψιλὲς ἀνιᾶσιν οὐ πολλῷ τοῦ λοιποῦ χεῖρον.
5.205. πεντήκοντα γὰρ πηχῶν οὖσα τὴν ἀνάστασιν τεσσαρακονταπήχεις τὰς θύρας εἶχε καὶ τὸν κόσμον πολυτελέστερον ἐπὶ δαψιλὲς πάχος ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ. τοῦτον δὲ ταῖς ἐννέα πύλαις ἐπέχεεν ὁ Τιβερίου πατὴρ ̓Αλέξανδρος.' "
5.365. εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ πολεμεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας καλόν, χρῆναι τὸ πρῶτον: τὸ δ' ἅπαξ ὑποπεσόντας καὶ μακροῖς εἴξαντας χρόνοις ἔπειτα ἀποσείεσθαι τὸν ζυγὸν δυσθανατούντων, οὐ φιλελευθέρων εἶναι." '5.366. δεῖν μέντοι καὶ δεσπότας ἀδοξεῖν ταπεινοτέρους, οὐχ οἷς ὑποχείρια τὰ πάντα. τί γὰρ ̔Ρωμαίους διαπεφευγέναι, πλὴν εἰ μή τι διὰ θάλπος ἢ κρύος ἄχρηστον;' "5.367. μεταβῆναι γὰρ πρὸς αὐτοὺς πάντοθεν τὴν τύχην, καὶ κατὰ ἔθνος τὸν θεὸν ἐμπεριάγοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας εἶναι. νόμον γε μὴν ὡρίσθαι καὶ παρὰ θηρσὶν ἰσχυρότατον καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώποις, εἴκειν τοῖς δυνατωτέροις καὶ τὸ κρατεῖν παρ' οἷς ἀκμὴ τῶν ὅπλων εἶναι." "5.368. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτῶν καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἔτι δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀφορμαῖς ἀμείνους ὄντας εἶξαι ̔Ρωμαίοις, οὐκ ἂν εἰ μὴ τὸν θεὸν ᾔδεσαν σὺν αὐτοῖς τοῦθ' ὑπομείναντας." "
5.419. οἶδ' ὅτι μοι συγκινδυνεύει μήτηρ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ γένος οὐκ ἄσημον καὶ πάλαι λαμπρὸς οἶκος, καὶ τάχα δοκῶ διὰ ταῦτα συμβουλεύειν. ἀποκτείνατε αὐτούς, λάβετε μισθὸν τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας τὸ ἐμὸν αἷμα: κἀγὼ θνήσκειν ἕτοιμος, εἰ μετ' ἐμὲ σωφρονεῖν μέλλετε.”" "
6.105. διὰ τοῦτο λόγος τε αὐτὸν πρὸς ἁπάντων ̓Ιουδαίων ἱερὸς ὑμνεῖ καὶ μνήμη ῥέουσα δι' αἰῶνος ἀεὶ νέα τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις παραδίδωσιν ἀθάνατον." "
7.161. ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '7.162. τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.
7.172. ̔Ηρώδῃ δὲ βασιλεύοντι παντὸς ἔδοξε μᾶλλον ἐπιμελείας ἄξιον εἶναι καὶ κατασκευῆς ὀχυρωτάτης μάλιστα καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν ̓Αράβων γειτνίασιν: κεῖται γὰρ ἐν ἐπικαίρῳ πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνων γῆν ἀποβλέπον. 7.173. μέγαν μὲν οὖν τόπον τείχεσιν καὶ πύργοις περιβαλὼν πόλιν ἐνταῦθα κατῴκισεν, ἐξ ἧς ἄνοδος εἰς αὐτὴν ἔφερε τὴν ἀκρώρειαν. 7.174. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ αὐτὴν ἄνω τὴν κορυφὴν τεῖχος ἐδείματο καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ ταῖς γωνίαις ἕκαστον ἑξήκοντα πηχῶν ἀνέστησεν. 7.175. μέσον δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου βασίλειον ᾠκοδομήσατο μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει τῶν οἰκήσεων πολυτελές,' "7.176. πολλὰς δὲ καὶ δεξαμενὰς εἰς ὑποδοχὴν ὕδατος καὶ χορηγίαν ἄφθονον ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῶν τόπων κατεσκεύασεν, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὴν φύσιν ἁμιλληθείς, ἵν' αὐτὸς τὸ κατ' ἐκείνην τοῦ τόπου δυσάλωτον ὑπερβάληται ταῖς χειροποιήτοις ὀχυρώσεσιν:" '7.177. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ βελῶν πλῆθος καὶ μηχανημάτων ἐγκατέθετο καὶ πᾶν ἐπενόησεν ἑτοιμάσασθαι τὸ παρασχεῖν δυνάμενον τοῖς ἐνοικοῦσιν μηκίστης πολιορκίας καταφρόνησιν.
7.218. φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν.
7.253. προειστήκει δὲ τῶν κατειληφότων αὐτὸ σικαρίων δυνατὸς ἀνὴρ ̓Ελεάζαρος, ἀπόγονος ̓Ιούδα τοῦ πείσαντος ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκ ὀλίγους, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν, μὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπογραφάς, ὅτε Κυρίνιος τιμητὴς εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπέμφθη.
7.268. καὶ τὴν τελεωτάτην εἰσήγαγον διὰ πάντων ἀνομίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ τῶν ζηλωτῶν κληθέντων γένος ἤκμασεν, οἳ τὴν προσηγορίαν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπηλήθευσαν:' "
7.323. “πάλαι διεγνωκότας ἡμᾶς, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί, μήτε ̔Ρωμαίοις μήτ' ἄλλῳ τινὶ δουλεύειν ἢ θεῷ, μόνος γὰρ οὗτος ἀληθής ἐστι καὶ δίκαιος ἀνθρώπων δεσπότης, ἥκει νῦν καιρὸς ἐπαληθεῦσαι κελεύων τὸ φρόνημα τοῖς ἔργοις." "
7.327. ἔδει μὲν γὰρ εὐθὺς ἴσως ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅτε τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἡμῖν ἀντιποιεῖσθαι θελήσασι πάντα καὶ παρ' ἀλλήλων ἀπέβαινε χαλεπὰ καὶ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων χείρω, τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμης στοχάζεσθαι καὶ γινώσκειν, ὅτι τὸ πάλαι φίλον αὐτῷ φῦλον ̓Ιουδαίων κατέγνωστο:" '7.328. μένων γὰρ εὐμενὴς ἢ μετρίως γοῦν ἀπηχθημένος, οὐκ ἂν τοσούτων μὲν ἀνθρώπων περιεῖδεν ὄλεθρον, προήκατο δὲ τὴν ἱερωτάτην αὐτοῦ πόλιν πυρὶ καὶ κατασκαφαῖς πολεμίων.' "7.329. ἡμεῖς δ' ἄρα καὶ μόνοι τοῦ παντὸς ̓Ιουδαίων γένους ἠλπίσαμεν περιέσεσθαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν φυλάξαντες, ὥσπερ ἀναμάρτητοι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν γενόμενοι καὶ μηδεμιᾶς μετασχόντες,* οἳ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδιδάξαμεν;" ". None | 1.19. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates.
1.19. 7. For example, I shall relate how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Socius upon them;
1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
1.61. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself.
1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars),
1.104. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. 1.105. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; 1.106. for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years.
1.108. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws.
1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men before mentioned. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves.
1.118. and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was lord of the East, just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. 1.121. but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother. 1.122. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124. he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127. he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again;
1.131. 4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. 1.132. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 1.133. 5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. 1.134. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. 1.135. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. 1.136. And when his brother invited him again to plead his cause, he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. 1.137. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 1.138. 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations for a siege, but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.139. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. 1.141. 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 1.142. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.143. So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, 1.144. who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance. 1.145. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146. nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.147. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149. for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.
1.151. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155. 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.
1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy.
1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak more largely.
1.181. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now, as he made himself friends among the men of power everywhere, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him.
1.203. And at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee. 1.204. 5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; 1.205. which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod’s commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. 1.206. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the goodwill of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; 1.207. whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that goodwill or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.211. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 1.212. 8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got everything ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself.
1.255. however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.
1.266. Now, as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand.
1.281. wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance. 1.282. 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; 1.283. and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire goodwill he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself.
1.307. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river Jordan; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered.
1.319. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and, as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.
1.328. 3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother’s death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies;
1.331. 4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother’s murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately.
1.357. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end, who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.
1.361. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted. 1.362. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible.
1.387. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke thus before his face:— 1.388. “O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand cori of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able,
1.393. 3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony’s friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar’s anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. 1.394. After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. 1.395. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; 1.396. for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower.
1.401. 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. 1.402. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared in largeness. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his two great friends. 1.403. 2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. 1.404. 3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, 1.405. where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. 1.406. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history. 1.407. 4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar’s honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas. 1.408. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed (its name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magimity; 1.409. for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. 1.411. 6. Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twentyfathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. 1.412. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. 1.413. 7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay or landing-place to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. 1.414. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Caesarea accordingly. 1.415. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. 1.416. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple. 1.417. 9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. 1.418. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis. 1.419. 10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium; and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition,
1.421. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only. 1.422. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and marketplaces at Berytus and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; 1.423. nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. 1.424. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those forever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo’s temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. 1.425. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to everybody’s wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. 1.426. 12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. 1.427. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. 1.428. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people’s debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelus, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater things than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.
1.437. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod’s command, in a pool till he was drowned.
1.483. 5. When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterwards; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife’s sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents;
1.512. In like manner did all the king’s kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch.
1.562. and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those intended marriages. Now the king had nine wives, and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph’s son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus;
1.575. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod’s steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar’s advantage, but for Herod’s, 1.576. Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus’s grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod’s kingdom, yet was by birth an Arabian; 1.577. o the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus’s friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.
1.595. 6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, “Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say.
1.648. 2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city Jerusalem, who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account held in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. 1.649. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; 1.651. 3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. 1.652. This was presently told to the king’s captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. 1.653. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead. 1.654. 4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease for the time, and went out and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. 1.655. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers to be put to death by them. 1.656. 5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical tumors about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen,—and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. 1.657. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying;
1.659. 6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in.
1.668. and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king.
2.1. 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if anyone omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple,
2.1. And, indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins that had been put to death, and procured their sustece by begging, in order to support their sedition.
2.1. but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased. 2.2. 3. In the meantime, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus’s kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. 2.2. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together, 2.2. where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spoke kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father’s funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; 2.3. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus’s crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them suddenly, before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. 2.3. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. 2.3. for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and goodwill to him, when the superior lords the Romans should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father. 2.4. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered the proper sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. 2.4. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.4. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city,
2.14. 1. Archelaus went down now to the seaside, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs.
2.14. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery;
2.15. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner.
2.15. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king’s brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple.
2.16. 2. But as they were come to Caesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod’s effects; but Varus, president of Syria, who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy.
2.16. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail.
2.17. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father’s money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Caesarea;
2.17. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden underfoot: for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country.
2.18. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa’s domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.
2.18. but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards of the king’s private affairs, he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels.
2.19. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.
2.19. for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. 2.21. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. 2.21. that, however, if it must come to that, it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators. 2.22. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility. 2.22. The inclinations also of all Archelaus’s kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws without a king, and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king. 2.23. 4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose, by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. 2.23. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.24. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar’s hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father’s ring, and his father’s accounts. 2.24. the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Aus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 2.25. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.25. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.
2.37. 7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar’s knees, without any noise;—upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case;
2.37. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.38. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.38. but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod’s successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom.
2.55. 1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod’s veteran soldiers got together, and armedthemselves, and fought against those of the king’s party; against whom Achiabus, the king’s first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains.
2.55. Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius’s entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out in the morning.
2.57. 2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire.
2.57. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, 2.58. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king’s party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. 2.58. He also continually instructed them in what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth. 2.59. 2. However, John’s want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, Gischala, in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. 2.59. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and broke it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.
2.69. but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also.
2.76. 3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; 2.77. but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. 2.78. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king’s relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod’s kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. 2.81. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; 2.82. but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. 2.83. Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.87. that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; 2.88. that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; 2.89. while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival:
2.91. and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would soon be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones.
2.93. 3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. 2.94. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. 2.95. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.99. And for the rest of Herod’s offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters five hundred thousand drachmae of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras:
2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury.
2.112. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended;
2.113. and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.
2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of life and death put into his hands by Caesar.
2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders.
2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising.
2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple,
2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their white garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening;
2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn;
2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them.
2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.
2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil;
2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades.
2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.
2.167. 1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis.
2.168. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Caesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea beyond Jordan another that was also called Julias.
2.182. who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity.
2.183. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.
2.185. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity:
2.186. but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries.
2.187. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.
2.188. 2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs.
2.189. The very small river Belus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon’s monument, and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration;
2.191. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.
2.192. 3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and statues at Ptolemais,
2.193. and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because,
2.194. while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods,—for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.
2.195. 4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, “And am not I also,” said he, “bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.”
2.196. Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, “Will you then make war against Caesar?”
2.197. The Jews said, “We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;” but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain.
2.198. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.
2.199. 5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under to do as he was enjoined.
2.201. and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; “for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.” Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; 2.202. from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. 2.203. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius’s epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius’s death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself.
2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias.
2.219. but his death, which happened at Caesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years.
2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator.
2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus.
2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together;
2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them;
2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them.
2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter.
2.411. 3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was the gate of the inner temple court of the priests which looked towards the sunrising. 2.412. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations; 2.413. and that they had been so far from rejecting any person’s sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety), that they had themselves placed those donations about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time; 2.414. that they did now irritate the Romans to take up arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. 2.415. And if such a law should ever be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbade even their oblations to be received also; 2.416. that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury they have offered to foreigners before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured. 2.417. 4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. 2.418. So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Aias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king’s kindred;
2.421. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.
2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada,
2.458. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Caesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis,
2.463. o the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners.
2.497. till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire;
3.354. and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.”
4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed;
4.468. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey.
5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
5.365. for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. 5.366. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? 5.367. And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard 5.368. for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them.
5.419. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.”
6.105. on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages.
7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
7.172. But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country; 7.173. he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; 7.174. nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high; 7.175. in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. 7.176. He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men. 7.177. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get everything thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants’ security, under the longest siege possible.
7.218. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.
7.253. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one;
7.268. and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name;
7.323. “Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice.
7.327. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; 7.328. for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty.' '. None |
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18. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.33, 2.165, 2.168, 2.191, 2.194, 2.197, 2.205, 2.218, 2.294 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Augustus, Jewish embassy to, after death of Herod • Herod • Herod (the Great, and the Temple) • Herod Antipas • Herod Archelaus • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, Menahems prediction • Herod the Great, questions surrounding payment of tribute by • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod, Agrippa II • taxation, under Herod(s)
Found in books: Crabb (2020) 102; Goodman (2006) 211; Gruen (2020) 170; Hachlili (2005) 482; Petropoulou (2012) 140; Salvesen et al (2020) 357; Taylor (2012) 92, 99; Taylor and Hay (2020) 3; Udoh (2006) 126
1.33. λέγω δὲ τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Βαβυλῶνι καὶ εἴ που τῆς ἄλλης οἰκουμένης τοῦ γένους τῶν ἱερέων εἰσί τινες διεσπαρμένοι: πέμπουσι γὰρ εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συγγράψαντες πατρόθεν τοὔνομα τῆς τε γαμετῆς' "
2.165. τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπέτρεψαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν πολιτευμάτων. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης εἰς μὲν τούτων οὐδοτιοῦν ἀπεῖδεν, ὡς δ' ἄν τις εἴποι βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον θεοκρατίαν ἀπέδειξε τὸ πολίτευμα" "
2.168. ὁποῖος δὲ κατ' οὐσίαν ἐστὶν ἄγνωστον. ταῦτα περὶ θεοῦ φρονεῖν οἱ σοφώτατοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὅτι μὲν ἐδιδάχθησαν ἐκείνου τὰς ἀρχὰς παρασχόντος, ἐῶ νῦν λέγειν, ὅτι δ' ἐστὶ καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσει καὶ μεγαλειότητι, σφόδρα μεμαρτυρήκασι: καὶ γὰρ Πυθαγόρας καὶ ̓Αναξαγόρας καὶ Πλάτων οἵ τε μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς φιλόσοφοι καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἅπαντες οὕτως" "
2.191. ἡμῖν ἄφατος: πᾶσα μὲν ὕλη πρὸς εἰκόνα τὴν τούτου κἂν ᾖ πολυτελὴς ἄτιμος, πᾶσα δὲ τέχνη πρὸς μιμήσεως ἐπίνοιαν ἄτεχνος. οὐδὲν ὅμοιον οὔτ' εἴδομεν οὔτ' ἐπινοοῦμεν οὔτ' εἰκάζειν ἐστὶν ὅσιον." '
2.194. οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν.' "
2.197. δέησις δ' ἔστω πρὸς τὸν θεόν, οὐχ ὅπως δῷ τἀγαθά, δέδωκεν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἑκὼν καὶ πᾶσιν εἰς μέσον κατατέθεικεν, ἀλλ' ὅπως δέχεσθαι δυνώμεθα καὶ λαβόντες φυλάττωμεν." '
2.205. Τῆς εἰς τοὺς τετελευτηκότας προυνόησεν ὁσίας οὐ πολυτελείαις ἐνταφίων οὐ κατασκευαῖς μνημείων ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ἐπιτελεῖν, πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς παριοῦσι καὶ προσελθεῖν καὶ συναποδύρασθαι. καθαίρειν δὲ καὶ τὸν οἶκον καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀπὸ κήδους, ἵνα πλεῖστον ἀπέχῃ τοῦ δοκεῖν καθαρὸς εἶναί τις φόνον ἐργασάμενος.' "
2.218. καὶ τοιαύτη τις ἀνακήρυξις, ἀλλ' αὐτὸς ἕκαστος αὑτῷ τὸ συνειδὸς ἔχων μαρτυροῦν πεπίστευκεν, τοῦ μὲν νομοθέτου προφητεύσαντος, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τὴν πίστιν ἰσχυρὰν παρεσχηκότος, ὅτι τοῖς τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάξασι κἂν εἰ δέοι θνήσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν προθύμως ἀποθανεῖν ἔδωκεν ὁ θεὸς γενέσθαι τε πάλιν καὶ βίον ἀμείνω λαβεῖν ἐκ περιτροπῆς." "
2.294. ἢ τί συμφορώτερον τοῦ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμονοεῖν καὶ μήτ' ἐν συμφοραῖς διίστασθαι μήτ' ἐν εὐτυχίαις στασιάζειν ἐξυβρίζοντας, ἀλλ' ἐν πολέμῳ μὲν θανάτου καταφρονεῖν, ἐν εἰρήνῃ δὲ τέχναις ἢ γεωργίαις προσανέχειν, πάντα δὲ καὶ πανταχοῦ πεπεῖσθαι τὸν θεὸν ἐποπτεύοντα διέπειν;"'. None | 1.33. I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also;
2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God,
2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God;
2.191. All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him.
2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself.
2.197. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not so much that he would give us what is good (for he hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duly receive it, and when we have received it, may preserve it.
2.205. 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. 2.218. but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life than they had enjoyed before.
2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions. ''. None |
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19. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Herod, religious benefaction of • Herod, wealth of • benefaction, religious, by Herod
Found in books: Goodman (2006) 49; Gordon (2020) 175
| 3.10. Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise.''. None |
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20. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 15.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod Agrippa • Herod Agrippa I • Herod, Agrippa II
Found in books: Crabb (2020) 304; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 22
15.20. Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων.''. None | 15.20. But now Christ has been raised from the dead. He became thefirst fruits of those who are asleep.''. None |
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21. New Testament, Acts, 1.5, 1.8, 2.22-2.24, 3.21, 4.9, 4.26-4.28, 5.36-5.37, 5.39, 7.31, 7.48-7.50, 8.28, 8.30, 8.34, 10.1, 10.3, 10.22, 11.28, 12.1-12.2, 12.12-12.17, 12.19-12.23, 13.1, 13.7-13.11, 13.27, 13.33, 13.35, 15.7, 16.12, 16.18, 16.20-16.21, 18.14, 20.26, 21.38, 24.24, 25.14, 25.16, 25.19, 25.23, 25.26, 26.6-26.8, 26.13-26.14, 26.20, 26.22-26.25, 26.27-26.28, 26.30-26.31, 28.17-28.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa I, compared to Herod • Agrippa I, grandson of Herod the Great • Antipas, Herod • Archelaus (son of Herod), Augustuss treatment of territory of • Archelaus son of Herod, deposition of • Augustus, Jewish embassy to, after death of Herod • Eusebius, writings on Herod the Great (Africanus) • Herod • Herod Agrippa • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Agrippa II • Herod Antipas • Herod Antipas, • Herod Archelaus • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, Essene endorsement and gifts • Herod the Great, questions surrounding payment of tribute by • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod the Great, taxation under, complaints against • Herod the Great, taxes of, viewed as excessive • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, in cities outside kingdom • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, scholarly debate about strategy and rationale of • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, AgrippaI • Herod, Antipas • Herod, Herod the Great • Josephus, on Herod, events after death of • Josephus, on Herod, revenues from, and Augustus • Luke, hearing before Herod Antipas • Philip (son of Herod), Tiberiuss treatment of territory after Philips death • taxation, under Herod(s)
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 758, 760, 761; Cain (2016) 164; Crabb (2020) 102, 125, 160, 190, 195, 197, 243, 244, 246, 249, 260, 304, 305, 306, 350; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 123; Gardner (2015) 13; Grabbe (2010) 26; Huttner (2013) 207; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 22, 36, 375; Levison (2009) 350, 359, 360, 361; Mendez (2022) 27; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021) 602, 603; Ruzer (2020) 61, 189, 203, 204; Taylor (2012) 37, 130; Udoh (2006) 126, 156, 201
1.5. ὅτι Ἰωάνης μὲν ἐβάπτισεν ὕδατι, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐν πνεύματι βαπτισθήσεσθε ἁγίῳ οὐ μετὰ πολλὰς ταύτας ἡμέρας.
1.8. ἀλλὰ λήμψεσθε δύναμιν ἐπελθόντος τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἔσεσθέ μου μάρτυρες ἔν τε Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ ἐν πάσῃ τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ καὶ Σαμαρίᾳ καὶ ἕως ἐσχάτου τῆς γῆς.
2.22. Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, ἀκούσατε τοὺς λόγους τούτους. Ἰησοῦν τὸν Ναζωραῖον, ἄνδρα ἀποδεδειγμένον ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ εἰς ὑμᾶς δυνάμεσι καὶ τέρασι καὶ σημείοις οἷς ἐποίησεν διʼ αὐτοῦ ὁ θεὸς ἐν μέσῳ ὑμῶν, καθὼς αὐτοὶ οἴδατε, 2.23. τοῦτον τῇ ὡρισμένῃ βουλῇ καὶ προγνώσει τοῦ θεοῦ ἔκδοτον διὰ χειρὸς ἀνόμων προσπήξαντες ἀνείλατε, 2.24. ὃν ὁ θεὸς ἀνέστησεν λύσας τὰς ὠδῖνας τοῦ θανάτου, καθότι οὐκ ἦν δυνατὸν κρατεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ·
3.21. ἃν δεῖ οὐρανὸν μὲν δέξασθαι ἄχρι χρόνων ἀποκαταστάσεως πάντων ὧν ἐλάλησεν ὁ θεὸς διὰ στόματος τῶν ἁγίων ἀπʼ αἰῶνος αὐτοῦ προφητῶν.
4.9. εἰ ἡμεῖς σήμερον ἀνακρινόμεθα ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ ἀνθρώπου ἀσθενοῦς, ἐν τίνι οὗτος σέσωσται,
4.26. 4.27. συνήχθησαν γὰρ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅγιον παῖδά σου Ἰησοῦν, ὃν ἔχρισας, Ἡρῴδης τε καὶ Πόντιος Πειλᾶτος σὺνἔθνεσιν καὶ λαοῖς Ἰσραήλ, 4.28. ποιῆσαι ὅσα ἡ χείρ σου καὶ ἡ βουλὴ προώρισεν γενέσθαι.
5.36. πρὸ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνέστη Θευδᾶς, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτόν, ᾧ προσεκλίθη ἀνδρῶν ἀριθμὸς ὡς τετρακοσίων· ὃς ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διελύθησαν καὶ ἐγένοντο εἰς οὐδέν. 5.37. μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνέστη Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῆς ἀπογραφῆς καὶ ἀπέστησε λαὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ· κἀκεῖνος ἀπώλετο, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διεσκορπίσθησαν.
5.39. εἰ δὲ ἐκ θεοῦ ἐστίν, οὐ δυνήσεσθε καταλῦσαι αὐτούς·̓ μή ποτε καὶ θεομάχοι εὑρεθῆτε.
7.31. ὁ δὲ Μωυσῆς ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασεν τὸ ὅραμα· προσερχομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ κατανοῆσαι ἐγένετο φωνὴ Κυρίου
7.48. ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὁ ὕψιστος ἐν χειροποιήτοις κατοικεῖ· καθὼς ὁ προφήτης λέγει 7.49.
8.28. ἦν δὲ ὑποστρέφων καὶ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκεν τὸν προφήτην Ἠσαίαν.
8.30. προσδραμὼν δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ ἀναγινώσκοντος Ἠσαίαν τὸν προφήτην, καὶ εἶπεν Ἆρά γε γινώσκεις ἃ ἀναγινώσκεις;
8.34. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ εὐνοῦχος τῷ Φιλίππῳ εἶπεν Δέομαί σου, περὶ τίνος ὁ προφήτης λέγει τοῦτο; περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἢ περὶ ἑτέρου τινός;
10.1. Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς,
10.3. εἶδεν ἐν ὁράματι φανερῶς ὡσεὶ περὶ ὥραν ἐνάτην τῆς ἡμέρας ἄγγελον τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντα αὐτῷ Κορνήλιε.
10.22. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Κορνήλιος ἑκατοντάρχης, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν μαρτυρούμενός τε ὑπὸ ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐχρηματίσθη ὑπὸ ἀγγέλου ἁγίου μεταπέμψασθαί σε εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ῥήματα παρὰ σοῦ.
11.28. ἀναστὰς δὲ εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὀνόματι Ἄγαβος ἐσήμαινεν διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος λιμὸν μεγάλην μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην· ἥτις ἐγένετο ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου.
12.1. Κατʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπέβαλεν Ἡρῴδης ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς χεῖρας κακῶσαί τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 12.2. ἀνεῖλεν δὲ Ἰάκωβον τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰωάνου μαχαίρῃ·
12.12. συνιδών τε ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς Μαρίας τῆς μητρὸς Ἰωάνου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου Μάρκου, οὗ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ συνηθροισμένοι καὶ προσευχόμενοι.
12.13. κρούσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν θύραν τοῦ πυλῶνος προσῆλθε παιδίσκη ὑπακοῦσαι ὀνόματι Ῥόδη,
12.14. καὶ ἐπιγνοῦσα τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ Πέτρου ἀπὸ τῆς χαρᾶς οὐκ ἤνοιξεν τὸν πυλῶνα, εἰσδραμοῦσα δὲ ἀπήγγειλεν ἑστάναι τὸν Πέτρον πρὸ τοῦ πυλῶνος.
12.15. οἱ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν εἶπαν Μαίνῃ. ἡ δὲ διισχυρί ζετο οὕτως ἔχειν. οἱ δὲ ἔλεγον Ὁ ἄγγελός ἐστιν αὐτοῦ.
12.16. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος ἐπέμενεν κρούων· ἀνοίξαντες δὲ εἶδαν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐξέστησαν.
12.17. κατασείσας δὲ αὐτοῖς τῇ χειρὶ σιγᾷν διηγήσατο αὐτοῖς πῶς ὁ κύριος αὐτὸν ἐξήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς φυλακῆς, εἶπέν τε Ἀπαγγείλατε Ἰακώβῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ταῦτα. καὶ ἐξελθὼν ἐπορεύθη εἰς ἕτερον τόπον.
12.19. Ἡρῴδης δὲ ἐπιζητήσας αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ εὑρὼν ἀνακρίνας τοὺς φύλακας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπαχθῆναι, καὶ κατελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας εἰς Καισαρίαν διέτριβεν. 12.20. Ἦν δὲ θυμομαχῶν Τυρίοις καὶ Σιδωνίοις· ὁμοθυμαδὸν δὲ παρῆσαν πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ πείσαντες Βλάστον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτοῦντο εἰρήνην διὰ τὸ τρέφεσθαι αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς. 12.21. τακτῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἐνδυσάμενος ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐδημηγόρει πρὸς αὐτούς· 1
2.22. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπεφώνει Θεοῦ φωνὴ καὶ οὐκ ἀνθρώπου. 12.23. παραχρῆμα δὲ ἐπάταξεν αὐτὸν ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐκ ἔδωκεν τὴν δόξαν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ γενόμενος σκωληκόβρωτος ἐξέψυξͅεν.
13.1. Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρνάβας καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος.
13.7. ὃς ἦν σὺν τῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ Σεργίῳ Παύλῳ, ἀνδρὶ συνετῷ. οὗτος προσκαλεσάμενος Βαρνάβαν καὶ Σαῦλον ἐπεζήτησεν ἀκοῦσαι τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ· 13.8. ἀνθίστατο δὲ αὐτοῖς Ἐλύμας ὁ μάγος, οὕτως γὰρ μεθερμηνεύεται τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, ζητῶν διαστρέψαι τὸν ἀνθύπατον ἀπὸ τῆς πίστεως. 13.9. Σαῦλος δέ, ὁ καὶ Παῦλος, πλησθεὶς πνεύματος ἁγίου ἀτενίσας εἰς αὐτὸν εἶπεν
13.10. Ὦ πλήρης παντὸς δόλου καὶ πάσης ῥᾳδιουργίας, υἱὲ διαβόλου, ἐχθρὲ πάσης δικαιοσύνης, οὐ παύσῃ διαστρέφων τὰς ὁδοὺς τοῦ κυρίου τὰς εὐθείας; καὶ νῦν ἰδοὺ χεὶρ Κυρίου ἐπὶ σέ,
13.11. καὶ ἔσῃ τυφλὸς μὴ βλέπων τὸν ἥλιον ἄχρι καιροῦ. παραχρῆμα δὲ ἔπεσεν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀχλὺς καὶ σκότος, καὶ περιάγων ἐζήτει χειραγωγούς.
13.27. οἱ γὰρ κατοικουlt*gtντες ἐν Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτῶν τοῦτον ἀγνοήσαντες καὶ τὰς φωνὰς τῶν προφητῶν τὰς κατὰ πᾶν σάββατον ἀναγινωσκομένας κρίναντες ἐπλήρωσαν,
13.33. ὅτι ταύτην ὁ θεὸς ἐκπεπλήρωκεν τοῖς τέκνοις ἡμῶν ἀναστήσας Ἰησοῦν, ὡς καὶ ἐν τῷ ψαλμῶ γέγραπται τῷ δευτέρῳ Υἱός μου εἶ σύ, ἐγὼ σήμ ν γεγέννηκά σε.
13.35. διότι καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ λέγει Οὐ δώσεις τὸν ὅσιόν σου ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν·
15.7. Πολλῆς δὲ ζητήσεως γενομένης ἀναστὰς Πέτρος εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὅτι ἀφʼ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων ἐν ὑμῖν ἐξελέξατο ὁ θεὸς διὰ τοῦ στόματός μου ἀκοῦσαι τὰ ἔθνη τὸν λόγον τοῦ εὐαγγελίου καὶ πιστεῦσαι,
16.12. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Φιλίππους, ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος Μακεδονίας πόλις, κολωνία. Ἦμεν δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει διατρίβοντες ἡμέρας τινάς.
16.18. τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίει ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας. διαπονηθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος καὶ ἐπιστρέψας τῷ πνεύματι εἶπεν Παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξελθεῖν ἀπʼ αὐτῆς· καὶ ἐξῆλθεν αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ.
16.20. καὶ προσαγαγόντες αὐτοὺς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς εἶπαν Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐκταράσσουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες, 16.21. καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν.
18.14. μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Παύλου ἀνοίγειν τὸ στόμα εἶπεν ὁ Γαλλίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους Εἰ μὲν ἦν ἀδίκημά τι ἢ ῥᾳδιούργημα πονηρόν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖοι, κατὰ λόγον ἂν ἀνεσχόμην ὑμῶν·
20.26. διότι μαρτύρομαι ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ ὅτι καθαρός εἰμι ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος πάντων,
21.38. γινώσκεις; οὐκ ἄρα σὺ εἶ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ὁ πρὸ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀναστατώσας καὶ ἐξαγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους ἄνδρας τῶν σικαρίων;
24.24. Μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ Φῆλιξ σὺν Δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ Ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν Παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν πίστεως.
25.14. ὡς δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας διέτριβον ἐκεῖ, ὁ Φῆστος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν Παῦλον λέγων Ἀνήρ τίς ἐστιν καταλελιμμένος ὑπὸ Φήλικος δέσμιος,
25.16. πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.
25.19. ζητήματα δέ τινα περὶ τῆς ἰδίας δεισιδαιμονίας εἶχον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ περί τινος Ἰησοῦ τεθνηκότος, ὃν ἔφασκεν ὁ Παῦλος ζῇν.
25.23. Τῇ οὖν ἐπαύριον ἐλθόντος τοῦ Ἀγρίππα καὶ τῆς Βερνίκης μετὰ πολλῆς φαντασίας καὶ εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἀκροατήριον σύν τε χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν τοῖς κατʼ ἐξοχὴν τῆς πόλεως καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ Φήστου ἤχθη ὁ Παῦλος.
25.26. περὶ οὗ ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι τῷ κυρίῳ οὐκ ἔχω· διὸ προήγαγον αὐτὸν ἐφʼ ὑμῶν καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ σοῦ, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, ὅπως τῆς ἀνακρίσεως γενομένης σχῶ τί γράψω·
26.6. καὶ νῦν ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ἐπαγγελίας γενομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἕστηκα κρινόμενος, 26.7. εἰς ἣν τὸ δωδεκάφυλον ἡμῶν ἐν ἐκτενείᾳ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν λατρεῦον ἐλπίζει καταντῆσαι· περὶ ἧς ἐλπίδος ἐγκαλοῦμαι ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων, βασιλεῦ· 26.8. τί ἄπιστον κρίνεται παρʼ ὑμῖν εἰ ὁ θεὸς νεκροὺς ἐγείρει;
26.13. ἡμέρας μέσης κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν εἶδον, βασιλεῦ, οὐρανόθεν ὑπὲρ τὴν λαμπρότητα τοῦ ἡλίου περιλάμψαν με φῶς καὶ τοὺς σὺν ἐμοὶ πορευομένους· 26.14. πάντων τε καταπεσόντων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἤκουσα φωνὴν λέγουσαν πρός με τῇ Ἐβραΐδι διαλέκτῳ Σαούλ Σαούλ, τί με διώκεις; σκληρόν σοι πρὸς κέντρα λακτίζειν.
26.20. ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐν Δαμασκῷ πρῶτόν τε καὶ Ἰεροσολύμοις, πᾶσάν τε τὴν χώραν τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπήγγελλον μετανοεῖν καὶ ἐπιστρέφειν ἐπὶ τὸν θεόν, ἄξια τῆς μετανοίας ἔργα πράσσοντας.
26.22. ἐπικουρίας οὖν τυχὼν τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄχρι τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἕστηκα μαρτυρόμενος μικρῷ τε καὶ μεγάλῳ, οὐδὲν ἐκτὸς λέγων ὧν τε οἱ προφῆται ἐλάλησαν μελλόντων γίνεσθαι καὶ Μωυσῆς, 26.23. εἰ παθητὸς ὁ χριστός, εἰ πρῶτος ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν φῶς μέλλει καταγγέλλειν τῷ τε λαῷ καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. 26.24. Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀπολογουμένου ὁ Φῆστος μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ φησίν Μαίνῃ, Παῦλε· τὰ πολλά σε γράμματα εἰς μανίαν περιτρέπει. 26.25. ὁ δὲ Παῦλος Οὐ μαίνομαι, φησίν, κράτιστε Φῆστε, ἀλλὰ ἀληθείας καὶ σωφροσύνης ῥήματα ἀποφθέγγομαι.
26.27. πιστεύεις, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, τοῖς προφήταις; οἶδα ὅτι πιστεύεις. 26.28. ὁ δὲ Ἀγρίππας πρὸς τὸν Παῦλον Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις Χριστιανὸν ποιῆσαι.
26.30. Ἀνέστη τε ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ ἡγεμὼν ἥ τε Βερνίκη καὶ οἱ συνκαθήμενοι αὐτοῖς, 26.31. καὶ ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐλάλουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους λέγοντες ὅτι Οὐδὲν θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἄξιον πράσσει ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος.
28.17. Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς συνκαλέσασθαι αὐτὸν τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους· συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐγώ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, οὐδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσας τῷ λαῷ ἢ τοῖς ἔθεσι τοῖς πατρῴοις δέσμιος ἐξ Ἰεροσολύμων παρεδόθην εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν Ῥωμαίων, 28.18. οἵτινες ἀνακρίναντές με ἐβούλοντο ἀπολῦσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν θανάτου ὑπάρχειν ἐν ἐμοί·' '. None | 1.5. For John indeed baptized in water, but you will be baptized in the Holy Spirit not many days from now."
1.8. But you will receive power when the Holy Spirit has come on you. You will be witnesses to me in Jerusalem, in all Judea and Samaria, and to the uttermost parts of the earth."
2.22. "You men of Israel, hear these words. Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved by God to you by mighty works and wonders and signs which God did by him in the midst of you, even as you yourselves know, 2.23. him, being delivered up by the determined counsel and foreknowledge of God, you have taken by the hand of lawless men, crucified and killed; 2.24. whom God raised up, having freed him from the agony of death, because it was not possible that he should be held by it.
3.21. whom the heaven must receive until the times of restoration of all things, whereof God spoke by the mouth of his holy prophets that have been from ancient times.
4.9. if we are examined today concerning a good deed done to a crippled man, by what means this man has been healed, ' "
4.26. The kings of the earth take a stand, And the rulers take council together, Against the Lord, and against his Christ.' " '4.27. For truly, in this city against your holy servant, Jesus, whom you anointed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the people of Israel, were gathered together 4.28. to do whatever your hand and your council foreordained to happen.
5.36. For before these days Theudas rose up, making himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nothing. 5.37. After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad.
5.39. But if it is of God, you will not be able to overthrow it, and you would be found even to be fighting against God!"
7.31. When Moses saw it, he wondered at the sight. As he came close to see, a voice of the Lord came to him, ' "
7.48. However, the Most High doesn't dwell in temples made with hands, as the prophet says, " "7.49. 'heaven is my throne, And the earth the footstool of my feet. What kind of house will you build me?' says the Lord; 'Or what is the place of my rest? " "7.50. Didn't my hand make all these things?' " '
8.28. He was returning and sitting in his chariot, and was reading the prophet Isaiah.
8.30. Philip ran to him, and heard him reading Isaiah the prophet, and said, "Do you understand what you are reading?"
8.34. The eunuch answered Philip, "Please tell who the prophet is talking about: about himself, or about some other?"
10.1. Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment,
10.3. At about the ninth hour of the day, he clearly saw in a vision an angel of God coming to him, and saying to him, "Cornelius!"
10.22. They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say.
11.28. One of them named Agabus stood up, and indicated by the Spirit that there should be a great famine over all the world, which also happened in the days of Claudius.
12.1. Now about that time, Herod the king stretched out his hands to oppress some of the assembly. 12.2. He killed James, the brother of John, with the sword.
12.12. Thinking about that, he came to the house of Mary, the mother of John whose surname was Mark, where many were gathered together and were praying.
12.13. When Peter knocked at the door of the gate, a maid named Rhoda came to answer. ' "
12.14. When she recognized Peter's voice, she didn't open the gate for joy, but ran in, and reported that Peter stood before the gate. " '
12.15. They said to her, "You are crazy!" But she insisted that it was so. They said, "It is his angel."
12.16. But Peter continued knocking. When they had opened, they saw him, and were amazed.
12.17. But he, beckoning to them with his hand to be silent, declared to them how the Lord had brought him out of the prison. He said, "Tell these things to James, and to the brothers." He departed, and went to another place. ' "
12.19. When Herod had sought for him, and didn't find him, he examined the guards, and commanded that they should be put to death. He went down from Judea to Caesarea, and stayed there. " "12.20. Now Herod was highly displeased with those of Tyre and Sidon. They came with one accord to him, and, having made Blastus, the king's chamberlain, their friend, they asked for peace, because their country depended on the king's country for food. " '12.21. On an appointed day, Herod dressed himself in royal clothing, sat on the throne, and gave a speech to them. 1
2.22. The people shouted, "The voice of a god, and not of a man!"' "12.23. Immediately an angel of the Lord struck him, because he didn't give God the glory, and he was eaten by worms, and he died. " '
13.1. Now in the assembly that was at Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon who was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul.
13.7. who was with the proconsul, Sergius Paulus, a man of understanding. The same summoned Barnabas and Saul, and sought to hear the word of God. 13.8. But Elymas the sorcerer (for so is his name by interpretation) withstood them, seeking to turn aside the proconsul from the faith. 13.9. But Saul, who is also called Paul, filled with the Holy Spirit, fastened his eyes on him,
13.10. and said, "Full of all deceit and all cunning, you son of the devil, you enemy of all righteousness, will you not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord?
13.11. Now, behold, the hand of the Lord is on you, and you will be blind, not seeing the sun for a season!"Immediately there fell on him a mist and darkness. He went around seeking someone to lead him by the hand. ' "
13.27. For those who dwell in Jerusalem, and their rulers, because they didn't know him, nor the voices of the prophets which are read every Sabbath, fulfilled them by condemning him. " "
13.33. that God has fulfilled the same to us, their children, in that he raised up Jesus. As it is also written in the second psalm, 'You are my Son. Today I have become your father.' " "
13.35. Therefore he says also in another psalm, 'You will not allow your Holy One to see decay.' " '
15.7. When there had been much discussion, Peter rose up and said to them, "Brothers, you know that a good while ago God made choice among you, that by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel, and believe.
16.12. and from there to Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony. We were staying some days in this city.
16.18. This she did for many days. But Paul, becoming greatly annoyed, turned and said to the spirit, "I charge you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her!" It came out that very hour.
16.20. When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, 16.21. and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans."
18.14. But when Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the Jews, "If indeed it were a matter of wrong or of wicked crime, Jews, it would be reasonable that I should bear with you;
20.26. Therefore I testify to you this day that I am clean from the blood of all men,
21.38. Aren\'t you then the Egyptian, who before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins?"
24.24. But after some days, Felix came with Drusilla, his wife, who was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus.
25.14. As they stayed there many days, Festus laid Paul\'s case before the King, saying, "There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix;
25.16. To whom I answered that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man to destruction, before the accused have met the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him.
25.19. but had certain questions against him of their own religion, and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
25.23. So on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice had come with great pomp, and they had entered into the place of hearing with the commanding officers and principal men of the city, at the command of Festus, Paul was brought in.
25.26. of whom I have no certain thing to write to my lord. Therefore I have brought him forth before you, and especially before you, king Agrippa, that, after examination, I may have something to write.
26.6. Now I stand here to be judged for the hope of the promise made by God to our fathers, 26.7. which our twelve tribes, earnestly serving night and day, hope to attain. Concerning this hope I am accused by the Jews, King Agrippa! 26.8. Why is it judged incredible with you, if God does raise the dead?
26.13. at noon, O King, I saw on the way a light from the sky, brighter than the sun, shining around me and those who traveled with me. ' "26.14. When we had all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice saying to me in the Hebrew language, 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? It is hard for you to kick against the goads.' " '
26.20. but declared first to them of Damascus, at Jerusalem, and throughout all the country of Judea, and also to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, doing works worthy of repentance.
26.22. Having therefore obtained the help that is from God, I stand to this day testifying both to small and great, saying nothing but what the prophets and Moses did say should come, 26.23. how the Christ must suffer, and how he first by the resurrection of the dead should proclaim light both to these people and to the Gentiles." 26.24. As he thus made his defense, Festus said with a loud voice, "Paul, you are crazy! Your great learning is driving you insane!" 26.25. But he said, "I am not crazy, most excellent Festus, but boldly declare words of truth and reasonableness.
26.27. King Agrippa, do you believe the prophets? I know that you believe." 26.28. Agrippa said to Paul, "With a little persuasion are you trying to make me a Christian?"
26.30. The king rose up with the governor, and Bernice, and those who sat with them. 26.31. When they had withdrawn, they spoke one to another, saying, "This man does nothing worthy of death or of bonds."
28.17. It happened that after three days Paul called together those who were the leaders of the Jews. When they had come together, he said to them, "I, brothers, though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs of our fathers, still was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans, 28.18. who, when they had examined me, desired to set me free, because there was no cause of death in me. ' '. None |
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22. New Testament, John, 2.15, 2.20, 4.43 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandrium, fortress, restored by, Herod in • Herod Antipas • Herod Archelaus • Herod I, King of Judea • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, • Herod the Great, kingdom of, expansion of • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, on Temple Mount • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of, scholarly debate about strategy and rationale of • Herod, Antipas • Herod, Herod the Great • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Josephus, on Herod, events after death of • Pheroras (brother of Herod), and work on fortress Alexandrium • Temple Mount, Herods building projects on • taxation, under Herod(s) • temple of Jerusalem, and Herods building projects
Found in books: Crabb (2020) 244, 350; Esler (2000) 113; Gordon (2020) 174; Klawans (2009) 232; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 8, 19, 25; Robbins et al (2017) 156, 160; Udoh (2006) 195
2.15. καὶ ποιήσας φραγέλλιον ἐκ σχοινίων πάντας ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τά τε πρόβατα καὶ τοὺς βόας, καὶ τῶν κολλυβιστῶν ἐξέχεεν τὰ κέρματα καὶ τὰς τραπέζας ἀνέτρεψεν,
2.20. εἶπαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι Τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτεσιν οἰκοδομήθη ὁ ναὸς οὗτος, καὶ σὺ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐγερεῖς αὐτόν;
4.43. Μετὰ δὲ τας δύο ἡμέρας ἐξῆλθεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν·' '. None | 2.15. He made a whip of cords, and threw all out of the temple, both the sheep and the oxen; and he poured out the changers' money, and overthrew their tables. " '
2.20. The Jews therefore said, "Forty-six years was this temple in building, and will you raise it up in three days?"
4.43. After the two days he went out from there and went into Galilee. ' ". None |
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23. New Testament, Luke, 1.5, 1.8-1.12, 1.15, 1.18-1.20, 2.1-2.3, 3.1, 3.12-3.13, 4.2, 4.5-4.6, 4.13-4.15, 4.17, 5.30, 12.58-12.59, 13.31, 18.12, 19.45, 23.6-23.13, 24.13, 24.18, 24.21, 24.26-24.27, 24.29, 24.44-24.47, 24.49-24.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antipas, Herod • Archelaus (son of Herod), Augustuss treatment of territory of • Archelaus son of Herod, length of reign of • Genesis, legitimation of Herods rule in • Herod • Herod Agrippa • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Antipas • Herod Antipas (Antipater) • Herod I, King of Judea • Herod Philip • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, as Messiah • Herod the Great, as villain in Gospels • Herod the Great, questions surrounding payment of tribute by • Herod the Great, taxation under • Herod the Great, taxes of • Herod the Great, taxes of, custom duties and tolls (portaria) • Herod the Great, taxes of, poll tax (tributum capitis) • Herod, Agrippa II • Herod, AgrippaI • Herod, Antipas • Herod, Herod the Great • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Josephus, on Herod, revenues from, and Augustus • Luke, hearing before Herod Antipas • Philip (son of Herod), Tiberiuss treatment of territory after Philips death • census, of Herod • taxation, under Herod(s)
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 758, 759, 760, 761; Crabb (2020) 125, 160, 190, 197, 246, 249, 350; Dijkstra (2020) 87; Esler (2000) 117, 120; Frey and Levison (2014) 90; Gordon (2020) 174; Grabbe (2010) 25, 72; Klawans (2009) 232; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 18, 50, 56, 375; Levison (2009) 361; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021) 602; Ruzer (2020) 96, 189, 203, 204; Taylor (2012) 119, 185; Udoh (2006) 55, 155, 165, 173
1.5. ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἡρῴδου βασιλέως τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἱερεύς τις ὀνόματι Ζαχαρίας ἐξ ἐφημερίας Ἀβιά, καὶ γυνὴ αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν θυγατέρων Ἀαρών, καὶ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῆς Ἐλεισάβετ.
1.8. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ ἱερατεύειν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ τάξει τῆς ἐφημερίας αὐτοῦ ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ 1.9. κατὰ τὸ ἔθος τῆς ἱερατίας ἔλαχε τοῦ θυμιᾶσαι εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ κυρίου, 1.10. καὶ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἦν τοῦ λαοῦ προσευχόμενον ἔξω τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦ θυμιάματος· 1.11. ὤφθη δὲ αὐτῷ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἑστὼς ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τοῦ θυμιάματος. 1.12. καὶ ἐταράχθη Ζαχαρίας ἰδών, καὶ φόβος ἐπέπεσεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν.
1.15. ἔσται γὰρ μέγας ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὴ πίῃ, καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ,
1.18. καὶ εἶπεν Ζαχαρίας πρὸς τὸν ἄγγελον Κατὰ τί γνώσομαι τοῦτο; ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι πρεσβύτης καὶ ἡ γυνή μου προβεβηκυῖα ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις αὐτῆς. 1.19. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ ἄγγελος εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἐγώ εἰμι Γαβριὴλ ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ ἀπεστάλην λαλῆσαι πρὸς σὲ καὶ εὐαγγελίσασθαί σοι ταῦτα· 1.20. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἔσῃ σιωπῶν καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος λαλῆσαι ἄχρι ἧς ἡμέρας γένηται ταῦτα, ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐκ ἐπίστευσας τοῖς λόγοις μου, οἵτινες πληρωθήσονται εἰς τὸν καιρὸν αὐτῶν.
2.1. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξῆλθεν δόγμα παρὰ Καίσαρος Αὐγούστου ἀπογράφεσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην· 2.2. ?̔αὕτη ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο ἡγεμονεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Κυρηνίου·̓ 2.3. καὶ ἐπορεύοντο πάντες ἀπογράφεσθαι, ἔκαστος εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν.
3.1. ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ δὲ πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας Τιβερίου Καίσαρος, ἡγεμονεύοντος Ποντίου Πειλάτου τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἡρῴδου, Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Ἰτουραίας καὶ Τραχωνίτιδος χώρας, καὶ Λυσανίου τῆς Ἀβειληνῆς τετρααρχοῦντος,
3.12. ἦλθον δὲ καὶ τελῶναι βαπτισθῆναι καὶ εἶπαν πρὸς αὐτόν Διδάσκαλε, τί ποιήσωμεν;
3.13. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Μηδὲν πλέον παρὰ τὸ διατεταγμένον ὑμῖν πράσσετε.
4.2. ἡμέρας τεσσεράκοντα πειραζόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου. Καὶ οὐκ ἔφαγεν οὐδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις, καὶ συντελεσθεισῶν αὐτῶν ἐπείνασεν.
4.5. Καὶ ἀναγαγὼν αὐτὸν ἔδειξεν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐν στιγμῇ χρόνου· 4.6. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ διάβολος Σοὶ δώσω τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, ὅτι ἐμοὶ παραδέδοται καὶ ᾧ ἂν θέλω δίδωμι αὐτήν·
4.13. Οὐκ ἐκπειράσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου. Καὶ συντελέσας πάντα πειρασμὸν ὁ διάβολος ἀπέστη ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ ἄχρι καιροῦ. 4.14. Καὶ ὑπέστρεψεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ πνεύματος εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν. καὶ φήμη ἐξῆλθεν καθʼ ὅλης τῆς περιχώρου περὶ αὐτοῦ. 4.15. καὶ αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκεν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν, δοξαζόμενος ὑπὸ πάντων.
4.17. καὶ ἐπεδόθη αὐτῷ βιβλίον τοῦ προφήτου Ἠσαίου, καὶ ἀνοίξας τὸ βιβλίον εὗρεν τὸν τόπον οὗ ἦν γεγραμμένον
5.30. καὶ ἐγόγγυζον οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ λέγοντες Διὰ τί μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐσθίετε καὶ πίνετε;
12.58. ὡς γὰρ ὑπάγεις μετὰ τοῦ ἀντιδίκου σου ἐπʼ ἄρχοντα, ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ δὸς ἐργασίαν ἀπηλλάχθαι ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ, μή ποτε κατασύρῃ σε πρὸς τὸν κριτήν, καὶ ὁ κριτής σε παραδώσει τῷ πράκτορι, καὶ ὁ πράκτωρ σε βαλεῖ εἰς φυλακήν. 12.59. λέγω σοι, οὐ μὴ ἐξέλθῃς ἐκεῖθεν ἕως καὶ τὸ ἔσχατον λεπτὸν ἀποδῷς.
13.31. Ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ προσῆλθάν τινες Φαρισαῖοι λέγοντες αὐτῷ Ἔξελθε καὶ πορεύου ἐντεῦθεν, ὅτι Ἡρῴδης θέλει σε ἀποκτεῖναι.
18.12. νηστεύω δὶς τοῦ σαββάτου, ἀποδεκατεύω πάντα ὅσα κτῶμαι.
19.45. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἤρξατο ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς πωλοῦντας,
23.6. Πειλᾶτος δὲ ἀκούσας ἐπηρώτησεν εἰ ὁ ἄνθρωπος Γαλιλαῖός ἐστιν, 23.7. καὶ ἐπιγνοὺς ὅτι ἐκ τῆς ἐξουσίας Ἡρῴδου ἐστὶν ἀνέπεμψεν αὐτὸν πρὸς Ἡρῴδην, ὄντα καὶ αὐτὸν ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις. 23.8. Ὁ δὲ Ἡρῴδης ἰδὼν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐχάρη λίαν, ἦν γὰρ ἐξ ἱκανῶν χρόνων θέλων ἰδεῖν αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ ἀκούειν περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἤλπιζέν τι σημεῖον ἰδεῖν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γινόμενον. 23.9. ἐπηρώτα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν λόγοις ἱκανοῖς· αὐτὸς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ. 2
3.10. ἱστήκεισαν δὲ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς εὐτόνως κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ. 2
3.11. ἐξουθενήσας δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Ἡρῴδης σὺν τοῖς στρατεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐμπαίξας περιβαλὼν ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν ἀνέπεμψεν αὐτὸν τῷ Πειλάτῳ. 2
3.12. Ἐγένοντο δὲ φίλοι ὅ τε Ἡρῴδης καὶ ὁ Πειλᾶτος ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ μετʼ ἀλλήλων· προϋπῆρχον γὰρ ἐν ἔχθρᾳ ὄντες πρὸς αὑτούς. 2
3.13. Πειλᾶτος δὲ συνκαλεσάμενος τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας καὶ τὸν λαὸν
2
4.13. Καὶ ἰδοὺ δύο ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἦσαν πορευόμενοι εἰς κώμην ἀπέχουσαν σταδίους ἑξήκοντα ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλήμ, ᾗ ὄνομα Ἐμμαούς,
24.18. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ εἷς ὀνόματι Κλεόπας εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Σὺ μόνος παροικεῖς Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ οὐκ ἔγνως τὰ γενόμενα ἐν αὐτῇ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις;
2
4.21. ἡμεῖς δὲ ἠλπίζομεν ὅτι αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ μέλλων λυτροῦσθαι τὸν Ἰσραήλ· ἀλλά γε καὶ σὺν πᾶσιν τούτοις τρίτην ταύτην ἡμέραν ἄγει ἀφʼ οὗ ταῦτα ἐγένετο.
2
4.26. οὐχὶ ταῦτα ἔδει παθεῖν τὸν χριστὸν καὶ εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ; 2
4.27. καὶ ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ Μωυσέως καὶ ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν προφητῶν διερμήνευσεν αὐτοῖς ἐν πάσαις ταῖς γραφαῖς τὰ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ.
2
4.29. καὶ παρεβιάσαντο αὐτὸν λέγοντες Μεῖνον μεθʼ ἡμῶν, ὅτι πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐστὶν καὶ κέκλικεν ἤδη ἡ ἡμέρα. καὶ εἰσῆλθεν τοῦ μεῖναι σὺν αὐτοῖς.
24.44. Εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Οὗτοι οἱ λόγοι μου οὓς ἐλάλησα πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔτι ὢν σὺν ὑμῖν, ὅτι δεῖ πληρωθῆναι πάντα τὰ γεγραμμένα ἐν τῷ νόμῳ Μωυσέως καὶ τοῖς προφήταις καὶ Ψαλμοῖς περὶ ἐμοῦ. 24.45. τότε διήνοιξεν αὐτῶν τὸν νοῦν τοῦ συνιέναι τὰς γραφάς, 24.46. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ὅτι οὕτως γέγραπται παθεῖν τὸν χριστὸν καὶ ἀναστῆναι ἐκ νεκρῶν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, 24.47. καὶ κηρυχθῆναι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν εἰς πάντα τὰ ἔθνὴ, — ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλήμ·
24.49. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἐξαποστέλλω τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πατρός μου ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς· ὑμεῖς δὲ καθίσατε ἐν τῇ πόλει ἕως οὗ ἐνδύσησθε ἐξ ὕψους δύναμιν. 2
4.50. Ἐξήγαγεν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἕως πρὸς Βηθανίαν, καὶ ἐπάρας τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ εὐλόγησεν αὐτούς.' '. None | 1.5. There was in the days of Herod, the king of Judea, a certain priest named Zacharias, of the priestly division of Abijah. He had a wife of the daughters of Aaron, and her name was Elizabeth. ' "
1.8. Now it happened, while he executed the priest's office before God in the order of his division, " "1.9. according to the custom of the priest's office, his lot was to enter into the temple of the Lord and burn incense. " '1.10. The whole multitude of the people were praying outside at the hour of incense. 1.11. An angel of the Lord appeared to him, standing on the right side of the altar of incense. 1.12. Zacharias was troubled when he saw him, and fear fell upon him. ' "
1.15. For he will be great in the sight of the Lord, and he will drink no wine nor strong drink. He will be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mother's womb. " '
1.18. Zacharias said to the angel, "How can I be sure of this? For I am an old man, and my wife is well advanced in years." 1.19. The angel answered him, "I am Gabriel, who stands in the presence of God. I was sent to speak to you, and to bring you this good news. 1.20. Behold, you will be silent and not able to speak, until the day that these things will happen, because you didn\'t believe my words, which will be fulfilled in their proper time."
2.1. Now it happened in those days, that a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled. 2.2. This was the first enrollment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria. 2.3. All went to enroll themselves, everyone to his own city.
3.1. Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene,
3.12. Tax collectors also came to be baptized, and they said to him, "Teacher, what must we do?"
3.13. He said to them, "Collect no more than that which is appointed to you."
4.2. for forty days, being tempted by the devil. He ate nothing in those days. Afterward, when they were completed, he was hungry.
4.5. The devil, leading him up on a high mountain, showed him all the kingdoms of the world in a moment of time. 4.6. The devil said to him, "I will give you all this authority, and their glory, for it has been delivered to me; and I give it to whomever I want.
4.13. When the devil had completed every temptation, he departed from him until another time. 4.14. Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit to Galilee, and news about him spread through all the surrounding area. 4.15. He taught in their synagogues, being glorified by all.
4.17. The book of the prophet Isaiah was handed to him. He opened the book, and found the place where it was written,
5.30. Their scribes and the Pharisees murmured against his disciples, saying, "Why do you eat and drink with the tax collectors and sinners?"
12.58. For when you are going with your adversary before the magistrate, try diligently on the way to be released from him, lest perhaps he drag you to the judge, and the judge deliver you to the officer, and the officer throw you into prison. 12.59. I tell you, you will by no means get out of there, until you have paid the very last penny."
13.31. On that same day, some Pharisees came, saying to him, "Get out of here, and go away, for Herod wants to kill you."' "
18.12. I fast twice a week. I give tithes of all that I get.' " '
19.45. He entered into the temple, and began to drive out those who bought and sold in it,
23.6. But when Pilate heard Galilee mentioned, he asked if the man was a Galilean. ' "23.7. When he found out that he was in Herod's jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod, who was also in Jerusalem during those days. " '23.8. Now when Herod saw Jesus, he was exceedingly glad, for he had wanted to see him for a long time, because he had heard many things about him. He hoped to see some miracle done by him. 23.9. He questioned him with many words, but he gave no answers. 2
3.10. The chief priests and the scribes stood, vehemently accusing him. 2
3.11. Herod with his soldiers humiliated him and mocked him. Dressing him in luxurious clothing, they sent him back to Pilate. 2
3.12. Herod and Pilate became friends with each other that very day, for before that they were enemies with each other. 2
3.13. Pilate called together the chief priests and the rulers and the people,
2
4.13. Behold, two of them were going that very day to a village named Emmaus, which was sixty stadia from Jerusalem.
24.18. One of them, named Cleopas, answered him, "Are you the only stranger in Jerusalem who doesn\'t know the things which have happened there in these days?"
2
4.21. But we were hoping that it was he who would redeem Israel. Yes, and besides all this, it is now the third day since these things happened.
2
4.26. Didn\'t the Christ have to suffer these things and to enter into his glory?" 2
4.27. Beginning from Moses and from all the prophets, he explained to them in all the Scriptures the things concerning himself.
2
4.29. They urged him, saying, "Stay with us, for it is almost evening, and the day is almost over."He went in to stay with them.
24.44. He said to them, "This is what I told you, while I was still with you, that all things which are written in the law of Moses, the prophets, and the psalms, concerning me must be fulfilled." 24.45. Then he opened their minds, that they might understand the Scriptures. 24.46. He said to them, "Thus it is written, and thus it was necessary for the Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead the third day, 24.47. and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name to all the nations, beginning at Jerusalem.
24.49. Behold, I send forth the promise of my Father on you. But wait in the city of Jerusalem until you are clothed with power from on high." 2
4.50. He led them out as far as Bethany, and he lifted up his hands, and blessed them. ' '. None |
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24. New Testament, Mark, 1.21-1.28, 2.15-2.16, 3.6, 3.19, 6.14-6.29, 7.1, 7.31, 8.22-8.27, 8.31, 9.2, 10.46-10.52, 11.15-11.16, 12.1-12.11, 12.13-12.17, 12.28-12.34, 13.1, 14.58, 14.61-14.62, 15.16-15.20, 15.22-15.25, 15.29, 15.31, 15.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herod Agrippa I • Herod Antipas • Herod Antipas (Antipater) • Herod Archelaus • Herod I, King of Judea • Herod Philip • Herod the Great • Herod the Great, Menahems prediction • Herod the Great, as villain in Gospels • Herod the Great, territorial expansion and building projects of • Herod, Herod the Great • Herod, and the Jerusalem temple • Herodians, use of term, as different to Herods officials • John the Baptist, and Herod Antipas • Luke, hearing before Herod Antipas • Mareotis, Lake, Herod Antipas, presentation of • Philip (Herod's son) • rue, Herods giant rue
Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 250; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 781; Crabb (2020) 350; Dijkstra (2020) 87; Esler (2000) 117, 118, 119, 120, 129; Gordon (2020) 174; Klawans (2009) 232; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 19, 21, 36, 48, 49, 50, 56, 299, 345, 375, 380; Peppard (2011) 130; Taylor (2012) 14, 87, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 316; Udoh (2006) 55, 287; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 333
1.21. Καὶ εἰσπορεύονται εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ εὐθὺς τοῖς σάββασιν εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ἐδίδασκεν. 1.22. καὶ ἐξεπλήσσοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς. 1.23. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, καὶ ἀνέκραξεν 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.25. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγων Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 1.26. καὶ σπαράξαν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ φωνῆσαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐξῆλθεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐθαμβήθησαν ἅπαντες, 1.27. ὥστε συνζητεῖν αὐτοὺς λέγοντας Τί ἐστιν τοῦτο; διδαχὴ καινή· κατʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῖς πνεύμασι τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ἐπιτάσσει, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ. 1.28. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἀκοὴ αὐτοῦ εὐθὺς πανταχοῦ εἰς ὅλην την περίχωρον τῆς Γαλιλαίας.
2.15. Καὶ γίνεται κατακεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τελῶναι καὶ ἁμαρτωλοὶ συνανέκειντο τῷ Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, ἦσαν γὰρ πολλοὶ καὶ ἠκολούθουν αὐτῷ. 2.16. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων ἰδόντες ὅτι ἐσθίει μετὰ τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν καὶ τελωνῶν ἔλεγον τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Ὅτι μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐσθίει;
3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν.
3.19. καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰσκαριώθ, ὃς καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτόν.
6.14. Καὶ ἤκουσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἡρῴδης, φανερὸν γὰρ ἐγένετο τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔλεγον ὅτι Ἰὼάνης ὁ βαπτίζων ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐνεργοῦσιν αἱ δυνάμεις ἐν αὐτῷ· 6.15. ἄλλοι δὲ ἔλεγον ὅτι Ἠλείας ἐστίν· ἄλλοι δὲ ἔλεγον ὅτι προφήτης ὡς εἷς τῶν προφητῶν. 6.16. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἔλεγεν Ὃν ἐγὼ ἀπεκεφάλισα Ἰωάνην, οὗτος ἠγέρθη. 6.17. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἀποστείλας ἐκράτησεν τὸν Ἰωάνην καὶ ἔδησεν αὐτὸν ἐν φυλακῇ διὰ Ἡρῳδιάδα τὴν γυναῖκα Φιλίππου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι αὐτὴν ἐγάμησεν· 6.18. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὁ Ἰωάνης τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ ὅτι Οὐκ ἔξεστίν σοι ἔχειν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου. 6.19. ἡ δὲ Ἡρῳδιὰς ἐνεῖχεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἤθελεν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνατο· 6.20. ὁ γὰρ Ἡρῴδης ἐφοβεῖτο τὸν Ἰωάνην, εἰδὼς αὐτὸν ἄνδρα δίκαιον καὶ ἅγιον, καὶ συνετήρει αὐτόν, καὶ ἀκούσας αὐτοῦ πολλὰ ἠπόρει, καὶ ἡδέως αὐτοῦ ἤκουεν. 6.21. Καὶ γενομένης ἡμέρας εὐκαίρου ὅτε Ἡρῴδης τοῖς γενεσίοις αὐτοῦ δεῖπνον ἐποίησεν τοῖς μεγιστᾶσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς χιλιάρχοις καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῆς Γαλιλαίας, 6.22. καὶ εἰσελθούσης τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἡρῳδιάδος καὶ ὀρχησαμένης, ἤρεσεν τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ καὶ τοῖς συνανακειμένοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν τῷ κορασίῳ Αἴτησόν με ὃ ἐὰν θέλῃς, καὶ δώσω σοι· 6.23. καὶ ὤμοσεν αὐτῇ Ὅτι ἐάν με αἰτήσῃς δώσω σοι ἕως ἡμίσους τῆς βασιλείας μου. 6.24. καὶ ἐξελθοῦσα εἶπεν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς Τί αἰτήσωμαι; ἡ δὲ εἶπεν Τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτίζοντος. 6.25. καὶ εἰσελθοῦσα εὐθὺς μετὰ σπουδῆς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ᾐτήσατο λέγουσα Θέλω ἵνα ἐξαυτῆς δῷς μοι ἐπὶ πίνακι τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτιστοῦ. 6.26. καὶ περίλυπος γενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τοὺς ἀνακειμένους οὐκ ἠθέλησεν ἀθετῆσαι αὐτήν· 6.27. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀποστείλας ὁ βασιλεὺς σπεκουλάτορα ἐπέταξεν ἐνέγκαι τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἀπεκεφάλισεν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ 6.28. καὶ ἤνεγκεν τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ πίνακι καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῷ κορασίῳ, καὶ τὸ κοράσιον ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς. 6.29. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἦλθαν καὶ ἦραν τὸ πτῶμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔθηκαν αὐτὸ ἐν μνημείῳ.
7.1. Καὶ συνἄγονται πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καί τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων
7.31. Καὶ πάλιν ἐξελθὼν ἐκ τῶν ὁρίων Τύρου ἦλθεν διὰ Σιδῶνος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀνὰ μέσον τῶν ὁρίων Δεκαπόλεως.
8.22. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Βηθσαιδάν. Καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτῷ τυφλὸν καὶ παρακαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα αὐτοῦ ἅψηται. 8.23. καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ τυφλοῦ ἐξήνεγκεν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς κώμης, καὶ πτύσας εἰς τὰ ὄμματα αὐτοῦ, ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ, ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Εἴ τι βλέπεις; 8.24. καὶ ἀναβλέψας ἔλεψεν Βλέπω τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὅτι ὡς δένδρα ὁρῶ περιπατοῦντας. 8.25. εἶτα πάλιν ἔθηκεν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ, καὶ διέβλεψεν, καὶ ἀπεκατέστη, καὶ ἐνέβλεπεν τηλαυγῶς ἅπαντα. 8.26. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν εἰς οἶκον αὐτοῦ λέγων Μηδὲ εἰς τὴν κώμην εἰσέλθῃς 8.27. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰς κώμας Καισαρίας τῆς Φιλίππου· καὶ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ἐπηρώτα τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ λέγων αὐτοῖς Τίνα με λέγουσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἶναι;
8.31. Καὶ ἤρξατο διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς ὅτι δεῖ τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου πολλὰ παθεῖν καὶ ἀποδοκιμασθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ τῶν γραμματέων καὶ ἀποκτανθῆναι καὶ μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀναστῆναι·
9.2. Καὶ μετὰ ἡμέρας ἓξ παραλαμβάνει ὁ Ἰησοῦς τὸν Πέτρον καὶ τὸν Ἰάκωβον καὶ Ἰωάνην, καὶ ἀναφέρει αὐτοὺς εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν μόνους. καὶ μετεμορφώθη ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν,
10.46. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Ἰερειχώ. Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ Ἰερειχὼ καὶ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὄχλου ἱκανοῦ ὁ υἱὸς Τιμαίου Βαρτίμαιος τυφλὸς προσαίτης ἐκάθητο παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν. 10.47. καὶ ἀκούσας ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζαρηνός ἐστιν ἤρξατο κράζειν καὶ λέγειν Υἱὲ Δαυεὶδ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλέησόν με. 10.48. καὶ ἐπετίμων αὐτῷ πολλοὶ ἵνα σιωπήσῃ· ὁ δὲ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἔκραζεν Υἱὲ Δαυείδ, ἐλέησόν με. 10.49. καὶ στὰς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Φωνήσατε αὐτόν. καὶ φωνοῦσι τὸν τυφλὸν λέγοντες αὐτῷ Θάρσει, ἔγειρε, φωνεῖ σε. 10.50. ὁ δὲ ἀποβαλὼν τὸ ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ ἀναπηδήσας ἦλθεν πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν. 10.51. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τί σοι θέλεις ποιήσω; ὁ δὲ τυφλὸς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ῥαββουνεί, ἵνα ἀναβλέψω. 10.52. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέβλεψεν, καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ.
11.15. Καὶ ἔρχονται εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἤρξατο ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς πωλοῦντας καὶ τοὺς ἀγοράζοντας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ τὰς τραπέζας τῶν κολλυβιστῶν καὶ τὰς καθέδρας τῶν πωλούντων τὰς περιστερὰς κατέστρεψεν 11.16. καὶ οὐκ ἤφιεν ἵνα τις διενέγκῃ σκεῦος διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ,
12.1. Καὶ ἤρξατο αὐτοῖς ἐν παραβολαῖς λαλεῖν Ἀμπελῶνα ἄνθρωπος ἐφύτευσεν, καὶ περιέθηκεν φραγμὸν καὶ ὤρυξεν ὑπολήνιον καὶ ᾠκοδόμησεν πύργον, καὶ ἐξέδετο αὐτὸν γεωργοῖς, καὶ ἀπεδήμησεν. 12.2. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς τοὺς γεωργοὺς τῷ καιρῷ δοῦλον, ἵνα παρὰ τῶν γεωργῶν λάβῃ ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος· 12.3. καὶ λαβόντες αὐτὸν ἔδειραν καὶ ἀπέστειλαν κενόν. 12.4. καὶ πάλιν ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἄλλον δοῦλον· κἀκεῖνον ἐκεφαλίωσαν καὶ ἠτίμασαν. 12.5. καὶ ἄλλον ἀπέστειλεν· κἀκεῖνον ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους, οὓς μὲν δέροντες οὓς δὲ ἀποκτέννυντες. 12.6. ἔτι ἕνα εἶχεν, υἱὸν ἀγαπητόν· ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν ἔσχατον πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγων ὅτι Ἐντραπήσονται τὸν υἱόν μου. 12.7. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ οἱ γεωργοὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς εἶπαν ὅτι Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ κληρονόμος· δεῦτε ἀποκτείνωμεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἡμῶν ἔσται ἡ κληρονομία. 12.8. καὶ λαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος. 12.9. τί ποιήσει ὁ κύριος τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος; ἐλεύσεται καὶ ἀπολέσει τοὺς γεωργούς, καὶ δώσει τὸν ἀμπελῶνα ἄλλοις.
12.10. Οὐδὲ τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην ἀνέγνωτε Λίθον ὃν ἀπεδοκίμασαν οἱ οἰκοδομοῦντες, οὗτος ἐγενήθη εἰς κεφαλὴν γωνίας·
12.11. παρὰ Κυρίου ἐγένετο αὕτη, καὶ ἔστιν θαυμαστὴ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ἡμῶν;
12.13. Καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν πρὸς αὐτόν τινας τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν ἵνα αὐτὸν ἀγρεύσωσιν λόγῳ.
12.14. καὶ ἐλθόντες λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ διδάσκεις· ἔξεστιν δοῦναι κῆνσον Καίσαρι ἢ οὔ; δῶμεν ἢ μὴ δῶμεν;
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2.15. ὁ δὲ εἰδὼς αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί με πειράζετε; φέρετέ μοι δηνάριον ἵνα ἴδω.
12.16. οἱ δὲ ἤνεγκαν. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Τίνος ἡ εἰκὼν αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Καίσαρος.
12.17. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τὰ Καίσαρος ἀπόδοτε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ. καὶ ἐξεθαύμαζον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ.
12.28. Καὶ προσελθὼν εἷς τῶν γραμματέων ἀκούσας αὐτῶν συνζητούντων, εἰδὼς ὅτι καλῶς ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτόν Ποία ἐστὶν ἐντολὴ πρώτη πάντων; 12.29. ἀπεκρίθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι Πρώτη ἐστίν Ἄκουε, Ἰσραήλ, Κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν κύριος εἷς ἐστίν, 12.30. καὶ ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχῆς σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς διανοίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος σου. 12.31. δευτέρα αὕτη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. μείζων τούτων ἄλλη ἐντολὴ οὐκ ἔστιν. 12.32. Εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ γραμματεύς Καλῶς, διδάσκαλε, ἐπʼ ἀληθείας εἶπες ὅτι εἷς ἐστὶν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλος πλὴν αὐτοῦ· 12.33. καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν αὐτὸν ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς συνέσεως καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν τὸν πλησίον ὡς ἑαυτὸν περισσότερόν ἐστιν πάντων τῶν ὁλοκαυτωμάτων καὶ θυσιῶν. 12.34. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὅτι νουνεχῶς ἀπεκρίθη εἶπεν αὐτῷ Οὐ μακρὰν εἶ ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι ἐτόλμα αὐτὸν ἐπερωτῆσαι.
13.1. Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ λέγει αὐτῷ εἷς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ Διδάσκαλε, ἴδε ποταποὶ λίθοι καὶ ποταπαὶ οἰκοδομαί.
14.58. ὅτι Ἡμεῖς ἠκούσαμεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι Ἐγὼ καταλύσω τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον τὸν χειροποίητον καὶ διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἄλλον ἀχειροποίητον οἰκοδομήσω·
14.61. ὁ δὲ ἐσιώπα καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο οὐδέν. πάλιν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Σὺ εἶ ὁ χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ εὐλογητοῦ; 14.62. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι, καὶ ὄψεσθε τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ δεξιῶν καθήμενον τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐρχόμενον μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ.
15.16. Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν ἔσω τῆς αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραιτώριον, καὶ συνκαλοῦσιν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 15.17. καὶ ἐνδιδύσκουσιν αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον στέφανον· 15.18. καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀσπάζεσθαι αὐτόν Χαῖρε βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 15.19. καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. 15.20. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἐξάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα σταυρώσωσιν αὐτόν·
15.22. καὶ φέρουσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Γολγοθὰν τόπον, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενος Κρανίου Τόπος. 15.23. καὶ ἐδίδουν αὐτῷ ἐσμυρνισμένον οἶνον, ὃς δὲ οὐκ ἔλαβεν. 15.24. καὶ σταυροῦσιν αὐτὸν καὶ διαμερίζονται τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, βάλλοντες κλῆρον ἐπʼ αὐτὰ τίς τί ἄρῃ. 15.25. ἦν δὲ ὥρα τρίτη καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν αὐτόν.
15.29. Καὶ οἱ παραπορευόμενοι ἐβλασφήμουν αὐτὸν κινοῦντες τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν καὶ λέγοντες Οὐὰ ὁ καταλύων τὸν ναὸν καὶ οἰκοδομῶν ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις,
15.31. ὁμοίως καὶ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐμπαίζοντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους μετὰ τῶν γραμματέων ἔλεγον Ἄλλους ἔσωσεν, ἑαυτὸν οὐ δύναται σῶσαι·
15.39. Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ κεντυρίων ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ ὅτι οὕτως ἐξέπνευσεν εἶπεν Ἀληθῶς οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρωπος υἱὸς θεοῦ ἦν.' '. None | 1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 1.22. They were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as having authority, and not as the scribes. 1.23. Immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.25. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be quiet, and come out of him!" 1.26. The unclean spirit, convulsing him and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. 1.27. They were all amazed, so that they questioned among themselves, saying, "What is this? A new teaching? For with authority he commands even the unclean spirits, and they obey him!" 1.28. The report of him went out immediately everywhere into all the region of Galilee and its surrounding area.
2.15. It happened, that he was reclining at the table in his house, and many tax collectors and sinners sat down with Jesus and his disciples, for there were many, and they followed him. 2.16. The scribes and the Pharisees, when they saw that he was eating with the sinners and tax collectors, said to his disciples, "Why is it that he eats and drinks with tax collectors and sinners?"
3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him.
3.19. and Judas Iscariot, who also betrayed him. He came into a house.
6.14. King Herod heard this, for his name had become known, and he said, "John the Baptizer has risen from the dead, and therefore these powers are at work in him." 6.15. But others said, "It is Elijah." Others said, "It is the Prophet, or like one of the prophets." 6.16. But Herod, when he heard this, said, "This is John, whom I beheaded. He has risen from the dead."' "6.17. For Herod himself had sent out and arrested John, and bound him in prison for the sake of Herodias, his brother Philip's wife, for he had married her. " '6.18. For John said to Herod, "It is not lawful for you to have your brother\'s wife."' "6.19. Herodias set herself against him, and desired to kill him, but she couldn't, " '6.20. for Herod feared John, knowing that he was a righteous and holy man, and kept him safe. When he heard him, he did many things, and he heard him gladly. 6.21. Then a convenient day came, that Herod on his birthday made a supper for his nobles, the high officers, and the chief men of Galilee. 6.22. When the daughter of Herodias herself came in and danced, she pleased Herod and those sitting with him. The king said to the young lady, "Ask me whatever you want, and I will give it to you." 6.23. He swore to her, "Whatever you shall ask of me, I will give you, up to half of my kingdom." 6.24. She went out, and said to her mother, "What shall I ask?"She said, "The head of John the Baptizer." 6.25. She came in immediately with haste to the king, and asked, "I want you to give me right now the head of John the Baptizer on a platter."' "6.26. The king was exceedingly sorry, but for the sake of his oaths, and of his dinner guests, he didn't wish to refuse her. " "6.27. Immediately the king sent out a soldier of his guard, and commanded to bring John's head, and he went and beheaded him in the prison, " '6.28. and brought his head on a platter, and gave it to the young lady; and the young lady gave it to her mother. 6.29. When his disciples heard this, they came and took up his corpse, and laid it in a tomb.
7.1. Then the Pharisees, and some of the scribes gathered together to him, having come from Jerusalem.
7.31. Again he departed from the borders of Tyre and Sidon, and came to the sea of Galilee, through the midst of the region of Decapolis.
8.22. He came to Bethsaida. They brought a blind man to him, and begged him to touch him. 8.23. He took hold of the blind man by the hand, and brought him out of the village. When he had spit on his eyes, and laid his hands on him, he asked him if he saw anything. 8.24. He looked up, and said, "I see men; for I see them like trees walking." 8.25. Then again he laid his hands on his eyes. He looked intently, and was restored, and saw everyone clearly. 8.26. He sent him away to his house, saying, "Don\'t enter into the village, nor tell anyone in the village." 8.27. Jesus went out, with his disciples, into the villages of Caesarea Philippi. On the way he asked his disciples, "Who do men say that I am?"
8.31. He began to teach them that the Son of Man must suffer many things, and be rejected by the elders, the chief priests, and the scribes, and be killed, and after three days rise again.
9.2. After six days Jesus took with him Peter, James, and John, and brought them up onto a high mountain privately by themselves, and he was changed into another form in front of them.
10.46. They came to Jericho. As he went out from Jericho, with his disciples and a great multitude, the son of Timaeus, Bartimaeus, a blind beggar, was sitting by the road. 10.47. When he heard that it was Jesus the Nazarene, he began to cry out, and say, "Jesus, you son of David, have mercy on me!" 10.48. Many rebuked him, that he should be quiet, but he cried out much more, "You son of David, have mercy on me!" 10.49. Jesus stood still, and said, "Call him."They called the blind man, saying to him, "Cheer up! Get up. He is calling you!" 10.50. He, casting away his cloak, sprang up, and came to Jesus. 10.51. Jesus asked him, "What do you want me to do for you?"The blind man said to him, "Rhabboni, that I may see again." 10.52. Jesus said to him, "Go your way. Your faith has made you well." Immediately he received his sight, and followed Jesus in the way.
11.15. They came to Jerusalem, and Jesus entered into the temple, and began to throw out those who sold and those who bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the money-changers, and the seats of those who sold the doves. 11.16. He would not allow anyone to carry a container through the temple.
12.1. He began to speak to them in parables. "A man planted a vineyard, put a hedge around it, dug a pit for the winepress, built a tower, rented it out to a farmer, and went into another country. 12.2. When it was time, he sent a servant to the farmer to get from the farmer his share of the fruit of the vineyard. 12.3. They took him, beat him, and sent him away empty. 12.4. Again, he sent another servant to them; and they threw stones at him, wounded him in the head, and sent him away shamefully treated. 12.5. Again he sent another; and they killed him; and many others, beating some, and killing some. ' "12.6. Therefore still having one, his beloved son, he sent him last to them, saying, 'They will respect my son.' " "12.7. But those farmers said among themselves, 'This is the heir. Come, let's kill him, and the inheritance will be ours.' " '12.8. They took him, killed him, and cast him out of the vineyard. 12.9. What therefore will the lord of the vineyard do? He will come and destroy the farmers, and will give the vineyard to others. ' "
12.10. Haven't you even read this Scripture: 'The stone which the builders rejected, The same was made the head of the corner. " '
12.11. This was from the Lord, It is marvelous in our eyes\'?"
12.13. They sent some of the Pharisees and of the Herodians to him, that they might trap him with words.
12.14. When they had come, they asked him, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and don\'t defer to anyone; for you aren\'t partial to anyone, but truly teach the way of God. Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?
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2.15. Shall we give, or shall we not give?"But he, knowing their hypocrisy, said to them, "Why do you test me? Bring me a denarius, that I may see it."
12.16. They brought it. He said to them, "Whose is this image and inscription?"They said to him, "Caesar\'s."
12.17. Jesus answered them, "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar\'s, and to God the things that are God\'s."They marveled greatly at him.
12.28. One of the scribes came, and heard them questioning together. Knowing that he had answered them well, asked him, "Which commandment is the greatest of all?" 12.29. Jesus answered, "The greatest is, \'Hear, Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is one: ' "12.30. you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind, and with all your strength.' This is the first commandment. " '12.31. The second is like this, \'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.\' There is no other commandment greater than these." 12.32. The scribe said to him, "Truly, teacher, you have said well that he |
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