1. Homer, Iliad, 20.23-20.29, 23.83-23.84 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 95, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 95, 280
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20.23 ἥμενος, ἔνθʼ ὁρόων φρένα τέρψομαι· οἳ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι 20.24 ἔρχεσθʼ ὄφρʼ ἂν ἵκησθε μετὰ Τρῶας καὶ Ἀχαιούς, 20.25 ἀμφοτέροισι δʼ ἀρήγεθʼ ὅπῃ νόος ἐστὶν ἑκάστου. 20.26 εἰ γὰρ Ἀχιλλεὺς οἶος ἐπὶ Τρώεσσι μαχεῖται 20.27 οὐδὲ μίνυνθʼ ἕξουσι ποδώκεα Πηλεΐωνα. 20.28 καὶ δέ τί μιν καὶ πρόσθεν ὑποτρομέεσκον ὁρῶντες· 20.29 νῦν δʼ ὅτε δὴ καὶ θυμὸν ἑταίρου χώεται αἰνῶς
23.83 μὴ ἐμὰ σῶν ἀπάνευθε τιθήμεναι ὀστέʼ Ἀχιλλεῦ, 23.84 ἀλλʼ ὁμοῦ ὡς ἐτράφημεν ἐν ὑμετέροισι δόμοισιν,'' None | sup>
20.23 Thou knowest, O Shaker of Earth, the purpose in my breast, for the which I gathered you hither; I have regard unto them, even though they die. Yet verily, for myself will I abide here sitting in a fold of Olympus, wherefrom I will gaze and make glad my heart; but do ye others all go forth till ye be come among the Trojans and Achaeans, and bear aid to this side or that, even as the mind of each may be. 20.25 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall. 20.29 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall.
23.83 opened its maw, the fate that was appointed me even from my birth. Aye, and thou thyself also, Achilles like to the gods, art doomed to be brought low beneath the wall of the waelthy Trojans. And another thing will I speak, and charge thee, if so be thou wilt hearken. Lay not my bones apart from thine, Achilles, but let them lie together, even as we were reared in your house, 23.84 opened its maw, the fate that was appointed me even from my birth. Aye, and thou thyself also, Achilles like to the gods, art doomed to be brought low beneath the wall of the waelthy Trojans. And another thing will I speak, and charge thee, if so be thou wilt hearken. Lay not my bones apart from thine, Achilles, but let them lie together, even as we were reared in your house, '' None |
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2. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 267, 302; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 267, 302
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3. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 268; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 268
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4. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
| 575a ἀλλὰ τυραννικῶς ἐν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἔρως ἐν πάσῃ ἀναρχίᾳ καὶ ἀνομίᾳ ζῶν, ἅτε αὐτὸς ὢν μόναρχος, τὸν ἔχοντά τε αὐτὸν ὥσπερ πόλιν ἄξει ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τόλμαν, ὅθεν αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸν περὶ αὑτὸν θόρυβον θρέψει, τὸν μὲν ἔξωθεν εἰσεληλυθότα ἀπὸ κακῆς ὁμιλίας, τὸν δʼ ἔνδοθεν ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν τρόπων καὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἀνεθέντα καὶ ἐλευθερωθέντα· ἢ οὐχ οὗτος ὁ βίος τοῦ τοιούτου;' ' None | 575a but the passion that dwells in him as a tyrant will live in utmost anarchy and lawlessness, and, since it is itself sole autocrat, will urge the polity, so to speak, of him in whom it dwells to dare anything and everything in order to find support for himself and the hubbub of his henchmen, in part introduced from outside by evil associations, and in part released and liberated within by the same habits of life as his. Is not this the life of such a one? It is this, he said. And if, I said, there are only a few of this kind in a city,' ' None |
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5. Xenophon, Memoirs, 2.1.21-2.1.34 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 316; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 316
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2.1.21 καὶ Πρόδικος δὲ ὁ σοφὸς ἐν τῷ συγγράμματι τῷ περὶ Ἡρακλέους, ὅπερ δὴ καὶ πλείστοις ἐπιδείκνυται, ὡσαύτως περὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀποφαίνεται, ὧδέ πως λέγων, ὅσα ἐγὼ μέμνημαι. φησὶ γὰρ Ἡρακλέα, ἐπεὶ ἐκ παίδων εἰς ἥβην ὡρμᾶτο, ἐν ᾗ οἱ νέοι ἤδη αὐτοκράτορες γιγνόμενοι δηλοῦσιν εἴτε τὴν διʼ ἀρετῆς ὁδὸν τρέψονται ἐπὶ τὸν βίον εἴτε τὴν διὰ κακίας, ἐξελθόντα εἰς ἡσυχίαν καθῆσθαι ἀποροῦντα ποτέραν τῶν ὁδῶν τράπηται· 2.1.22 καὶ φανῆναι αὐτῷ δύο γυναῖκας προσιέναι μεγάλας, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν εὐπρεπῆ τε ἰδεῖν καὶ ἐλευθέριον φύσει, κεκοσμημένην τὸ μὲν σῶμα καθαρότητι, τὰ δὲ ὄμματα αἰδοῖ, τὸ δὲ σχῆμα σωφροσύνῃ, ἐσθῆτι δὲ λευκῇ, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν τεθραμμένην μὲν εἰς πολυσαρκίαν τε καὶ ἁπαλότητα, κεκαλλωπισμένην δὲ τὸ μὲν χρῶμα ὥστε λευκοτέραν τε καὶ ἐρυθροτέραν τοῦ ὄντος δοκεῖν φαίνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σχῆμα ὥστε δοκεῖν ὀρθοτέραν τῆς φύσεως εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ὄμματα ἔχειν ἀναπεπταμένα, ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἐξ ἧς ἂν μάλιστα ὥρα διαλάμποι· κατασκοπεῖσθαι δὲ θαμὰ ἑαυτήν, ἐπισκοπεῖν δὲ καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος αὐτὴν θεᾶται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῆς σκιὰν ἀποβλέπειν. 2.1.23 ὡς δʼ ἐγένοντο πλησιαίτερον τοῦ Ἡρακλέους, τὴν μὲν πρόσθεν ῥηθεῖσαν ἰέναι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν φθάσαι βουλομένην προσδραμεῖν τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ καὶ εἰπεῖν· ὁρῶ σε, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, ἀποροῦντα ποίαν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὸν βίον τράπῃ. ἐὰν οὖν ἐμὲ φίλην ποιησάμενος, ἐπὶ τὴν ἡδίστην τε καὶ ῥᾴστην ὁδὸν ἄξω σε, καὶ τῶν μὲν τερπνῶν οὐδενὸς ἄγευστος ἔσει, τῶν δὲ χαλεπῶν ἄπειρος διαβιώσῃ. 2.1.24 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οὐ πολέμων οὐδὲ πραγμάτων φροντιεῖς, ἀλλὰ σκοπούμενος διέσῃ τί ἂν κεχαρισμένον ἢ σιτίον ἢ ποτὸν εὕροις, ἢ τί ἂν ἰδὼν ἢ ἀκούσας τερφθείης ἢ τίνων ὀσφραινόμενος ἢ ἁπτόμενος, τίσι δὲ παιδικοῖς ὁμιλῶν μάλιστʼ ἂν εὐφρανθείης, καὶ πῶς ἂν μαλακώτατα καθεύδοις, καὶ πῶς ἂν ἀπονώτατα τούτων πάντων τυγχάνοις. 2.1.25 ἐὰν δέ ποτε γένηταί τις ὑποψία σπάνεως ἀφʼ ὧν ἔσται ταῦτα, οὐ φόβος μή σε ἀγάγω ἐπὶ τὸ πονοῦντα καὶ ταλαιπωροῦντα τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ ταῦτα πορίζεσθαι, ἀλλʼ οἷς ἂν οἱ ἄλλοι ἐργάζωνται, τούτοις σὺ χρήσῃ, οὐδενὸς ἀπεχόμενος ὅθεν ἂν δυνατὸν ᾖ τι κερδᾶναι. πανταχόθεν γὰρ ὠφελεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐμοὶ συνοῦσιν ἐξουσίαν ἐγὼ παρέχω. 2.1.26 καὶ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἀκούσας ταῦτα, ὦ γύναι, ἔφη, ὄνομα δέ σοι τί ἐστιν; ἡ δέ, οἱ μὲν ἐμοὶ φίλοι, ἔφη, καλοῦσί με Εὐδαιμονίαν, οἱ δὲ μισοῦντές με ὑποκοριζόμενοι ὀνομάζουσι Κακίαν. 2.1.27 καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἡ ἑτέρα γυνὴ προσελθοῦσα εἶπε· καὶ ἐγὼ ἥκω πρὸς σέ, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, εἰδυῖα τοὺς γεννήσαντάς σε καὶ τὴν φύσιν τὴν σὴν ἐν τῇ παιδείᾳ καταμαθοῦσα, ἐξ ὧν ἐλπίζω, εἰ τὴν πρὸς ἐμὲ ὁδὸν τράποιο, σφόδρʼ ἄν σε τῶν καλῶν καὶ σεμνῶν ἀγαθὸν ἐργάτην γενέσθαι καὶ ἐμὲ ἔτι πολὺ ἐντιμοτέραν καὶ ἐπʼ ἀγαθοῖς διαπρεπεστέραν φανῆναι. οὐκ ἐξαπατήσω δέ σε προοιμίοις ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ᾗπερ οἱ θεοὶ διέθεσαν τὰ ὄντα διηγήσομαι μετʼ ἀληθείας. 2.1.28 τῶν γὰρ ὄντων ἀγαθῶν καὶ καλῶν οὐδὲν ἄνευ πόνου καὶ ἐπιμελείας θεοὶ διδόασιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλʼ εἴτε τοὺς θεοὺς ἵλεως εἶναί σοι βούλει, θεραπευτέον τοὺς θεούς, εἴτε ὑπὸ φίλων ἐθέλεις ἀγαπᾶσθαι, τοὺς φίλους εὐεργετητέον, εἴτε ὑπό τινος πόλεως ἐπιθυμεῖς τιμᾶσθαι, τὴν πόλιν ὠφελητέον, εἴτε ὑπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάσης ἀξιοῖς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ θαυμάζεσθαι, τὴν Ἑλλάδα πειρατέον εὖ ποιεῖν, εἴτε γῆν βούλει σοι καρποὺς ἀφθόνους φέρειν, τὴν γῆν θεραπευτέον, εἴτε ἀπὸ βοσκημάτων οἴει δεῖν πλουτίζεσθαι, τῶν βοσκημάτων ἐπιμελητέον, εἴτε διὰ πολέμου ὁρμᾷς αὔξεσθαι καὶ βούλει δύνασθαι τούς τε φίλους ἐλευθεροῦν καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς χειροῦσθαι, τὰς πολεμικὰς τέχνας αὐτάς τε παρὰ τῶν ἐπισταμένων μαθητέον καὶ ὅπως αὐταῖς δεῖ χρῆσθαι ἀσκητέον· εἰ δὲ καὶ τῷ σώματι βούλει δυνατὸς εἶναι, τῇ γνώμῃ ὑπηρετεῖν ἐθιστέον τὸ σῶμα καὶ γυμναστέον σὺν πόνοις καὶ ἱδρῶτι. 2.1.29 καὶ ἡ Κακία ὑπολαβοῦσα εἶπεν, ὥς φησι Πρόδικος· ἐννοεῖς, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, ὡς χαλεπὴν καὶ μακρὰν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὰς εὐφροσύνας ἡ γυνή σοι αὕτη διηγεῖται; ἐγὼ δὲ ῥᾳδίαν καὶ βραχεῖαν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἄξω σε. 2.1.30 καὶ ἡ Ἀρετὴ εἶπεν· ὦ τλῆμον, τί δὲ σὺ ἀγαθὸν ἔχεις; ἢ τί ἡδὺ οἶσθα μηδὲν τούτων ἕνεκα πράττειν ἐθέλουσα; ἥτις οὐδὲ τὴν τῶν ἡδέων ἐπιθυμίαν ἀναμένεις, ἀλλὰ πρὶν ἐπιθυμῆσαι πάντων ἐμπίμπλασαι, πρὶν μὲν πεινῆν ἐσθίουσα, πρὶν δὲ διψῆν πίνουσα, ἵνα μὲν ἡδέως φάγῃς, ὀψοποιοὺς μηχανωμένη, ἵνα δὲ ἡδέως πίῃς, οἴνους τε πολυτελεῖς παρασκευάζῃ καὶ τοῦ θέρους χιόνα περιθέουσα ζητεῖς, ἵνα δὲ καθυπνώσῃς ἡδέως, οὐ μόνον τὰς στρωμνὰς μαλακάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κλίνας καὶ τὰ ὑπόβαθρα ταῖς κλίναις παρασκευάζῃ· οὐ γὰρ διὰ τὸ πονεῖν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν ὅ τι ποιῇς ὕπνου ἐπιθυμεῖς· τὰ δʼ ἀφροδίσια πρὸ τοῦ δεῖσθαι ἀναγκάζεις, πάντα μηχανωμένη καὶ γυναιξὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι χρωμένη· οὕτω γὰρ παιδεύεις τοὺς σεαυτῆς φίλους, τῆς μὲν νυκτὸς ὑβρίζουσα, τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας τὸ χρησιμώτατον κατακοιμίζουσα. 2.1.31 ἀθάνατος δὲ οὖσα ἐκ θεῶν μὲν ἀπέρριψαι, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἀγαθῶν ἀτιμάζῃ· τοῦ δὲ πάντων ἡδίστου ἀκούσματος, ἐπαίνου σεαυτῆς, ἀνήκοος εἶ, καὶ τοῦ πάντων ἡδίστου θεάματος ἀθέατος· οὐδὲν γὰρ πώποτε σεαυτῆς ἔργον καλὸν τεθέασαι. τίς δʼ ἄν σοι λεγούσῃ τι πιστεύσειε; τίς δʼ ἂν δεομένῃ τινὸς ἐπαρκέσειεν; ἢ τίς ἂν εὖ φρονῶν τοῦ σοῦ θιάσου τολμήσειεν εἶναι; οἳ νέοι μὲν ὄντες τοῖς σώμασιν ἀδύνατοί εἰσι, πρεσβύτεροι δὲ γενόμενοι ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀνόητοι, ἀπόνως μὲν λιπαροὶ διὰ νεότητος τρεφόμενοι, ἐπιπόνως δὲ αὐχμηροὶ διὰ γήρως περῶντες, τοῖς μὲν πεπραγμένοις αἰσχυνόμενοι, τοῖς δὲ πραττομένοις βαρυνόμενοι, τὰ μὲν ἡδέα ἐν τῇ νεότητι διαδραμόντες, τὰ δὲ χαλεπὰ εἰς τὸ γῆρας ἀποθέμενοι. 2.1.32 ἐγὼ δὲ σύνειμι μὲν θεοῖς, σύνειμι δὲ ἀνθρώποις τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς· ἔργον δὲ καλὸν οὔτε θεῖον οὔτʼ ἀνθρώπειον χωρὶς ἐμοῦ γίγνεται. τιμῶμαι δὲ μάλιστα πάντων καὶ παρὰ θεοῖς καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώποις οἷς προσήκω, ἀγαπητὴ μὲν συνεργὸς τεχνίταις, πιστὴ δὲ φύλαξ οἴκων δεσπόταις, εὐμενὴς δὲ παραστάτις οἰκέταις, ἀγαθὴ δὲ συλλήπτρια τῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ πόνων, βεβαία δὲ τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ σύμμαχος ἔργων, ἀρίστη δὲ φιλίας κοινωνός. 2.1.33 ἔστι δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἐμοῖς φίλοις ἡδεῖα μὲν καὶ ἀπράγμων σίτων καὶ ποτῶν ἀπόλαυσις· ἀνέχονται γὰρ ἕως ἂν ἐπιθυμήσωσιν αὐτῶν· ὕπνος δʼ αὐτοῖς πάρεστιν ἡδίων ἢ τοῖς ἀμόχθοις, καὶ οὔτε ἀπολείποντες αὐτὸν ἄχθονται οὔτε διὰ τοῦτον μεθιᾶσι τὰ δέοντα πράττειν. καὶ οἱ μὲν νέοι τοῖς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἐπαίνοις χαίρουσιν, οἱ δὲ γεραίτεροι ταῖς τῶν νέων τιμαῖς ἀγάλλονται· καὶ ἡδέως μὲν τῶν παλαιῶν πράξεων μέμνηνται, εὖ δὲ τὰς παρούσας ἥδονται πράττοντες, διʼ ἐμὲ φίλοι μὲν θεοῖς ὄντες, ἀγαπητοὶ δὲ φίλοις, τίμιοι δὲ πατρίσιν· ὅταν δʼ ἔλθῃ τὸ πεπρωμένον τέλος, οὐ μετὰ λήθης ἄτιμοι κεῖνται, ἀλλὰ μετὰ μνήμης τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον ὑμνούμενοι θάλλουσι. τοιαῦτά σοι, ὦ παῖ τοκέων ἀγαθῶν Ἡράκλεις, ἔξεστι διαπονησαμένῳ τὴν μακαριστοτάτην εὐδαιμονίαν κεκτῆσθαι. 2.1.34 οὕτω πως διώκει Πρόδικος τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀρετῆς Ἡρακλέους παίδευσιν· ἐκόσμησε μέντοι τὰς γνώμας ἔτι μεγαλειοτέροις ῥήμασιν ἢ ἐγὼ νῦν. σοὶ δʼ οὖν ἄξιον, ὦ Ἀρίστιππε, τούτων ἐνθυμουμένῳ πειρᾶσθαί τι καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα χρόνον τοῦ βίου φροντίζειν.'' 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2.1.21 Aye, and Prodicus the wise expresses himself to the like effect concerning Virtue in the essay On Heracles that he recites to throngs of listeners. This, so far as I remember, is how he puts it: When Heracles was passing from boyhood to youth’s estate, wherein the young, now becoming their own masters, show whether they will approach life by the path of virtue or the path of vice, he went out into a quiet place, 2.1.22 and sat pondering which road to take. And there appeared two women of great stature making towards him. The one was fair to see and of high bearing; and her limbs were adorned with purity, her eyes with modesty; sober was her figure, and her robe was white. The other was plump and soft, with high feeding. Her face was made up to heighten its natural white and pink, her figure to exaggerate her height. Open-eyed was she; and dressed so as to disclose all her charms. Now she eyed herself; anon looked whether any noticed her; and often stole a glance at her own shadow. 2.1.23 When they drew nigh to Heracles, the first pursued the even tenor of her way: but the other, all eager to outdo her, ran to meet him, crying: Heracles, I see that you are in doubt which path to take towards life. Make me your friend; follow me, and I will lead you along the pleasantest and easiest road. You shall taste all the sweets of life; and hardship you shall never know. 2.1.24 First, of wars and worries you shall not think, but shall ever be considering what choice food or drink you can find, what sight or sound will delight you, what touch or perfume; what tender love can give you most joy, what bed the softest slumbers; and how to come by all these pleasures with least trouble. 2.1.25 And should there arise misgiving that lack of means may stint your enjoyments, never fear that I may lead you into winning them by toil and anguish of body and soul. Nay; you shall have the fruits of others’ toil, and refrain from nothing that can bring you gain. For to my companions I give authority to pluck advantage where they will. 2.1.26 Now when Heracles heard this, he asked, Lady, pray what is your name? My friends call me Happiness, she said, but among those that hate me I am nicknamed Vice. 2.1.27 Meantime the other had drawn near, and she said: I, too, am come to you, Heracles: I know your parents and I have taken note of your character during the time of your education. Therefore I hope that, if you take the road that leads to me, you will turn out a right good doer of high and noble deeds, and I shall be yet more highly honoured and more illustrious for the blessings I bestow. But I will not deceive you by a pleasant prelude: I will rather tell you truly the things that are, as the gods have ordained them. 2.1.28 For of all things good and fair, the gods give nothing to man without toil and effort. If you want the favour of the gods, you must worship the gods: if you desire the love of friends, you must do good to your friends: if you covet honour from a city, you must aid that city: if you are fain to win the admiration of all Hellas for virtue, you must strive to do good to Hellas : if you want land to yield you fruits in abundance, you must cultivate that land: if you are resolved to get wealth from flocks, you must care for those flocks: if you essay to grow great through war and want power to liberate your friends and subdue your foes, you must learn the arts of war from those who know them and must practise their right use: and if you want your body to be strong, you must accustom your body to be the servant of your mind, and train it with toil and sweat. 2.1.29 And Vice, as Prodicus tells, answered and said: Heracles, mark you how hard and long is that road to joy, of which this woman tells? but I will lead you by a short and easy road to happiness. And Virtue said: 2.1.30 What good thing is thine, poor wretch, or what pleasant thing dost thou know, if thou wilt do nought to win them? Thou dost not even tarry for the desire of pleasant things, but fillest thyself with all things before thou desirest them, eating before thou art hungry, drinking before thou art thirsty, getting thee cooks, to give zest to eating, buying thee costly wines and running to and fro in search of snow in summer, to give zest to drinking; to soothe thy slumbers it is not enough for thee to buy soft coverlets, but thou must have frames for thy beds. For not toil, but the tedium of having nothing to do, makes thee long for sleep. Thou dost rouse lust by many a trick, when there is no need, using men as women: thus thou trainest thy friends, waxing wanton by night, consuming in sleep the best hours of day. 2.1.31 Immortal art thou, yet the outcast of the gods, the scorn of good men. Praise, sweetest of all things to hear, thou hearest not: the sweetest of all sights thou beholdest not, for never yet hast thou beheld a good work wrought by thyself. Who will believe what thou dost say? who will grant what thou dost ask? Or what sane man will dare join thy throng? While thy votaries are young their bodies are weak, when they wax old, their souls are without sense; idle and sleek they thrive in youth, withered and weary they journey through old age, and their past deeds bring them shame, their present deeds distress. Pleasure they ran through in their youth: hardship they laid up for their old age. 2.1.32 But I company with gods and good men, and no fair deed of god or man is done without my aid. I am first in honour among the gods and among men that are akin to me: to craftsmen a beloved fellow-worker, to masters a faithful guardian of the house, to servants a kindly protector: good helpmate in the toils of peace, staunch ally in the deeds of war, best partner in friendship. 2.1.33 To my friends meat and drink bring sweet and simple enjoyment: for they wait till they crave them. And a sweeter sleep falls on them than on idle folk: they are not vexed at awaking from it, nor for its sake do they neglect to do their duties. The young rejoice to win the praise of the old; the elders are glad to be honoured by the young; with joy they recall their deeds past, and their present well-doing is joy to them, for through me they are dear to the gods, lovely to friends, precious to their native land. And when comes the appointed end, they lie not forgotten and dishonoured, but live on, sung and remembered for all time. O Heracles, thou son of goodly parents, if thou wilt labour earnestly on this wise, thou mayest have for thine own the most blessed happiness. 2.1.34 Such, in outline, is Prodicus’ story of the training of Heracles by Virtue; only he has clothed the thoughts in even finer phrases than I have done now. But anyhow, Aristippus, it were well that you should think on these things and try to show some regard for the life that lies before you. '' None |
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6. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • attack from Hannibal
Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 23
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7. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55
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8. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328
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9. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 95, 267, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 95, 267, 280
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10. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ennius’ Annales, – augurate of Romulus and Remus, Hannibal • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 312; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 32, 211; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 236; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 312
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11. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Polybius, on Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 203; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 327
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12. Cicero, On Divination, 1.48-1.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander the Great, as Hannibal • Hannibal
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 70; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 184; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 99; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 39
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1.48 Redeamus ad somnia. Hannibalem Coelius scribit, cum columnam auream, quae esset in fano Iunonis Laciniae, auferre vellet dubitaretque, utrum ea solida esset an extrinsecus inaurata, perterebravisse, cumque solidam invenisset, statuisse tollere; ei secundum quietem visam esse Iunonem praedicere, ne id faceret, minarique, si fecisset, se curaturam, ut eum quoque oculum, quo bene videret, amitteret, idque ab homine acuto non esse neglectum; itaque ex eo auro, quod exterebratum esset, buculam curasse faciendam et eam in summa columna conlocavisse. 1.49 Hoc item in Sileni, quem Coelius sequitur, Graeca historia est (is autem diligentissume res Hannibalis persecutus est): Hannibalem, cum cepisset Saguntum, visum esse in somnis a Iove in deorum concilium vocari; quo cum venisset, Iovem imperavisse, ut Italiae bellum inferret, ducemque ei unum e concilio datum, quo illum utentem cum exercitu progredi coepisse; tum ei ducem illum praecepisse, ne respiceret; illum autem id diutius facere non potuisse elatumque cupiditate respexisse; tum visam beluam vastam et immanem circumplicatam serpentibus, quacumque incederet, omnia arbusta, virgulta, tecta pervertere, et eum admiratum quaesisse de deo, quodnam illud esset tale monstrum; et deum respondisse vastitatem esse Italiae praecepisseque, ut pergeret protinus, quid retro atque a tergo fieret, ne laboraret.'' None | sup>
1.48 Let us go back to dreams. Coelius writes that Hannibal wished to carry off a golden column from Junos temple at Lacinium, but since he was in doubt whether it was solid or plated, he bored into it. Finding it solid he decided to take it away. But at night Juno came to him in a vision and warned him not to do so, threatening that if he did she would cause the loss of his good eye. That clever man did not neglect the warning. Moreover out of the gold filings he ordered an image of a calf to be made and placed on top of the column. 1.49 Another story of Hannibal is found in the history written in Greek by Silenus, whom Coelius follows, and who, by the way, was a very painstaking student of Hannibals career. After his capture of Saguntum Hannibal dreamed that Jupiter summoned him to a council of the gods. When he arrived Jupiter ordered him to carry the war into Italy, and gave him one of the divine council as a guide whom he employed when he being the march with his army. This guide cautioned Hannibal not to look back. But, carried away by curiosity, he could refrain no longer and looked back. Then he saw a horrible beast of enormous size, enveloped with snakes, and wherever it went it overthrew every tree and shrub and every house. In his amazement Hannibal asked what the monster was. The god replied that it was the desolation of Italy and ordered him to press right on and not to worry about what happened behind him and in the rear.'' None |
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13. Cicero, De Finibus, 3.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321
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3.11 \xa0"That all sounds very fine, Cato," I\xa0replied, "but are you aware that you share your lofty pretensions with Pyrrho and with Aristo, who make all things equal in value? I\xa0should like to know what your opinion is of them." "My opinion?" he said. "You ask what my opinion is? That those good, brave, just and temperate men, of whom history tells us, or whom we have ourselves seen in our public life, who under the guidance of Nature herself, without the aid of any learning, did many glorious deeds, â\x80\x94 that these men were better educated by nature than they could possibly have been by philosophy had they accepted any other system of philosophy than the one that counts Moral Worth the only good and Moral Baseness the only evil. All other philosophical systems â\x80\x94 in varying degrees no doubt, but still all, â\x80\x94 which reckon anything of which virtue is not an element either as a good or an evil, do not merely, as I\xa0hold, give us no assistance or support towards becoming better men, but are actually corrupting to the character. Either this point must be firmly maintained, that Moral Worth is the sole good, or it is absolutely impossible to prove that virtue constitutes happiness. And in that case I\xa0do not see why we should trouble to study philosophy. For if anyone who is wise could be miserable, why, I\xa0should not set much value on your vaunted and belauded virtue." <'' None |
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14. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 3.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321
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3.11 de quibus cupio scire quid sentias. Egone quaeris, inquit, inquit N inquam quid sentiam? quos bonos viros, fortes, iustos, moderatos aut audivimus in re publica fuisse aut ipsi vidimus, qui sine ulla doctrina naturam ipsam secuti multa laudabilia fecerunt, eos melius a natura institutos fuisse, quam institui potuissent a philosophia, si ullam aliam probavissent praeter eam, quae nihil aliud in bonis haberet nisi honestum, nihil nisi turpe in malis; ceterae philosophorum disciplinae, omnino alia magis alia, sed tamen omnes, quae rem ullam virtutis expertem expertem virtutis BE aut in bonis aut in malis numerent, eas non modo nihil adiuvare arbitror neque firmare, firmare affirmare (adfirmare A). ' Aut confirmare cum Or. scribendum est aut potius firmare, cui ex altero verbo (adiuvare) praepositio adhaesit' Mdv. quo meliores simus, sed ipsam depravare naturam. nam nisi hoc optineatur, id solum bonum esse, quod honestum sit, nullo modo probari possit beatam vitam virtute effici. quod si ita sit, cur cur N om. ABERV opera philosophiae sit danda nescio. si enim sapiens aliquis miser esse possit, ne ego istam gloriosam memorabilemque virtutem non magno aestimandam putem."" None | sup>
3.11 \xa0"That all sounds very fine, Cato," I\xa0replied, "but are you aware that you share your lofty pretensions with Pyrrho and with Aristo, who make all things equal in value? I\xa0should like to know what your opinion is of them." "My opinion?" he said. "You ask what my opinion is? That those good, brave, just and temperate men, of whom history tells us, or whom we have ourselves seen in our public life, who under the guidance of Nature herself, without the aid of any learning, did many glorious deeds, â\x80\x94 that these men were better educated by nature than they could possibly have been by philosophy had they accepted any other system of philosophy than the one that counts Moral Worth the only good and Moral Baseness the only evil. All other philosophical systems â\x80\x94 in varying degrees no doubt, but still all, â\x80\x94 which reckon anything of which virtue is not an element either as a good or an evil, do not merely, as I\xa0hold, give us no assistance or support towards becoming better men, but are actually corrupting to the character. Either this point must be firmly maintained, that Moral Worth is the sole good, or it is absolutely impossible to prove that virtue constitutes happiness. And in that case I\xa0do not see why we should trouble to study philosophy. For if anyone who is wise could be miserable, why, I\xa0should not set much value on your vaunted and belauded virtue." <'' None |
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15. Cicero, On Duties, 1.38, 1.118, 2.31-2.51, 3.16, 3.104, 3.113-3.114 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ennius’ Annales, – augurate of Romulus and Remus, Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal,oath with Romans
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 316, 317, 318, 321; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 186; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 238; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 316, 317, 318, 321; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 66
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1.38 Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter, si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec caupotes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia.
1.118 Nam quodHerculem Prodicus dicit, ut est apud Xenophontem, cum primum pubesceret, quod tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitudinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis, alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc Herculi Iovis satu edito potuit fortasse contingere, nobis non item, qui imitamur, quos cuique visum est, atque ad eorum studia institutaque impellimur; plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur; alii multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; non nulli tamen sive felicitate quadam sive bonitate naturae sine parentium disciplina rectam vitae secuti sunt viam.
2.31 Honore et gloria et benivolentia civium fortasse non aeque omnes egent, sed tamen, si cui haec suppetunt, adiuvant aliquantum cum ad cetera, tum ad amicitias comparandas. Sed de amicitia alio libro dictum est, qui inscribitur Laelius; nunc dicamus de gloria, quamquam ea quoque de re duo sunt nostri libri, sed attingamus, quandoquidem ea in rebus maioribus administrandis adiuvat plurimum. Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat ex tribus his: si diligit multitudo, si fidem habet, si cum admiratione quadam honore dignos putat. Haec autem, si est simpliciter breviterque dicendum, quibus rebus pariuntur a singulis, eisdem fere a multitudine. Sed est alius quoque quidam aditus ad multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tamquam influere possimus. 2.32 Ac primum de illis tribus, quae ante dixi, benivolentiae praecepta videamus; quae quidem capitur beneficiis maxime, secundo autem loco voluntate benefica benivolentia movetur, etiamsi res forte non suppetit; vehementer autem amor multitudinis commovetur ipsa fama et opinione liberalitatis, beneficentiae, iustitiae, fidei omniumque earum virtutum, quae pertinent ad mansuetudinem morum ac facilitatem. Etenim illud ipsum, quod honestum decorumque dicimus, quia per se nobis placet animosque omnium natura et specie sua commovet maximeque quasi perlucet ex iis, quas commemoravi, virtutibus, idcirco illos, in quibus eas virtutes esse remur, a natura ipsa diligere cogimur. Atque hae quidem causae diligendi gravissimae; possunt enim praetcrea non nullae esse leviores. 2.33 Fides autem ut habeatur, duabus rebus effici potest, si existimabimur adepti coniunctam cum iustitia prudentiam. Nam et iis fidem habemus, quos plus intellegere quam nos arbitramur quosque et futura prospicere credimus et, cum res agatur in discrimenque ventum sit, expedire rem et consilium ex tempore capere posse; hanc enim utilem homines existimant veramque prudentiam. Iustis autem et fidis hominibus, id est bonis viris, ita fides habetur, ut nulla sit in iis fraudis iniuriaeque suspicio. Itaque his salutem nostram, his fortunas, his liberos rectissime committi arbitramur. 2.34 Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam iustitia plus pollet, quippe cum ea sine prudentia satis habeat auctoritatis, prudentia sine iustitia nihil valet ad faciendam fidem. Quo enim quis versutior et callidior, hoc invisior et suspectior est detracta opinione probitatis. Quam ob rem intellegentiae iustitia coniuncta, quantum volet, habebit ad faciendam fidem virium; iustitia sine prudentia multum poterit, sine iustitia nihil valebit prudentia. 2.35 Sed ne quis sit admiratus, cur, cum inter omnes philosophos constet a meque ipso saepe disputatum sit, qui unam haberet, omnes habere virtutes, nune ita seiungam, quasi possit quisquam, qui non idem prudens sit, iustus esse, alia est illa, cum veritas ipsa limatur in disputatione, subtilitas, alia, cum ad opinionem communem omnis accommodatur oratio. Quam ob rem, ut volgus, ita nos hoc loco loquimur, ut alios fortes, alios viros bonos, alios prudentes esse dicamus; popularibus enim verbis est agendum et usitatis, cum loquimur de opinione populari, idque eodem modo fecit Panaetius. Sed ad propositum revertamur. 2.36 Erat igitur ex iis tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinerent, hoc tertium, ut cum admiratione hominum honore ab iis digni iudicaremur. Admirantur igitur communiter illi quidem omnia, quae magna et praeter opinionem suam animadverterunt, separatim autem, in singulis si perspiciunt necopinata quaedam bona. Itaque eos viros suspiciunt maximisque efferunt laudibus, in quibus existimant se excellentes quasdam et singulares perspicere virtutes, despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt, in quibus nihil virtutis, nihil animi, nihil nervorum putant. Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant. Nam quos improbos, maledicos, fraudulentos putant et ad faciendam iniuriam instructos, eos haud contemnunt quidem, sed de iis male existimant. Quam ob rem, ut ante dixi, contemnuntur ii, qui nec sibi nec alteri, ut dicitur, in quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est. 2.37 Admiratione autem afficiuntur ii, qui anteire ceteris virtute putantur et cum omni carere dedecore, tum vero iis vitiis, quibus alii non facile possunt obsistere. Nam et voluptates, blandissimae dominae. maioris partis animos a virtute detorquent et, dolorum cum admoventur faces, praeter modum plerique exterrentur; vita mors, divitiae paupertas omnes homines vehementissime permovent. Quae qui in utramque partem excelso animo magnoque despiciunt, cumque aliqua iis ampla et honesta res obiecta est, totos ad se convertit et rapit, tum quis non admiretur splendorem pulchritudinemque virtutis? 2.38 Ergo et haec animi despicientia admirabilitatem magnam facit et maxime iustitia, ex qua una virtute viri boni appellantur, mirifica quaedam multitudini videtur, nec iniuria; nemo enim iustus esse potest, qui mortem, qui dolorem, qui exsilium, qui egestatem timet, aut qui ea, quae sunt his contraria, aequitati anteponit. Maximeque admirantur eum, qui pecunia non movetur; quod in quo viro perspectum sit, hunc igni spectatum arbitrantur. Itaque illa tria, quae proposita sunt ad gloriarm omnia iustitia conficit, et benivolentiam, quod prodesse vult plurimis, et ob eandem causam fidem et admirationem, quod eas res spernit et neglegit, ad quas plerique inflammati aviditate rapiuntur. 2.39 Ac mea quidem sententia omnis ratio atque institutio vitae adiumenta hominum desiderat, in primisque ut habeat, quibuscum possit familiares conferre sermones; quod est difficile, nisi speciem prae te boni viri feras. Ergo etiam solitario homini atque in agro vitam agenti opinio iustitiae necessaria est, eoque etiam magis, quod, eam si non habebunt, iniusti habebuntur, nullis praesidiis saepti multis afficientur iniuriis. 2.40 Atque iis etiam, qui vendunt emunt, conducunt locant contrahendisque negotiis implicantur, iustitia ad rem gerendam necessaria est, cuius tanta vis est, ut ne illi quidem, qui maleficio et scelere pascuntur, possint sine ulla particula iustitiae vivere. Nam qui eorum cuipiam, qui una latrocitur, furatur aliquid aut eripit, is sibi ne in latrocinio quidem relinquit locum, ille autem, qui archipirata dicitur, nisi aequabiliter praedam dispertiat, aut interficiatur a sociis aut relinquatur; quin etiam leges latronum esse dicuntur, quibus pareant, quas observent. Itaque propter aequabilem praedae partitionem et Bardulis Illyrius latro, de quo est apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit et multo maiores Viriathus Lusitanus; cui quidem etiam exercitus nostri imperatoresque cesserunt; quem C. Laelius, is qui Sapiens usurpatur, praetor fregit et comminuit ferocitatemque eius ita repressit, ut facile bellum reliquis traderet. Cum igitur tanta vis iustitiae sit, ut ea etiam latronum opes firmet atque augeat, quantam eius vim inter leges et iudicia et in constituta re publica fore putamus? 2.41 Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum, ut ait Herodotus, sed etiam apud maiores nostros iustitiae fruendae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti. Nam cum premeretur inops multitudo ab iis, qui maiores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem; qui cum prohiberet iniuria tenuiores, aequitate constituenda summos cum infimis pari iure retinebat. Eademque constituendarum legum fuit causa, quae regum. 2.42 Ius enim semper est quaesitum aequabile; neque enim aliter esset ius. Id si ab uno iusto et bono viro consequebantur, erant eo contenti; cum id minus contingeret, leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus semper una atque eadem voce loquerentur. Ergo hoc quidem perspicuum est, eos ad imperandum deligi solitos, quorum de iustitia magna esset opinio multitudinis. Adiuncto vero, ut idem etiam prudentes haberentur, nihil erat, quod homines iis auctoribus non posse consequi se arbitrarentur. Omni igitur ratione colenda et retinenda iustitia est cum ipsa per sese (nam aliter iustitia non esset), tum propter amplificationem honoris et gloriae. Sed ut pecuniae non quaerendae solum ratio est, verum etiam collocandae, quae perpetuos sumptus suppeditet, nec solum necessaries, sed etiam liberales, sic gloria et quaerenda et collocanda ratione est. 2.43 Quamquam praeclare Socrates hanc viam ad gloriam proximam et quasi compendiariam dicebat esse, si quis id ageret, ut, qualis haberi vellet, talis esset. Quodsi qui simulatione et ii ostentatione et ficto non modo sermone, sed etiam voltu stabilem se gloriam consequi posse rentur, vehementer errant. Vera gloria radices agit atque etiam propagatur, ficta omnia celeriter tamquam flosculi decidunt, nee simulatum potest quicquam esse diuturnum. Testes sunt permulti in utramque partem, sed brevitatis causa familia contenti erimus una. Ti. enim Gracchus P. f. tam diu laudabitur, dum memoria rerum Romanarum manebit; at eius filii nec vivi probabantur bonis et mortui numerum optinent iure caesorum. Qui igitur adipisci veram gloriam volet, iustitiae fungatur officiis. Ea quae essent, dictum est in libro superiore. 2.44 Sed ut facillime, quales simus, tales esse videamur, etsi in eo ipso vis maxima est, ut simus ii, qui haberi velimus, tamen quaedam praecepta danda sunt. Nam si quis ab ineunte aetate habet causam celebritatis et nominis aut a patre acceptam, quod tibi, mi Cicero, arbitror contigisse, aut aliquo casu atque fortuna, in hunc oculi omnium coniciuntur atque in eum, quid agat, quem ad modum vivat, inquiritur et, tamquam in clarissima luce versetur, ita nullum obscurum potest nec dictum eius esse nec factum. 2.45 Quorum autem prima aetas propter humilitatem et obscuritatem in hominum ignoratione versatur, ii, simul ac iuvenes esse coeperunt, magna spectare et ad ea rectis studiis debent contendere; quod eo firmiore animo facient, quia non modo non invidetur illi aetati, verum etiam favetur. Prima igitur est adulescenti commendatio ad gloriam, si qua ex bellicis rebus comparari potest, in qua multi apud maiores nostros exstiterunt; semper enim fere bella gerebantur. Tua autem aetas incidit in id bellum, cuius altera pars sceleris nimium habuit, altera felicitatis parum. Quo tamen in bello cum te Pompeius alae alteri praefecisset, magnam laudem et a summo viro et ab exercitu consequebare equitando, iaculando, omni militari labore tolerando. Atque ea quidem tua laus pariter cum re publica cecidit. Mihi autem haec oratio suscepta non de te est, sed de genere toto; quam ob rein pergarnus ad ea, quae restant. 2.46 Ut igitur in reliquis rebus multo maiora opera sunt animi quam corporis, sic eae res, quas ingenio ac ratione persequimur, gratiores sunt quam illae, quas viribus. Prima igitur commendatio proficiscitur a modestia cum pietate in parentes, in suos benivolentia. Facillime autem et in optimam partem cognoscuntur adulescentes, qui se ad claros et sapientes viros bene consulentes rei publicae contulerunt; quibuscum si frequentes sunt, opinionem afferunt populo eorum fore se similes, quos sibi ipsi delegerint ad imitandum. 2.47 P. Rutili adulescentiam ad opinionem et innocentiae et iuris scientiae P. Muci commendavit domus. Nam L. quidem Crassus, cum esset admodum adulescens, non aliunde mutuatus est, sed sibi ipse peperit maximam laudem ex illa accusatione nobili et gloriosa, et, qua aetate qui exercentur, laude affici solent, ut de Demosthene accepimus, ea aetate L. Crassus ostendit id se in foro optime iam facere, quod etiam tum poterat domi cum laude meditari. 2.48 Sed cum duplex ratio sit orationis, quarum in altera sermo sit, in altera contentio, non est id quidem dubium, quin contentio orationis maiorem vim habeat ad gloriam (ea est enim, quam eloquentiam dicimus); sed tamen difficile dictu est, quantopere conciliet animos comitas affabilitasque sermonis. Exstant epistulae et Philippi ad Alexandrum et Antipatri ad Cassandrum et Antigoni ad Philippum filium, trium prudentissimorum (sic enim accepimus); quibus praecipiunt, ut oratione benigna multitudinis animos ad benivolentiam alliciant militesque blande appellando sermone deliniant. Quae autem in multitudine cum contentione habetur oratio, ea saepe universam excitat gloriam ; magna est enim admiratio copiose sapienterque dicentis; quem qui audiunt, intellegere etiam et sapere plus quam ceteros arbitrantur. Si vero inest in oratione mixta modestia gravitas, nihil admirabilius fieri potest, eoque magis, si ea sunt in adulescente. 2.49 Sed cum sint plura causarum genera, quae eloquentiam desiderent, multique in nostra re publica adulescentes et apud iudices et apud populum et apud senatum dicendo laudem assecuti sint, maxima est admiratio in iudiciis. Quorum ratio duplex est. Nam ex accusatione et ex defensione constat; quarum etsi laudabilior est defensio, tamen etiam accusatio probata persaepe est. Dixi paulo ante de Crasso; idem fecit adulescens M. Antonius. Etiam P. Sulpici eloquentiam accusatio illustravit, cum seditiosum et inutilem civem, C. Norbanum, in iudicium vocavit.' "2.50 Sed hoc quidem non est saepe faciendum nec umquam nisi aut rei publicae causa, ut ii, quos ante dixi, aut ulciscendi, ut duo Luculli, aut patrocinii, ut nos pro Siculis, pro Sardis in Albucio Iulius. In accusando etiam M'. Aquilio L. Fufi cognita industria est. Semel igitur aut non saepe certe. Sin erit, cui faciendum sit saepius, rei publicae tribuat hoc muneris, cuius inimicos ulcisci saepius non est reprehendendum; modus tamen adsit. Duri enim hominis vel potius vix hominis videtur periculum capitis inferre multis. Id cum periculosum ipsi est, tum etiam sordidum ad famam, committere, ut accusator nominere; quod contigit M. Bruto summo genere nato, illius filio, qui iuris civilis in primis peritus fuit." '2.51 Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter tenendum est, ne quem umquam innocentem iudicio capitis arcessas; id enim sine scelere fieri nullo pacto potest. Nam quid est tam inhumanum quam eloquentiam a natura ad salutem hominum et ad conservationem datam ad bonorum pestem perniciemque convertere? Nec tamen, ut hoc fugiendum est, item est habendum religioni nocentem aliquando, modo ne nefarium impiumque, defendere; vult hoc multitudo, patitur consuetudo, fert etiam humanitas. Iudicis est semper in causis verum sequi, patroni non numquam veri simile, etiamsi minus sit verum, defendere; quod scribere, praesertim cum de philosophia scriberem, non auderem, nisi idem placeret gravissimo Stoicorum, Panaetio. Maxime autem et gloria paritur et gratia defensionibus, eoque maior, si quando accidit, ut ei subveniatur, qui potentis alicuius opibus circumveniri urguerique videatur, ut nos et saepe alias et adulescentes contra L. Sullae domitis opes pro Sex. Roscio Amerino fecimus, quae, ut scis, exstat oratio.
3.16 Itaque iis omnes, in quibus est virtutis indoles, commoventur. Nec vero, cum duo Decii aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemorantur, aut cum Fabricius aut Aristides iustus nominatur, aut ab illis fortitudinis aut ab hoc iustitiae tamquam a sapiente petitur exemplum; nemo enim horum sic sapiens, ut sapientem volumus intellegi, nec ii, qui sapientes habiti et nominati, M. Cato et C. Laelius, sapientes fuerunt, ne illi quidem septem, sed ex mediorum officiorum frequentia similitudinem quandam gerebant speciemque sapientium.
3.104 Non fuit Iuppiter metuendus ne iratus noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere. Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum est. Iam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est, sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam praeclare Ennius: Ó Fides alma ápta pinnis ét ius iurandúm Iovis! Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam in Capitolio vicinam Iovis optimi maximi, ut in Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt.
3.113 Sed, ut laudandus Regulus in conservando iure iurando, sic decem illi, quos post Cannensem pugnam iuratos ad senatum misit Hannibal se in castra redituros ea, quorum erant potiti Poeni, nisi de redimendis captivis impetravissent, si non redierunt, vituperandi. De quibus non omnes uno modo; nam Polybius, bonus auctor in primis, ex decem nobilissimis, qui tum erant missi, novem revertisse dicit re a senatu non impetrata; unum ex decem, qui paulo post, quam erat egressus e castris, redisset, quasi aliquid esset oblitus, Romae remansisse; reditu enim in castra liberatum se esse iure iurando interpretabatur, non recte; fraus enim astringit, non dissolvit periurium. Fuit igitur stulta calliditas perverse imitata prudentiam. Itaque decrevit senatus, ut ille veterator et callidus vinctus ad Hannibalem duceretur. 3.114 Sed illud maximum: octo hominum milia tenebat Hannibal, non quos in acie cepisset, aut qui periculo mortis diffugissent, sed qui relicti in castris fuissent a Paulo et a Varrone consulibus. Eos senatus non censuit redimendos, cum id parva pecunia fieri posset, ut esset insitum militibus nostris aut vincere aut emori. Qua quidem re audita fractum animum Hannibalis scribit idem, quod senatus populusque Romanus rebus afflictis tam excelso animo fuisset. Sic honestatis comparatione ea, quae videntur utilia, vincuntur.'' None | sup>
1.38 \xa0But when a war is fought out for supremacy and when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail to start from the same motives which I\xa0said a moment ago were the only righteous grounds for going to war. But those wars which have glory for their end must be carried on with less bitterness. For we contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one way, if he is a personal enemy, in another, if he is a rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and position, with the enemy for life and honour. So with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought as with deadly enemies, not to determine which should be supreme, but which should survive; but with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Carthaginians violated treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners: "Gold will\xa0I none, nor price shall ye give; for I\xa0ask none; Come, let us not be chaff\'rers of war, but warriors embattled. Nay; let us venture our lives, and the sword, not gold, weigh the outcome. Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame Fortune Wills it that ye shall prevail or I, or what be her judgment. Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose valour soever Spared hath been by the fortune of war â\x80\x94 their freedom I\xa0grant them. Such my resolve. I\xa0give and present them to you, my brave Romans; Take them back to their homes; the great gods\' blessings attend you." A\xa0right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of the Aeacidae. <
1.118 \xa0For we cannot all have the experience of Hercules, as we find it in the words of Prodicus in Xenophon; "When Hercules was just coming into youth\'s estate (the time which Nature has appointed unto every man for choosing the path of life on which he would enter), he went out into a desert place. And as he saw two paths, the path of Pleasure and the path of Virtue, he sat down and debated long and earnestly which one it were better for him to take." This might, perhaps, happen to a Hercules, "scion of the seed of Jove"; but it cannot well happen to us; for we copy each the model he fancies, and we are constrained to adopt their pursuits and vocations. But usually, we are so imbued with the teachings of our parents, that we fall irresistibly into their manners and customs. Others drift with the current of popular opinion and make especial choice of those callings which the majority find most attractive. Some, however, as the result either of some happy fortune or of natural ability, enter upon the right path of life, without parental guidance. <
2.31 \xa0All men do not, perhaps, stand equally in need of political honour, fame and the good-will of their fellow-citizens; nevertheless, if these honours come to a man, they help in many ways, and especially in the acquisition of friends. But friendship has been discussed in another book of mine, entitled "Laelius." Let us now take up the discussion of Glory, although I\xa0have published two books on that subject also. Still, let us touch briefly on it here, since it is of very great help in the conduct of more important business. The highest, truest glory depends upon the following three things: the affection, the confidence, and the mingled admiration and esteem of the people. Such sentiments, if I\xa0may speak plainly and concisely, are awakened in the masses in the same way as in individuals. But there is also another avenue of approach to the masses, by which we can, as it were, steal into the hearts of all at once. <' "2.32 \xa0But of the three above-named requisites, let us look first at good-will and the rules for securing it. Good-will is won principally through kind services; next to that, it is elicited by the will to do a kind service, even though nothing happen to come of it. Then, too, the love of people generally is powerfully attracted by a man's mere name and reputation for generosity, kindness, justice, honour, and all those virtues that belong to gentleness of character and affability of manner. And because that very quality which we term moral goodness and propriety is pleasing to us by and of itself and touches all our hearts both by its inward essence and its outward aspect and shines forth with most lustre through those virtues named above, we are, therefore, compelled by Nature herself to love those in whom we believe those virtues to reside. Now these are only the most powerful motives to love â\x80\x94 not all of them; there may be some minor ones besides. <" '2.33 \xa0Secondly, the command of confidence can be secured on two conditions: (1)\xa0if people think us possessed of practical wisdom combined with a sense of justice. For we have confidence in those who we think have more understanding than ourselves, who, we believe, have better insight into the future, and who, when an emergency arises and a crisis comes, can clear away the difficulties and reach a safe decision according to the exigencies of the occasion; for that kind of wisdom the world accounts genuine and practical. But (2)\xa0confidence is reposed in men who are just and true â\x80\x94 that is, good men â\x80\x94 on the definite assumption that their characters admit of no suspicion of dishonesty or wrong-doing. And so we believe that it is perfectly safe to entrust our lives, our fortunes, and our children to their care. < 2.34 \xa0of these two qualities, then, justice has the greater power to inspire confidence; for even without the aid of wisdom, it has considerable weight; but wisdom without justice is of no avail to inspire confidence; for take from a man his reputation for probity, and the more shrewd and clever he is, the more hated and mistrusted he becomes. Therefore, justice combined with practical wisdom will command all the confidence we can desire; justice without wisdom will be able to do much; wisdom without justice will be of no avail at all. < 2.35 \xa0But I\xa0am afraid someone may wonder why I\xa0am now separating the virtues â\x80\x94 as if it were possible for anyone to be just who is not at the same time wise; for it is agreed upon among all philosophers, and I\xa0myself have often argued, that he who has one virtue has them all. The explanation of my apparent inconsistency is that the precision of speech we employ, when abstract truth is critically investigated in philosophic discussion, is one thing; and that employed, when we are adapting our language entirely to popular thinking, is another. And therefore I\xa0am speaking here in the popular sense, when I\xa0call some men brave, others good, and still others wise; for in dealing with popular conceptions we must employ familiar words in their common acceptation; and this was the practice of Panaetius likewise. But let us return to the subject. < 2.36 \xa0The third, then, of the three conditions I\xa0name as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men. While people admire in general everything that is great or better than they expect, they admire in particular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly in individuals. And so they reverence and extol with the highest praises those men in whom they see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents; and they look down with contempt upon those who they think have no ability, no spirit, no energy. For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill. For some men they consider unscrupulous, slanderous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise them, it may be; but they do think ill of them. And therefore, as I\xa0said before, those are despised who are "of no use to themselves or their neighbours," as the saying is, who are idle, lazy, and indifferent. < 2.37 \xa0On the other hand, those are regarded with admiration who are thought to excel others in ability and to be free from all dishonour and also from those vices which others do not easily resist. For sensual pleasure, a most seductive mistress, turns the hearts of the greater part of humanity away from virtue; and when the fiery trial of affliction draws near, most people are terrified beyond measure. Life and death, wealth and want affect all men most powerfully. But when men, with a spirit great and exalted, can look down upon such outward circumstances, whether prosperous or adverse, and when some noble and virtuous purpose, presented to their minds, converts them wholly to itself and carries them away in its pursuit, who then could fail to admire in them the splendour and beauty of virtue? < 2.38 \xa0As, then, this superiority of mind to such externals inspires great admiration, so justice, above all, on the basis of which alone men are called "good men," seems to people generally a quite marvellous virtue â\x80\x94 and not without good reason; for no one can be just who fears death or pain or exile or poverty, or who values their opposites above equity. And people admire especially the man who is uninfluenced by money; and if a man has proved himself in this direction, they think him tried as by fire. Those three requisites, therefore, which were presupposed as the means of obtaining glory, are all secured by justice: (1)\xa0good-will, for it seeks to be of help to the greatest number; (2)\xa0confidence, for the same reason; and (3)\xa0admiration, because it scorns and cares nothing for those things, with a consuming passion for which most people are carried away. < 2.39 \xa0Now, in my opinion at least, every walk and vocation in life calls for human coâ\x80\x91operation â\x80\x94 first and above all, in order that one may have friends with whom to enjoy social intercourse. And this is not easy, unless he is looked upon as a good man. So, even to a man who shuns society and to one who spends his life in the country a reputation for justice is essential â\x80\x94 even more so than to others; for they who do not have it but are considered unjust will have no defence to protect them and so will be the victims of many kinds of wrong. < 2.40 \xa0So also to buyers and sellers, to employers and employed, and to those who are engaged in commercial dealings generally, justice is indispensable for the conduct of business. Its importance is so great, that not even those who live by wickedness and crime can get on without some small element of justice. For if a robber takes anything by force or by fraud from another member of the gang, he loses his standing even in a band of robbers; and if the one called the "Pirate Captain" should not divide the plunder impartially, he would be either deserted or murdered by his comrades. Why, they say that robbers even have a code of laws to observe and obey. And so, because of his impartial division of booty, Bardulis, the Illyrian bandit, of whom we read in Theopompus, acquired great power, Viriathus, of Lusitania, much greater. He actually defied even our armies and generals. But Gaius Laelius â\x80\x94 the one surnamed "the Wise" â\x80\x94 in his praetorship crushed his power, reduced him to terms, and so checked his intrepid daring, that he left to his successors an easy conquest. Since, therefore, the efficacy of justice is so great that it strengthens and augments the power even of robbers, how great do we think its power will be in a constitutional government with its laws and courts? < 2.41 \xa0Now it seems to me, at least, that not only among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also among our own ancestors, men of high moral character were made kings in order that the people might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they appealed for protection to some one man who was conspicuous for his virtue; and, as he shielded the weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establishing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for making constitutional laws was the same as that for making kings. < 2.42 \xa0For what people have always sought is equality of rights before the law. For rights that were not open to all alike would be no rights. If the people secured their end at the hands of one just and good man, they were satisfied with that; but when such was not their good fortune, laws were invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and the same voice. This, then, is obvious: nations used to select for their rulers those men whose reputation for justice was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition they were also thought wise, there was nothing that men did not think they could secure under such leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for otherwise it would not be justice) and for the enhancement of personal honour and glory. But as there is a method not only of acquiring money but also of investing it so as to yield an income to meet our continuously recurring expenses â\x80\x94 both for the necessities and for the more refined comforts of life â\x80\x94 so there must be a method of gaining glory and turning it to account. And yet, as Socrates used to express it so admirably, < 2.43 \xa0"the nearest way to glory â\x80\x94 a\xa0short cut, as it were â\x80\x94 is to strive to be what you wish to be thought to be." For if anyone thinks that he can win lasting glory by pretence, by empty show, by hypocritical talk and looks, he is very much mistaken. True glory strikes deep root and spreads its branches wide; but all pretences soon fall to the ground like fragile flowers, and nothing counterfeit can be lasting. There are very many witnesses to both facts; but, for brevity\'s sake: I\xa0shall confine myself to one family: Tiberius Gracchus, Publius\'s son, will be held in honour as long as the memory of Rome shall endure; but his sons were not approved by patriots while they lived, and since they are dead they are numbered among those whose murder was justifiable. If, therefore, anyone wishes to win true glory, let him discharge the duties required by justice. And what they are has been set forth in the course of the preceding book. 2.44 \xa0But, although the very essence of the problem is that we actually be what we wish to be thought to be, still some rules may be laid down to enable us most easily to secure the reputation of being what we are. For, if anyone in his early youth has the responsibility of living up to a distinguished name acquired either by inheritance from his father (as, I\xa0think, my dear Cicero, is your good fortune) or by some chance or happy combination of circumstances, the eyes of the world are turned upon him; his life and character are scrutinized; and, as if he moved in a blaze of light, not a word and not a deed of his can be kept a secret. <' "2.45 \xa0Those, on the other hand, whose humble and obscure origin has kept them unknown to the world in their early years ought, as soon as they approach young manhood, to set a high ideal before their eyes and to strive with unswerving zeal towards its realization. This they will do with the better heart, because that time of life is accustomed to find favour rather than to meet with opposition. Well, then, the first thing to recommend to a young man in his quest for glory is that he try to win it, if he can, in a military career. Among our forefathers many distinguished themselves as soldiers; for warfare was almost continuous then. The period of your own youth, however, has coincided with that war in which the one side was too prolific in crime, the other in failure. And yet, when Pompey placed you in command of a cavalry squadron in this war, you won the applause of that great man and of the army for your skill in riding and spear-throwing and for endurance of all the hardships of the soldier's life. But that credit accorded to you came to nothing along with the fall of the republic. The subject of this discussion, however, is not your personal history, but the general theme. Let us, therefore, proceed to the sequel. <" '2.46 \xa0As, then, in everything else brain-work is far more important than mere hand-work, so those objects which we strive to attain through intellect and reason gain for us a higher degree of gratitude than those which we strive to gain by physical strength. The best recommendation, then, that a young man can have to popular esteem proceeds from self-restraint, filial affection, and devotion to kinsfolk. Next to that, young men win recognition most easily and most favourably, if they attach themselves to men who are at once wise and renowned as well as patriotic counsellors in public affairs. And if they associate constantly with such men, they inspire in the public the expectation that they will be like them, seeing that they have themselves selected them for imitation. < 2.47 \xa0His frequent visits to the home of Publius Mucius assisted young Publius Rutilius to gain a reputation for integrity of character and for ability as a jurisconsult. Not so, however, Lucius Crassus; for, though he was a mere boy, he looked to no one else for assistance, but by his own unaided ability he won for himself in that brilliant and famous prosecution a splendid reputation as an orator. And at an age when young men are accustomed with their school exercises to win applause as students of oratory, this Roman Demosthenes, Lucius Crassus, was already proving himself in the law-courts a master of the art which he might even then have been studying at home with credit to himself. < 2.48 \xa0But as the classification of discourse is a twofold one â\x80\x94 conversation, on the one side; oratory, on the other â\x80\x94 there can be no doubt that of the two this debating power (for that is what we mean by eloquence) counts for more toward the attainment of glory; and yet, it is not easy to say how far an affable and courteous manner in conversation may go toward winning the affections. We have, for instance, the letters of Philip to Alexander, of Antipater to Cassander, and of Antigonus to Philip the Younger. The authors of these letters were, as we are informed, three of the wisest men in history; and in them they instruct their sons to woo the hearts of the populace to affection by words of kindness and to keep their soldiers loyal by a winning address. But the speech that is delivered in a debate before an assembly often stirs the hearts of thousands at once; for the eloquent and judicious speaker is received with high admiration, and his hearers think him understanding and wise beyond all others. And, if his speech have also dignity combined with moderation, he will be admired beyond all measure, especially if these qualities are found in a young man. < 2.49 \xa0But while there are occasions of many kinds that call for eloquence, and while many young men in our republic have obtained distinction by their speeches in the courts, in the popular assemblies, and in the senate, yet it is the speeches before our courts that excite the highest admiration. The classification of forensic speeches also is a twofold one: they are divided into arguments for the prosecution and arguments for the defence. And while the side of the defence is more honourable, still that of the prosecution also has very often established a reputation. I\xa0spoke of Crassus a moment ago; Marcus Antonius, when a youth, had the same success. A\xa0prosecution brought the eloquence of Publius Sulpicius into favourable notice, when he brought an action against Gaius Norbanus, a seditious and dangerous citizen. < 2.50 \xa0But this should not be done often â\x80\x94 never, in fact, except in the interest of the state (as in the cases of those above mentioned) or to avenge wrongs (as the two Luculli, for example, did) or for the protection of our provincials (as I\xa0did in the defence of the Sicilians, or Julius in the prosecution of Albucius in behalf of the Sardinians). The activity of Lucius Fufius in the impeachment of Manius Aquilius is likewise famous. This sort of work, then, may be done once in a lifetime, or at all events not often. But if it shall be required of anyone to conduct more frequent prosecutions, let him do it as a service to his country; for it is no disgrace to be often employed in the prosecution of her enemies. And yet a limit should be set even to that. For it requires a heartless man, it seems, or rather one who is well-nigh inhuman, to be arraigning one person after another on capital charges. It is not only fraught with danger to the prosecutor himself, but is damaging to his reputation, to allow himself to be called a prosecutor. Such was the effect of this epithet upon Marcus Brutus, the scion of a very noble family and the son of that Brutus who was an eminent authority in the civil law. < 2.51 \xa0Again, the following rule of duty is to be carefully observed: never prefer a capital charge against any person who may be innocent. For that cannot possibly be done without making oneself a criminal. For what is so unnatural as to turn to the ruin and destruction of good men the eloquence bestowed by Nature for the safety and protection of our fellowmen? And yet, while we should never prosecute the innocent, we need not have scruples against undertaking on occasion the defence of a guilty person, provided he be not infamously depraved and wicked. For people expect it; custom sanctions it; humanity also accepts it. It is always the business of the judge in a trial to find out the truth; it is sometimes the business of the advocate to maintain what is plausible, even if it be not strictly true, though I\xa0should not venture to say this, especially in an ethical treatise, if it were not also the position of Panaetius, that strictest of Stoics. Then, too, briefs for the defence are most likely to bring glory and popularity to the pleader, and all the more so, if ever it falls to him to lend his aid to one who seems to be oppressed and persecuted by the influence of someone in power. This I\xa0have done on many other occasions; and once in particular, in my younger days, I\xa0defended Sextus Roscius of Ameria against the power of Lucius Sulla when he was acting the tyrant. The speech is published, as you know. <
3.16 \xa0Accordingly, such duties appeal to all men who have a natural disposition to virtue. And when the two Decii or the two Scipios are mentioned as "brave men" or Fabricius is called "the just," it is not at all that the former are quoted as perfect models of courage or the latter as a perfect model of justice, as if we had in one of them the ideal "wise man." For no one of them was wise in the sense in which we wish to have "wise" understood; neither were Marcus Cato and Gaius Laelius wise, though they were so considered and were surnamed "the wise." Not even the famous Seven were "wise." But because of their constant observance of "mean" duties they bore a certain semblance and likeness to wise men. <
3.104 \xa0"He need not have been afraid that Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he is not wont to be angry or hurtful." This argument, at all events, has no more weight against Regulus\'s conduct than it has against the keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath it is our duty to consider not what one may have to fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation lies: an oath is an assurance backed by religious sanctity; and a solemn promise given, as before God as one\'s witness, is to be sacredly kept. For the question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods (for there is no such thing) but the obligations of justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so admirably: "Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne; thou oath in Jupiter\'s great name!" Whoever, therefore, violates his oath violates Good Faith; and, as we find it stated in Cato\'s speech, our forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the Capitol "neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best." <
3.113 \xa0Now, as Regulus deserves praise for being true to his oath, so those ten whom Hannibal sent to the senate on parole after the battle of Cannae deserve censure, if it is true that they did not return; for they were sworn to return to the camp which had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians, if they did not succeed in negotiating an exchange of prisoners. Historians are not in agreement in regard to the facts. Polybius, one of the very best authorities, states that of the ten eminent nobles who were sent at that time, nine returned when their mission failed at the hands of the senate. But one of the ten, who, a little while after leaving the camp, had gone back on the pretext that he had forgotten something or other, remained behind at Rome; he explained that by his return to the camp he was released from the obligation of his oath. He was wrong; for deceit does not remove the guilt of perjury â\x80\x94 it merely aggravates it. His cunning that impudently tried to masquerade as prudence was, therefore, only folly. And so the senate ordered that the cunning scoundrel should be taken back to Hannibal in chains. <' "3.114 \xa0But the most significant part of the story is this: the eight thousand prisoners in Hannibal's hands were not men that he had taken in the battle or that had escaped in the peril of their lives, but men that the consuls Paulus and Varro had left behind in camp. Though these might have been ransomed by a small sum of money, the senate voted not to redeem them, in order that our soldiers might have the lesson planted in their hearts that they must either conquer or die. When Hannibal heard this news, according to that same writer, he lost heart completely, because the senate and the people of Rome displayed courage so lofty in a time of disaster. Thus apparent expediency is outweighed when placed in the balance against moral rectitude. <"' None |
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16. Polybius, Histories, 1.3.1, 3.4.6, 3.15.6, 3.35.2, 3.35.7-3.35.8, 3.36.1-3.36.5, 3.37.6-3.37.7, 3.37.9-3.37.11, 3.38.2, 3.38.7-3.38.8, 3.39.2-3.39.5, 3.39.8-3.39.12, 3.40.1, 3.42.1, 3.47.6-3.47.9, 3.51.4, 3.54.2-3.54.3, 3.57.2, 3.58.2, 3.59.3-3.59.4, 3.70.4, 3.78.1-3.78.2, 3.78.5, 3.80.2-3.80.4, 3.82.2, 3.82.4, 3.82.6, 3.83.7, 3.86.7, 3.90.6, 3.92.4, 4.21.1, 5.101.10, 6.7.7, 6.9.6, 6.56.6-6.56.12, 7.8.7, 10.3, 16.32.3, 34.9.13, 38.10.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flaminius, C., Hannibal, pursuit of • Hannibal • Hannibal Barqa • Hannibal Barqa, Appennine passes, choice of • Hannibal Barqa, Arno, crosses marshes of • Hannibal Barqa, Arretium, surprises Flaminius at • Hannibal Barqa, Faesulae, at • Hannibal Barqa, Gaul, in • Hannibal Barqa, Italy, routes available into • Hannibal Barqa, Rome, march on • Hannibal Barqa, Trasumene Lake, move toward • Hannibal Barqa, march, rate of • Hannibal, • Hannibal, impact on adversaries • Hannibal, leadership qualities • Hannibal, military brilliance • Hannibal, route over the Alps • Hannibal, speed • Livy, on Hannibal at Faesulae • Polybios of Megalopolis, on Hannibal’s crossing of Arno marshes • Polybios of Megalopolis, on Hannibal’s surprise of Flaminius • Servilius Geminus, Cn., Hannibal, campaign against • attack from Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 68, 69, 71, 74; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 282, 284; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 346, 347; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 59, 61, 62, 67; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 49, 59, 64; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 214, 215, 216; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 26, 192, 219, 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 228, 229, 236, 237, 238, 256; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 13, 17, 18, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 48, 54, 62, 85, 86, 102, 104, 106, 138; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 63, 64
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3.4.6 προσθετέον ἂν εἴη ταῖς προειρημέναις πράξεσι τήν τε τῶν κρατούντων αἵρεσιν, ποία τις ἦν μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ πῶς προεστάτει τῶν ὅλων, τάς τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδοχὰς καὶ διαλήψεις, πόσαι καὶ τίνες ὑπῆρχον περὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ τοὺς ζήλους ἐξηγητέον, τίνες παρʼ ἑκάστοις ἐπεκράτουν καὶ κατίσχυον περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰς κοινὰς πολιτείας.
3.35.7 τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν στρατιὰν ἀναλαβὼν εὔζωνον πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισμυρίους ἱππεῖς δὲ πρὸς ἐννακισχιλίους ἦγεν διὰ τῶν Πυρηναίων λεγομένων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ καλουμένου ποταμοῦ διάβασιν, 3.35.8 ἔχων οὐχ οὕτως πολλὴν δύναμιν ὡς χρησίμην καὶ γεγυμνασμένην διαφερόντως ἐκ τῆς συνεχείας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀγώνων.
3.36.1 ἵνα δὲ μὴ τῶν τόπων ἀγνοουμένων παντάπασιν ἀσαφῆ γίνεσθαι συμβαίνῃ τὴν διήγησιν, ῥητέον ἂν εἴη πόθεν ὁρμήσας Ἀννίβας καὶ τίνας καὶ πόσους διελθὼν τόπους εἰς ποῖα μέρη κατῆρε τῆς Ἰταλίας. 3.36.2 ῥητέον δʼ οὐκ αὐτὰς τὰς ὀνομασίας τῶν τόπων καὶ ποταμῶν καὶ πόλεων, ὅπερ ἔνιοι ποιοῦσι τῶν συγγραφέων, ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐν παντὶ πρὸς γνῶσιν καὶ σαφήνειαν αὐτοτελὲς εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ μέρος. 3.36.3 οἶμαι δʼ, ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν γνωριζομένων τόπων οὐ μικρὰ μεγάλα δὲ συμβάλλεσθαι πεποίηκε πρὸς ἀνάμνησιν ἡ τῶν ὀνομάτων παράθεσις· ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων εἰς τέλος ὁμοίαν ἔχει τὴν δύναμιν ἡ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐξήγησις ταῖς ἀδιανοήτοις καὶ κρουσματικαῖς λέξεσι. 3.36.4 τῆς γὰρ διανοίας ἐπʼ οὐδὲν ἀπερειδομένης οὐδὲ δυναμένης ἐφαρμόττειν τὸ λεγόμενον ἐπʼ οὐδὲν γνώριμον, ἀνυπότακτος καὶ κωφὴ γίνεθʼ ἡ διήγησις. 3.36.5 διόπερ ὑποδεικτέος ἂν εἴη τρόπος, διʼ οὗ δυνατὸν ἔσται περὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων λέγοντας κατὰ ποσὸν εἰς ἀληθινὰς καὶ γνωρίμους ἐννοίας ἄγειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας. πρώτη μὲν οὖν καὶ μεγίστη γνῶσις,
3.37.6 αὗται μὲν οὖν αἱ χῶραι καθολικώτερον θεωρούμεναι τὸν πρὸς τὴν μεσημβρίαν τόπον ἐπέχουσι τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνατολῶν ὡς πρὸς τὰς δύσεις. 3.37.7 ἡ δʼ Εὐρώπη ταύταις ἀμφοτέραις ὡς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους ἀντιπαράκειται, κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνατολῶν παρήκουσα μὲν ἄχρι πρὸς τὰς δύσεις,
3.37.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Νάρβωνος καὶ τὰ περὶ τοῦτον Κελτοὶ νέμονται μέχρι τῶν προσαγορευομένων Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἃ διατείνει κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἀπὸ τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττης ἕως εἰς τὴν ἐκτός. 3.37.10 τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀπὸ τῶν προειρημένων ὀρῶν τὸ συνάπτον πρός τε τὰς δύσεις καὶ πρὸς Ἡρακλείους στήλας περιέχεται μὲν ὑπό τε τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καὶ τῆς ἔξω θαλάττης, καλεῖται δὲ τὸ μὲν παρὰ τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς παρῆκον ἕως Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν Ἰβηρία, 3.37.11 τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξω καὶ μεγάλην προσαγορευομένην κοινὴν μὲν ὀνομασίαν οὐκ ἔχει διὰ τὸ προσφάτως κατωπτεῦσθαι, κατοικεῖται δὲ πᾶν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρώπων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν
3.38.2 τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τὸ μεταξὺ Τανάιδος καὶ Νάρβωνος εἰς τὰς ἄρκτους ἀνῆκον ἄγνωστον ἡμῖν ἕως τοῦ νῦν ἐστιν, ἐὰν μή τι μετὰ ταῦτα πολυπραγμονοῦντες ἱστορήσωμεν.' 3.39.2 Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς τῆς μὲν Λιβύης ἐκυρίευον πάντων τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔσω θάλατταν νευόντων μερῶν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλαίνου βωμῶν, οἳ κεῖνται κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην Σύρτιν, ἕως ἐφʼ Ἡρακλέους στήλας. 3.39.3 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ μῆκός ἐστι τῆς παραλίας ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους σταδίους. 3.39.4 διαβάντες δὲ τὸν καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας πόρον ὁμοίως ἐκεκρατήκεισαν καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἁπάσης ἕως τῆς ῥαχίας, ὃ πέρας ἐστὶ πρὸς τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττῃ τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἃ διορίζει τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτούς. 3.39.5 ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦ καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας στόματος οὗτος ὁ τόπος περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους σταδίους.
3.39.8 καὶ μὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ διάβασιν περὶ χιλίους ἑξακοσίους· ταῦτα γὰρ νῦν βεβημάτισται καὶ σεσημείωται κατὰ σταδίους ὀκτὼ διὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐπιμελῶς· 3.39.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς διαβάσεως τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ πορευομένοις παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς πηγὰς ἕως πρὸς τὴν ἀναβολὴν τῶν Ἄλπεων τὴν εἰς Ἰταλίαν χίλιοι τετρακόσιοι. 3.39.10 λοιπαὶ δʼ αἱ τῶν Ἄλπεων ὑπερβολαί, περὶ χιλίους διακοσίους· ἃς ὑπερβαλὼν ἔμελλεν ἥξειν εἰς τὰ περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδία τῆς Ἰταλίας. 3.39.11 ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας ἐκ Καινῆς πόλεως σταδίους περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, οὓς ἔδει διελθεῖν αὐτόν. 3.39.12 τούτων δὴ τῶν τόπων κατὰ μὲν τὸ μῆκος ἤδη σχεδὸν τοὺς ἡμίσεις διεληλύθει, κατὰ δὲ τὴν δυσχέρειαν τὸ πλέον αὐτῷ μέρος ἀπελείπετο τῆς πορείας.
3.40.1 Ἀννίβας μὲν οὖν ἐνεχείρει ταῖς διεκβολαῖς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, κατάφοβος ὢν τοὺς Κελτοὺς διὰ τὰς ὀχυρότητας τῶν τόπων.
3.42.1 Ἀννίβας δὲ προσμίξας τοῖς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τόποις εὐθέως ἐνεχείρει ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάβασιν κατὰ τὴν ἁπλῆν ῥύσιν, σχεδὸν ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ὁδὸν ἀπέχων στρατοπέδῳ τῆς θαλάττης.
3.47.6 ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν γεγραφότων περὶ τῆς ὑπερβολῆς ταύτης, βουλόμενοι τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ἐκπλήττειν τῇ περὶ τῶν προειρημένων τόπων παραδοξολογίᾳ, λανθάνουσιν ἐμπίπτοντες εἰς δύο τὰ πάσης ἱστορίας ἀλλοτριώτατα· καὶ γὰρ ψευδολογεῖν καὶ μαχόμενα γράφειν αὑτοῖς ἀναγκάζονται. 3.47.7 ἅμα μὲν γὰρ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀμίμητόν τινα παρεισάγοντες στρατηγὸν καὶ τόλμῃ καὶ προνοίᾳ τοῦτον ὁμολογουμένως ἀποδεικνύουσιν ἡμῖν ἀλογιστότατον, 3.47.8 ἅμα δὲ καταστροφὴν οὐ δυνάμενοι λαμβάνειν οὐδʼ ἔξοδον τοῦ ψεύδους θεοὺς καὶ θεῶν παῖδας εἰς πραγματικὴν ἱστορίαν παρεισάγουσιν. 3.47.9 ὑποθέμενοι γὰρ τὰς ἐρυμνότητας καὶ τραχύτητας τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν ὀρῶν τοιαύτας ὥστε μὴ οἷον ἵππους καὶ στρατόπεδα, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ἐλέφαντας, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ πεζοὺς εὐζώνους εὐχερῶς ἂν διελθεῖν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν ἔρημον τοιαύτην τινὰ περὶ τοὺς τόπους ὑπογράψαντες ἡμῖν ὥστʼ, εἰ μὴ θεὸς ἤ τις ἥρως ἀπαντήσας τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ὑπέδειξε τὰς ὁδούς, ἐξαπορήσαντας ἂν καταφθαρῆναι πάντας, ὁμολογουμένως ἐκ τούτων εἰς ἑκάτερον τῶν προειρημένων
3.54.2 ἐπειρᾶτο συναθροίσας παρακαλεῖν, μίαν ἔχων ἀφορμὴν εἰς τοῦτο τὴν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐνάργειαν· οὕτως γὰρ ὑποπεπτώκει τοῖς προειρημένοις ὄρεσιν ὥστε συνθεωρουμένων ἀμφοῖν ἀκροπόλεως φαίνεσθαι διάθεσιν ἔχειν τὰς Ἄλπεις τῆς ὅλης Ἰταλίας. 3.54.3 διόπερ ἐνδεικνύμενος αὐτοῖς τὰ περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδία καὶ καθόλου τῆς εὐνοίας ὑπομιμνήσκων τῆς τῶν κατοικούντων αὐτὰ Γαλατῶν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν τῆς Ῥώμης αὐτῆς τόπον ὑποδεικνύων ἐπὶ ποσὸν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίησε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.
3.58.2 σχεδὸν γὰρ πάντων, εἰ δὲ μή γε, τῶν πλείστων συγγραφέων πεπειραμένων μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰς ἰδιότητας καὶ θέσεις τῶν περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τόπων τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης, ἐν πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν πλείστων διημαρτηκότων,
3.59.3 ἐν δὲ τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς τῶν μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν διὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου δυναστείαν τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τόπων διὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὑπεροχὴν σχεδὸν ἁπάντων πλωτῶν καὶ πορευτῶν γεγονότων, 3.59.4 ἀπολελυμένων δὲ καὶ τῶν πρακτικῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς περὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς καὶ πολιτικὰς πράξεις φιλοτιμίας, ἐκ δὲ τούτων πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ἀφορμὰς εἰληφότων εἰς τὸ πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ φιλομαθεῖν περὶ τῶν προειρημένων,
3.70.4 τὰ γὰρ στρατόπεδα χειμασκήσαντα βελτίω τὰ παρʼ αὑτῶν ὑπελάμβανε γενήσεσθαι, τήν τε τῶν Κελτῶν ἀθεσίαν οὐκ ἐμμενεῖν ἐν τῇ πίστει, τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἀπραγούντων καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀναγκαζομένων ἄγειν, ἀλλὰ καινοτομήσειν τι πάλιν κατʼ ἐκείνων.
3.78.1 ἐχρήσατο δέ τινι καὶ Φοινικικῷ στρατηγήματι τοιούτῳ κατὰ τὴν παραχειμασίαν. 3.78.2 ἀγωνιῶν γὰρ τὴν ἀθεσίαν τῶν Κελτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τὰς περὶ τὸ σῶμα διὰ τὸ πρόσφατον τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς συστάσεως κατεσκευάσατο περιθετὰς τρίχας, ἁρμοζούσας ταῖς κατὰ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς τῶν ἡλικιῶν ἐπιπρεπείαις,
3.78.5 θεωρῶν δὲ τοὺς Κελτοὺς δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐν τῇ παρʼ αὑτῶν χώρᾳ λαμβάνειν τὴν τριβήν, σπεύδοντας δὲ καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν, προφάσει μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ὀργήν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον διὰ τὰς ὠφελείας, ἔκρινε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ συνεκπληροῦν τὰς τῶν δυνάμεων ὁρμάς.
5.101.10 τὴν δʼ Ἰταλίαν ἔφη καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖ διάβασιν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιβολῆς, ἣν οὐδενὶ καθήκειν μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ τὸν
6.56.6 μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. 6.56.7 καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 6.56.8 ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 6.56.9 ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 6.56.10 εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· 6.56.11 ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. 6.56.12 διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά.
16.32.3 ὅτε προιδόμενοι τὴν Αἰτωλῶν ἔφοδον, ἐβουλεύσαντο παραπλήσια περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἱστορήκαμεν.
34.9.13 Πολύβιος δὲ τὰ τῶν Οὐακκαίων καὶ τῶν Κελτιβήρων ἔθνη καὶ χωρία διεξιὼν συλλέγει ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι καὶ Σεγεσάμαν καὶ Ἰντερκατίαν. —
38.10.8 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δίαιον καὶ Κριτόλαον καὶ πάντες οἱ μετέχοντες αὐτοῖς τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως κατʼ ἐκλογὴν οἱ χείριστοι καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐχθροὶ καὶ λυμαινόμενοι τὸ ἔθνος·'' None | 4.21 1. \xa0Now all these practices I\xa0believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hardship of the men's lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts â\x80\x94 conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves;,2. \xa0there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits.,3. \xa0The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I\xa0mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I\xa0may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald,,9. \xa0but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.,10. \xa0I\xa0have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans themselves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time.,12. \xa0Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I\xa0return to the point whence I\xa0digressed. "
3.4.6 \xa0I\xa0must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I\xa0must describe what were the prevailing and domit tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life. <
3.35.7 \xa0With the rest of his force, thus lightened of its impedimenta and consisting now of fifty thousand foot and about nine thousand horse, he advanced throughout the Pyrenees towards the crossing of the Rhone, < 3.35.8 \xa0having now an army not so strong in number as serviceable and highly trained owing to the unbroken series of wars in Spain. <
3.36.1 \xa0That my narrative may not be altogether obscure to readers owing to their ignorance of the topography I\xa0must explain whence Hannibal started, what countries he traversed, and into what part of Italy he descended. < 3.36.2 \xa0Nor must I\xa0simply give the names of countries, rivers, and cities, as some authors do under the idea that this is amply sufficient for a clear knowledge. < 3.36.3 \xa0I\xa0am of opinion that as regards known countries the mention of names is of no small assistance in recalling them to our memory, but in the case of unknown lands such citation of names is just of as much value as if they were unintelligible and inarticulate sounds. <' "3.36.4 \xa0For the mind here has nothing to lean upon for support and cannot connect the words with anything known to it, so that the narrative is associated with nothing in the readers' mind, and therefore meaningless to him. <" '3.36.5 \xa0We must therefore make it possible when speaking of unknown places to convey to the reader a more or less real and familiar notion of them. <
3.37.6 \xa0These two divisions of the earth, then, regarded from a general point of view, occupy the part of it which lies to the south of the Mediterranean, reaching from east to west. < 3.37.7 \xa0Europe lies opposite to them on the north shore of this sea, extending continuously from east to west, <
3.37.9 \xa0The Celts inhabit the country near the Narbo and beyond it as far as the chain of the Pyrenees which stretches in an unbroken line from the Mediterranean to the Outer Sea. < 3.37.10 \xa0The remaining part of Europe beyond the Pyrenees reaching to its western end and to the Pillars of Hercules is bounded on the one side by the Mediterranean and on the other by the Outer Sea, that portion of which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules being called Iberia, < 3.37.11 \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. <
3.38.2 \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future. <
3.38.7 1. \xa0Just as with regard to Asia and Africa where they meet in Aethiopia no one up to the present has been able to say with certainty whether the southern extension of them is continuous land or is bounded by a sea,,2. \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future.,3. \xa0We must pronounce that those who either by word of mouth or in writing make rash statements about these regions have no knowledge of them, and invent mere fables.,4. \xa0I\xa0have said so much in order that my narrative should not be without something to range itself under in the minds of those who are ignorant of the localities, but that they should have some notion at least of the main geographical distinctions, with which they can connect in thought and to which they can refer my statements, calculating the position of places from the quarter of the heaven under which they lie.,5. \xa0For as in the case of physical sight we are in the habit of turning our faces in the direction of any object pointed out to us, so should we mentally ever turn and shift our glance to each place to which the story calls our attention.
3.39.2 \xa0At the time of which we are speaking the Carthaginians were masters of all that part of Africa which looks towards the Mediterranean from the Altars of Philaenus on the Greater Syrtis as far as the Pillars of Hercules. < 3.39.3 \xa0The length of this coast-line is more than sixteen thousand stades. < 3.39.4 \xa0Crossing the straits at the Pillars of Hercules they had similarly subdued all Iberia as far as the point on the coast of the Mediterranean where the Pyrenees, which separate the Celts from the Iberians, end. < 3.39.5 \xa0This spot is about eight thousand stades distant from the mouth of this sea at the Pillars of Hercules, <
3.39.8 \xa0From Emporium to Narbo it is about six hundred stades, and from Narbo to the passage of the Rhone about sixteen hundred, this part of the road having now been carefully measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every eighth stade. < 3.39.9 \xa0From the passage of the Rhone, following the bank of the river in the direction of its source as far as the foot of the pass across the Alps to Italy, the distance is fourteen hundred stades, < 3.39.10 \xa0and the length of the actual pass which would bring Hannibal down into the plain of the\xa0Po, about twelve hundred. < 3.39.11 \xa0So that to arrive there he had, starting from New\xa0Carthage, to march about nine thousand stades. < 3.39.12 \xa0of this, as far as distance goes, he had nearly traversed the half, but if we look to difficulty far the largest part lay before him. <
3.40.1 \xa0While Hannibal was thus attempting to cross the Pyrenees, in great fear of the Celts owing to the natural strength of the passes, <' "
3.42.1 \xa0Hannibal, on reaching the neighbourhood of the river, at once set about attempting to cross it where the stream is single at a distance of about four days' march from the sea. <" 3.47.6 \xa0Some of the writers who have described this passage of the Alps, from the wish to impress their readers by the marvels they recount of these mountains, are betrayed into two vices ever most alien to true history; for they are compelled to make both false statements and statements which contradict each other. < 3.47.7 \xa0While on the one hand introducing Hannibal as a commander of unequalled courage and foresight, they incontestably represent him to us as entirely wanting in prudence, < 3.47.8 \xa0and again, being unable to bring their series of falsehoods to any close or issue they introduce gods and the sons of gods into the sober history of the facts. < 3.47.9 \xa0By representing the Alps as being so steep and rugged that not only horses and troops accompanied by elephants, but even active men on foot would have difficult in passing, and at the same time picturing to us the desolation of the country as being such, that unless some god or hero had met Hannibal and showed him the way, his whole army would have gone astray and perished utterly, they unquestionably fall into both the above vices. <
3.54.2 \xa0he summoned them to a meeting and attempted to cheer them up, relying chiefly for this purpose on the actual view of Italy, which lies so close under these mountains, that when both are viewed together the Alps stand to the whole of Italy in the relation of a citadel to a city. < 3.54.3 \xa0Showing them, therefore, the plain of the\xa0Po, and reminding them of the friendly feelings of the Gauls inhabiting it, while at the same time pointing out the situation of Rome itself, he to some extent restored their spirits. <
3.58.2 \xa0While nearly all authors or at least the greater number have attempted to describe the peculiarities and the situation of the countries at the extremities of the known world, <' "
3.59.3 \xa0But in our own times since, owing to Alexander's empire in Asia and that of the Romans in other parts of the world, nearly all regions have become approachable by sea or land, <" '3.59.4 \xa0since our men of action in Greece are relieved from the ambitions of a military or political career and have therefore ample means for inquiry and study, <' "
3.70.4 \xa0He considered that their legions would be all the better for a winter's drilling, and that the notoriously fickle Celts would not remain loyal to the Carthaginians if the latter were kept in forced inaction, but would throw them over in their turn. <" 3.78.1 \xa0During this winter he also adopted a truly Punic artifice. < 3.78.2 \xa0Fearing the fickleness of the Celts and possible attempts on his life, owing to his establishment of the friendly relations with them being so very recent, he had a\xa0number of wigs made, dyed to suit the appearance of persons differing widely in age, <
3.78.5 \xa0Observing that the Celts were dissatisfied at the prosecution of the war in their own territory, but were eagerly looking forward to an invasion of that of the enemy, professedly owing to their hatred of the Romans, but as a fact chiefly in hope of booty, he decided to be on the move as soon as possible and satisfy the desire of his troops. <
5.101.10 \xa0An expedition, however, to Italy was the first step towards the conquest of the world, an enterprise which belonged to none more properly than to himself. And now was the time, after this disaster to the Roman arms. <
6.56.6 \xa0But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. < 6.56.7 \xa0I\xa0believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I\xa0mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. < 6.56.8 \xa0These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many. < 6.56.9 \xa0My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. < 6.56.10 \xa0It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men, < 6.56.11 \xa0but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. < 6.56.12 \xa0For this reason I\xa0think, not that the ancients acted rashly and at haphazard in introducing among the people notions concerning the gods and beliefs in the terrors of hell, but that the moderns are most rash and foolish in banishing such beliefs. <
10.3 1. \xa0It is generally agreed that Scipio was beneficent and magimous, but that he was also shrewd and discreet with a mind always concentrated on the object he had in view would be conceded by none except those who associated with him and to whom his character stood clearly revealed.,2. \xa0One of these was Gaius Laelius, who from his youth up to the end had participated in his every word and deed, and who has produced the above impression upon myself, as his account seems both probable on the face of it and in accordance with the actual performances of Scipio.,3. \xa0For he tells us that Scipio first distinguished himself on the occasion of the cavalry engagement between his father and Hannibal in the neighbourhood of the\xa0Po.,4. \xa0He was at the time seventeen years of age, this being his first campaign, and his father had placed him in command of a picked troop of horse in order to ensure his safety, but when he caught sight of his father in the battle, surrounded by the enemy and escorted only by two or three horsemen and dangerously wounded,,5. \xa0he at first endeavoured to urge those with him to go to the rescue, but when they hung back for a time owing to the large numbers of the enemy round them, he is said with reckless daring to have charged the encircling force alone.,6. \xa0Upon the rest being now forced to attack, the enemy were terror-struck and broke up, and Publius Scipio, thus unexpectedly delivered, was the first to salute his son in the hearing of all as his preserver.,7. \xa0Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â\x80\x94 conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence.
16.32.3 \xa0and very similar measures were resolved on by the Acarian nation when they foresaw that they were to be attacked by the Aetolians. I\xa0have told both the stories in a previous part of this work. <' "
34.9.13 \xa0Polybius in enumerating the tribes and cities of the Paccaei and Celtiberians counts among the other cities Segesama and Intercatia. Thayer's Note: The following fragment was overlooked by the Loeb editor: (Strabo, III.4.13, C\xa062) <" 38.10.8 \xa0And Diaeus and Critolaus and all who shared their views â\x80\x94 and these were, so to speak, a deliberate selection from each city of the worst men, the most god-forsaken and the greatest corruptors of the nation â\x80\x94 not only as the proverb has it, took with the left hand what the Romans gave with the right, but were under an entire and absolute misconception. <' "' None |
|
17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321
|
18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 331, 332; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 34, 50
|
19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 316; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 316
|
20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 316, 317, 318, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 316, 317, 318, 321
|
21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 32, 211; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 231
|
22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
|
23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 68; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 66
|
24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 324; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 324
|
25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
|
26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290, 313, 321; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290, 313, 321
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27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, as Hannibal revived • Ennius’ Annales, – augurate of Romulus and Remus, Hannibal • Hannibal
Found in books: Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 158; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 237
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28. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.73.3, 3.2-3.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 280
| sup>
1.73.3 \xa0Others say that after the death of Aeneas Ascanius, having succeeded to the entire sovereignty of the Latins, divided both the country and the forces of the Latins into three parts, two of which he gave to his brothers, Romulus and Remus. He himself, they say, built Alba and some other towns; Remus built cities which he named Capuas, after Capys, his great-grandfather, Anchisa, after his grandfather Anchises, Aeneia (which was afterwards called Janiculum), after his father, and Rome, after himself. This last city was for some time deserted, but upon the arrival of another colony, which the Albans sent out under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, it received again its ancient name. So that, according to this account, there were two settlements of Rome, one a little after the Trojan war, and the other fifteen generations after the first. <
3.2 1. \xa0Many military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I\xa0shall now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban named Cluilius, who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war with each other.,2. \xa0But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a plan of the following sort: he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the constraint of fear.,3. \xa0In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just what happened.,4. \xa0For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them. 3.3 1. \xa0Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the treaty being looked upon as already broken.,2. \xa0Tullius, therefore, taking care that the Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary business, put off their audience.,3. \xa0The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the fetiales, to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between the cities.,4. \xa0But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation.,5. \xa0And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: "Well, then, I\xa0call the gods, whom we made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance to come upon you ere long with the sword.",6. \xa0Tullius, having learned of all this from the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not obtain satisfaction, he replied: "I\xa0have anticipated you in doing this, and having obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I\xa0declare against the Albans the war that is both necessary and just." ' "3.4 1. \xa0After these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches, as they are called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the Romans a little farther inside, having chosen the most convenient place for their camp.,2. \xa0When the two armies saw each other's forces neither inferior in numbers nor poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit of faultfinding against those in authority.,3. \xa0And as the time dragged on in vain (for they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their entrenchments.,4. \xa0And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy's ramparts, in case that should prove necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general's tent, attended by his usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death. " "3.5 1. \xa0This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into â\x80\x94 for no preceding illness could be alleged â\x80\x94 those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and untraceable poisons that they had discovered.,2. \xa0Still others alleged that, being overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather Nature's stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is marked out for everyone that is born.,3. \xa0Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power; he was a man without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, though he had been at first as zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable.,4. \xa0And at last he even determined to invite the enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both armies. The danger was this: " "3.6 1. \xa0The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; concerning which I\xa0have given a precise account in the preceding Book. But having enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer.,2. \xa0For a time, indeed, their intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should assemble in Fidenae, going secretly, a\xa0few at a time, so as to escape as far as possible the notice of those against whom the plot was aimed,,3. \xa0and should remain there awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants (the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined.,4. \xa0If, therefore, the Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in making their preparations were bringing their foes' plans to nought. For some of the conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others might lay information â\x80\x94 a\xa0thing which has often happened in conspiracies where there are many accomplices and the execution is long delayed â\x80\x94 or being compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery. " '3.7 1. \xa0Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation.,2. \xa0And first the Alban leader began as follows: "It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I\xa0have determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, and, as if you were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything reasonable.,3. \xa0In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed me general with absolute power, as soon as I\xa0took over the command I\xa0considered what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and kinship, I\xa0concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by the best counsels.,4. \xa0And I\xa0was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great madness that we both have shown, an once I\xa0had taken hold of affairs and began to sound out each man\'s private opinion. For I\xa0found that the Albans neither in their private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I\xa0consulted the victims concerning battle, presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, caused me great dismay and anxiety.,5. \xa0In view, therefore, of these considerations, I\xa0restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children.,6. \xa0But while we have been delaying and watching each other, to see which side should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since I\xa0learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I\xa0felt that I\xa0ought no longer to aim at appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a conflagration or a flood.,7. \xa0The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me." 3.8 1. \xa0With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued:,2. \xa0You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I\xa0have thus far been postponing armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures concerning peace. After this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted not only to revolt from you but also to attack you â\x80\x94 although they have neither suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any â\x80\x94 and, what is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and guarded against.,3. \xa0But I\xa0need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) I\xa0shall now endeavour to explain.,4. \xa0For my part, I\xa0hold that that mutual reconciliation is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to undergo such a trial as reason and law direct.,5. \xa0of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and magimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it before us too soon, and for doing so I\xa0shall be greatly obliged to you." 3.9 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: "We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;,2. \xa0yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba â\x80\x94 if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both.,3. \xa0Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain â\x80\x94 even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I\xa0shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also.,4. \xa0If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him).,5. \xa0How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims â\x80\x94 for these are small and weak assurances â\x80\x94 but by looking upon each other\'s fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own.,6. \xa0In order to accomplish this, I\xa0think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully to accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?,7. \xa0If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services to the weaker. This is what I\xa0recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I\xa0believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us." 3.10 1. \xa0Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned to the assembly and spoke as follows: "We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other.,2. \xa0Let this article, then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be removed." These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other.,3. \xa0The claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows: "As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation of all that inhabit this country. But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before.,4. \xa0This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument â\x80\x94\xa0and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity â\x80\x94 is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race.,5. \xa0And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity.,6. \xa0My last argument is this: The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many races, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse." After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said: "The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one\'s ancestors, Fufetius and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just. 3.11 2. \xa0Indeed, there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why should\xa0I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of the Lavinians.,3. \xa0If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has always remained the same while ours has been \'corrupted\' by the various admixtures of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born nor newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, you are greatly mistaken.,4. \xa0For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy.,5. \xa0And this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins disputes with us.,6. \xa0For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.,7. \xa0On the whole, I\xa0am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.,8. \xa0And as for our factional strife â\x80\x94 since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure â\x80\x94 it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.,9. \xa0In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.,10. \xa0I\xa0had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I\xa0see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I\xa0say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I\xa0will make an end of speaking. However, since I\xa0conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I\xa0shall propose this and then conclude.,11. \xa0Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms." 3.12 1. \xa0These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.,2. \xa0For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.,3. \xa0The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a\xa0few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.,4. \xa0And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp. 3.13 1. \xa0After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.,2. \xa0For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.,3. \xa0This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.,4. \xa0It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I\xa0said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows: 3.14 1. \xa0"Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come into the world on the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I\xa0say, has every appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour.,2. \xa0Why, therefore, do we not accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in any other way, will be promptly settled.,3. \xa0For I\xa0surmise that among you also, as well as among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is equally inclined toward both sides." 3.15 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general approbation (for the most important both of the Romans and Albans were with the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows: "In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be unaware â\x80\x94 a\xa0matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to fight with one another.,2. \xa0For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one another\'s blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them.",3. \xa0To this Fufetius answered: "Neither have\xa0I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the youths, nor did\xa0I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into my mind I\xa0sent for the Alban Curiatii and sounded them in private to learn whether they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I\xa0decided to disclose my plan and bring it forward for consideration. And I\xa0advise you to take the same course yourself â\x80\x94 to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition.,4. \xa0And if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the favour; but if they hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I\xa0predict, however, the same result with them as with our own youths â\x80\x94 that is, if they are such men as we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also." 3.16 1. \xa0Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them:,2. \xa0Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find â\x80\x94 the Curiatii among the Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat on behalf of all their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this honour to others.,3. \xa0I,\xa0in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not concealed from public notice, assumed that you of all others would embrace this danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest your kinship with the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I\xa0requested time for deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I\xa0came here I\xa0assembled the senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble one and worthy of you and which I\xa0myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to avoid the pollution of kindred blood â\x80\x94 for surely it would be no admission of cowardice on your part â\x80\x94 you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight obligation to you if you rate your country more highly than your kinship, deliberate carefully and well." 3.17 1. \xa0The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest on behalf of them all spoke as follows: "If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked with him.",2. \xa0Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with their own answer, they desired his advice.,3. \xa0And he answered and said: "But indeed this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated without your father upon your own affairs.",4. \xa0And the eldest answered him thus: "Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein.,5. \xa0For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than valour." Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of embraces and kisses, he said: "You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable.",6. \xa0The youths went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty. ' "3.18 1. \xa0As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no perfunctory manner, I\xa0shall endeavour, as far as I\xa0am able, to give an accurate account of every incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans' army also had marched out.,2. \xa0And when the armies had encamped near one another, leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid fashion and withal dressed like men about to die.,3. \xa0When they came near to one another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of great heartlessness, in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat. " "3.19 1. \xa0For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening.,2. \xa0For it was impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; and this situation lasted a considerable time.,3. \xa0For the champions on both sides not only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of spirit, and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than spectators.,4. \xa0At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman's groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him.,5. \xa0When the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him.,6. \xa0After Fortune had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the Romans, sunk their hopes and raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his sword down through the Roman's back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs. " 3.20 1. \xa0The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind.,2. \xa0The Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome â\x80\x94 he was still uninjured â\x80\x94 hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. He thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation.,3. \xa0For the Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,,4. \xa0and when his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the first news of his victory.
3.21 1. \xa0But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy state of being his sister\'s murderer.,2. \xa0For when he arrived near the gates he saw a multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was distressed that a virgin ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother\'s side and joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness.,3. \xa0However, it was not, after all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who called her and ran to bring her back.,4. \xa0But when she got outside the city and saw her brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and beating her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there.,5. \xa0After she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother and said: "Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. of what wild beast, then, have you the heart?",6. \xa0And he, answering her, said: "The heart of a citizen who loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be foreigners or his own people. And among such I\xa0count even you; for though you know that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same time â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean the victory of your country, which I,\xa0your brother, am bringing home with me, and the death of your brothers â\x80\x94 you neither rejoice in the public happiness of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, curse you! but before the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, not for your brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour either your father or your brothers.",7. \xa0After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action.,8. \xa0In fact, he would neither permit his daughter\'s body to be brought into the house nor allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any corpse which had none to give it proper burial.,9. \xa0Besides these instances of the father\'s severity there were still others that I\xa0shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid banquet, just as upon the greatest festivals, making less account of his private calamities than of the public advantages of his country.,10. \xa0This not only Horatius but many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I\xa0refer to their offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good fortune. of these I\xa0shall make mention in the proper places.
3.22 1. \xa0After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies.,2. \xa0The next day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the government, he led his army home.,3. \xa0After he had celebrated the triumph which the senate had decreed for him and had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman\'s blood; and being given a hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all the gods against the cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted.,4. \xa0But the father spoke in defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce in the cause.,5. \xa0For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial â\x80\x94 and that, too, for an act which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence â\x80\x94 lest by so doing he should transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in the case of his daughter.,6. \xa0Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. And the Roman people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder. Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated.,7. \xa0The pontiffs erected two altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by Horatius; and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a\xa0third to the top of them transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by those who purified Horatius.,8. \xa0The place in the city where they performed this expiation is regarded by all the Romans as sacred; it is in the street that leads down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is called in the Roman tongue "the Sister\'s Beam." This place, then, is still preserved in the city as a monument to this man\'s misfortune and honoured by the Romans with sacrifices every year.,9. \xa0Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos in the Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its name and is called pila Horatia or "the Horatian Pillar.",10. \xa0The Romans also have a law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are grown. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end.
3.22 <
3.23 1. \xa0The king of the Romans, after letting a\xa0year pass, during which he made the necessary preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship.,2. \xa0Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces.,3. \xa0Tullus, therefore, believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another\'s command or to be subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot.,4. \xa0He sent ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as yet wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody.,5. \xa0Tullus, as soon as he had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for the battle, he dismissed the council.,6. \xa0In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban â\x80\x94 for his treachery was still a secret to many even of his own friends â\x80\x94 calling together the most prominent centurions and tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows: "Tribunes and centurions, I\xa0am going to disclose to you important and unexpected things which I\xa0have hitherto been concealing; and I\xa0beg of you to keep them secret if you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many words, as the time is short; so I\xa0shall mention only the most essential matters.,7. \xa0I,\xa0from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life full of shame and grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, which I\xa0am now holding for the third year and may, if I\xa0should so desire, hold as long as I\xa0live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our supremacy, I\xa0took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great disaster. And although I\xa0considered many plans of every sort, the only way I\xa0could discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the neighbouring states.,8. \xa0For I\xa0assumed that when confronted by such a war they would have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I\xa0assumed that it would not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans.,9. \xa0"With these thoughts in mind I\xa0secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I\xa0have escaped the Romans\' notice as I\xa0contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course.,10. \xa0First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a double danger â\x80\x94 either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already prepared â\x80\x94 we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the only people who have resorted to these means.,11. \xa0Besides, as our own force is not strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great numbers you see before you; and I\xa0have taken the following precautions that these auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be depended on to adhere to our alliance.,12. \xa0For it will not be in our territory that the Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves be thought to be conferring one upon them.,13. \xa0And if this enterprise turns out according to our wish, as is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they themselves who had received this favour at our hands. "These are the preparations which I\xa0have made after much thought and which I\xa0regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt.,14. \xa0Now hear from me the manner in which I\xa0have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I\xa0will break ranks and begin to lead up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. When I\xa0have gained the top of the hill and am securely posted, hear in what manner I\xa0shall handle the situation after that.,15. \xa0If I\xa0find my plans turning out according to my wish, that is, if I\xa0see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than fight, I\xa0will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I\xa0shall be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed.,16. \xa0For a terrible thing in warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen terror, but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced.,17. \xa0If, however, I\xa0find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), I\xa0too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I\xa0have just proposed. For I\xa0shall lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with them the victory, pretending that I\xa0occupied the heights with the intention of surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since I\xa0shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both.,18. \xa0"I,\xa0then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods I\xa0shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received that form of government from their ancestors.,19. \xa0For we are freemen descended from freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain the fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.,20. \xa0This compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall upon them rather than upon us.,21. \xa0If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan meets with your uimous approval."
3.24 1. \xa0Those who were present having approved of this advice and promised to carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the Romans came out against them and took their positions.,2. \xa0Tullus himself and the Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied the enemy\'s right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill.,3. \xa0When the armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other\'s missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling confident that the Albans\' promises to betray the Romans were coming true before their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, carried on the struggle vigorously.,4. \xa0In the meantime a horseman rode up to those who were fighting under the king and said: "Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now left unprotected, and are going to surround us." The Romans, upon hearing this and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to fight or to stand their ground.,5. \xa0Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, and cried:,6. \xa0"Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, and show your utter contempt of them."
3.25 1. \xa0These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder.,2. \xa0The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and standing their ground.,3. \xa0And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by crossing the river.,4. \xa0Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings.,5. \xa0Tullus ordered a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the enemy who were pressing toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been unexpectedly preserved from destruction. ' "
3.26 1. \xa0When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who had become dispersed in the left.,2. \xa0Tullus, though he understood his purpose and understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban's withdrawal to the heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed about the country.,3. \xa0And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and passed the following night in making merry with his friends.,4. \xa0Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; and when he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome.,5. \xa0Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their enemies and the Fidenates. And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained â\x80\x94 how the traitors ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future.,6. \xa0That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this I\xa0shall speak presently. The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to retain their possessions." 3.27 2. \xa0After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory.,3. \xa0Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these the rest of the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up and spoke as follows:
3.28 1. \xa0"Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced.,2. \xa0It is now time, since our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all.,3. \xa0For these are much worse than open enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits.,4. \xa0For, as we are their colony, we have not wrested away any part of their dominion but have acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity no less than at their own.,5. \xa0But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?,6. \xa0Though it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and â\x80\x94 the thing that was easiest of all â\x80\x94 to disarm them, by which means we should have strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our own private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans â\x80\x94 since they themselves had honoured him with the chief magistracy â\x80\x94 to administer their affairs up to the present time.,7. \xa0"For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else.,8. \xa0And if their attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being lost in a single day.,9. \xa0But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to the goodwill of the gods (for I\xa0at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), and, second, to the stratagem I\xa0made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I\xa0made during the battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself),,10. \xa0since, I\xa0say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be the men we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the danger if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most deadly foes and our greatest enemies."
3.29 1. \xa0While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent,,2. \xa0addressed them thus:,2. \xa0"I,\xa0too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the knowledge of them; and I\xa0also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and centurions were accomplices in the conspiracy formed against us, but that the greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were compelled to act against their will.,3. \xa0Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands.,4. \xa0But against the possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, to remember their wrongs â\x80\x94 as has happened in the present instance.,5. \xa0"Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I\xa0myself having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered that your city be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except the temples;,6. \xa0that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I\xa0take charge of the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you in the expense of building;,7. \xa0that the mass of your population be incorporated with our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the Geganii, and the Metilii; and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the privilege of making a defence." 3.30 1. \xa0At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with loud acclaim the terms granted them. But those among them who were distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in answer to the charges.,2. \xa0But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords.,3. \xa0And when all were terrified, Tullus rose up again and said: "It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country.,4. \xa0For early this morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I\xa0shall punish him in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves.",5. \xa0At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body with many stripes.,6. \xa0After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite directions, was soon torn apart.,7. \xa0This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the law respecting deserters and traitors. '' None |
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29. Ovid, Fasti, 4.193-4.244, 4.247-4.348 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 172; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 58
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4.193 ‘pandite, mandati memores, Heliconis alumnae, 4.194 gaudeat assiduo cur dea Magna sono.’ 4.195 sic ego, sic Erato (mensis Cythereius illi 4.196 cessit, quod teneri nomen amoris habet): 4.197 ‘reddita Saturno sors haec erat, optime regum, 4.198 a nato sceptris excutiere tuis.’ 4.199 ille suam metuens, ut quaeque erat edita, prolem 4.200 devorat, immersam visceribusque tenet. 4.201 saepe Rhea questa est, totiens fecunda nec umquam 4.202 mater, et indoluit fertilitate sua. 4.203 Iuppiter ortus erat (pro magno teste vetustas 4.204 creditur; acceptam parce movere fidem): 4.205 veste latens saxum caelesti gutture sedit: 4.206 sic genitor fatis decipiendus erat. 4.207 ardua iamdudum resonat tinnitibus Ide, 4.208 tutus ut infanti vagiat ore puer. 4.209 pars clipeos rudibus, galeas pars tundit ies: 4.210 hoc Curetes habent, hoc Corybantes opus. 4.211 res latuit, priscique manent imitamina facti; 4.212 aera deae comites raucaque terga movent, 4.213 cymbala pro galeis, pro scutis tympana pulsant; 4.214 tibia dat Phrygios, ut dedit ante, modos.” 4.215 desierat. coepi: ‘cur huic genus acre leonum 4.216 praebent insolitas ad iuga curva iubas?’ 4.217 desieram. coepit: ‘feritas mollita per illam 4.218 creditur; id curru testificata suo est.’ 4.219 ‘at cur turrifera caput est onerata corona? 4.220 an primis turres urbibus illa dedit?’ 4.221 annuit. unde venit dixi ‘sua membra secandi 4.222 impetus?’ ut tacui, Pieris orsa loqui: 4.223 ‘Phryx puer in silvis, facie spectabilis, Attis 4.224 turrigeram casto vinxit amore deam. 4.225 hunc sibi servari voluit, sua templa tueri, 4.226 et dixit semper fac puer esse velis. 4.227 ille fidem iussis dedit et si mentiar, inquit 4.228 ultima, qua fallam, sit Venus illa mihi. 4.229 fallit et in nympha Sagaritide desinit esse 4.230 quod fuit: hinc poenas exigit ira deae. 4.231 Naida volneribus succidit in arbore factis, 4.232 illa perit: fatum Naidos arbor erat. 4.233 hic furit et credens thalami procumbere tectum 4.234 effugit et cursu Dindyma summa petit 4.235 et modo tolle faces! remove modo verbera! clamat; 4.236 saepe Palaestinas iurat adesse deas. 4.237 ille etiam saxo corpus laniavit acuto, 4.238 longaque in immundo pulvere tracta coma est, 4.239 voxque fuit ‘merui! meritas do sanguine poenas. 4.240 a! pereant partes, quae nocuere mihi! 4.241 a! pereant’ dicebat adhuc, onus inguinis aufert, 4.242 nullaque sunt subito signa relicta viri. 4.243 venit in exemplum furor hic, mollesque ministri 4.244 caedunt iactatis vilia membra comis.’
4.247 ‘hoc quoque, dux operis, moneas, precor, unde petita 4.248 venerit, an nostra semper in urbe fuit?’ 4.249 ‘Dindymon et Cybelen et amoenam fontibus Iden 4.250 semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes: 4.251 cum Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, 4.252 est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates, 4.253 sed nondum fatis Latio sua numina posci 4.254 senserat, adsuetis substiteratque locis. 4.255 post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque 4.256 vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, 4.257 carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos 4.258 inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: 4.259 ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. 4.260 cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu. 4.261 ‘obscurae sortis patres ambagibus errant, 4.262 quaeve parens absit, quove petenda loco. 4.263 consulitur Paean,’ divum que arcessite Matrem, 4.264 inquit in Idaeo est invenienda iugo. 4.265 mittuntur proceres. Phrygiae tunc sceptra tenebat 4.266 Attalus: Ausoniis rem negat ille viris, 4.267 mira canam, longo tremuit cum murmure tellus, 4.268 et sic est adytis diva locuta suis: 4.269 ipsa peti volui, nec sit mora, mitte volentem. 4.270 dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat.’ 4.271 ille soni terrore pavens proficiscere, dixit 4.272 nostra eris: in Phrygios Roma refertur avos. 4.273 protinus innumerae caedunt pineta secures 4.274 illa, quibus fugiens Phryx pius usus erat: 4.275 mille manus coeunt, et picta coloribus ustis 4.276 caelestum Matrem concava puppis habet, 4.277 illa sui per aquas fertur tutissima nati 4.278 longaque Phrixeae stagna sororis adit 4.279 Rhoeteumque rapax Sigeaque litora transit 4.280 et Tenedum et veteres Eetionis opes. 4.281 Cyclades excipiunt, Lesbo post terga relicta, 4.282 quaeque Carysteis frangitur unda vadis. 4.283 transit et Icarium, lapsas ubi perdidit alas 4.284 Icarus et vastae nomina fecit aquae. 4.285 tum laeva Creten, dextra Pelopeidas undas 4.286 deserit et Veneris sacra Cythera petit, 4.287 hinc mare Trinacrium, candens ubi tinguere ferrum 4.288 Brontes et Steropes Acmonidesque solent, 4.289 aequoraque Afra legit Sardoaque regna sinistris 4.290 respicit a remis Ausoniamque tenet. 4.291 Ostia contigerat, qua se Tiberinus in altum 4.292 dividit et campo liberiore natat: 4.293 omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus 4.294 obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit. 4.295 procedunt pariter matres nataeque nurusque 4.296 quaeque colunt sanctos virginitate focos, 4.297 sedula fune viri contento brachia lassant: 4.298 vix subit adversas hospita navis aquas, 4.299 sicca diu fuerat tellus, sitis usserat herbas: 4.300 sedit limoso pressa carina vado. 4.301 quisquis adest operi, plus quam pro parte laborat, 4.302 adiuvat et fortis voce sote manus, 4.303 illa velut medio stabilis sedet insula ponto: 4.304 attoniti monstro stantque paventque viri. 4.305 Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, 4.306 nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: 4.307 casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus 4.308 laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est; 4.309 cultus et ornatis varie prodisse capillis 4.310 obfuit, ad rigidos promptaque lingua senes, 4.311 conscia mens recti famae mendacia risit, 4.312 sed nos in vitium credula turba sumus, 4.313 haec ubi castarum processit ab agmine matrum 4.314 et manibus puram fluminis hausit aquam, 4.315 ter caput inrorat, ter tollit in aethera palmas ( 4.316 quicumque aspiciunt, mente carere putant) 4.317 summissoque genu voltus in imagine divae 4.318 figit et hos edit crine iacente sonos: 4.319 ‘supplicis, alma, tuae, genetrix fecunda deorum, 4.320 accipe sub certa condicione preces. 4.321 casta negor. si tu damnas, meruisse fatebor; 4.322 morte luam poenas iudice victa dea. 4.323 sed si crimen abest, tu nostrae pignora vitae 4.324 re dabis et castas casta sequere manus.’ 4.325 dixit et exiguo funem conamine traxit ( 4.326 mira, sed et scaena testificata loquar): 4.327 mota dea est sequiturque ducem laudatque sequendo: 4.328 index laetitiae fertur ad astra sonus, 4.329 fluminis ad flexum veniunt (Tiberina priores 4.330 atria dixerunt), unde sinister abit. 4.331 nox aderat: querno religant in stipite funem 4.332 dantque levi somno corpora functa cibo. 4.333 lux aderat: querno solvunt a stipite funem; 4.334 ante tamen posito tura dedere foco, 4.335 ante coronarunt puppem et sine labe iuvencam 4.336 mactarunt operum coniugiique rudem, 4.337 est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo 4.338 et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: 4.339 illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 4.340 Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, 4.341 exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, 4.342 et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. 4.343 Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu, 4.344 credita vix tandem teste pudica dea; 4.345 ipsa sedens plaustro porta est invecta Capena: 4.346 sparguntur iunctae flore recente boves. 4.347 Nasica accepit, templi non perstitit auctor: 4.348 Augustus nunc est, ante Metellus erat.’'' None | sup>
4.193 ‘Nurslings of Helicon, mindful of her orders, reveal 4.194 Why the Great Goddess delights in continual din.’ 4.195 So I spoke. And Erato replied (it fell to her to speak about 4.196 Venus’ month, because her name derives from tender love): 4.197 ‘Saturn was granted this prophecy: “Noblest of kings, 4.198 You’ll be ousted by your own son’s sceptre.” 4.199 The god, fearful, devoured his children as soon a 4.200 Born, and then retained them deep in his guts. 4.201 often Rhea (Cybele) complained, at being so often pregt, 4.202 Yet never a mother, and grieved at her own fruitfulness. 4.203 Then Jupiter was born (ancient testimony is credited 4.204 By most: so please don’t disturb the accepted belief): 4.205 A stone, concealed in clothing, went down Saturn’s throat, 4.206 So the great progenitor was deceived by the fates. 4.207 Now steep Ida echoed to a jingling music, 4.208 So the child might cry from its infant mouth, in safety. 4.209 Some beat shields with sticks, others empty helmets: 4.210 That was the Curetes’ and the Corybantes’ task. 4.211 The thing was hidden, and the ancient deed’s still acted out: 4.212 The goddess’s servants strike the bronze and sounding skins. 4.213 They beat cymbals for helmets, drums instead of shields: 4.214 The flute plays, as long ago, in the Phrygian mode.’ 4.215 The goddess ceased. I began: ‘Why do fierce lion 4.216 Yield untamed necks to the curving yoke for her?’ 4.217 I ceased. The goddess began: ‘It’s thought their ferocity 4.218 Was first tamed by her: the testament to it’s her chariot.’ 4.219 ‘But why is her head weighed down by a turreted crown? 4.220 Is it because she granted towers to the first cities?’ 4.221 She nodded. I said ‘Where did this urge to cut off 4.222 Their members come from?’ As I ended, the Muse spoke: 4.223 ‘In the woods, a Phrygian boy, Attis, of handsome face, 4.224 Won the tower-bearing goddess with his chaste passion. 4.225 She desired him to serve her, and protect her temple, 4.226 And said: “Wish, you might be a boy for ever.” 4.227 He promised to be true, and said: “If I’m lying 4.228 May the love I fail in be my last love.” 4.229 He did fail, and in meeting the nymph Sagaritis, 4.230 Abandoned what he was: the goddess, angered, avenged it. 4.231 She destroyed the Naiad, by wounding a tree, 4.232 Since the tree contained the Naiad’s fate. 4.233 Attis was maddened, and thinking his chamber’s roof 4.234 Was falling, fled for the summit of Mount Dindymus. 4.235 Now he cried: “Remove the torches”, now he cried: 4.236 “Take the whips away”: often swearing he saw the Furies. 4.237 He tore at his body too with a sharp stone, 4.238 And dragged his long hair in the filthy dust, 4.239 Shouting: “I deserved this! I pay the due penalty 4.240 In blood! Ah! Let the parts that harmed me, perish! 4.241 Let them perish!” cutting away the burden of his groin, 4.242 And suddenly bereft of every mark of manhood. 4.243 His madness set a precedent, and his unmanly servant 4.244 Toss their hair, and cut off their members as if worthless.’
4.247 ‘Guide of my work, I beg you, teach me also, where She 4.248 Was brought from. Was she always resident in our City? 4.249 ‘The Mother Goddess always loved Dindymus, Cybele, 4.250 And Ida, with its pleasant streams, and the Trojan realm: 4.251 And when Aeneas brought Troy to Italian fields, the godde 4.252 Almost followed those ships that carried the sacred relics. 4.253 But she felt that fate didn’t require her powers in Latium, 4.254 So she stayed behind in her long-accustomed place. 4.255 Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, 4.256 And had lifted its head above the conquered world, 4.257 The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: 4.258 They say that what he found there was as follows: 4.259 ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. 4.260 When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’ 4.261 The dark oracle’s ambiguity set the senators puzzling 4.262 As to who that parent might be, and where to seek her. 4.263 Apollo was consulted, and replied: ‘Fetch the Mother 4.264 of all the Gods, who you’ll find there on Mount Ida.’ 4.265 Noblemen were sent. Attalus at that time held 4.266 The Phrygian sceptre: he refused the Italian lords. 4.267 Marvellous to tell, the earth shook with long murmurs, 4.268 And the goddess, from her shrine, spoke as follows: 4.269 ‘I myself wished them to seek me: don’t delay: send me, 4.270 Willingly. Rome is a worthy place for all divinities.’ 4.271 Quaking with fear at her words, Attalus, said: ‘Go, 4.272 You’ll still be ours: Rome claims Phrygian ancestry.’ 4.273 Immediately countless axes felled the pine-tree 4.274 Those trees pious Aeneas employed for his flight: 4.275 A thousand hands work, and the heavenly Mother 4.276 Soon has a hollow ship, painted in fiery colours. 4.277 She’s carried in perfect safety over her son’s waves, 4.278 And reaches the long strait named for Phrixus’ sister, 4.279 Passes fierce Rhoetum and the Sigean shore, 4.280 And Tenedos and Eetion’s ancient kingdom. 4.281 Leaving Lesbos behind she then steered for the Cyclades, 4.282 And the waves that break on Euboea’s Carystian shoals. 4.283 She passed the Icarian Sea, as well, where Icarus shed 4.284 His melting wings, giving his name to a vast tract of water. 4.285 Then leaving Crete to larboard, and the Pelopian wave 4.286 To starboard, she headed for Cythera, sacred to Venus. 4.287 From there to the Sicilian Sea, where Brontes, Sterope 4.288 And Aemonides forge their red-hot iron, 4.289 Then, skirting African waters, she saw the Sardinian 4.290 Realm behind to larboard, and reached our Italy. 4.291 She’d arrived at the mouth (ostia) where the Tiber divide 4.292 To meet the deep, and flows with a wider sweep: 4.293 All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, 4.294 Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river. 4.295 With them walked mothers, daughters, and brides, 4.296 And all those virgins who tend the sacred fires. 4.297 The men wearied their arms hauling hard on the ropes: 4.298 The foreign vessel barely made way against the stream. 4.299 For a long time there’d been a drought: the grass was dry 4.300 And scorched: the boat stuck fast in the muddy shallows. 4.301 Every man, hauling, laboured beyond his strength, 4.302 And encouraged their toiling hands with his cries. 4.303 Yet the ship lodged there, like an island fixed in mid-ocean: 4.304 And astonished at the portent, men stood and quaked. 4.305 Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, 4.306 And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: 4.307 She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour 4.308 Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her: 4.309 Her elegance, promenading around in various hairstyles, 4.310 And her ready tongue, with stiff old men, counted against her. 4.311 Conscious of virtue, she laughed at the rumoured lies, 4.312 But we’re always ready to credit others with faults. 4.313 Now, when she’d stepped from the line of chaste women, 4.314 Taking pure river water in her hands, she wetted her head 4.315 Three times, three times lifted her palms to the sky, 4.316 (Everyone watching her thought she’d lost her mind) 4.317 Then, kneeling, fixed her eyes on the goddess’s statue, 4.318 And, with loosened hair, uttered these words: 4.319 “ Kind and fruitful Mother of the Gods, accept 4.320 A suppliant’s prayers, on this one condition: 4.321 They deny I’m chaste: let me be guilty if you condemn me: 4.322 Convicted by a goddess I’ll pay for it with my life. 4.323 But if I’m free of guilt, grant a pledge of my innocence 4.324 By your action: and, chaste, give way to my chaste hands.” 4.325 She spoke: then gave a slight pull at the rope, 4.326 (A wonder, but the sacred drama attests what I say): 4.327 The goddess stirred, followed, and, following, approved her: 4.328 Witness the sound of jubilation carried to the stars. 4.329 They came to a bend in the river (called of old 4.330 The Halls of Tiber): there the stream turns left, ascending. 4.331 Night fell: they tied the rope to an oak stump, 4.332 And, having eaten, settled to a tranquil sleep. 4.333 Dawn rose: they loosed the rope from the oak stump, 4.334 After first laying a fire and offering incense, 4.335 And crowned the stern, and sacrificed a heifer 4.336 Free of blemish, that had never known yoke or bull. 4.337 There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, 4.338 And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: 4.339 There, a white-headed priest in purple robe 4.340 Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. 4.341 The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, 4.342 And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. 4.343 Claudia walked in front with a joyful face, 4.344 Her chastity proven by the goddess’s testimony: 4.345 The goddess herself, sitting in a cart, entered the Capene Gate: 4.346 Fresh flowers were scattered over the yoked oxen. 4.347 Nasica received her. The name of her temple’s founder is lost: 4.348 Augustus has re-dedicated it, and, before him, Metellus.’'' None |
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30. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.128-1.150, 5.40, 11.56-11.60 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 273, 274, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 273, 274, 283
sup>
1.128 Protinus inrupit venae peioris in aevum 1.129 omne nefas: fugere pudor verumque fidesque; 1.130 In quorum subiere locum fraudesque dolique 1.131 insidiaeque et vis et amor sceleratus habendi. 1.132 Vela dabat ventis (nec adhuc bene noverat illos) 1.133 navita; quaeque diu steterant in montibus altis, 1.134 fluctibus ignotis insultavere carinae, 1.135 communemque prius ceu lumina solis et auras 1.136 cautus humum longo signavit limite mensor. 1.138 poscebatur humus, sed itum est in viscera terrae: 1.139 quasque recondiderat Stygiisque admoverat umbris, 1.140 effodiuntur opes, inritamenta malorum. 1.141 Iamque nocens ferrum ferroque nocentius aurum 1.142 prodierat: prodit bellum, quod pugnat utroque, 1.143 sanguineaque manu crepitantia concutit arma. 1.144 Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.145 non socer a genero; fratrum quoque gratia rara est. 1.146 Inminet exitio vir coniugis, illa mariti; 1.147 lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; 1.148 filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. 1.149 Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150 ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit.
5.40 calcitrat et positas adspergit sanguine mensas.
11.56 Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis harenis 11.57 os petit et sparsos stillanti rore capillos. 11.59 arcet et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos 11.60 congelat et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.' ' None | sup>
1.128 without a judge in peace. Descended not 1.129 the steeps, shorn from its height, the lofty pine, 1.130 cleaving the trackless waves of alien shores, 1.131 nor distant realms were known to wandering men. 1.132 The towns were not entrenched for time of war; 1.133 they had no brazen trumpets, straight, nor horn 1.134 of curving brass, nor helmets, shields nor swords. 1.135 There was no thought of martial pomp —secure 1.136 a happy multitude enjoyed repose. 1.138 a store of every fruit. The harrow touched 1.139 her not, nor did the plowshare wound 1.140 her fields. And man content with given food, 1.141 and none compelling, gathered arbute fruit 1.142 and wild strawberries on the mountain sides, 1.143 and ripe blackberries clinging to the bush, 1.144 and corners and sweet acorns on the ground, 1.145 down fallen from the spreading tree of Jove. 1.146 Eternal Spring! Soft breathing zephyrs soothed 1.147 and warmly cherished buds and blooms, produced 1.148 without a seed. The valleys though unplowed 1.149 gave many fruits; the fields though not renewed 1.150 white glistened with the heavy bearded wheat:
5.40 that she was rescued from a dreadful fate,
11.56 deserted fields—harrows and heavy rake 11.57 and their long spade 11.59 had seized upon those implements, and torn 11.60 to pieces oxen armed with threatening horns,' ' None |
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17
|
32. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 203; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 66
|
33. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 274
|
34. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alps, Hannibal’s march • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of • Hannibal,oath with Romans
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 263, 282, 284, 290; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 38; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 263, 282, 284, 290
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35. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 290; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 290
|
36. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander the Great, as Hannibal • Alps, Hannibal’s march • Civil War, as Hannibal • Flaminius, C., Hannibal, pursuit of • Hannibal • Hannibal Barqa • Hannibal Barqa, Arno, crosses marshes of • Hannibal Barqa, Arretium, surprises Flaminius at • Hannibal Barqa, Faesulae, at • Hannibal Barqa, Italy, routes available into • Hannibal Barqa, Trasumene Lake, move toward • Hannibal, • Hannibal, as religious actor • Hannibal, his army deteriorated in Campania • Hannibal, impiety of • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of • Hannibalic War • Livy, on Hannibal at Faesulae • Nepos, praises Hannibal and Hamilcar • Polybios of Megalopolis, on Hannibal’s surprise of Flaminius • Polybius, on Hannibal • Republic, Roman, reaction to Hannibal • Servilius Geminus, Cn., Hannibal, campaign against • attack from Hannibal • canabae, Capua, Hannibal at • cannibalism, Hannibal’s army accused of • dream, of Hannibal • hairstyles, Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 257, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279, 310, 315, 323; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 183, 204; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 68, 69, 70, 71; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 120; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 235; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 136, 139; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 112; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 28; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 102, 185; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 177, 178, 182, 184; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 209, 220, 314, 328; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 222, 223, 224, 237, 238, 242, 272; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 114; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 357, 358; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 10, 273; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 172; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 52, 55; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 116, 125; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 164, 165, 208, 215; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 79; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 257, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279, 310, 315, 323; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 53, 54, 55, 58
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 289, 290, 312; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 289, 290, 312
|
38. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 284
|
39. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 284, 290; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 284, 290
|
40. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328
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2.5.1 τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Τίρυνθα ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ Εὐρυσθέως ἐτέλει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Νεμέου λέοντος τὴν δορὰν κομίζειν· τοῦτο δὲ ζῷον ἦν ἄτρωτον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον. 2 -- πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν λέοντα ἦλθεν εἰς Κλεωνάς, καὶ ξενίζεται παρὰ ἀνδρὶ χερνήτῃ Μολόρχῳ. καὶ θύειν ἱερεῖον θέλοντι εἰς ἡμέραν ἔφη τηρεῖν τριακοστήν, καὶ ἂν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας σῶος ἐπανέλθῃ, Διὶ σωτῆρι θύειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, τότε ὡς 3 -- ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Νεμέαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν λέοντα μαστεύσας ἐτόξευσε τὸ πρῶτον· ὡς δὲ ἔμαθεν ἄτρωτον ὄντα, ἀνατεινάμενος τὸ ῥόπαλον ἐδίωκε. συμφυγόντος δὲ εἰς ἀμφίστομον 1 -- σπήλαιον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐνῳκοδόμησεν 2 -- εἴσοδον, διὰ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας ἐπεισῆλθε τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν χεῖρα τῷ τραχήλῳ κατέσχεν ἄγχων ἕως ἔπνιξε, καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἐκόμιζεν εἰς Κλεωνάς. 3 -- καταλαβὼν δὲ τὸν Μόλορχον ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὡς νεκρῷ μέλλοντα τὸ ἱερεῖον ἐναγίζειν, σωτῆρι θύσας Διὶ ἦγεν εἰς Μυκήνας τὸν λέοντα. Εὐρυσθεὺς δὲ καταπλαγεὶς 4 -- αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸν 5 -- αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσιέναι, δεικνύειν δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἄθλους. φασὶ δὲ ὅτι δείσας καὶ πίθον ἑαυτῷ χαλκοῦν εἰσκρυβῆναι ὑπὸ γῆν 6 -- κατεσκεύασε, καὶ πέμπων κήρυκα Κοπρέα Πέλοπος τοῦ Ἠλείου ἐπέταττε τοὺς ἄθλους. οὗτος δὲ Ἴφιτον κτείνας, φυγὼν εἰς Μυκήνας καὶ τυχὼν παρʼ Εὐρυσθέως καθαρσίων ἐκεῖ κατῴκει.'' None | sup>
2.5.1 When Hercules heard that, he went to Tiryns and did as he was bid by Eurystheus. First, Eurystheus ordered him to bring the skin of the Nemean lion; now that was an invulnerable beast begotten by Typhon. On his way to attack the lion he came to Cleonae and lodged at the house of a day-laborer, Molorchus; and when his host would have offered a victim in sacrifice, Hercules told him to wait for thirty days, and then, if he had returned safe from the hunt, to sacrifice to Saviour Zeus, but if he were dead, to sacrifice to him as to a hero. And having come to Nemea and tracked the lion, he first shot an arrow at him, but when he perceived that the beast was invulnerable, he heaved up his club and made after him. And when the lion took refuge in a cave with two mouths, Hercules built up the one entrance and came in upon the beast through the other, and putting his arm round its neck held it tight till he had choked it; so laying it on his shoulders he carried it to Cleonae. And finding Molorchus on the last of the thirty days about to sacrifice the victim to him as to a dead man, he sacrificed to Saviour Zeus and brought the lion to Mycenae . Amazed at his manhood, Eurystheus forbade him thenceforth to enter the city, but ordered him to exhibit the fruits of his labours before the gates. They say, too, that in his fear he had a bronze jar made for himself to hide in under the earth, and that he sent his commands for the labours through a herald, Copreus, son of Pelops the Elean. This Copreus had killed Iphitus and fled to Mycenae, where he was purified by Eurystheus and took up his abode.'' None |
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41. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.7, 1.70, 2.6, 2.26 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 309, 312, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 309, 312, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320
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2.6 \xa0The poetry of Homer, however, I\xa0look upon as alone truly noble and lofty and suited to a king, worthy of the attention of a real man, particularly if he expects to rule over all the peoples of the earth â\x80\x94 or at any rate over most of them, and those the most prominent â\x80\x94 if he is to be, in the strict sense of the term, what Homer calls a 'shepherd of the people.' Or would it not be absurd for a king to refuse to use any horse but the best and yet, when it is a question of poets, to read the poorer ones as though he had nothing else to do? <" 2.26 \xa0Nor, again, is it necessary that he study philosophy to the point of perfecting himself in it; he need only live simply and without affectation, to give proof by his very conduct of a character that is humane, gentle, just, lofty, and brave as well, and, above all, one that takes delight in bestowing benefits â\x80\x94 a\xa0trait which approaches most nearly to the nature divine. He should, indeed, lend a willing ear to the teachings of philosophy whenever opportunity offers, inasmuch as these are manifestly not opposed to his own character but in accord with it; <' " None |
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42. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.129-1.147, 1.205-1.212, 1.228, 1.303-1.305, 1.324-1.362, 1.493-1.498, 2.234-2.235, 2.315, 2.478-2.525, 3.3-3.7, 5.659-5.671, 5.732-5.733, 7.789-7.794, 7.799-7.802, 8.283, 8.663-8.711, 9.980-9.986, 10.20-10.52, 10.109-10.333 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas, and Hannibal • Alexander the Great, as Hannibal • Caesar, Julius, as Hannibal revived • Hannibal • Hannibal, and Aeneas • Hannibal, and his son • Hannibal, as Caesar • Hannibal, as Hector • Hannibal, as religious actor • Hannibal, fear-mongering • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of • Pompey, and Hannibal • Turnus, and Hannibal
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 89, 91, 152, 153; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 255, 261, 262, 269, 310, 313; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 207; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 184; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 149, 150, 157, 158, 159; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 111, 248, 259, 261; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 120, 123, 199; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 66; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 255, 261, 262, 269, 310, 313
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1.129 Defeat in Parthia loosed the war in Rome. More in that victory than ye thought was won, Ye sons of Arsaces; your conquered foes Took at your hands the rage of civil strife. The mighty realm that earth and sea contained, To which all peoples bowed, split by the sword, Could not find space for two. For Julia bore, Cut off by fate unpitying, the bond of that ill-omened marriage, and the pledge of blood united, to the shades below. ' "1.130 Had'st thou but longer stayed, it had been thine To keep the husband and the sire apart, And, as the Sabine women did of old, Dash down the threatening swords and join the hands. With thee all trust was buried, and the chiefs Could give their courage vent, and rushed to war. Lest newer glories triumphs past obscure, Late conquered Gaul the bays from pirates won, This, Magnus, was thy fear; thy roll of fame, of glorious deeds accomplished for the state " "1.140 Allows no equal; nor will Caesar's pride A prior rival in his triumphs brook; Which had the right 'twere impious to enquire; Each for his cause can vouch a judge supreme; The victor, heaven: the vanquished, Cato, thee. Nor were they like to like: the one in years Now verging towards decay, in times of peace Had unlearned war; but thirsting for applause Had given the people much, and proud of fame His former glory cared not to renew, " "
1.205 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come,
1.228 My citizens, stay here; these are the bounds; No further dare." But Caesar\'s hair was stiff With horror as he gazed, and ghastly dread Restrained his footsteps on the further bank. Then spake he, "Thunderer, who from the rock Tarpeian seest the wall of mighty Rome; Gods of my race who watched o\'er Troy of old; Thou Jove of Alba\'s height, and Vestal fires, And rites of Romulus erst rapt to heaven, And God-like Rome; be friendly to my quest. ' "
1.303 His action just and give him cause for arms. For while Rome doubted and the tongues of men Spoke of the chiefs who won them rights of yore, The hostile Senate, in contempt of right, Drove out the Tribunes. They to Caesar's camp With Curio hasten, who of venal tongue, Bold, prompt, persuasive, had been wont to preach of Freedom to the people, and to call Upon the chiefs to lay their weapons down. And when he saw how deeply Caesar mused, " "
1.324 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " "1.329 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " '1.330 Thou should\'st subdue thy kinsman: share the world With him thou canst not; rule thou canst, alone." As when at Elis\' festival a horseIn stable pent gnaws at his prison bars Impatient, and should clamour from without Strike on his ear, bounds furious at restraint, So then was Caesar, eager for the fight, Stirred by the words of Curio. To the ranks He bids his soldiers; with majestic mien And hand commanding silence as they come. 1.340 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea 1.349 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea ' "1.350 Caesar shall fly! Fly? Though in adverse war Our best had fallen, and the savage Gaul Were hard upon our track, we would not fly. And now, when fortune smiles and kindly gods Beckon us on to glory! — Let him come Fresh from his years of peace, with all his crowd of conscript burgesses, Marcellus' tongue And Cato's empty name! We will not fly. Shall Eastern hordes and greedy hirelings keep Their loved Pompeius ever at the helm? " "1.360 Shall chariots of triumph be for him Though youth and law forbad them? Shall he seize On Rome's chief honours ne'er to be resigned? And what of harvests blighted through the world And ghastly famine made to serve his ends? Who hath forgotten how Pompeius' bands Seized on the forum, and with glittering arms Made outraged justice tremble, while their swords Hemmed in the judgment-seat where Milo stood? And now when worn and old and ripe for rest, " "
1.493 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " "1.498 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " 2.234 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks 2.235 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks ' "
2.315 That such a citizen has joined the war? Glad would he see thee e'en in Magnus' tents; For Cato's conduct shall approve his own. Pompeius, with the Consul in his ranks, And half the Senate and the other chiefs, Vexes my spirit; and should Cato too Bend to a master's yoke, in all the world The one man free is Caesar. But if thou For freedom and thy country's laws alone Be pleased to raise the sword, nor Magnus then " "
2.478 Nile were no larger, but that o'er the sand of level Egypt he spreads out his waves; Nor Ister, if he sought the Scythian main Unhelped upon his journey through the world By tributary waters not his own. But on the right hand Tiber has his source, Deep-flowing Rutuba, Vulturnus swift, And Sarnus breathing vapours of the night Rise there, and Liris with Vestinian wave Still gliding through Marica's shady grove, " "2.480 And Siler flowing through Salernian meads: And Macra's swift unnavigable stream By Luna lost in Ocean. On the AlpsWhose spurs strike plainwards, and on fields of Gaul The cloudy heights of Apennine look down In further distance: on his nearer slopes The Sabine turns the ploughshare; Umbrian kineAnd Marsian fatten; with his pineclad rocks He girds the tribes of Latium, nor leaves Hesperia's soil until the waves that beat " "2.490 On Scylla's cave compel. His southern spurs Extend to Juno's temple, and of old Stretched further than Italia, till the main O'erstepped his limits and the lands repelled. But, when the seas were joined, Pelorus claimed His latest summits for Sicilia's isle. Caesar, in rage for war, rejoicing found Foes in Italia; no bloodless steps Nor vacant homes had pleased him; so his march Were wasted: now the coming war was joined " "2.500 Unbroken to the past; to force the gates Not find them open, fire and sword to bring Upon the harvests, not through fields unharmed To pass his legions — this was Caesar's joy; In peaceful guise to march, this was his shame. Italia's cities, doubtful in their choice, Though to the earliest onset of the war About to yield, strengthened their walls with mounds And deepest trench encircling: massive stones And bolts of war to hurl upon the foe " "2.510 They place upon the turrets. Magnus most The people's favour held, yet faith with fear Fought in their breasts. As when, with strident blast, A southern tempest has possessed the main And all the billows follow in its track: Then, by the Storm-king smitten, should the earth Set Eurus free upon the swollen deep, It shall not yield to him, though cloud and sky Confess his strength; but in the former wind Still find its master. But their fears prevailed, " "2.520 And Caesar's fortune, o'er their wavering faith. For Libo fled Etruria; Umbria lost Her freedom, driving Thermus from her bounds; Great Sulla's son, unworthy of his sire, Feared at the name of Caesar: Varus sought The caves and woods, when smote the hostile horseThe gates of Auximon; and Spinther driven From Asculum, the victor on his track, Fled with his standards, soldierless; and thou, Scipio, did'st leave Nuceria's citadel " "
3.3 Book 3 With canvas yielding to the western wind The navy sailed the deep, and every eye Gazed on Ionian billows. But the chief Turned not his vision from his native shore Now left for ever, while the morning mists Drew down upon the mountains, and the cliffs Faded in distance till his aching sight No longer knew them. Then his wearied frame Sank in the arms of sleep. But Julia's shape, " "
5.659 See what remorseless ocean has in store! Whether from east or west the storm may come Is still uncertain, for as yet confused The billows tumble. Judged by clouds and sky A western tempest: by the murmuring deep A wild south-eastern gale shall sweep the sea. Nor bark nor man shall reach Hesperia's shore In this wild rage of waters. To return Back on our course forbidden by the gods, Is our one refuge, and with labouring boat " '5.660 To reach the shore ere yet the nearest land Way be too distant." But great Caesar\'s trust Was in himself, to make all dangers yield. And thus he answered: "Scorn the threatening sea, Spread out thy canvas to the raging wind; If for thy pilot thou refusest heaven, Me in its stead receive. Alone in thee One cause of terror just — thou dost not know Thy comrade, ne\'er deserted by the gods, Whom fortune blesses e\'en without a prayer. 5.669 To reach the shore ere yet the nearest land Way be too distant." But great Caesar\'s trust Was in himself, to make all dangers yield. And thus he answered: "Scorn the threatening sea, Spread out thy canvas to the raging wind; If for thy pilot thou refusest heaven, Me in its stead receive. Alone in thee One cause of terror just — thou dost not know Thy comrade, ne\'er deserted by the gods, Whom fortune blesses e\'en without a prayer. ' "5.670 Break through the middle storm and trust in me. The burden of this fight fails not on us But on the sky and ocean; and our bark Shall swim the billows safe in him it bears. Nor shall the wind rage long: the boat itself Shall calm the waters. Flee the nearest shore, Steer for the ocean with unswerving hand: Then in the deep, when to our ship and us No other port is given, believe thou hast Calabria's harbours. And dost thou not know " "
5.732 Far as from Leucas point the placid main Spreads to the horizon, from the billow's crest They viewed the dashing of th' infuriate sea; Thence sinking to the middle trough, their mast Scarce topped the watery height on either hand, Their sails in clouds, their keel upon the ground. For all the sea was piled into the waves, And drawn from depths between laid bare the sand. The master of the boat forgot his art, For fear o'ercame; he knew not where to yield " "
7.789 He feared, nor death; but lest upon his fall To quit their chief his soldiers might refuse, And o'er his prostrate corpse a world in arms Might find its ruin: or perchance he wished From Caesar's eager eyes to veil his death. In vain, unhappy! for the fates decree He shall behold, shorn from the bleeding trunk, Again thy visage. And thou, too, his spouse, Beloved Cornelia, didst cause his flight; Thy longed-for features; yet he shall not die " "7.790 When thou art present. Then upon his steed, Though fearing not the weapons at his back, Pompeius fled, his mighty soul prepared To meet his destinies. No groan nor tear, But solemn grief as for the fates of Rome, Was in his visage, and with mien unchanged He saw Pharsalia's woes, above the frowns Or smiles of Fortune; in triumphant days And in his fall, her master. The burden laid of thine impending fate, thou partest free " "7.800 To muse upon the happy days of yore. Hope now has fled; but in the fleeting past How wast thou great! Seek thou the wars no more, And call the gods to witness that for thee Henceforth dies no man. In the fights to come On Afric's mournful shore, by Pharos' stream And fateful Munda; in the final scene of dire Pharsalia's battle, not thy name Doth stir the war and urge the foeman's arm, But those great rivals biding with us yet, " "
8.663 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " "8.669 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " '8.670 His spouse would follow, for she dared not stay, Fearing the guile. Then he, "Abide, my wife, And son, I pray you; from the shore afar Await my fortunes; mine shall be the life To test their honour." But Cornelia still Withstood his bidding, and with arms outspread Frenzied she cried: "And whither without me, Cruel, departest? Thou forbad\'st me share Thy risks Thessalian; dost again command That I should part from thee? No happy star 8.680 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer 8.689 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer ' "8.690 Kneel to the king he made. As Magnus passed, A Roman soldier from the Pharian boat, Septimius, salutes him. Gods of heaven! There stood he, minion to a barbarous king, Nor bearing still the javelin of Rome; But vile in all his arms; giant in form Fierce, brutal, thirsting as a beast may thirst For carnage. Didst thou, Fortune, for the sake of nations, spare to dread Pharsalus field This savage monster's blows? Or dost thou place " "8.700 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " "8.709 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " '8.710 Rapt to the boat was Magnus, of himself No longer master, and the miscreant crew Unsheathed their swords; which when the chieftain saw He swathed his visage, for he scorned unveiled To yield his life to fortune; closed his eyes And held his breath within him, lest some word, Or sob escaped, might mar the deathless fame His deeds had won. And when within his side Achillas plunged his blade, nor sound nor cry He gave, but calm consented to the blow
9.980 Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. 9.986 Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. ' "
10.20 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " "10.29 Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " '10.30 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.39 The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: ' "10.40 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " "10.49 Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " '10.50 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure 10.52 Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure ' "
10.109 Be due, give ear. of Lagian race am I offspring illustrious; from my father's throne Cast forth to banishment; unless thy hand Restore to me the sceptre: then a Queen Falls at thy feet embracing. To our race Bright star of justice thou! Nor first shall I As woman rule the cities of the Nile; For, neither sex preferring, Pharos bows To queenly goverce. of my parted sire Read the last words, by which 'tis mine to share " "10.110 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " "10.119 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " '10.120 Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! \'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar\'s ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton\'s prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.130 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; 10.139 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; ' "10.140 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" "10.149 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" '10.150 Had drunk their juice: part feathered as with gold; Part crimson dyed, in manner as are passed Through Pharian leash the threads. There waited slaves In number as a people, some in ranks By different blood distinguished, some by age; This band with Libyan, that with auburn hair Red so that Caesar on the banks of RhineNone such had witnessed; some with features scorched By torrid suns, their locks in twisted coils Drawn from their foreheads. Eunuchs too were there, 10.160 Unhappy race; and on the other side Men of full age whose cheeks with growth of hair Were hardly darkened. Upon either hand Lay kings, and Caesar in the midst supreme. There in her fatal beauty lay the Queen Thick daubed with unguents, nor with throne content Nor with her brother spouse; laden she lay On neck and hair with all the Red Sea spoils, And faint beneath the weight of gems and gold. Her snowy breast shone through Sidonian lawn 10.170 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here 10.179 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here ' "10.180 Those ancient leaders of the simple age, Fabricius or Curius stern of soul, Or he who, Consul, left in sordid garb His Tuscan plough, could all their several hopes Have risen to such spoil. On plates of gold They piled the banquet sought in earth and air And from the deepest seas and Nilus' waves, Through all the world; in craving for display, No hunger urging. Frequent birds and beasts, Egypt's high gods, they placed upon the board: " "10.190 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " "10.199 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " 10.200 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt:
10.209 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: ' "10.210 O thou devoted to all sacred rites, Loved by the gods, as proves thy length of days, Tell, if thou wilt, whence sprang the Pharian race; How lie their lands, the manners of their tribes, The form and worship of their deities. Expound the sculptures on your ancient fanes: Reveal your gods if willing to be known: If to th' Athenian sage your fathers taught Their mysteries, who worthier than I To bear in trust the secrets of the world? " "10.220 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " "10.229 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " '10.230 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control ' "10.240 The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; " "10.250 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " "10.259 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " '10.260 Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people\'s hue Burned dark by suns: and \'tis in time of spring, 10.270 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.279 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, ' "10.280 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " "10.289 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " '10.290 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes ' "10.300 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " "10.309 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " '10.310 Softening his saltness. More, if it be true That ocean feeds the sun and heavenly fires, Then Phoebus journeying by the burning Crab Sucks from its waters more than air can hold Upon his passage — this the cool of night Pours on the Nile. "If, Caesar, \'tis my part To judge such difference, \'twould seem that since Creation\'s age has passed, earth\'s veins by chance Some waters hold, and shaken cast them forth: But others took when first the globe was formed 10.320 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone 10.329 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone ' "10.330 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " "10.333 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " ' None |
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43. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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41.2 Φαώνιος δὲ τὴν Κάτωνος παρρησίαν ὑποποιούμενος, μανικῶς ἐσχετλίαζεν εἰ μηδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν περὶ Τουσκλάνον ἀπολαῦσαι σύκων Διὰ τὴν Πομπηΐου φιλαρχίαν. Ἀφράνιος δὲ ʽ νεωστὶ γὰρ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἀφῖκτο κακῶς στρατηγήσασʼ διαβαλλόμενος ἐπὶ χρήμασι προδοῦναι τὸν στρατόν, ἠρώτα Διὰ τί πρὸς τὸν ἔμπορον οὐ μάχονται τὸν ἐωνημένον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ἐκ τούτων ἁπάντων συνελαυνόμενος ἄκων εἰς μάχην ὁ Πομπήϊος ἐχώρει τὸν Καίσαρα διώκων.'' None | sup>
41.2 '' None |
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44. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.4-2.6, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 67; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 181; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 74
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2.4 τὸν μὲν ὕπατον Γάιον Φλαμίνιον οὐδὲν ἤμβλυνε τούτων, ἄνδρα πρὸς τῷ φύσει θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ μεγάλαις ἐπαιρόμενον εὐτυχίαις, ἃς πρόσθεν εὐτύχησε παραλόγως, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπᾳδούσης ἀπᾳδούσης with CS: ἀποκαλούσης . καὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐνισταμένου βίᾳ συμβαλὼν τοῖς Γαλάταις καὶ κρατήσας, Φάβιον δὲ τὰ μὲν σημεῖα, καίπερ ἁπτόμενα πολλῶν, ἧττον ὑπέθραττε διὰ τὴν ἀλογίαν· 2.5 τὴν δʼ ὀλιγότητα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὴν ἀχρηματίαν πυνθανόμενος καρτερεῖν παρεκάλει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ μὴ μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἄνθρωπον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ διὰ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἠσκημένῃ στρατιᾷ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐπιπέμποντας βοηθείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντας αὐτὴν ἐᾶν περὶ αὑτῇ μαραίνεσθαι τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ Ἀννίβου, καθάπερ φλόγα λάμψασαν ἀπὸ μικρᾶς καὶ κούφης δυνάμεως.
22.6 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.' ' None | sup>
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many.
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many. 2.5 But when he learned how few in number the enemy were, and how great was their lack of resources, he exhorted the Romans to bide their time, and not to give battle to a man who wielded an army trained by many contests for this very issue, but to send aid to their allies, to keep their subject cities well in hand, and to suffer the culminating vigour of Hannibal to sink and expire of itself, like a flame that flares up from scant and slight material.
22.6 However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.' ' None |
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45. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
sup>
41.2 τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;'' None | sup>
41.2 '' None |
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46. Plutarch, Pericles, 18.1, 22.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263
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18.1 ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατηγίαις εὐδοκίμει μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, οὔτε μάχης ἐχούσης πολλὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ἁπτόμενος, οὔτε τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ παραβάλλεσθαι χρησαμένους τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ καὶ θαυμασθέντας ὡς μεγάλους ζηλῶν καὶ μιμούμενος στρατηγούς, ἀεί τε λέγων πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ὡς ὅσον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ μενοῦσιν ἀθάνατοι πάντα τὸν χρόνον.
22.1 ὅτι δʼ ὀρθῶς ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι τὴν δύναμιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων συνεῖχεν, ἐμαρτύρησεν αὐτῷ τὰ γενόμενα. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ Εὐβοεῖς ἀπέστησαν, ἐφʼ οὓς διέβη μετὰ δυνάμεως. εἶτʼ εὐθὺς ἀπηγγέλλοντο Μεγαρεῖς ἐκπεπολεμωμένοι καὶ στρατιὰ πολεμίων ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις τῆς Ἀττικῆς οὖσα, Πλειστώνακτος ἡγουμένου, βασιλέως Λακεδαιμονίων.'' None | sup>
18.1 In his capacity as general, he was famous above all things for his saving caution; he neither undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril, nor did he envy and imitate those who took great risks, enjoyed brilliant good-fortune, and so were admired as great generals; and he was for ever saying to his fellow-citizens that, so far as lay in his power, they would remain alive forever and be immortals.
22.1 That he was right in seeking to confine the power of the Athenians within lesser Greece, was amply proved by what came to pass. To begin with, the Euboeans revolted, 446. B.C. and he crossed over to the island with a hostile force. Then straightway word was brought to him that the Megarians had gone over to the enemy, and that an army of the enemy was on the confines of Attica under the leadership of Pleistoanax, the king of the Lacedaemonians.'' None |
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47. Plutarch, Pompey, 67.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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67.3 Δομέτιος δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀηνόβαρβος Ἀγαμέμνονα καλῶν καὶ βασιλέα βασιλέων ἐπίφθονον ἐποίει. καὶ Φαώνιος οὐχ ἧττον ἦν ἀηδὴς τῶν παρρησιαζομένων· ἀκαίρως ἐν τῷ σκώπτειν, ἄνθρωποι, βοῶν, οὐδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν ἐν Τουσκλάνῳ σύκων μεταλαβεῖν; Λεύκιος δὲ Ἀφράνιος ὁ τὰς ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ δυνάμεις ἀποβαλὼν ἐν αἰτίᾳ προδοσίας γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τὸν Πομπήϊον ὁρῶν φυγομαχοῦντα, θαυμάζειν ἔλεγε τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας αὐτοῦ, πῶς πρὸς τὸν ἔμπορον τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν οὐ μάχονται προελθόντες.'' None | sup>
67.3 '' None |
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48. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.10.14, 8.3.67-8.3.70 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • attack from Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 139; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 66; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.
8.3.67 \xa0What more would any man have seen who had actually entered the room? So, too, we may move our hearers to tears by the picture of a captured town. For the mere statement that the town was stormed, while no doubt it embraces all that such a calamity involves, has all the curtness of a dispatch, and fails to penetrate to the emotions of the hearer. 8.3.68 \xa0But if we expand all that the one word "stormed" includes, we shall see the flames pouring from house and temple, and hear the crash of falling roofs and one confused clamour blent of many cries: we shall behold some in doubt whither to fly, others clinging to their nearest and dearest in one last embrace, while the wailing of women and children and the laments of old men that the cruelty of fate should have spared them to see that day will strike upon our ears. 8.3.69 \xa0Then will come the pillage of treasure sacred and profane, the hurrying to and fro of the plunderers as they carry off their booty or return to seek for more, the prisoners driven each before his own inhuman captor, the mother struggling to keep her child, and the victors fighting over the richest of the spoil. For though, as I\xa0have already said, the sack of a city includes all these things, it is less effective to tell the whole news at once than to recount it detail by detail. 8.3.70 \xa0And we shall secure the vividness we seek, if only our descriptions give the impression of truth, nay, we may even add fictitious incidents of the type which commonly occur. The same vivid impression may be produced also by the mention of the accidents of each situation: "Chill shudderings shake my limbs And all my blood is curdled cold with fear;" or "And trembling mothers clasped Their children to their breast."'' None |
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49. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None |
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50. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 51.1, 51.5, 51.11, 91.17, 94.62-94.63 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310, 311; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 116; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 166, 167; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310, 311
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51.5 We ought to see to it that we flee to the greatest possible distance from provocations to vice. We should toughen our minds, and remove them far from the allurements of pleasure. A single winter relaxed Hannibal's fibre; his pampering in Campania took the vigour out of that hero who had triumphed over Alpine snows. He conquered with his weapons, but was conquered by his vices. "
51.11 Being trained in a rugged country strengthens the character and fits it for great undertakings. It was more honourable in Scipio to spend his exile at Liternum5 than at Baiae; his downfall did not need a setting so effeminate. Those also into whose hands the rising fortunes of Rome first transferred the wealth of the state, Gaius Marius, Gnaeus Pompey, and Caesar, did indeed build villas near Baiae; but they set them on the very tops of the mountains. This seemed more soldier-like, to look down from a lofty height upon lands spread far and wide below. Note the situation, position, and type of building which they chose; you will see that they were not country-places, – they were camps. ' "
94.62 Alexander was hounded into misfortune and dispatched to unknown countries by a mad desire to lay waste other men's territory. Do you believe that the man was in his senses who could begin by devastating Greece, the land where he received his education? One who snatched away the dearest guerdon of each nation, bidding Spartans be slaves, and Athenians hold their tongues? Not content with the ruin of all the states which Philip had either conquered or bribed into bondage,31 he overthrew various commonwealths in various places and carried his weapons all over the world; his cruelty was tired, but it never ceased – like a wild beast that tears to pieces more than its hunger demands. " 94.62 That which leads to a general agreement, and likewise to a perfect one,27 is an assured belief in certain facts; but if, lacking this assurance, all things are adrift in our minds, then doctrines are indispensable; for they give to our minds the means of unswerving decision. 94.63 Already he has joined many kingdoms into one kingdom; already Greeks and Persians fear the same lord; already nations Darius had left free submit to the yoke:32 yet he passes beyond the Ocean and the Sun, deeming it shame that he should shift his course of victory from the paths which Hercules and Bacchus had trod;33 he threatens violence to Nature herself. He does not wish to go; but he cannot stay; he is like a weight that falls headlong, its course ending only when it lies motionless. 94.63 Furthermore, when we advise a man to regard his friends as highly as himself, to reflect that an enemy may become a friend,28 to stimulate love in the friend, and to check hatred in the enemy, we add: "This is just and honourable." Now the just and honourable element in our doctrines is embraced by reason; hence reason is necessary; for without it the doctrines cannot exist, either. ' " None |
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51. Tacitus, Annals, 1.10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258
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1.10.2 \xa0On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â\x80\x94 whether they perished by the enemy\'s sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â\x80\x94 though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â\x80\x94 yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â\x80\x94 the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero\'s wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â\x80\x94 as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a\xa0few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a\xa0few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. <'' None |
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52. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310, 315; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310, 315
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53. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 314; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 314
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54. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 269, 270, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 269, 270, 278
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55. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 277, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 277, 283
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56. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
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57. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, and Hannibal • Aeneas, and Hannibal • Alps, Hannibal’s march • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, Carthaginian general • Hannibal, and Aeneas • Hannibal, and Capaneus • Hannibal, and Juno • Hannibal, and Medea • Hannibal, and his son • Hannibal, and narrative closure • Hannibal, and the power of the name • Hannibal, as Caesar • Hannibal, as Hector • Hannibal, as Jason • Hannibal, as anti-Aeneas • Hannibal, as religious actor • Hannibal, exile of • Hannibal, fear-mongering • Hannibal, feminized • Hannibal, impiety of • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of • Hannibal, ira • Hannibal, politically impotent • Hannibal, tyranny of fear • Hannibal, tyrant • Hercules, and Hannibal • Pompey, and Hannibal • Turnus, and Hannibal • hairstyles, Hannibal
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 165, 178; Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 147, 148, 149; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 17, 18, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 263, 264, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 289, 290, 302, 306, 308, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 322, 323; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 109, 135, 150, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 215; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 228; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 30, 187, 189, 244; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 252; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 363; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 109, 111, 248, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 268; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 95, 96, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 109, 113, 116, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 198, 199; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 17, 18, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 263, 264, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 289, 290, 302, 306, 308, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 322, 323
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58. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261, 263, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284, 302, 314, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261, 263, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284, 302, 314, 328
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59. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dis, as Pelias, Eteocles, and Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 150; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 255, 258, 259, 263, 282, 283, 284; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 178, 193; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 255, 258, 259, 263, 282, 283, 284
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60. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258
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61. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 187; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 132
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62. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, impiety of • Pompey, and Hannibal
Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 268; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 113
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63. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 279, 281; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 279, 281
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64. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261, 263, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261, 263, 328
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65. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 320; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 320
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66. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 55
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67. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 67; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38
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68. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283, 309, 312, 320, 321, 323; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283, 309, 312, 320, 321, 323
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69. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258, 262, 278, 315; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 132; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258, 262, 278, 315
| 42.5.3 \xa0Although he had subdued the entire Roman sea, he perished on it; and although he had once been, as the saying is, "master of a\xa0thousand ships," he was destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and in a sense by Ptolemy, whose father he had once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom Roman soldiers were then still guarding, â\x80\x94 soldiers left behind by Gabinius as a favour from Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians for the young prince\'s father, â\x80\x94 this very man seemed to have put him to death by the hands of both Egyptians and Romans. 42.5.4 1. \xa0Such was the end of Pompey the Great, whereby was proved once more the weakness and the strange fortune of the human race.,2. \xa0For, although he was not at all deficient in foresight, but had always been absolutely secure against any force able to do him harm, yet he was deceived; and although he had won many unexpected victories in Africa, and many, too, in Asia and Europe, both by land and sea, ever since boyhood, yet now in his fifty-eighth year he was defeated without apparent reason.,3. \xa0Although he had subdued the entire Roman sea, he perished on it; and although he had once been, as the saying is, "master of a\xa0thousand ships," he was destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and in a sense by Ptolemy, whose father he had once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom Roman soldiers were then still guarding, â\x80\x94 soldiers left behind by Gabinius as a favour from Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians for the young prince\'s father, â\x80\x94 this very man seemed to have put him to death by the hands of both Egyptians and Romans.,5. \xa0Thus Pompey, who previously had been considered the most powerful of the Romans, so that he even received the nickname of Agamemnon, was now butchered like one of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, not only near Mount Casius but on the anniversary of the day on which he had once celebrated a triumph over Mithridates and the pirates.,6. \xa0So even in this respect the two parts of his career were utterly contradictory: on that day of yore he had gained the most brilliant success, whereas he now suffered the most grievous fate; again, following a certain oracle, he had been suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but instead of being the object of a plot by any man called Cassius he died and was buried beside the mountain that had this name.,7. \xa0of his fellow-voyagers some were captured at once, while others escaped, among them his wife and son. His wife later obtained pardon and came back safely to Rome, while Sextus proceeded to Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by which they were distinguished, since they both bore the name of Pompey. \xa0< 42.5.5 \xa0Thus Pompey, who previously had been considered the most powerful of the Romans, so that he even received the nickname of Agamemnon, was now butchered like one of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, not only near Mount Casius but on the anniversary of the day on which he had once celebrated a triumph over Mithridates and the pirates.' "46.39 2. \xa0But the senate had already, while it was still uncertain which of the two would prevail, taken the precaution to abolish all the privileges the granting of which hitherto to any individuals contrary to established custom had paved the way to supreme power; they voted, of course, that this edict should apply to both parties, intending thereby to forestall the victor, but planning to lay the blame upon the other who should be defeated.,3. \xa0In the first place, they forbade anyone to hold office for a longer period than a\xa0year, and, secondly, they provided that no one man should be chosen superintendent of the corn supply or commissioner of food. And when they learned the outcome of the struggle, although they rejoiced at Antony's defeat, and not only changed their attire, but also celebrated a thanksgiving for sixty days, and, regarding all those who had been on Antony's side as enemies, took away their property, as they did in the case of Antony also," "67.9 1. \xa0At this time, then, he feasted the populace as described; and on another occasion he entertained the foremost men among the senators and knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had made ready bare couches of the same colour resting on the uncovered floor; then he invited in his guests alone at night without their attendants.,2. \xa0And first he set beside each of them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing the guest's name and also a small lamp, such as hang in tombs. Next comely naked boys, likewise painted black, entered like phantoms, and after encircling the guests in an awe-inspiring dance took up their stations at their feet.,3. \xa0After this all the things that are commonly offered at the sacrifices to departed spirits were likewise set before the guests, all of them black and in dishes of a similar colour. Consequently, every single one of the guests feared and trembled and was kept in constant expectation of having his throat cut the next moment, the more so as on the part of everybody but Domitian there was dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the emperor himself conversed only upon topics relating to death and slaughter.,4. \xa0Finally he dismissed them; but he had first removed their slaves, who had stood in the vestibule, and now gave his guests in charge of other slaves, whom they did not know, to be conveyed either in carriages or litters, and by this procedure he filled them with far greater fear. And scarcely had each guest reached his home and was beginning to get his breath again, as one might say, when word was brought him that a messenger from the Augustus had come.,5. \xa0While they were accordingly expecting to perish this time in any case, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver, and then others in turn brought in various articles, including the dishes that had been set before them at the dinner, which were constructed of very costly material; and last of all came that particular boy who had been each guest's familiar spirit, now washed and adorned. Thus, after having passed the entire night in terror, they received the gifts.,6. \xa0Thus was the triumphal celebration, or, as the crowd put it, such was the funeral banquet that Domitian held for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at this time, too, he slew some of the foremost men. And in the case of a certain man who buried the body of one of the victims, he deprived him of his property because it was on his estate that the victim had died." ' None |
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70. Lucian, Dialogues of The Dead, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 324; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 324
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25 Nireus. Thersites. MenippusNi . Here we are; Menippus shall award the palm of beauty. Menippus, am I not better looking than he?Me . Well, who are you? I must know that first, mustn\'t I?Ni . Nireus and Thersites.Me . Which is which? I cannot tell that yet.Ther . One to me; I am like you; you have no such superiority as Homer (blind, by the way) gave you when he called you the handsomest of men; he might peak my head and thin my hair, our judge finds me none the worse. Now, Menippus, make up your mind which is handsomer.Ni . I, of course, I, the son of Aglaia and Charopus,Comeliest of all that came \'neath Trojan walls.Me . But not comeliest of all that come \'neath the earth, as far as I know. Your bones are much like other people\'s; and the only difference between your two skulls is that yours would not take much to stove it in. It is a tender article, something short of masculine.Ni . Ask Homer what I was, when I sailed with the Achaeans.Me . Dreams, dreams. I am looking at what you are; what you were is ancient history.Ni . Am I not handsomer here, Menippus?Me . You are not handsome at all, nor anyone else either. Hades is a democracy; one man is as good as another here.Ther . And a very tolerable arrangement too, if you ask me.H. |
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71. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.17.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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9.17.3 To Genitor. I have received your letter in which you complain how offensive to you a really magnificent banquet was, owing to the fact that there were buffoons, dancers, and jesters going round from table to table. Ah ! will you never relax that severe frown of yours even a little ? For my own part, I do not provide any such entertainments like those, but I can put up with those who do. Why then do I not provide them myself? For this reason, that if any dancer makes a lewd movement, if a buffoon is impudent, or a jester makes a senseless fool of himself, it does not amuse me a whit, for I see no novelty or fun in it. I am not giving you a high moral reason, but am only telling you my individual taste. Yet think how many people there are who would regard with disfavour, as partly insipid and partly wearisome, the entertainments which charm and attract you and me. When a reader, or a musician, or a comic actor enters the banqueting-room, how many there are who call for their shoes or lie back on their couches just as completely bored as you were, when you endured what you describe as those monstrosities ! Let us then make allowances for what pleases other people, so that we may induce others to make allowances for us ! Farewell. '' None |
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72. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 274
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73. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 277, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 277, 279
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74. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 179; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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75. Strabo, Geography, 2.4.7, 5.4.13
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, his army deteriorated in Campania • canabae, Capua, Hannibal at
Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 383, 384, 441; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 314; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 56; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 56; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 358
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2.4.7 Further, the length of the inhabited earth is measured on a line parallel with the equator, as it is in this direction that its greatest length lies: in the same way with respect to each of the continents, we must take their length as it lies between two meridians. The measure of these lengths consists of a certain number of stadia, which we obtain either by going over the places themselves, or roads or ways parallel thereto. Polybius abandons this method, and adopts the new way of taking the segment of the northern semicircle comprised between the summer rising and the equinoctial rising. But no one ought to calculate by variable rules or measures in determining the length of fixed distances: nor yet should he make use of the phenomena of the heavens, which appear different when observed from different points, for distances which have their length determined by themselves and remain unchanged. The length of a country never varies, but depends upon itself; whereas, the equinoctial rising and setting, and the summer and winter rising and setting, depend not on themselves, but on our position with respect to them. As we shift from place to place, the equinoctial rising and setting, and the winter and summer rising and setting, shift with us; but the length of a continent always remains the same. To make the Tanais and the Nile the bounds of these continents, is nothing out of the way, but it is something strange to employ for this purpose the equinoctial rising and the summer rising.
5.4.13 As for the Campani, it was their lot, because of the fertility of their country, to enjoy in equal degree both evil things and good. For they were so extravagant that they would invite gladiators, in pairs, to dinner, regulating the number by the importance of the dinners; and when, on their instant submission to Hannibal, they received his army into winter-quarters, the soldiers became so effeminate because of the pleasures afforded them that Hannibal said that, although victor, he was in danger of falling into the hands of his foes, because the soldiers he had got back were not his men, but only women. But when the Romans got the mastery, they brought them to their sense by many severe lessons, and, last of all, portioned out to Roman settlers a part of the land. Now, however, they are living in prosperity, being of one mind with the new settlers, and they preserve their old-time reputation, in respect to both the size of their city and the high quality of its men. After Campania, and the Samnite country (as far as the Frentani), on the Tyrrhenian sea dwells the tribe of the Picentini, a small offshoot of those Picentini who dwell on the Adriatic, which has been transplanted by the Romans to the Poseidonian Gulf; this gulf is now called the Paestan Gulf; and the city of Poseidonia, which is situated in the centre of the gulf, is now called Paestus. The Sybaritae, it is true, had erected fortifications on the sea, but the settlers removed them farther inland; later on, however, the Leucani took the city away from the Sybaritae, and, in turn, the Romans took it away from the Leucani. But the city is rendered unhealthy by a river that spreads out into marshes in the neighbourhood. Between the Sirenussae and Poseidonia lies Marcina, a city founded by the Tyrrheni and now inhabited by Samnitae. From here to Pompaia, by way of Nuceria, the distance across the isthmus is not more than one hundred and twenty stadia. The country of the Picentes extends as far as the River Silaris, which separates the old Campania from this country. In regard to this river, writers report the following as a special characteristic, that although its water is potable, any plant that is let down into it turns to stone, though it keeps its colour and its shape. Picentia first belonged to the Picentes, as metropolis, but at the present time they live only in villages, having been driven away by the Romans because they had made common cause with Hannibal. And instead of doing military service, they were at that time appointed to serve the State as couriers and letter-carriers (as were also, for the same reasons, both the Leucani and the Brettii); and for the sake of keeping watch over the Picentes the Romans fortified Salernum against them, a city situated only a short distance above the sea. The distance from the Sirenussae to the Silaris is two hundred and sixty stadia.'' None |
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76. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.4.2, 9.1.3
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Republic, Roman, reaction to Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 68, 69; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 53
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5.4.2 The same piety roused the elder Africanus, when he was hardly past the age of childhood, to go to the aid of his father, and armed him with manly strength in the midst of battle. For he saved the consul, who was desperately wounded in the battle which he lost to Hannibal upon the river Ticinus. He was not terrified either by the tenderness of his age, the rawness of his skill in warfare, or the outcome of an unfortunate fight, which would have daunted an older soldier. By this he merited a crown conspicuous for its double honour, having rescued from the jaws of death, a father and a general.' ' None |
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77. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.183, 1.203, 1.657, 1.725-1.734, 1.740-1.747, 2.35-2.39, 2.54-2.56, 2.307-2.308, 2.533-2.558, 2.622-2.623, 3.169, 4.2, 4.66, 4.77, 4.86-4.89, 4.101, 4.193, 4.260-4.265, 4.460-4.461, 4.478, 4.480-4.486, 4.492-4.493, 4.496-4.497, 4.504, 4.520-4.521, 4.597-4.599, 4.609-4.610, 4.618-4.620, 4.622-4.629, 4.660, 4.662, 4.670, 4.693-4.698, 4.700-4.705, 5.319, 6.662-6.668, 6.679-6.683, 6.791-6.805, 8.59, 8.151, 8.198, 8.200-8.204, 8.244-8.246, 8.301, 8.643, 9.59-9.64, 9.576, 9.717-9.726, 9.728-9.777, 10.143-10.145, 10.241, 10.270-10.277, 11.901, 12.4-12.8, 12.327, 12.898
Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas, and Hannibal • Alexander the Great, as Hannibal • Alps, Hannibal’s march • Civil War, as Hannibal • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal • Hannibal, • Hannibal, and Aeneas • Hannibal, and Capaneus • Hannibal, and Medea • Hannibal, as Jason • Hannibal, as anti-Aeneas • Hannibal, fear-mongering • Hannibal, feminized • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of • Hannibal, ira • Hannibal, politically impotent • Hannibal, tyrant • Pompey, and Hannibal
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92, 93; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 253, 254, 255, 257, 260, 263, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 302, 312, 314; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 190, 191, 204, 205; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 110; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 180; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 182, 228, 231; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 115; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 263, 264; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 108; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 66; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 253, 254, 255, 257, 260, 263, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 302, 312, 314
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1.183 aut Capyn, aut celsis in puppibus arma Caici.
1.203 mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit.
1.657 At Cytherea novas artes, nova pectore versat
1.725 Fit strepitus tectis, vocemque per ampla volutant 1.726 atria; dependent lychni laquearibus aureis 1.728 Hic regina gravem gemmis auroque poposcit 1.729 implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus et omnes 1.730 a Belo soliti; tum facta silentia tectis: 1.731 Iuppiter, hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur, 1.732 hunc laetum Tyriisque diem Troiaque profectis 1.733 esse velis, nostrosque huius meminisse minores. 1.734 Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, et bona Iuno;
1.740 post alii proceres. Cithara crinitus Iopas 1.741 personat aurata, docuit quem maximus Atlas. 1.742 Hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores; 1.743 unde hominum genus et pecudes; unde imber et ignes; 1.744 Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones; 1.745 quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles 1.746 hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet. 1.747 Ingemit plausu Tyrii, Troesque sequuntur.
2.35 At Capys, et quorum melior sententia menti, 2.36 aut pelago Danaum insidias suspectaque dona 2.37 praecipitare iubent, subiectisque urere flammis, 2.38 aut terebrare cavas uteri et temptare latebras. 2.39 Scinditur incertum studia in contraria volgus.
2.54 Et, si fata deum, si mens non laeva fuisset, 2.55 impulerat ferro Argolicas foedare latebras, 2.56 Troiaque, nunc stares, Priamique arx alta, maneres.
2.307 praecipitisque trahit silvas, stupet inscius alto 2.308 accipiens sonitum saxi de vertice pastor.
2.533 Hic Priamus, quamquam in media iam morte tenetur, 2.534 non tamen abstinuit, nec voci iraeque pepercit: 2.536 di, si qua est caelo pietas, quae talia curet, 2.537 persolvant grates dignas et praemia reddant 2.538 debita, qui nati coram me cernere letum 2.539 fecisti et patrios foedasti funere voltus.
2.540 At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles
2.541 talis in hoste fuit Priamo; sed iura fidemque
2.542 supplicis erubuit, corpusque exsangue sepulchro
2.543 reddidit Hectoreum, meque in mea regna remisit.
2.544 Sic fatus senior, telumque imbelle sine ictu
2.545 coniecit, rauco quod protinus aere repulsum
2.546 e summo clipei nequiquam umbone pependit.
2.547 Cui Pyrrhus: Referes ergo haec et nuntius ibis
2.548 Pelidae genitori; illi mea tristia facta
2.549 degeneremque Neoptolemum narrare memento. 2.550 Nunc morere. Hoc dicens altaria ad ipsa trementem 2.551 traxit et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati, 2.552 implicuitque comam laeva, dextraque coruscum 2.553 extulit, ac lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem. 2.554 Haec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum 2.555 sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa videntem 2.556 Pergama, tot quondam populis terrisque superbum 2.557 regnatorem Asiae. Iacet ingens litore truncus, 2.558 avolsumque umeris caput, et sine nomine corpus.
2.622 Adparent dirae facies inimicaque Troiae 2.623 numina magna deum.
3.169 Surge age, et haec laetus longaevo dicta parenti
4.2 volnus alit venis, et caeco carpitur igni.
4.66 quid delubra iuvant? Est mollis flamma medullas
4.77 nunc eadem labente die convivia quaerit,
4.86 Non coeptae adsurgunt turres, non arma iuventus 4.87 exercet, portusve aut propugnacula bello 4.88 tuta parant; pendent opera interrupta, minaeque 4.89 murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo.
4.101 ardet amans Dido, traxitque per ossa furorem.
4.193 nunc hiemem inter se luxu, quam longa, fovere
4.260 Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta novantem
4.261 conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva
4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena
4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido
4.264 fecerat, et tenui telas discreverat auro.
4.265 Continuo invadit: Tu nunc Karthaginis altae
4.460 hinc exaudiri voces et verba vocantis 4.461 visa viri, nox cum terras obscura teneret;
4.480 Oceani finem iuxta solemque cadentem 4.481 ultimus Aethiopum locus est, ubi maxumus Atlas 4.482 axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum: 4.483 hinc mihi Massylae gentis monstrata sacerdos, 4.484 Hesperidum templi custos, epulasque draconi 4.485 quae dabat, et sacros servabat in arbore ramos, 4.486 spargens umida mella soporiferumque papaver.
4.492 Testor, cara, deos et te, germana, tuumque 4.493 dulce caput, magicas invitam accingier artes.
4.496 impius, exuviasque omnis, lectumque iugalem, 4.497 quo perii, superimponas: abolere nefandi
4.504 At regina, pyra penetrali in sede sub auras
4.520 sidera; tum, si quod non aequo foedere amantes 4.521 curae numen habet iustumque memorque, precatur.
4.597 Tum decuit, cum sceptra dabas.—En dextra fidesque, 4.598 quem secum patrios aiunt portare Penates, 4.599 quem subiisse umeris confectum aetate parentem!
4.609 nocturnisque Hecate triviis ululata per urbes, 4.610 et Dirae ultrices, et di morientis Elissae,
4.618 funera; nec, cum se sub leges pacis iniquae 4.619 tradiderit, regno aut optata luce fruatur, 4.620 sed cadat ante diem, mediaque inhumatus harena.
4.622 Tum vos, o Tyrii, stirpem et genus omne futurum 4.623 exercete odiis, cinerique haec mittite nostro 4.624 munera. Nullus amor populis, nec foedera sunto. 4.625 Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor, 4.626 qui face Dardanios ferroque sequare colonos, 4.627 nunc, olim, quocumque dabunt se tempore vires. 4.628 Litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas 4.629 imprecor, arma armis; pugnent ipsique nepotesque.
4.660 sed moriamur ait. Sic, sic iuvat ire sub umbras:
4.662 Dardanus, et nostrae secum ferat omina mortis.
4.670 Karthago aut antiqua Tyros, flammaeque furentes
4.693 Tum Iuno omnipotens, longum miserata dolorem 4.694 difficilisque obitus, Irim demisit Olympo, 4.695 quae luctantem animam nexosque resolveret artus. 4.696 Nam quia nec fato, merita nec morte peribat, 4.697 sed misera ante diem, subitoque accensa furore, 4.698 nondum illi flavum Proserpina vertice crinem
4.700 Ergo Iris croceis per caelum roscida pennis, 4.701 mille trahens varios adverso sole colores, 4.702 devolat, et supra caput adstitit: Hunc ego Diti 4.703 sacrum iussa fero, teque isto corpore solvo. 4.704 Sic ait, et dextra crinem secat: omnis et una 4.705 dilapsus calor, atque in ventos vita recessit.
5.319 emicat, et ventis et fulminis ocior alis;
6.662 quique pii vates et Phoebo digna locuti, 6.663 inventas aut qui vitam excoluere per artes, 6.664 quique sui memores alios fecere merendo, 6.665 omnibus his nivea cinguntur tempora vitta. 6.666 Quos circumfusos sic est adfata Sybilla, 6.667 Musaeum ante omnes, medium nam plurima turba 6.668 hunc habet, atque umeris exstantem suspicit altis:
6.679 At pater Anchises penitus convalle virenti 6.680 inclusas animas superumque ad lumen ituras 6.681 lustrabat studio recolens, omnemque suorum 6.682 forte recensebat numerum carosque nepotes, 6.683 fataque fortunasque virum moresque manusque.
6.791 Hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, 6.792 Augustus Caesar, Divi genus, aurea condet 6.793 saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva 6.794 Saturno quondam, super et Garamantas et Indos 6.795 proferet imperium: iacet extra sidera tellus, 6.796 extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas 6.797 axem umero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 6.798 Huius in adventum iam nunc et Caspia regna 6.799 responsis horrent divom et Maeotia tellus, 6.800 et septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili. 6.801 Nec vero Alcides tantum telluris obivit, 6.802 fixerit aeripedem cervam licet, aut Erymanthi 6.803 pacarit nemora, et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; 6.804 nec, qui pampineis victor iuga flectit habenis, 6.805 Liber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigres.
8.59 Surge age, nate dea, primisque cadentibus astris
8.151 pectora, sunt animi et rebus spectata iuventus.
8.198 Huic monstro Volcanus erat pater: illius atros
8.200 Attulit et nobis aliquando optantibus aetas 8.201 auxilium adventumque dei. Nam maximus ultor, 8.202 tergemini nece Geryonae spoliisque superbus 8.203 Alcides aderat taurosque hac victor agebat 8.204 ingentis, vallemque boves amnemque tenebant.
8.244 infernas reseret sedes et regna recludat 8.245 pallida, dis invisa, superque immane barathrum 8.246 cernatur, trepident inmisso lumine manes.
8.301 Salve, vera Iovis proles, decus addite divis,
8.643 distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres,
9.59 Ac veluti pleno lupus insidiatus ovili 9.60 cum fremit ad caulas, ventos perpessus et imbris, 9.61 nocte super media; tuti sub matribus agni 9.62 balatum exercent, ille asper et improbus ira 9.63 saevit in absentis, collecta fatigat edendi 9.64 ex longo rabies et siccae sanguine fauces:
9.576 Privernum Capys. Hunc primo levis hasta Themillae
9.717 Hic Mars armipotens animum viresque Latinis 9.718 addidit et stimulos acris sub pectore vertit 9.719 immisitque Fugam Teucris atrumque Timorem. 9.720 Undique conveniunt, quoniam data copia pugnae 9.721 bellatorque animo deus incidit. 9.723 et quo sit fortuna loco, qui casus agat res, 9.724 portam vi magna converso cardine torquet, 9.725 obnixus latis umeris, multosque suorum 9.726 moenibus exclusos duro in certamine linquit;
9.728 demens, qui Rutulum in medio non agmine regem 9.729 viderit inrumpentem ultroque incluserit urbi, 9.730 immanem veluti pecora inter inertia tigrim. 9.731 Continuo nova lux oculis effulsit, et arma 9.732 horrendum sonuere; tremunt in vertice cristae 9.733 sanguineae, clipeoque micantia fulmina mittit: 9.734 agnoscunt faciem invisam atque immania membra 9.735 turbati subito Aeneadae. Tum Pandarus ingens 9.736 emicat et mortis fraternae fervidus ira 9.737 effatur: Non haec dotalis regia Amatae,' '9.740 Olli subridens sedato pectore Turnus: 9.741 Incipe, siqua animo virtus, et consere dextram: 9.743 Dixerat. Ille rudem nodis et cortice crudo 9.744 intorquet summis adnixus viribus hastam: 9.745 excepere aurae volnus; Saturnia Iuno 9.746 detorsit veniens, portaeque infigitur hasta. 9.747 At non hoc telum, mea quod vi dextera versat, 9.749 Sic ait et sublatum alte consurgit in ensem 9.750 et mediam ferro gemina inter tempora frontem 9.751 dividit inpubesque immani volnere malas. 9.752 Fit sonus, ingenti concussa est pondere tellus: 9.753 conlapsos artus atque arma cruenta cerebro 9.754 sternit humi moriens, atque illi partibus aequis 9.755 huc caput atque illuc umero ex utroque pependit. 9.756 Diffugiunt versi trepida formidine Troes: 9.757 et si continuo victorem ea cura subisset, 9.758 rumpere claustra manu sociosque immittere portis, 9.759 ultimus ille dies bello gentique fuisset; 9.760 sed furor ardentem caedisque insana cupido 9.761 egit in adversos. 9.762 Principio Phalerim et succiso poplite Gygen 9.763 excipit; hinc raptas fugientibus ingerit hastas 9.764 in tergum, Iuno vires animumque ministrat; 9.765 addit Halym comitem et confixa Phegea parma, 9.766 ignaros deinde in muris Martemque cientis 9.767 Alcandrumque Haliumque Noemonaque Prytanimque. 9.768 Lyncea tendentem contra sociosque vocantem 9.769 vibranti gladio conixus ab aggere dexter 9.770 occupat; huic uno desectum comminus ictu 9.771 cum galea longe iacuit caput. Inde ferarum 9.772 vastatorem Amycum, quo non felicior alter 9.773 ungere tela manu ferrumque armare veneno, 9.774 et Clytium Aeoliden et amicum Crethea Musis, 9.775 Crethea Musarum comitem, cui carmina semper 9.776 et citharae cordi numerosque intendere nervis. 9.777
10.143 Adfuit et Mnestheus, quem pulsi pristina Turni 10.144 aggere moerorum sublimem gloria tollit, 10.145 et Capys: hinc nomen Campanae ducitur urbi.
10.241 Surge age et Aurora socios veniente vocari
10.270 Ardet apex capiti cristisque a vertice flamma 10.271 funditur et vastos umbo vomit aureus ignes: 10.272 non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae 10.273 sanguinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor, 10.274 ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 10.275 nascitur et laevo contristat lumine caelum. 10.276 Haud tamen audaci Turno fiducia cessit 10.277 litora praecipere et venientis pellere terra.
11.901 Ille furens, et saeva Iovis sic numina pellunt,
12.4 attollitque animos. Poenorum qualis in arvis 12.5 saucius ille gravi vetum vulnere pectus 12.6 tum demum movet arma leo gaudetque comantis 12.7 excutiens cervice toros fixumque latronis 12.8 inpavidus frangit telum et fremit ore cruento:
12.327 emicat in currum et manibus molitur habenas.
12.898 limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis.'' None | sup>
1.183 and bear your king this word! Not unto him
1.203 (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then ' "
1.657 in night's first watch burst o'er them unawares " 1.725 had brought them hither; for a chosen few 1.726 from every ship had come to sue for grace, 1.728 The doors swung wide; and after access given 1.729 and leave to speak, revered Ilioneus 1.730 with soul serene these lowly words essayed: 1.731 “O Queen, who hast authority of Jove 1.732 to found this rising city, and subdue 1.733 with righteous goverce its people proud, 1.734 we wretched Trojans, blown from sea to sea,
1.740 uch haughty violence fits not the souls 1.741 of vanquished men. We journey to a land 1.742 named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia : 1.743 a storied realm, made mighty by great wars 1.744 and wealth of fruitful land; in former days ' "1.745 Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, " "1.746 have called it Italy, a chieftain's name " '1.747 to a whole region given. Thitherward
2.35 threw off her grief inveterate; all her gates 2.36 wung wide; exultant went we forth, and saw 2.37 the Dorian camp unteted, the siege 2.38 abandoned, and the shore without a keel. 2.39 “Here!” cried we, “the Dolopian pitched; the host
2.54 Then from the citadel, conspicuous, 2.55 Laocoon, with all his following choir, 2.56 hurried indigt down; and from afar
2.307 the sacrificial altar, and thrusts back 2.308 from his doomed head the ill-aimed, glancing blade.
2.533 eeking their safe ships and the friendly shore. 2.534 Some cowards foul went clambering back again 2.536 But woe is me! If gods their help withhold, ' "2.537 't is impious to be brave. That very hour " '2.538 the fair Cassandra passed us, bound in chains, ' "2.539 King Priam's virgin daughter, from the shrine " 2.540 and altars of Minerva; her loose hair
2.541 had lost its fillet; her impassioned eyes
2.542 were lifted in vain prayer,—her eyes alone!
2.543 For chains of steel her frail, soft hands confined. ' "
2.544 Coroebus' eyes this horror not endured, " 2.545 and, sorrow-crazed, he plunged him headlong in
2.546 the midmost fray, self-offered to be slain,
2.547 while in close mass our troop behind him poured.
2.548 But, at this point, the overwhelming spears
2.549 of our own kinsmen rained resistless down 2.550 from a high temple-tower; and carnage wild 2.551 ensued, because of the Greek arms we bore 2.552 and our false crests. The howling Grecian band, ' "2.553 crazed by Cassandra's rescue, charged at us " '2.554 from every side; Ajax of savage soul, 2.555 the sons of Atreus, and that whole wild horde 2.556 Achilles from Dolopian deserts drew. ' "2.557 'T was like the bursting storm, when gales contend, " '2.558 west wind and South, and jocund wind of morn
2.622 It fell with instantaneous crash of thunder 2.623 along the Danaan host in ruin wide.
3.169 and lions yoked her royal chariot draw.
4.2 of love; and out of every pulsing vein
4.66 and what imperial city shall be thine,
4.77 a doubting mind with hope, and bade the blush
4.86 and poured it full between the lifted horns 4.87 of the white heifer; or on temple floors 4.88 he strode among the richly laden shrines, 4.89 the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping
4.101 through Cretan forest rashly wandering,
4.193 and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein.
4.260 an equal number of vociferous tongues,
4.261 foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "
4.262 At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " 4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, ' "
4.264 nor e'er to happy slumber gives her eyes: " 4.265 but with the morn she takes her watchful throne
4.460 Iarbas, chain me captive to his car? . 4.461 O, if, ere thou hadst fled, I might but bear
4.480 of foil and pain, my place would now be found 4.481 in Troy, among the cherished sepulchres ' "4.482 of my own kin, and Priam's mansion proud " '4.483 were standing still; or these my loyal hands 4.484 had rebuilt Ilium for her vanquished sons. ' "4.485 But now to Italy Apollo's power " '4.486 commands me forth; his Lycian oracles
4.492 I too by Fate was driven, not less than thou, 4.493 to wander far a foreign throne to find.
4.496 looks on me in my dreams with angered brow. 4.497 I think of my Ascanius, and the wrong
4.504 the god within these walls; I have received
4.520 Why set my wrongs in order? Juno, now, 4.521 and Jove, the son of Saturn, heed no more
4.597 ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore 4.598 at Aulis to cut off the seed of Troy ; 4.599 I sent no ships to Ilium . Pray, have I
4.609 Nothing but time I crave! to give repose 4.610 and more room to this fever, till my fate
4.618 oppose, and some wise god obstructs the way ' "4.619 that finds the hero's ear. oft-times around " '4.620 the aged strength of some stupendous oak
4.622 mite with alternate wrath: Ioud is the roar, 4.623 and from its rocking top the broken boughs 4.624 are strewn along the ground; but to the crag 4.625 teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626 its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627 its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 4.628 the hero by unceasing wail and cry 4.629 is smitten sore, and in his mighty heart
4.660 of flames and serpents foul, while at his door
4.662 and by her grief undone, resolved on death,
4.670 lifts on his shoulder the wide wheel of heaven,
4.693 all sight and token of this husband vile. ' "4.694 'T is what the witch commands.” She spoke no more, " "4.695 and pallid was her brow. Yet Anna's mind " '4.696 knew not what web of death her sister wove 4.697 by these strange rites, nor what such frenzy dares; 4.698 nor feared she worse than when Sichaeus died,
4.700 Soon as the funeral pyre was builded high 4.701 in a sequestered garden, Iooming huge 4.702 with boughs of pine and faggots of cleft oak, 4.703 the queen herself enwreathed it with sad flowers 4.704 and boughs of mournful shade; and crowning all 4.705 he laid on nuptial bed the robes and sword
5.319 my pathway now; for you on yonder strand
6.662 The shades of thy Deiphobus received. ' "6.663 My fate it was, and Helen's murderous wrong, " '6.664 Wrought me this woe; of her these tokens tell. 6.665 For how that last night in false hope we passed, 6.666 Thou knowest,—ah, too well we both recall! 6.667 When up the steep of Troy the fateful horse 6.668 Came climbing, pregt with fierce men-at-arms,
6.679 Then loud on Menelaus did she call, 6.680 And with her own false hand unbarred the door; 6.681 Such gift to her fond lord she fain would send 6.682 To blot the memory of his ancient wrong! 6.683 Why tell the tale, how on my couch they broke,
6.791 What forms of woe they feel, what fateful shape ' "6.792 of retribution hath o'erwhelmed them there. " '6.793 Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 6.794 Lashed to the whirling spokes; in his sad seat 6.795 Theseus is sitting, nevermore to rise; 6.796 Unhappy Phlegyas uplifts his voice 6.797 In warning through the darkness, calling loud, 6.798 ‘0, ere too late, learn justice and fear God!’ 6.799 Yon traitor sold his country, and for gold 6.800 Enchained her to a tyrant, trafficking 6.801 In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; 6.802 Another did incestuously take 6.803 His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. 6.804 All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; 6.805 And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell,
8.59 a huge sow, with her newly-littered brood
8.151 prang to its feet and left the feast divine.
8.198 risking my person and my life, have come
8.200 the house of Daunus hurls insulting war. 8.201 If us they quell, they doubt not to obtain 8.202 lordship of all Hesperia, and subdue 8.203 alike the northern and the southern sea. 8.204 Accept good faith, and give! Behold, our hearts ' "
8.244 Then high-born pages, with the altar's priest, " '8.245 bring on the roasted beeves and load the board 8.246 with baskets of fine bread; and wine they bring —
8.301 the cavern door, and broken the big chains,
8.643 May Heaven requite them on his impious head
9.59 his laggard host, and, leading in his train 9.60 a score of chosen knights, dashed into view 9.61 hard by the walls. A barb of Thracian breed 9.62 dappled with white he rode; a crimson plume 9.63 flamed over his golden helmet. “Who,” he cries, 9.64 “Is foremost at the foe? Who follows me?
9.576 this way and that. But Nisus, fiercer still,
9.717 Here grim Mezentius, terrible to see, 9.718 waved an Etrurian pine, and made his war 9.719 with smoking firebrands; there, in equal rage, ' "9.720 Messapus, the steed-tamer, Neptune's son, " '9.721 ripped down the palisade, and at the breach 9.723 Aid, O Calliope, the martial song! 9.724 Tell me what carnage and how many deaths 9.725 the sword of Turnus wrought: what peer in arms 9.726 each hero to the world of ghosts sent down.
9.728 A tower was there, well-placed and looming large, 9.729 with many a lofty bridge, which desperately ' "9.730 th' Italians strove to storm, and strangely plied " '9.731 besieging enginery to cast it down: 9.732 the Trojans hurled back stones, or, standing close, 9.733 flung through the loopholes a swift shower of spears. 9.734 But Turnus launched a firebrand, and pierced 9.735 the wooden wall with flame, which in the wind 9.736 leaped larger, and devoured from floor to floor, 9.737 burning each beam away. The trembling guards 9.738 ought flight in vain; and while they crowded close 9.739 into the side unkindled yet, the tower 9.740 bowed its whole weight and fell, with sudden crash 9.741 that thundered through the sky. Along the ground 9.742 half dead the warriors fell (the crushing mass 9.743 piled over them) by their own pointed spears 9.744 pierced to the heart, or wounded mortally 9.745 by cruel splinters of the wreck. Two men, 9.746 Helenor one, and Lyeus at his side, 9.747 alone get free. Helenor of the twain 9.748 was a mere youth; the slave Lycymnia 9.749 bore him in secret to the Lydian King, 9.750 and, arming him by stealth, had sent away 9.751 to serve the Trojan cause. One naked sword 9.752 for arms had he, and on his virgin shield 9.753 no blazon of renown; but when he saw 9.754 the hosts of Turnus front him, and the lines 9.755 this way and that of Latins closing round, — 9.756 as a fierce, forest-creature, brought to bay 9.757 in circling pack of huntsmen, shows its teeth 9.758 against the naked spears, and scorning death 9.759 leaps upward on the javelins,—even so, 9.760 not loth to die, the youthful soldier flew 9.761 traight at the centre of his foes, and where 9.762 the shining swords looked thickest, there he sprung. 9.763 But Lyeus, swifter-footed, forced his way 9.764 past the opposing spears and made escape 9.765 far as the ciity-wall, where he would fain 9.766 clutch at the coping and climb up to clasp 9.767 ome friend above: but Turnus, spear in hand, 9.768 had hotly followed, and exulting loud 9.769 thus taunted him, “Hadst thou the hope, rash fool, 9.770 beyond this grasp to fly?” So, as he clung, 9.771 he tore him down; and with him broke and fell 9.772 a huge piece of the wall: not otherwise 9.773 a frail hare, or a swan of snow-white wing, 9.774 is clutched in eagle-talons, when the bird 9.775 of Jove soars skyward with his prey; or tender lamb 9.776 from bleating mother and the broken fold 9.777 is stolen by the wolf of Mars. Wild shouts
10.143 have goverce supreme, began reply; 10.144 deep silence at his word Olympus knew, ' "10.145 Earth's utmost cavern shook; the realms of light " 10.241 displayed the form of Phoebus, all of gold:
10.270 oft snow-white plumes, and spurning earth he soared 10.271 on high, and sped in music through the stars. 10.272 His son with bands of youthful peers urged on 10.273 a galley with a Centaur for its prow, ' "10.274 which loomed high o'er the waves, and seemed to hurl " '10.275 a huge stone at the water, as the keel 10.276 ploughed through the deep. Next Ocnus summoned forth 10.277 a war-host from his native shores, the son
11.901 he smote Amastrus, son of Hippotas;
12.4 gaze all his way, fierce rage implacable 12.5 wells his high heart. As when on Libyan plain 12.6 a lion, gashed along his tawny breast ' "12.7 by the huntsman's grievous thrust, awakens him " '12.8 unto his last grim fight, and gloriously
12.327 those Trojan sons of Heaven making league ' "
12.898 peed in thy chariot o'er this empty plain?” " ' None |
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78. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.1-6.2, 6.31-6.40
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 280, 290; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 280, 290
| sup>
6.1 first my Thalia stooped in sportive mood 6.2 to Syracusan strains, nor blushed within
6.31 and crying, “Why tie the fetters? loose me, boys; 6.32 enough for you to think you had the power; 6.33 now list the songs you wish for—songs for you, 6.34 another meed for her”—forthwith began. 6.35 Then might you see the wild things of the wood, 6.36 with Fauns in sportive frolic beat the time, 6.37 and stubborn oaks their branchy summits bow. 6.38 Not Phoebus doth the rude Parnassian crag 6.39 o ravish, nor Orpheus so entrance the height 6.40 of Rhodope or Ismarus: for he sang'' None |
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79. Vergil, Georgics, 2.176, 3.10-3.12, 3.482-3.483, 3.566, 4.523
Tagged with subjects: • Hamilcar, father of Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua • Hannibal, intertextual characterization of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 259, 283, 290; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 259, 283, 290
sup>
2.176 Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.
3.10 Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11 Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12 primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas,
3.482 Nec via mortis erat simplex, sed ubi ignea venis 3.483 omnibus acta sitis miseros adduxerat artus,
3.566 tempore contactos artus sacer ignis edebat.
4.523 Tum quoque marmorea caput a cervice revulsum'' None | sup>
2.176 Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold,
3.10 And Pelops for his ivory shoulder famed, 3.11 Keen charioteer? Needs must a path be tried, 3.12 By which I too may lift me from the dust,
3.482 What darkling or at sunset, this ere morn 3.483 They bear away in baskets—for to town
3.566 of cattle; nor seize they single lives alone,
4.523 The fetters, or in showery drops anon'' None |
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80. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 95, 267, 275, 283, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 95, 267, 275, 283, 284
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81. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 315; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 315
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82. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal • Hannibal, in Capua
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 274, 315; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 274, 315
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83. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 311, 312; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 311, 312
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84. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hannibal
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 306; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 306
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