|1. Herodotus, Histories, 8.36-8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gauls • of Rome (by the Gauls)
Found in books: Konig (2022) 203; Lipka (2021) 167; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 116
8.36. οἱ Δελφοὶ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκατο, ἐν δείματι δὲ μεγάλῳ κατεστεῶτες ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων, εἴτε σφέα κατὰ γῆς κατορύξωσι εἴτε ἐκκομίσωσι ἐς ἄλλην χώρην. ὁ δὲ θεός σφεας οὐκ ἔα κινέειν, φὰς αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι τῶν ἑωυτοῦ προκατῆσθαι. Δελφοὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες σφέων αὐτῶν πέρι ἐφρόντιζον. τέκνα μέν νυν καὶ γυναῖκας πέρην ἐς τὴν Ἀχαιίην διέπεμψαν, αὐτῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἀνέβησαν ἐς τοῦ Παρνησοῦ τὰς κορυφὰς καὶ ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον ἀνηνείκαντο, οἳ δὲ ἐς Ἄμφισσαν τὴν Λοκρίδα ὑπεξῆλθον. πάντες δὲ ὦν οἱ Δελφοὶ ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, πλὴν ἑξήκοντα ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ προφήτεω. 8.37. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιόντες καὶ ἀπώρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ προφήτης, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀκήρατος, ὁρᾷ πρὸ τοῦ νηοῦ ὅπλα προκείμενα ἔσωθεν ἐκ τοῦ μεγάρου ἐξενηνειγμένα ἱρά, τῶν οὐκ ὅσιον ἦν ἅπτεσθαι ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί. ὃ μὲν δὴ ἤιε Δελφῶν τοῖσι παρεοῦσι σημανέων τὸ τέρας· οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο ἐπειγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐπιγίνεταί σφι τέρεα ἔτι μέζονα τοῦ πρὶν γενομένου τέρεος. θῶμα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο κάρτα ἐστί, ὅπλα ἀρήια αὐτόματα φανῆναι ἔξω προκείμενα τοῦ νηοῦ· τὰ δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ δεύτερα ἐπιγενόμενα καὶ διὰ πάντων φασμάτων ἄξια θωμάσαι μάλιστα. ἐπεὶ γὰρ δὴ ἦσαν ἐπιόντες οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐν τούτῳ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κεραυνοὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐνέπιπτον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Παρνησοῦ ἀπορραγεῖσαι δύο κορυφαὶ ἐφέροντο πολλῷ πατάγῳ ἐς αὐτοὺς καὶ κατέβαλον συχνούς σφεων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης βοή τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐγίνετο. 8.38. συμμιγέντων δὲ τούτων πάντων, φόβος τοῖσι βαρβάροισι ἐνεπεπτώκεε. μαθόντες δὲ οἱ Δελφοὶ φεύγοντας σφέας, ἐπικαταβάντες ἀπέκτειναν πλῆθός τι αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ περιεόντες ἰθὺ Βοιωτῶν ἔφευγον. ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες οὗτοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ὡς πρὸς τούτοισι καὶ ἄλλα ὥρων θεῖα· δύο γὰρ ὁπλίτας μέζονας ἢ κατʼ ἀνθρώπων φύσιν ἔχοντας ἕπεσθαί σφι κτείνοντας καὶ διώκοντας. 8.39. τούτους δὲ τοὺς δύο Δελφοὶ λέγουσι εἶναι ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας, Φύλακόν τε καὶ Αὐτόνοον, τῶν τὰ τεμένεα ἐστὶ περὶ τὸ ἱρόν, Φυλάκου μὲν παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν ὁδὸν κατύπερθε τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης, Αὐτονόου δὲ πέλας τῆς Κασταλίης ὑπὸ τῇ Ὑαμπείῃ κορυφῇ. οἱ δὲ πεσόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Παρνησοῦ λίθοι ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἡμέας ἦσαν σόοι, ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης κείμενοι, ἐς τὸ ἐνέσκηψαν διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων φερόμενοι. τούτων μέν νυν τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὕτη ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἀπαλλαγὴ γίνεται.''. None
|8.36. When the Delphians learned all this, they were very much afraid, and in their great fear they inquired of the oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing, saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. ,Upon hearing that, the Delphians took thought for themselves. They sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods into the Corycian cave, but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short, all the Delphians left the town save sixty men and the prophet. 8.37. Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple, the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, which no man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. ,So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle, but when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine, but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. ,When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky, and two peaks broken off from Parnassus came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph were heard from the temple of Athena. 8.38. All of this together struck panic into the barbarians, and the Delphians, perceiving that they fled, descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said (as I have been told) that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described: two men-at-arms of stature greater than human,they said, had come after them, slaying and pursuing. ' "8.39. These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus' by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous' near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. ,The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. "'. None|
|2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul, Gauls, sack, of Rome • Gaul/Gauls
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 289; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 269
1.97.2. ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά: τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη.''. None
|1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire. ''. None|
|3. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 350; Verhagen (2022) 350
|4. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul/Gauls • Gauls
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 276; Rüpke (2011) 138
5.52. quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur.''. None
|5.52. \xa0What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning. <''. None|
|5. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flaminius, C., campaign in Gaul in • Gauls/Celts
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 89; Konrad (2022) 247
|2.8. Caelius writes that Gaius Flaminius after ignoring the claims of religion fell at the battle of Trasimene, when a serious blow was inflicted on the state. The fate of these men may serve to indicate that our empire was won by those commanders who obeyed the dictates of religion. Moreover if we care to compare our national characteristics with those of foreign peoples, we shall find that, while in all other respects we are only the equals or even the inferiors of others, yet in the sense of religion, that is, in reverence for the gods, we are far superior. ''. None|
|6. Polybius, Histories, 2.7.5-2.7.6, 2.15.7, 2.17.9-2.17.12, 2.18.2, 2.19.3-2.19.4, 2.21.9, 2.29.5, 2.31.7, 2.32.7-2.32.8, 2.33.2-2.33.3, 2.35.2, 2.35.6, 3.37.11, 3.70.4, 3.78.2, 3.78.5, 3.79.4, 34.9.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Christians, on Gauls • Diodoros of Sicily, on Camillus and the Gauls • Flaminius, C., campaign in Gaul in • Gaul • Gauls • Gauls, Insubrian • Gauls, Rome, captured by • Gauls, invaded Italy in • Gauls, sacked Rome in • Gauls, their strength • Gauls, war against • Gauls/Celts • Hannibal Barqa, Gaul, in • Polybios of Megalopolis, and Gauls’ sack of Rome • Polybius, on Gauls • Posidonius, on the Cimbri, on the Gauls • Rome and Romans, and Gauls • Rome/Romans, and Gauls • Servilius Geminus, Cn., Gaul, campaign in • Strabo, on Gauls • disparagement, of Gauls by Polybius • stereotypes, of Gauls
Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 284; Gruen (2011) 142, 143; Gruen (2020) 18, 57, 58, 59, 60, 67; Isaac (2004) 411, 412; Konrad (2022) 110, 221, 228, 229, 230; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 49
2.7.5. πρῶτον γὰρ τίς οὐκ ἂν τὴν κοινὴν περὶ Γαλατῶν φήμην ὑπιδόμενος εὐλαβηθείη τούτοις ἐγχειρίσαι πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχουσαν εἰς παρασπόνδησιν; 2.7.6. δεύτερον τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐφυλάξατο τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ συστήματος ἐκείνου προαίρεσιν; οἵ γε τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας, συνδραμόντων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν διὰ τὸ παρασπονδῆσαι τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκείους καὶ συγγενεῖς·
2.15.7. τό γε μὴν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τῶν σωμάτων, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις τόλμαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων σαφῶς ἔσται καταμαθεῖν. τῶν δʼ Ἄλπεων ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς,
2.17.9. ᾤκουν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, τῆς λοιπῆς κατασκευῆς ἄμοιροι καθεστῶτες. 2.17.10. διὰ γὰρ τὸ στιβαδοκοιτεῖν καὶ κρεαφαγεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μηδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωργίαν· ἀσκεῖν ἁπλοῦς εἶχον τοὺς βίους, οὔτʼ ἐπιστήμης ἄλλης οὔτε τέχνης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸ παράπαν γινωσκομένης. 2.17.11. ὕπαρξίς γε μὴν ἑκάστοις ἦν θρέμματα καὶ χρυσὸς διὰ τὸ μόνα ταῦτα κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις ῥᾳδίως δύνασθαι πανταχῇ περιαγαγεῖν καὶ μεθιστάναι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις. 2.17.12. περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑταιρείας μεγίστην σπουδὴν ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ καὶ φοβερώτατον καὶ δυνατώτατον εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ὃς ἂν πλείστους ἔχειν δοκῇ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας καὶ συμπεριφερομένους αὐτῷ.
2.18.2. μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον μάχῃ νικήσαντες Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων παραταξαμένους, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τρισὶ τῆς μάχης ἡμέραις ὕστερον κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην πλὴν τοῦ Καπετωλίου.
2.19.3. εἰς δὲ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ στασιάσαντες περὶ τὴν τῶν εἰλημμένων πλεονεξίαν τῆς τε λείας καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν δυνάμεως τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος διέφθειραν. 2.19.4. τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθές ἐστι Γαλάταις πράττειν, ἐπειδὰν σφετερίσωνταί τι τῶν πέλας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς ἀλόγους οἰνοφλυγίας καὶ πλησμονάς.
2.21.9. πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Γαλατῶν ὑπεδύοντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μάλιστα δʼ οἱ Βοῖοι διὰ τὸ συντερμονεῖν τῇ τῶν Ῥωμαίων χώρᾳ, νομίσαντες οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας ἔτι καὶ δυναστείας Ῥωμαίους τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ποιήσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ ὁλοσχεροῦς ἐξαναστάσεως καὶ καταφθορᾶς.
2.29.5. τούς γε μὴν Ῥωμαίους τὰ μὲν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίει τὸ μέσους καὶ πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τοὺς πολεμίους, τὰ δὲ πάλιν ὁ κόσμος αὐτοὺς καὶ θόρυβος ἐξέπληττε τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως.
2.31.7. ἡ μὲν οὖν βαρυτάτη τῶν Κελτῶν ἔφοδος οὕτω καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεφθάρη, πᾶσι μὲν Ἰταλιώταις, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν ἐπικρεμάσασα κίνδυνον.
2.32.7. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ὁρῶντες σφᾶς ἐλάττους ὄντας παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐβούλοντο συγχρῆσθαι ταῖς τῶν συμμαχούντων αὐτοῖς Κελτῶν δυνάμεσι· 2.32.8. τὰ δὲ συλλογισάμενοι τήν τε Γαλατικὴν ἀθεσίαν καὶ διότι πρὸς ὁμοφύλους τῶν προσλαμβανομένων μέλλουσι ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐλαβοῦντο τοιούτοις ἀνδράσιν τοιούτου καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος κοινωνεῖν.
2.33.2. συνεωρακότες γὰρ ἐκ τῶν προγεγονότων κινδύνων ὅτι τοῖς τε θυμοῖς κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον, ἕως ἂν ἀκέραιον ᾖ, φοβερώτατόν ἐστι πᾶν τὸ Γαλατικὸν φῦλον, 2.33.3. αἵ τε μάχαιραι ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, μίαν ἔχουσι τὴν πρώτην καταφορὰν καιρίαν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης εὐθέως ἀποξυστροῦνται, καμπτόμεναι κατὰ μῆκος καὶ κατὰ πλάτος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστʼ ἐὰν μὴ δῷ τις ἀναστροφὴν τοῖς χρωμένοις ἐρείσαντας πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀπευθῦναι τῷ ποδί, τελέως ἄπρακτον εἶναι τὴν δευτέραν πληγὴν αὐτῶν·
2.35.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Κελτοὺς πόλεμος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τόλμαν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἀνδρῶν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὰς μάχας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἀπολλυμένων καὶ παραταττομένων οὐδενὸς καταδεέστερος τῶν ἱστορημένων,
2.35.6. ἵνα μὴ τελέως οἱ μεθʼ ἡμᾶς ἀνεννόητοι τούτων ὑπάρχοντες ἐκπλήττωνται τὰς αἰφνιδίους καὶ παραλόγους τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδους, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντες ὡς ὀλιγοχρόνιόν ἐστι καὶ λίαν εὔφθαρτον τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων πλῆθος τοῖς σὺν νῷ κινδυνεύουσι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ὑπομένωσι καὶ πάσας ἐξελέγχωσι τὰς σφετέρας ἐλπίδας πρότερον ἢ παραχωρῆσαί τινος τῶν ἀναγκαίων.
3.37.11. τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξω καὶ μεγάλην προσαγορευομένην κοινὴν μὲν ὀνομασίαν οὐκ ἔχει διὰ τὸ προσφάτως κατωπτεῦσθαι, κατοικεῖται δὲ πᾶν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρώπων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν
3.70.4. τὰ γὰρ στρατόπεδα χειμασκήσαντα βελτίω τὰ παρʼ αὑτῶν ὑπελάμβανε γενήσεσθαι, τήν τε τῶν Κελτῶν ἀθεσίαν οὐκ ἐμμενεῖν ἐν τῇ πίστει, τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἀπραγούντων καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀναγκαζομένων ἄγειν, ἀλλὰ καινοτομήσειν τι πάλιν κατʼ ἐκείνων.
3.78.2. ἀγωνιῶν γὰρ τὴν ἀθεσίαν τῶν Κελτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τὰς περὶ τὸ σῶμα διὰ τὸ πρόσφατον τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς συστάσεως κατεσκευάσατο περιθετὰς τρίχας, ἁρμοζούσας ταῖς κατὰ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς τῶν ἡλικιῶν ἐπιπρεπείαις,
3.78.5. θεωρῶν δὲ τοὺς Κελτοὺς δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐν τῇ παρʼ αὑτῶν χώρᾳ λαμβάνειν τὴν τριβήν, σπεύδοντας δὲ καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν, προφάσει μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ὀργήν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον διὰ τὰς ὠφελείας, ἔκρινε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ συνεκπληροῦν τὰς τῶν δυνάμεων ὁρμάς.
3.79.4. ἐπιμελητὴν δὲ τῆς οὐραγίας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀπέλιπε Μάγωνα τῶν τε λοιπῶν χάριν καὶ μάλιστα τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν μαλακίας καὶ φυγοπονίας, ἵνʼ ἐὰν κακοπαθοῦντες τρέπωνται πάλιν εἰς τοὐπίσω, κωλύῃ διὰ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ προσφέρῃ τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς.
34.9.13. Πολύβιος δὲ τὰ τῶν Οὐακκαίων καὶ τῶν Κελτιβήρων ἔθνη καὶ χωρία διεξιὼν συλλέγει ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι καὶ Σεγεσάμαν καὶ Ἰντερκατίαν. —''. None
|2.7.5. \xa0To begin with would not anyone who is aware of the general reputation of the Gauls, think twice before entrusting to them a wealthy city, the betrayal of which was easy and profitable? < 2.7.6. \xa0In the second place who would not have been cautious in the case of a company with such a bad name? First of all they had been expelled from their own country by a general movement of their fellow-countrymen owing to their having betrayed their own friends and kinsmen. < |
2.15.7. \xa0As for the numbers of the inhabitants, their stature and beauty and their courage in war, the facts of their history will speak. <
2.17.9. \xa0They lived in unwalled villages, without any superfluous furniture; < 2.17.10. \xa0for as they slept on beds of leaves and fed on meat and were exclusively occupied with war and agriculture, their lives were very simple, and they had no knowledge whatever of any art or science. < 2.17.11. \xa0Their possessions consisted of cattle and gold, because these were the only things they could carry about with them everywhere according to circumstances and shift where they chose. < 2.17.12. \xa0They treated comradeship as of the greatest importance, those among them being the most feared and most powerful who were thought to have the largest number of attendants and associates. <
2.18.2. \xa0Not long afterwards they defeated the Romans and their allies in a pitched battle, and pursuing the fugitives, occupied, three days after the battle, the whole of Rome with the exception of the Capitol, <
2.19.3. \xa0but, on reaching home, fell out with each other about division of the spoil and succeeded in destroying the greater part of their own forces and of the booty itself. <' "2.19.4. \xa0This is quite a common event among the Gauls, when they have appropriated their neighbour's property, chiefly owing to their inordinate drinking and surfeiting. <" '
2.21.9. \xa0For what prompted many of the Gauls and especially the Boii, whose territory bordered on that of Rome, to take action was the conviction that now the Romans no longer made war on them for the sake of supremacy and sovereignty, but with a view to their total expulsion and extermination. <
2.29.5. \xa0The Romans, however, were on the one hand encouraged by having caught the enemy between their two armies, but on the other they were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host <
2.31.7. \xa0Thus were destroyed these Celts during whose invasion, the most serious that had ever occurred, all the Italians and especially the Romans had been exposed to great and terrible peril. <
2.32.7. \xa0The Romans, on the one hand, as they saw that the enemy were much more numerous than themselves, were desirous of employing also the forces of their Celtic allies, < 2.32.8. \xa0but on the other hand, taking into consideration Gaulish fickleness and the fact that they were going to fight against those of the same nation as these allies, they were wary of asking such men to participate in an action of such vital importance. <
2.33.2. \xa0For they had observed from former battles that Gauls in general are most formidable and spirited in their first onslaught, < 2.33.3. \xa0while still fresh, and that, from the way their swords are made, as has been already explained, only the first cut takes effect; after this they at once assume the shape of a strigil, being so much bent both length-wise and side-wise that unless the men are given leisure to rest them on the ground and set them straight with the foot, the second blow is quite ineffectual. <
2.35.2. \xa0Such was the end of the war against the Celts, a war which, if we look to the desperation and daring of the combatants and the numbers who took part and perished in the battles, is second to no war in history, <
2.35.6. \xa0but that, having a fair comprehension of how short-lived and perishable is the might of such peoples, they may confront the invaders and put every hope of safety to the test, before yielding a jot of anything they value. <
3.37.11. \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. <' "
3.70.4. \xa0He considered that their legions would be all the better for a winter's drilling, and that the notoriously fickle Celts would not remain loyal to the Carthaginians if the latter were kept in forced inaction, but would throw them over in their turn. <" '
3.78.2. \xa0Fearing the fickleness of the Celts and possible attempts on his life, owing to his establishment of the friendly relations with them being so very recent, he had a\xa0number of wigs made, dyed to suit the appearance of persons differing widely in age, <
3.78.5. \xa0Observing that the Celts were dissatisfied at the prosecution of the war in their own territory, but were eagerly looking forward to an invasion of that of the enemy, professedly owing to their hatred of the Romans, but as a fact chiefly in hope of booty, he decided to be on the move as soon as possible and satisfy the desire of his troops. <
3.79.4. \xa0leaving his brother Mago in charge of the rear-guard. This course he took for various reasons, but chiefly owing to the softness and aversion to labour of the Celts, so that if, owing to the hardships they suffered, they tried to turn back Mago could prevent them by falling on them with his cavalry. <' "
34.9.13. \xa0Polybius in enumerating the tribes and cities of the Paccaei and Celtiberians counts among the other cities Segesama and Intercatia. Thayer's Note: The following fragment was overlooked by the Loeb editor: (Strabo, III.4.13, C\xa062) <"'. None
|7. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul/Gauls • Rome and Romans, and Gauls • stereotypes, of Gauls
Found in books: Gruen (2011) 146; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 281
|8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul • Gauls
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 184; Rutledge (2012) 153
|9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul/Gauls • Gauls
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 276; Rüpke (2011) 138
|10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Christians, on Gauls • Gauls, Cicero on • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Gauls/Celts • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Posidonius, on the Cimbri, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • fides, and Gauls • primitive” peoples\r\n, human sacrifice offered by, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • stereotypes, of Gauls
Found in books: Clark (2007) 119, 120; Gruen (2011) 147; Gruen (2020) 80, 82; Isaac (2004) 413
|11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.27.4, 5.29.4-5.29.5, 5.31.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Diodorus Siculus, on autochthony, on the Gauls • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Gauls/Celts • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Posidonius, on the Cimbri, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • Rome and Romans, and Gauls • Strabo, on Aristotle’s advice to Alexander, on the Gauls • Strabo, on Gauls • primitive” peoples\r\n, human sacrifice offered by, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • stereotypes, of Gauls
Found in books: Gruen (2011) 143, 144; Gruen (2020) 25, 26; Isaac (2004) 416, 417
|5.27.4. \xa0And a peculiar and striking practice is found among the upper Celts, in connection with the sacred precincts of the gods; as for in the temples and precincts made consecrate in their land, a great amount of gold has been deposited as a dedication to the gods, and not a native of the country ever touches it because of religious scruple, although the Celts are an exceedingly covetous people. |
5.29.4. \xa0When their enemies fall they cut off their heads and fasten them about the necks of their horses; and turning over to their attendants the arms of their opponents, all covered with blood, they carry them off as booty, singing a paean over them and striking up a song of victory, and these first-fruits of battle they fasten by nails upon their houses, just as men do, in certain kinds of hunting, with the heads of wild beasts they have mastered.' "5.29.5. \xa0The heads of their most distinguished enemies they embalm in cedar-oil and carefully preserve in a chest, and these they exhibit to strangers, gravely maintaining that in exchange for this head some one of their ancestors, or their father, or the man himself, refused the offer of a great sum of money. And some men among them, we are told, boast that they have not accepted an equal weight of gold for the head they show, displaying a barbarous sort of greatness of soul; for not to sell that which constitutes a witness and proof of one's valour is a noble thing, but to continue to fight against one of our own race, after he is dead, is to descend to the level of beasts." '
5.31.5. \xa0Nor is it only in the exigencies of peace, but in their wars as well, that they obey, before all others, these men and their chanting poets, and such obedience is observed not only by their friends but also by their enemies; many times, for instance, when two armies approach each other in battle with swords drawn and spears thrust forward, these men step forth between them and cause them to cease, as though having cast a spell over certain kinds of wild beasts. In this way, even among the wildest barbarians, does passion give place before wisdom, and Ares stands in awe of the Muses.''. None
|12. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Arabia, Aelius Gallus’ expedition to • Gallus, Aelius • Gaul
Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 193; Xinyue (2022) 116
|13. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Diodoros of Sicily, on Camillus and the Gauls • Furius Philus, P., Gaul, with Flaminius in • Gaul • Gaul and Gauls • Gaul, Gauls, sack, of Rome • Gaul/Gauls • Gauls • Gauls, • Gauls, Rome, captured by • Gauls/Celts • Lucretius Gallus, C. • Polybios of Megalopolis, and Gauls’ sack of Rome • Rome/Romans, and Gauls • disparagement, of Gauls by Polybius • of Rome (by the Gauls)
Found in books: Bay (2022) 235; Edmondson (2008) 28, 92; Gruen (2020) 57, 104; Jenkyns (2013) 129; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 356, 365; Konrad (2022) 110, 203; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 14, 121, 122, 158, 159, 163, 270, 271; Rutledge (2012) 40; Van Nuffelen (2012) 60
|14. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul • census, of Augustus in Gaul • census, of Nero in Gaul
Found in books: Keddie (2019) 123; Udoh (2006) 208
|15. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Gallus • Gallus, Gaius Cornelius (poet) • Gaul
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 233; Konig (2022) 348; Williams and Vol (2022) 168
|16. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dio, on Gallus • Gallus • Gallus, in Ben Jonson’s Poetaster • Jonson, Ben, Gallus in
Found in books: Goldschmidt (2019) 71; Laemmle (2021) 375
|17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.66-18.79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cornellius Gallus, first prefect of Egypt • Didius Gallus Fabricius Veiento, A.
Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 37; Talbert (1984) 466
18.66. Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προϊοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ Σατορνίνῳ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ." '18.67. ταύτης ἐρᾷ Δέκιος Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν ̓Ατθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς.' "18.68. καὶ μηδ' ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισεν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο." '18.69. καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα ̓́Ιδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ.' "18.71. τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ' ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωτα αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι." "18.72. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος ἔρωτι αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν." "18.73. τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος." '18.74. χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι.' "18.75. καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ̈ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ' αὐτῷ." "18.76. οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ' ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότε εἴς τε τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς." "18.77. τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος “Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς, ̓Ανούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ.”" '18.78. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν:' "18.79. ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν πρᾶξιν. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν ̓́Ιδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ̓́Ισιδος εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε," ". None
|18.66. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68. and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.71. She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75. and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76. who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78. When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79. whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;' '. None|
|18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.280, 6.422, 7.132, 7.139-7.147, 7.158-7.162 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cestius Gallus • Cestius Gallus, Roman governor of Syria, takes census of Jews • Cestius, C. Gallus • Gallus, C. Cestius • Gaul • Gauls, invade Asia Minor • Gauls, the Capitoline Gaul • Gauls, torques used as trophies • Josephus, on Cestius Gallus asking chief priests for census • Lucretius Gallus, C.
Found in books: Augoustakis et al (2021) 48; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 122, 125, 126; Feldman (2006) 225; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 193; Rutledge (2012) 140, 221, 277; Udoh (2006) 211
6.422. ὅτι δ' ἐχώρει τοσούτους ἡ πόλις, δῆλον ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Κεστίου συναριθμηθέντων, ὃς τὴν ἀκμὴν τῆς πόλεως διαδηλῶσαι Νέρωνι βουλόμενος καταφρονοῦντι τοῦ ἔθνους παρεκάλεσεν τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς, εἴ πως δυνατὸν εἴη τὴν πληθὺν ἐξαριθμήσασθαι:" '
7.132. ̓Αμήχανον δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν εἰπεῖν τῶν θεαμάτων ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν ἐν ἅπασιν οἷς ἄν τις ἐπινοήσειεν ἢ τεχνῶν ἔργοις ἢ πλούτου μέρεσιν ἢ φύσεως σπανιότησιν:' "
7.139. θαῦμα δ' ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα παρεῖχεν ἡ τῶν φερομένων πηγμάτων κατασκευή: καὶ γὰρ διὰ μέγεθος ἦν δεῖσαι τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς φορᾶς ἀπιστήσαντα," '7.141. καὶ γὰρ ὑφάσματα πολλοῖς διάχρυσα περιβέβλητο, καὶ χρυσὸς καὶ ἐλέφας οὐκ ἀποίητος πᾶσι περιεπεπήγει. 7.142. διὰ πολλῶν δὲ μιμημάτων ὁ πόλεμος ἄλλος εἰς ἄλλα μεμερισμένος ἐναργεστάτην ὄψιν αὑτοῦ παρεῖχεν:' "7.143. ἦν γὰρ ὁρᾶν χώραν μὲν εὐδαίμονα δῃουμένην, ὅλας δὲ φάλαγγας κτεινομένας πολεμίων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας τοὺς δ' εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ἀγομένους, τείχη δ' ὑπερβάλλοντα μεγέθει μηχαναῖς ἐρειπόμενα καὶ φρουρίων ἁλισκομένας ὀχυρότητας καὶ πόλεων πολυανθρώπους περιβόλους κατ' ἄκρας ἐχομένους," '7.144. καὶ στρατιὰν ἔνδον τειχῶν εἰσχεομένην, καὶ πάντα φόνου πλήθοντα τόπον, καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν ἱκεσίας, πῦρ τε ἐνιέμενον ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκαφὰς οἴκων ἐπὶ τοῖς δεσπόταις, 7.145. καὶ μετὰ πολλὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ κατήφειαν ποταμοὺς ῥέοντας οὐκ ἐπὶ γῆν γεωργουμένην, οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἢ βοσκήμασιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐπιπανταχόθεν φλεγομένης: ταῦτα γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πεισομένους αὑτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ παρέδοσαν.' "7.146. ἡ τέχνη δὲ καὶ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἡ μεγαλουργία τοῖς οὐκ ἰδοῦσι γινόμενα τότ' ἐδείκνυεν ὡς παροῦσι." "7.147. τέτακτο δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πηγμάτων ὁ τῆς ἁλισκομένης πόλεως στρατηγὸς ὃν τρόπον ἐλήφθη." '
7.158. Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους καὶ τὴν βεβαιοτάτην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἔγνω τέμενος Εἰρήνης κατασκευάσαι: ταχὺ δὲ δὴ μάλα καὶ πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρεῖττον ἐπινοίας ἐτετελείωτο. 7.159. τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν:' "7.161. ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '7.162. τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.' ". None
|6.422. And that this city could contain so many people in it, is manifest by that number of them which was taken under Cestius, who being desirous of informing Nero of the power of the city, who otherwise was disposed to contemn that nation, entreated the high priests, if the thing were possible, to take the number of their whole multitude. |
7.132. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature;
7.139. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; 7.141. for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; 7.142. and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. 7.143. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, 7.144. and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: 7.145. rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships;
7.158. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: 7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.' '. None
|19. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul/Gauls • Gauls
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 356; Rutledge (2012) 148
|8.5. As the city was unsightly from former fires and fallen buildings, he allowed anyone to take possession of vacant sites and build upon them, in case the owners failed to do so. He began the restoration of the Capitol in person, was the first to lend a hand in clearing away the debris, and carried some of it off on his own head. He undertook to restore the three thousand bronze tablets which were destroyed with the temple, making a thorough search for copies: priceless and most ancient records of the empire, containing the decrees of the senate and the acts of the commons almost from the foundation of the city, regarding alliances, treaties, and special privileges granted to individuals.''. None|
|20. Tacitus, Annals, 1.76.1, 3.71.3, 11.23-11.24, 12.58, 14.46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Gallus, C • Asinius Gallus, C. • Caninius Gallus • Gallus • Gaul, Gauls, sack, of Rome • Gaul/Gauls • Gauls • Gauls, • Gauls, discussion on their admission into the Roman Senate • Gauls, good at languages and public rhetoric • Gauls, sacked Rome in • Gauls, their wealth • Juvenal, not critical of Africans and Gaul • Strabo, on Aristotle’s advice to Alexander, on Gauls and Germans as related • Strabo, on Aristotle’s advice to Alexander, on the Gauls • Surdinius Gallus • census, of Nero in Gaul • interventions, Asinius Gallus
Found in books: Bay (2022) 132; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 162; Isaac (2004) 418, 419, 420; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 356; Konrad (2022) 271; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 8; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 25, 222, 223, 240; Talbert (1984) 15, 413, 509; Udoh (2006) 209
11.23. A. Vitellio L. Vipstano consulibus cum de supplendo senatu agitaretur primoresque Galliae, quae Comata appellatur, foedera et civitatem Romanam pridem adsecuti, ius adipiscendorum in urbe honorum expeterent, multus ea super re variusque rumor. et studiis diversis apud principem certabatur adseverantium non adeo aegram Italiam ut senatum suppeditare urbi suae nequiret. suffecisse olim indigenas consanguineis populis nec paenitere veteris rei publicae. quin adhuc memorari exempla quae priscis moribus ad virtutem et gloriam Romana indoles prodiderit. an parum quod Veneti et Insubres curiam inruperint, nisi coetus alienigenarum velut captivitas inferatur? quem ultra honorem residuis nobilium, aut si quis pauper e Latio senator foret? oppleturos omnia divites illos, quorum avi proavique hostilium nationum duces exercitus nostros ferro vique ceciderint, divum Iulium apud Alesiam obsederint. recentia haec: quid si memoria eorum moreretur qui sub Capitolio et arce Romana manibus eorundem perissent satis: fruerentur sane vocabulo civitatis: insignia patrum, decora magistratuum ne vulgarent.' "11.24. His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" '
12.58. D. Iunio Q. Haterio consulibus sedecim annos natus Nero Octaviam Caesaris filiam in matrimonium accepit. utque studiis honestis et eloquentiae gloria enitesceret, causa Iliensium suscepta Romanum Troia demissum et Iuliae stirpis auctorem Aeneam aliaque haud procul fabulis vetera facunde executus perpetrat, ut Ilienses omni publico munere solverentur. eodem oratore Bononiensi coloniae igni haustae subventum centies sestertii largitione. reddita Rhodiis libertas, adempta saepe aut firmata, prout bellis externis meruerant aut domi seditione deliquerant; tributumque Apamensibus terrae motu convulsis in quinquennium remissum.
14.46. Damnatus isdem consulibus Tarquitius Priscus repetundarum Bithynis interrogantibus, magno patrum gaudio quia accusatum ab eo Statilium Taurum pro consule ipsius meminerant. census per Gallias a Q. Volusio et Sextio Africano Trebellioque Maximo acti sunt, aemulis inter se per nobilitatem Volusio atque Africano: Trebellium dum uterque dedignatur, supra tulere.' '. None
|1.76.1. \xa0In the same year, the Tiber, rising under the incessant rains, had flooded the lower levels of the city, and its subsidence was attended by much destruction of buildings and life. Accordingly, Asinius Gallus moved for a reference to the Sibylline Books. Tiberius objected, preferring secrecy as in earth so in heaven: still, the task of coercing the stream was entrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. Since Achaia and Macedonia protested against the heavy taxation, it was decided to relieve them of their proconsular government for the time being and transfer them to the emperor. A\xa0show of gladiators, given in the name of his brother Germanicus, was presided over by Drusus, who took an extravagant pleasure in the shedding of blood however vile â\x80\x94 a\xa0trait so alarming to the populace that it was said to have been censured by his father. Tiberius' own absence from the exhibition was variously explained. Some ascribed it to his impatience of a crowd; others, to his native morosity and his dread of comparisons; for Augustus had been a good-humoured spectator. I\xa0should be slow to believe that he deliberately furnished his son with an occasion for exposing his brutality and arousing the disgust of the nation; yet even this was suggested." "|
3.71.3. \xa0A\xa0problem in religion now presented itself: in what temple were the knights to lodge the offering vowed, in connection with Augusta's illness, to Equestrian Fortune? For though shrines to Fortune were plentiful in the city, none carried the epithet in question. It was found that there was a temple of the name at Antium, and that all sacred rites in the country towns of Italy, with all places of worship and divine images, were subject to the jurisdiction and authority of Rome. At Antium, accordingly, the gift was placed. And since points of religion were under consideration, the Caesar produced his recently deferred answer to the Flamen Dialis, Servius Maluginensis; and read a pontifical decree, according to which the Flamen, whenever attacked by illness, might at the discretion of the supreme pontiff absent himself for more than two nights, so long as it was not on days of public sacrifice nor oftener than twice in one year. The ruling thus laid down in the principate of Augustus showed that a\xa0year's absence and a provincial governorship were not for the flamens of Jupiter. Attention was also called to a precedent set by the supreme pontiff, Lucius Metellus; who had vetoed the departure of the Flamen, Aulus Postumius. Asia, therefore, was allotted to the consular next in seniority to Maluginensis. <" '
11.23. \xa0In the consulate of Aulus Vitellius and Lucius Vipsanius, the question of completing the numbers of the senate was under consideration, and the leading citizens of Gallia Comata, as it is termed, who had long before obtained federate rights and Roman citizenship, were claiming the privilege of holding magistracies in the capital. Comments on the subject were numerous and diverse; and in the imperial council the debate was conducted with animation on both sides:â\x80\x94 "Italy," it was asserted, "was not yet so moribund that she was unable to supply a deliberative body to her own capital. The time had been when a Roman-born senate was enough for nations whose blood was akin to their own; and they were not ashamed of the old republic. Why, even toâ\x80\x91day men quoted the patterns of virtue and of glory which, under the old system, the Roman character had given to the world! Was it too little that Venetians and Insubrians had taken the curia by storm, unless they brought in an army of aliens to give it the look of a taken town? What honours would be left to the relics of their nobility or the poor senator who came from Latium? All would be submerged by those opulent persons whose grandfathers and great-grandfathers, in command of hostile tribes, had smitten our armies by steel and the strong hand, and had besieged the deified Julius at Alesia. But those were recent events! What if there should arise the memory of the men who essayed to pluck down the spoils, sanctified to Heaven, from the Capitol and citadel of Rome? Leave them by all means to enjoy the title of citizens: but the insignia of the Fathers, the glories of the magistracies, â\x80\x94 these they must not vulgarize!" < 11.24. \xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <' "
12.58. \xa0In the consulate of Decimus Junius and Quintus Haterius, Nero, at the age of sixteen, received in marriage the emperor's daughter Octavia. Desirous to shine by his liberal accomplishments and by a character for eloquence, he took up the cause of Ilium, enlarged with grace on the Trojan descent of the Roman nation; on Aeneas, the progenitor of the Julian line; on other traditions not too far removed from fable; and secured the release of the community from all public obligations. By his advocacy, again, the colony of Bononia, which had been destroyed by fire, was assisted with a grant of ten million sesterces; the Rhodians recovered their liberties, so often forfeited or confirmed as the balance varied between their military services abroad or their seditious offences at home; and Apamea, which had suffered from an earthquake shock, was relieved from its tribute for the next five years. <" '
14.46. \xa0Under the same consulate, Tarquitius Priscus was found guilty of extortion, at the suit of the Bithynians, much to the joy of the senate, which remembered his accusation of Statilius Taurus, his own proconsul. In the Gallic provinces, an assessment was held by Quintus Volusius, Sextius Africanus, and Trebellius Maximus. Between Volusius and Africanus there subsisted a rivalry due to their rank: for Trebellius they entertained a common contempt, which enabled him to surpass them both. <'". None
|21. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2, 4.17, 4.54 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ammianus, on Gauls • Gaul • Gauls, invade Asia Minor • Gauls, their excessive drinking
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 175, 179, 180; Isaac (2004) 191, 424; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 193; Rutledge (2012) 281; Santangelo (2013) 272
|4.17. \xa0This victory was glorious for the enemy at the moment and useful for the future. They gained arms and boats which they needed, and were greatly extolled as liberators throughout the German and Gallic provinces. The Germans at once sent delegations offering assistance; the Gallic provinces Civilis tried to win to an alliance by craft and gifts, sending back the captured prefects to their own states and giving the soldiers of the cohorts permission to go or stay as they pleased. Those who stayed were given honourable service in the army, those who left were offered spoils taken from the Romans. At the same time in private conversation he reminded them of the miseries that they had endured so many years while they falsely called their wretched servitude a peace. "The Batavians," he said, "although free from tribute, have taken up arms against our common masters. In the very first engagement the Romans have been routed and defeated. What if the Gallic provinces should throw off the yoke? What forces are there left in Italy? It is by the blood of the provinces that provinces are won. Do not think of Vindex\'s battle. It was the Batavian cavalry that crushed the Aedui and Averni; among the auxiliary forces of Verginius were Belgians, and if you consider the matter aright you will see that Gaul owed its fall to its own forces. Now all belong to the same party, and we have gained besides all the strength that military training in Roman camps can give; I\xa0have with me veteran cohorts before which Otho\'s legions lately succumbed. Let Syria, Asia, and the East, which is accustomed to kings, play the slave; there are many still alive in Gaul who were born before tribute was known. Surely it was not long ago that slavery was driven from Germany by the killing of Quintilius Varus, and the emperor whom the Germans then challenged was not a Vitellius but a Caesar Augustus. Liberty is a gift which nature has granted even to dumb animals, but courage is the peculiar blessing of man. The gods favour the braver: on, therefore, carefree against the distressed, fresh against the weary. While some favour Vespasian and others Vitellius, the field is open against both." \xa0In this way Civilis, turning his attention eagerly toward the Germanies and the Gauls, was preparing, should his plans prove successful, to gain the kingship over the strongest and richest nations. But Hordeonius Flaccus furthered his enterprises at first by affecting to be unaware of them; when, however, terrified messengers brought word of the capture of camps, the destruction of cohorts, and the expulsion of the Roman name from the island of the Batavians, he ordered Munius Lupercus, who commanded the two legions in winter quarters, to take the field against the foe. Lupercus quickly transported to the island all the legionaries that he had, as well as the Ubii from the auxiliaries quartered close by and a body of Treviran cavalry which was not far away. He joined to these forces a squadron of Batavian cavalry, which, although already won over to the other side, still pretended to be faithful, that by betraying the Romans on the very field itself it might win a greater reward for its desertion. Civilis had the standards of the captured cohorts ranged about him that his own troops might have the evidence of their newly-won glory before their eyes and that the enemy might be terrified by the memory of their defeat; he ordered his own mother and his sisters, likewise the wives and little children of all his men, to take their stand behind his troops to encourage them to victory or to shame them if defeated. When the enemy\'s line re-echoed with the men\'s singing and the women\'s cries, the shout with which the legions and cohorts answered was far from equal. Our left had already been exposed by the desertion of the Batavian horse, which at once turned against us. Yet the legionary troops kept their arms and maintained their ranks in spite of the alarming situation. The auxiliary forces made up of the Ubii and Treveri fled disgracefully and wandered in disorder over the country. The Germans made them the object of their attack, and so the legions meanwhile were able to escape to the camp called Vetera. Claudius Labeo, who was in command of the Batavian horse, had been a rival of Civilis in some local matter, and was consequently now removed to the Frisii, that he might not, if killed, excite his fellow-tribesmen to anger, or, if kept with the forces, sow seeds of discord. |
4.54. \xa0In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove\'s home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people.' '. None
|22. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Gallus • Gaul
Found in books: Tacoma (2020) 55; Tuori (2016) 155
|23. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dio, on Gallus • Gallus, in Ben Jonson’s Poetaster • Jonson, Ben, Gallus in • Lucretius Gallus, C. • senate of Rome, punishes Cornelius Gallus
Found in books: Ando (2013) 139; Goldschmidt (2019) 71, 74; Rutledge (2012) 50
|24. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gauls • Gauls/Celts
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 89; Tacoma (2016) 8
|25. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus • Gaul • Gauls
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 350; Gunderson (2022) 139; Tacoma (2016) 8; Verhagen (2022) 350
|26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aquilius Florus Turcianus Gallus, L. • Gallus, Aelius • Gallus, king • Gallus, river • Gaul • Gauls • Gauls, invade Asia Minor • Gauls, the Capitoline Gaul • Rome, Forum of Peace, Gauls depicted in • census, of Nero in Gaul
Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 284, 301; Bremmer (2008) 286; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 92; De Romanis and Maiuro (2015) 60; Edmondson (2008) 92; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 193; Rutledge (2012) 73, 153, 275; Udoh (2006) 209
|27. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 53.22.5, 53.23.5-53.23.7, 66.15.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dio, on Gallus • Gallus, in Ben Jonson’s Poetaster • Gaul • Jonson, Ben, Gallus in • Lucretius Gallus, C. • census, of Augustus in Gaul • census, of Nero in Gaul • senate of Rome, punishes Cornelius Gallus
Found in books: Ando (2013) 139; Goldschmidt (2019) 71, 72; Keddie (2019) 123; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 193; Rutledge (2012) 40; Udoh (2006) 165, 208
|53.22.5. \xa0These were the acts of Augustus at that time. He also set out to make an expedition into Britain, but on coming to the provinces of Gaul lingered there. For the Britons seemed likely to make terms with him, and the affairs of the Gauls were still unsettled, as the civil wars had begun immediately after their subjugation. He took a census of the inhabitants and regulated their life and government. From Gaul he proceeded into Spain, and established order there also. |
53.23.5. \xa0On the other hand, Cornelius Gallus was encouraged to insolence by the honour shown him. Thus, he indulged in a great deal of disrespectful gossip about Augustus and was guilty of many reprehensible actions besides; for he not only set up images of himself practically everywhere in Egypt, but also inscribed upon the pyramids a list of his achievements.' "53.23.6. \xa0For this act he was accused by Valerius Largus, his comrade and intimate, and was disfranchised by Augustus, so that he was prevented from living in the emperor's provinces. After this had happened, many others attacked him and brought numerous indictments against him." '53.23.7. \xa0The senate uimously voted that he should be convicted in the courts, exiled, and deprived of his estate, that his estate should be given to Augustus, and that the senate itself should offer sacrifices. Overwhelmed by grief at this, Gallus committed suicide before the decrees took effect;' '. None
|28. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 9.36.3, 10.7.1, 10.23.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul • Gauls • Gauls/Celts • Rome/Romans, and Gauls • disparagement, of Gauls by Polybius
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 57; Lipka (2021) 167; Naiden (2013) 48; Rutledge (2012) 73, 153; Stephens and Winkler (1995) 376
1.4.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ.
9.36.3. τοὺς δὲ Φλεγύας πολέμῳ μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων χαίρειν μαρτυρεῖ μοι καὶ ἔπη τῶν ἐν Ἰλιάδι περὶ Ἄρεως καὶ Φόβου τοῦ Ἄρεως πεποιημένα, τὼ μὲν ἄρʼ εἰς Ἐφύρους πόλεμον μέτα θωρήσσεσθον ἠὲ μετὰ Φλεγύας μεγαλήτορας· Hom. Il. 13.301-2 Ἐφύρους δὲ ἐνταῦθα ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ Θεσπρωτίδι ἠπείρῳ λέγει. τὸ μὲν δὴ Φλεγυῶν γένος ἀνέτρεψεν ἐκ βάθρων ὁ θεὸς κεραυνοῖς συνεχέσι καὶ ἰσχυροῖς σεισμοῖς· τοὺς δὲ ὑπολειπομένους νόσος ἐπιπεσοῦσα ἔφθειρε λοιμώδης, ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Φωκίδα διαφεύγουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν.
10.7.1. ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς.
10.23.1. Βρέννῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ τῶν τε Ἑλλήνων οἱ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀθροισθέντες ἀντετάξαντο, καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀντεσήμαινε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ ταχύ τε καὶ ὧν ἴσμεν φανερώτατα. ἥ τε γὰρ γῆ πᾶσα, ὅσην ἐπεῖχεν ἡ τῶν Γαλατῶν στρατιά, βιαίως καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐσείετο τῆς ἡμέρας, βρονταί τε καὶ κεραυνοὶ συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο·''. None
|1.4.4. So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy. |
9.36.3. That the Phlegyans took more pleasure in war than any other Greeks is also shown by the lines of the Iliad dealing with Ares and his son Panic:— They twain were arming themselves for war to go to the Ephyrians, Or to the great-hearted Phlegyans. Hom. Il. 13.301-2 By Ephyrians in this passage Homer means, I think, those in Thesprotis. The Phlegyan race was completely overthrown by the god with continual thunderbolts and violent earthquakes. The remt were wasted by an epidemic of plague, but a few of them escaped to Phocis.
10.7.1. It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men.
10.23.1. Brennus and his army were now faced by the Greeks who had mustered at Delphi, and soon portents boding no good to the barbarians were sent by the god, the clearest recorded in history. For the whole ground occupied by the Gallic army was shaken violently most of the day, with continuous thunder and lightning.''. None
|29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Favorin the Gaul, sophist • Gauls
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 245; Marek (2019) 495
|30. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 5.4.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Asia Minor, Gaul • Eusebius, on Gaul episcopacy • Gaul, Christian presence in • Gaul/Gauls • Polycarp, and Gaul • episcopacy, in Gaul
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 238, 239, 240; Moss (2012) 101, 116
|5.4.1. The same witnesses also recommended Irenaeus, who was already at that time a presbyter of the parish of Lyons, to the above-mentioned bishop of Rome, saying many favorable things in regard to him, as the following extract shows:''. None|
|31. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 31-32 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine Gallus • Gaul • Gaul and Gauls
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 127; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 186; Van Nuffelen (2012) 73
|31. A decree concerning Physicians3 362, May 12. Const. That the science of medicine is salutary for mankind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that this science also is descended from heaven. For by its means the infirmity of our nature and the disorders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in accordance with reason and justice, we decree what is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may live free from the burdens attaching to senators. '32. To the priestess Theodora 362, Jan-May, Const. or Antioch in the autumn I have received through Mygdonius1 the books that you sent me, and besides, all the letters of recommendation2 that you forwarded to me throughout the festival. Every one of these gives me pleasure, but you may be sure that more pleasant than anything else is the news about your excellent self,3 that by the grace of the gods you are in good physical health, and are devoting yourself to the service of the gods more earnestly and energetically. As regards what you wrote to the philosopher Maximus, that my friend Seleucus4 is ill-disposed towards you, believe me that he neither does nor says in my presence anything that he could possibly intend as slandering. On the contrary, all that he tells me about you is favourable; and while I do not go so far as to say that he actually feels friendly to you—only he himself and the all-seeing gods can know the truth as to that—still I can say with perfect sincerity that he does refrain from any such calumny in my presence. Therefore it seems absurd to scrutinise what is thus concealed rather than what he actually does, and to search for proof of actions of which I have no shred of evidence. But since you have made so many accusations against him, and have plainly revealed to me a definite cause for your own hostility towards him, I do say this much to you frankly; if you are showing favour to any person, man or woman, slave or free, who neither worships the gods as yet, nor inspires in you any hope that you may persuade him to do so, you are wrong. For do but consider first how you would feel about your own household. Suppose that some slave for whom you feel affection should conspire with those who slandered and spoke ill of you, and showed deference to them, but abhorred and detested us who are your friends, would you not wish for his speedy destruction, or rather would you not punish him yourself? 1 Well then, are the gods to be less honoured than our friends? You must use the same argument with reference to them, you must consider that they are our masters and we their slaves. It follows, does it not, that if one of us who call ourselves servants of the gods has a favourite slave who abominates the gods and turns from their worship, we must in justice either convert him and keep him, or dismiss him from the house and sell him, in case some one does not find it easy to dispense with owning a slave? For my part I would not consent to be loved by those who do not love the gods; wherefore I now say plainly that you and all who aspire to priestly offices must bear this in mind, and engage with greater energy in the temple worship of the gods. And it is reasonable to expect that a priest should begin with his own household in showing reverence, and first of all prove that it is wholly and throughout pure of such grave distempers. '. None|
|32. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ammianus, on Gauls • Gaul • Gaul, Gauls, sack, of Rome
Found in books: Isaac (2004) 424; Konig (2022) 368; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 269, 291
|33. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine Gallus • Gaul • Gaul and Gauls
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 127; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 186; Van Nuffelen (2012) 73
|34. None, None, nan (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul • Gaul, Jews during sixth century in • Gregory the Great, evidence for Jews in Italy and Gaul and
Found in books: Gunderson (2022) 204; Kraemer (2020) 334
|35. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.2
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus • Gallus, Julian’s half-brother • Gaul
Found in books: Esler (2000) 1252; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 183
|5.2. Immediately after the death of Constantius, the dread of a persecution arose in the Church, and Christians suffered more anguish from the anticipation of this calamity than they would have experienced from its actual occurrence. This state of feeling proceeded from the fact that a long interval had made them unaccustomed to such dangers, and from the remembrance of the tortures which had been exercised by the tyrants upon their fathers, and from their knowledge of the hatred with which the emperor regarded their doctrines. It is said that he openly renounced the faith of Christ so entirely, that he by sacrifices and expiations, which the pagans call renunciatory, and by the blood of animals, purged himself of our baptism. From that period he employed himself in auguries and in the celebration of the pagan rites, both publicly and privately. It is related that one day, as he was inspecting the entrails of a victim, he beheld among them a cross encompassed with a crown. This appearance terrified those who were assisting in the ceremony, for they judged that it indicated the strength of religion, and the eternal duration of the Christian doctrines; inasmuch as the crown by which it was encircled is the symbol of victory, and because of its continuity, for the circle beginning everywhere and ending in itself, has no limits in any direction. The chief augur commanded Julian to be of good cheer, because in his judgment the victims were propitious, and since they surrounded the symbol of the Christian doctrine, and was indeed pushing into it, so that it would not spread and expand itself where it wished, since it was limited by the circumference of the circle. I have also heard that one day Julian descended into a most noted and terrific adytum, either for the purpose of participating in some initiation, or of consulting an oracle; and that, by means of machinery which is devised for this end, or of enchantments, such frightful specters were projected suddenly before him, that through perturbation and fear, he became forgetful of those who were present, for he had turned to his new religion when already a man, and so unconsciously fell into his earlier habit, and signed himself with the symbol of Christ, just as the Christian encompassed with untried dangers is wont to do. Immediately the specters disappeared and their designs were frustrated. The initiator was at first surprised at this, but when apprised of the cause of the flight of the demons, he declared that the act was a profanation; and after exhorting the emperor to be courageous and to have no recourse in deed or thought to anything connected with the Christian religion, he again conducted him to the initiation. The zeal of the king for such matters saddened the Christians not a little and made them extremely anxious, more especially as he had been himself formerly a Christian. He was born of pious parents, had been initiated in infancy according to the custom of the Church, and had been brought up in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and was nurtured by bishops and men of the Church. He and Gallus were the sons of Constantius, the brother by the same father of Constantine the emperor, and of Dalmatius. Dalmatius had a son of the same name, who was declared C sar, and was slain by the soldiery after the death of Constantine. His fate would have been shared by Gallus and Julian, who were then orphans, had not Gallus been spared on account of a disease under which he was laboring, and from which, it was supposed, that he would soon naturally die; and Julian, on account of his extreme youth, for he was but eight years of age. After this wonderful preservation, a residence was assigned to the two brothers in a palace called Macellum, situated in Cappadocia; this imperial post was near Mount Argeus, and not far from C sarea; it contained a magnificent palace and was adorned with baths, gardens, and perennial fountains. Here they were cultured and educated in a manner corresponding to the dignity of their birth; they were taught the sciences and bodily exercises befitting their age, by masters of languages and interpreters of the Holy Scriptures, so that they were enrolled among the clergy, and read the ecclesiastical books to the people. Their habits and actions indicated no dereliction from piety. They respected the clergy and other good people and persons zealous for doctrine; they repaired regularly to church and rendered due homage to the tombs of the martyrs. It is said that they undertook to deposit the tomb of St. Mammas the martyr in a large edifice, and to divide the labor between themselves, and that while they were trying to excel one another in a rivalry of honor, an event occurred which was so astonishing that it would indeed be utterly incredible were it not for the testimony of many who are still among us, who heard it from those who were eyewitnesses of the transaction. The part of the edifice upon which Gallus labored advanced rapidly and according to wish, but of the section upon which Julian labored, a part fell into ruin; another was projected upward from the earth; a third immediately on its touching the foundation could not be held upright, but was hurled backward as if some resistant and strong force from beneath were pushing against it. This was universally regarded as a prodigy. The people, however, drew no conclusion from it till subsequent events manifested its import. There were a few who from that moment doubted the reality of Julian's religion, and suspected that he only made an outward profession of piety for fear of displeasing the emperor, who was then a Christian, and that he concealed his own sentiments because it was not safe to divulge them. It is asserted that he was first secretly led to renounce the religion of his fathers by his intercourse with diviners; for when the resentment of Constantius against the two brothers was abated, Gallus went to Asia, and took up his residence in Ephesus, where the greater part of his property was situated; and Julian repaired to Constantinople, and frequented the schools, where his fine natural abilities and ready attainments in the sciences did not remain concealed. He appeared in public in the garb of a private individual, and had much company; but because he was related to the emperor and was capable of conducting affairs and was expected to become emperor, considerable talk about him to this effect was prevalent, as is wont to be the case in a populous and imperial city, he was commanded to retire to Nicomedia. Here he became acquainted with Maximus, an Ephesian philosopher, who instructed him in philosophy, and inspired him with hatred towards the Christian religion, and moreover assured him that the much talked of prophecy about him was true. Julian, as happens in many cases, while suffering in anticipation of severe circumstances, was softened by these favorable hopes and held Maximus as his friend. As these occurrences reached the ears of Constantius, Julian became apprehensive, and accordingly shaved himself, and adopted externally the monkish mode of life, while he secretly held to the other religion. When he arrived at the age of manhood, he was more readily infatuated, and yet was anxious about these tendencies; and admiring the art (if there be such an art) of predicting the future, he thought the knowledge of it necessary; he advanced to such experiments as are not lawful for Christians. From this period he had as his friends those who followed this art. In this opinion, he came into Asia from Nicomedia, and there consorting with men of such practices, he became more ardent in the pursuit of divination. When Gallus, his brother, who had been established as C sar, was put to death on being accused of revolution, Constantius also suspected Julian of cherishing the love of empire, and therefore put him under the custody of guards. Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, obtained for him permission to retire to Athens; and he accordingly settled there, under pretext of attending the pagan exercises and schools; but as rumor says, he communed with diviners concerning his future prospects. Constantius recalled him, and proclaimed him C sar, promised him his sister Constantia in marriage, and sent him to Gaul; for the barbarians whose aid had been hired by Constantius previously against Magnentius, finding that their services were not required, had portioned out that country. As Julian was very young, generals, to whom the prudential affairs were turned over, were sent with him; but as these generals abandoned themselves to pleasure, he was present as C sar, and provided for the war. He confirmed his soldiers in their spirit for battle, and urged them in other ways to incur danger; he also ordered that a fixed reward should be given to each one who should slay a barbarian. After he had thus secured the affections of the soldiery, he wrote to Constantius, acquainting him with the levity of the generals; and when another general had been sent, he attacked the barbarians, and obtained the victory. They sent embassies to beg for peace, and showed the letter in which Constantius had requested them to enter the Roman dominions. He purposely delayed to send the ambassador back; he attacked a number of the enemy unexpectedly and conquered them. Some have said that Constantius, with designed enmity, committed this campaign to him; but this does not appear probable to me. For, as it rested with Constantius alone to nominate him C sar, why did he confer that title upon him? Why did he give him his sister in marriage, or hear his complaints against the inefficient generals, and send a competent one in their stead in order to complete the war, if he were not friendly to Julian? But as I conjecture, he conferred on him the title of C sar because he was well disposed to Julian; but that after Julian had, without his sanction, been proclaimed emperor, he plotted against him through the barbarians on the Rhine; and this, I think, resulted either from the dread that Julian would seek revenge for the ill-treatment he and his brother Gallus had experienced during their youth, or as would be natural, from jealousy of his attaining similar honor. But a great variety of opinions are entertained on this subject. "". None|
|36. Strabo, Geography, 3.4.19, 4.1.5, 4.4.2-4.4.5, 16.4.22-16.4.24
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Gallus • Arabia, Aelius Gallus’ expedition to • Diodorus Siculus, on autochthony, on the Gauls • Gallus, Aelius • Gaul • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Gauls, discussion on their admission into the Roman Senate • Gauls, offered human sacrifices • Gauls/Celts • Julius Caesar, generally respectful on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Posidonius, on the Cimbri, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • Rome and Romans, and Gauls • Rome/Romans, and Gauls • Strabo, on Aristotle’s advice to Alexander, on Gauls and Germans as related • Strabo, on Aristotle’s advice to Alexander, on the Gauls • Strabo, on Gauls • primitive” peoples\r\n, human sacrifice offered by, as a source for other authors on Gauls and Germans • religion, of Gauls • stereotypes, of Gauls
Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 252; De Romanis and Maiuro (2015) 58, 59; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 237; Gruen (2011) 145, 146, 156; Gruen (2020) 28, 30; Hallmannsecker (2022) 100; Isaac (2004) 415, 417, 418, 422; Xinyue (2022) 116
|3.4.19. Some, as I have said, state that this country is separated into four divisions; others, into five. It is not easy to state any thing precisely on these points, both on account of the changes which the places have undergone, and by reason of their obscurity. In well-known and notable countries both the migrations are known, and the divisions of the land, and the changes of their names, and every thing else of the same kind. Such matters being the common topics with everybody, and especially with the Greeks, who are more talkative than any other people. But in barbarous and out-of-the-way countries, and such as are cut up into small divisions, and lie scattered, the remembrance of such occurrences is not nearly so certain, nor yet so full. If these countries are far removed from the Greeks our ignorance is increased. For although the Roman historians imitate the Greeks, they fall far short of them. What they relate is taken from the Greeks, very little being the result of their own ardour in acquiring information. So that whenever any thing has been omitted by the former there is not much supplied by the latter. Add to this, that the names most celebrated are generally Grecian. Formerly the name of Iberia was given to the whole country between the Rhone and the isthmus formed by the two Galatic gulfs; whereas now they make the Pyrenees its boundary, and call it indifferently Iberia or Hispania; others have restricted Iberia to the country on this side the Ebro. Still earlier it bore the name of the Igletes, who inhabited but a small district, according to Asclepiades the Myrlean. The Romans call the whole indifferently Iberia and Hispania, but designate one portion of it Ulterior, and the other Citerior. However, at different periods they have divided it differently, according to its political aspect at various times. |
4.1.5. The Massilians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. They have a council composed of 600 persons called timouchi, who enjoy this dignity for life. Fifteen of these preside over the council, and have the management of current affairs; these fifteen are in their turn presided over by three of their number, in whom rests the principal authority; and these again by one. No one can become a timouchus who has not children, and who has not been a citizen for three generations. Their laws, which are the same as those of the Ionians, they expound in public. Their country abounds in olives and vines, but on account of its ruggedness the wheat is poor. Consequently they trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and avail themselves in preference of their excellent position for commerce. Nevertheless they have been enabled by the power of perseverance to take in some of the surrounding plains, and also to found cities: of this number are the cities they founded in Iberia as a rampart against the Iberians, in which they introduced the worship of Diana of Ephesus, as practised in their father-land, with the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In this number too are Rhoa and Agatha, built for defence against the barbarians dwelling around the river Rhone; also Tauroentium, Olbia, Antipolis and Nicaea, built as a rampart against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who inhabit the Alps. They possess likewise dry docks and armouries. Formerly they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines, both for the purposes of navigation and for besieging towns; by means of which they defended themselves against the barbarians, and likewise obtained the alliance of the Romans, to whom they rendered many important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their aggrandizement. Sextius, who defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from Marseilles, a city which was named after him and the hot waters, some of which they say have lost their heat. Here he established a Roman garrison, and drove from the sea-coast which leads from Marseilles to Italy the barbarians, whom the Massilians were not able to keep back entirely. However, all he accomplished by this was to compel the barbarians to keep at a distance of twelve stadia from those parts of the coast which possessed good harbours, and at a distance of eight stadia where it was rugged. The land which they thus abandoned, he presented to the Massilians. In their city are laid up heaps of booty taken in naval engagements against those who disputed the sea unjustly. Formerly they enjoyed singular good fortune, as well in other matters as also in their amity with the Romans. of this amity we find numerous signs, amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on the Aventine mount, of the same figure as that of the Massilians. Their prosperity has in a great measure decayed since the war of Pompey against Caesar, in which they sided with the vanquished party. Nevertheless some traces of their ancient industry may still be seen amongst the inhabitants, especially the making of engines of war and ship-building. Still as the surrounding barbarians, now that they are under the dominion of the Romans, become daily more civilized, and leave the occupation of war for the business of towns and agriculture, there is no longer the same attention paid by the inhabitants of Marseilles to these objects. The aspect of the city at the present day is a proof of this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of elocution and philosophy. Thus this city for some little time back has become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatae such a taste for Greek literature, that they even draw contracts on the Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the Romans, that those desirous of studying resort thither in preference to Athens. These the Galatae observing, and being at leisure on account of the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not merely individuals, but the public generally; professors of the arts and sciences, and likewise of medicine, being employed not only by private persons, but by towns for common instruction. of the wisdom of the Massilians and the simplicity of their life, the following will not be thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for golden ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Caesar and his successors treated with moderation the offences of which they were guilty during the war, in consideration of their former friendship; and have preserved to the state the right of governing according to its ancient laws. So that neither Marseilles nor the cities dependent on it are under submission to the governors sent into the Narbonnaise. So much for Marseilles.
4.4.2. The entire race which now goes by the name of Gallic, or Galatic, is warlike, passionate, and always ready for fighting, but otherwise simple and not malicious. If irritated, they rush in crowds to the conflict, openly and without any circumspection; and thus are easily vanquished by those who employ stratagem. For any one may exasperate them when, where, and under whatever pretext he pleases; he will always find them ready for danger, with nothing to support them except their violence and daring. Nevertheless they may be easily persuaded to devote themselves to any thing useful, and have thus engaged both in science and letters. Their power consists both in the size of their bodies and also in their numbers. Their frankness and simplicity lead then easily to assemble in masses, each one feeling indigt at what appears injustice to his neighbour. At the present time indeed they are all at peace, being in subjection and living under the command of the Romans, who have subdued them; but we have described their customs as we understand they existed in former times, and as they still exist amongst the Germans. These two nations, both by nature and in their form of government, are similar and related to each other. Their countries border on each other, being separated by the river Rhine, and are for the most part similar. Germany, however, is more to the north, if we compare together the southern and northern parts of the two countries respectively. Thus it is that they can so easily change their abode. They march in crowds in one collected army, or rather remove with all their families, whenever they are ejected by a more powerful force. They were subdued by the Romans much more easily than the Iberians; for they began to wage war with these latter first, and ceased last, having in the mean time conquered the whole of the nations situated between the Rhine and the mountains of the Pyrenees. For these fighting in crowds and vast numbers, were overthrown in crowds, whereas the Iberians kept themselves in reserve, and broke up the war into a series of petty engagements, showing themselves in different bands, sometimes here, sometimes there, like banditti. All the Gauls are warriors by nature, but they fight better on horseback than on foot, and the flower of the Roman cavalry is drawn from their number. The most valiant of them dwell towards the north and next the ocean. 4.4.3. of these they say that the Belgae are the bravest. They are divided into fifteen nations, and dwell near the ocean between the Rhine and the Loire, and have therefore sustained themselves single-handed against the incursions of the Germans, the Cimbri, and the Teutons. The bravest of the Belgae are the Bellovaci, and after them the Suessiones. The amount of their population may be estimated by the fact that formerly there were said to be 300,000 Belgae capable of bearing arms. The numbers of the Helvetii, the Arverni, and their allies, have already been mentioned. All this is a proof both of the amount of the population of Gaul, and, as before remarked, of the fecundity of their women, and the ease with which they rear their children. The Gauls wear the sagum, let their hair grow, and wear short breeches. Instead of tunics they wear a slashed garment with sleeves descending a little below the hips. The wool of their sheep is coarse, but long; from it they weave the thick saga called laines. However, in the northern parts the Romans rear flocks of sheep which they cover with skins, and which produce very fine wool. The equipment of the Gauls is in keeping with the size of their bodies; they have a long sword hanging at their right side, a long shield, and lances in proportion, together with a madaris somewhat resembling a javelin; some of them also use bows and slings; they have also a piece of wood resembling a pilum, which they hurl not out of a thong, but from their hand, and to a farther distance than an arrow. They principally make use of it in shooting birds. To the present day most of them lie on the ground, and take their meals seated on straw. They subsist principally on milk and all kinds of flesh, especially that of swine, which they eat both fresh and salted. Their swine live in the fields, and surpass in height, strength, and swiftness. To persons unaccustomed to approach them they are almost as dangerous as wolves. The people dwell in great houses arched, constructed of planks and wicker, and covered with a heavy thatched roof. They have sheep and swine in such abundance, that they supply saga and salted pork in plenty, not only to Rome but to most parts of Italy. Their governments were for the most part aristocratic; formerly they chose a governor every year, and a military leader was likewise elected by the multitude. At the present day they are mostly under subjection to the Romans. They have a peculiar custom in their assemblies. If any one makes an uproar or interrupts the person speaking, an attendant advances with a drawn sword, and commands him with menace to be silent; if he persists, the attendant does the same thing a second and third time; and finally, if he will not obey, cuts off from his sagum so large a piece as to render the remainder useless. The labours of the two sexes are distributed in a manner the reverse of what they are with us, but this is a common thing with numerous other barbarians.' "4.4.4. Amongst the Gauls there are generally three divisions of' men especially reverenced, the Bards, the Vates, and the Druids. The Bards composed and chanted hymns; the Vates occupied themselves with the sacrifices and the study of nature; while the Druids joined to the study of nature that of moral philosophy. The belief in the justice of the Druids is so great that the decision both of public and private disputes is referred to them; and they have before now, by their decision, prevented armies from engaging when drawn up in battle-array against each other. All cases of murder are particularly referred to them. When there is plenty of these they imagine there will likewise be a plentiful harvest. Both these and the others assert that the soul is indestructible, and likewise the world, but that sometimes fire and sometimes water have prevailed in making great changes." "4.4.5. To their simplicity and vehemence, the Gauls join much folly, arrogance, and love of ornament. They wear golden collars round their necks, and bracelets on their arms and wrists, and those who are of any dignity have garments dyed and worked with gold. This lightness of character makes them intolerable when they conquer, and throws them into consternation when worsted. In addition to their folly, they have a barbarous and absurd custom, common however with many nations of the north, of suspending the heads of their enemies from their horses' necks on their return from tattle, and when they have arrived nailing them as a spectacle to their gates. Posidonius says he witnessed this in many different places, and was at first shocked, but became familiar with it in time on account of its frequency. The beads of any illustrious persons they embalm with cedar, exhibit them to strangers, and would not sell them for their weight in gold. However, the Romans put a stop to these customs, as well as to their modes of sacrifice and divination, which were quite opposite to those sanctioned by our laws. They would strike a man devoted as an offering in his back with a sword, and divine from his convulsive throes. Without the Druids they never sacrifice. It is said they have other modes of sacrificing their human victims; that they pierce some of them with arrows, and crucify others in their sanctuaries; and that they prepare a colossus of hay and wood, into which they put cattle, beasts of all kinds, and men, and then set fire to it." '
16.4.22. The late expedition of the Romans against the Arabians, under the command of Aelius Gallus, has made us acquainted with many peculiarities of the country. Augustus Caesar despatched this general to explore the nature of these places and their inhabitants, as well as those of Ethiopia; for he observed that Troglodytica, which is contiguous to Egypt, bordered upon Ethiopia; and that the Arabian Gulf was extremely narrow, where it separates the Arabians from the Troglodytae. It was his intention either to conciliate or subdue the Arabians. He was also influenced by the report, which had prevailed from all time, that this people were very wealthy, and exchanged their aromatics and precious stones for silver and gold, but never expended with foreigners any part of what they received in exchange. He hoped to acquire either opulent friends, or to overcome opulent enemies. He was moreover encouraged to undertake this enterprise by the expectation of assistance from the Nabataeans, who promised to co-operate with him in everything.' "16.4.23. Upon these inducements Gallus set out on the expedition. But he was deceived by Syllaeus, the king's minister of the Nabataeans, who had promised to be his guide on the march, and to assist him in the execution of his design. Syllaeus was however treacherous throughout; for he neither guided them by a safe course by sea along the coast, nor by a safe road for the army, as he promised, but exposed both the fleet and the army to danger, by directing them where there was no road, or the road was impracticable, where they were obliged to make long circuits, or to pass through tracts of country destitute of everything ; he led the fleet along a rocky coast without harbours, or to places abounding with rocks concealed under water, or with shallows. In places of this description particularly, the flowing and ebbing of the tide did them the most harm.The first mistake consisted in building long vessels of war at a time when there was no war, nor any likely to occur by sea. For the Arabians, being mostly engaged in traffic and commerce, are not a very warlike people even on land, much less so at sea. Gallus, notwithstanding, built not less than eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at Cleopatris, near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When he discovered his mistake, he constructed a hundred and thirty vessels of burden, in which he embarked with about ten thousand infantry, collected from Egypt, consisting of Romans and allies, among whom were five hundred Jews and a thousand Nabataeans, under the command of Syllaeus. After enduring great hardships and distress, he arrived on the fifteenth day at Leuce Kome, a large mart in the territory of the Nabataeans, with the loss of many of his vessels, some with all their crews, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, but by no opposition from an enemy. These misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of Syllaeus, who insisted that there was no road for an army by land to Leuce Come, to which and from which place the camel-traders travel with ease and in safety from Petra, and back to Petra, with so large a body of men and camels as to differ in no respect from an army." "16.4.24. Another cause of the failure of the expedition was the fact of king Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but placed everything in the power of Syllaeus the minister. His whole conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to destroy, in concert with the Romans, certain cities and tribes; and when the Romans should be consumed by famine, fatigue, and disease, and by all the evils which he had treacherously contrived, to declare himself master of the whole country.Gallus however arrived at Leuce Come, with the army labouring under stomacacce and scelotyrbe, diseases of the country, the former affecting the mouth, the other the legs, with a kind of paralysis, caused by the water and the plants which the soldiers had used in their food. He was therefore compelled to pass the summer and the winter there, for the recovery of the sick.Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence to Rhinocolura in Phoenicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the greater part is transported by the Nile to Alexandreia. It is brought down from Arabia and India to Myus Hormus, it is then conveyed on camels to Coptus of the Thebais, situated on a canal of the Nile, and to Alexandreia. Gallus, setting out again from Leuce-Come on his return with his army, and through the treachery of his guide, traversed such tracts of country, that the army was obliged to carry water with them upon camels. After a march of many days, therefore, he came to the territory of Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery of Syllaeus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country ; for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. It afforded barley, a few palm trees, and butter instead of oil.The next country to which he came belonged to Nomades, and was in great part a complete desert. It was called Ararene. The king of the country was Sabos. Gallus spent fifty days in passing through this territory, for want of roads, and came to a city of the Negrani, and to a fertile country peacefully disposed. The king had fled, and the city was taken at the first onset. After a march of six days from thence, he came to the river. Here the barbarians attacked the Romans, and lost about ten thousand men; the Romans lost only two men. For the barbarians were entirely inexperienced in war, and used their weapons unskilfully, which were bows, spears, swords, and slings; but the greater part of them wielded a double-edged axe. Immediately afterwards he took the city called Asca, which had been abandoned by the king. He thence came to a city Athrula, and took it without resistance; having placed a garrison there, and collected provisions for the march, consisting of corn and dates, he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of the Rhammanitae, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of water. He was two days' march from the aromatic region, as he was informed by his prisoners. He occupied in his marches a period of six months, in consequence of the treachery of his guides. This he discovered when he was returning; and although he was late in discovering the design against him, he had time to take another road back; for he arrived in nine days at Negrana, where the battle was fought, and thence in eleven days he came to the 'Seven Wells,' as the place is called from the fact of their existing there. Thence he marched through a desert country, and came to Chaalla a village, and then to another called Malothas, situated on a river. His road then lay through a desert country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as Egra a village. It belongs to the territory of Obodas, and is situated upon the sea. He accomplished on his return the whole distance in sixty days, in which, on his first journey, he had consumed six months. From there he conducted his army in eleven days to Myus Hormus; thence across the country to Coptus, and arrived at Alexandreia with so much of his army as could be saved. The remainder he lost, not by the enemy, but by disease, fatigue, famine, and marches through bad roads ; for seven men only perished in battle. For these reasons this expedition contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was however of some small service.Syllaeus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences, besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded."'. None
|37. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.654, 8.659-8.661
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul and Gauls • Gauls • Ogulnius Gallus, Cn. • Ogulnius Gallus, Q.
Found in books: Goldman (2013) 126; Ker and Wessels (2020) 277, 278, 279, 280, 281; Rutledge (2012) 166
8.654. Romuleoque recens horrebat regia culmo.
8.659. aurea caesaries ollis atque aurea vestis, 8.660. virgatis lucent sagulis, tum lactea colla 8.661. auro innectuntur, duo quisque Alpina coruscant''. None
|8.654. to the Rutulian land, to find defence |
8.659. an added strength, thyself. For yonder shores 8.660. re-echo with the tumult and the cry 8.661. of ships in close array; their eager lords ''. None
|38. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.10-6.11, 6.64-6.66, 6.69-6.71, 6.73
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus • Gallus, Cornelius • Gallus, Gaius Cornelius (poet)
Found in books: Konig (2022) 348; Thorsen et al. (2021) 106, 108, 114, 115, 116, 117; Xinyue (2022) 46
|6.10. to the slim oaten reed my silvan lay. 6.11. I sing but as vouchsafed me; yet even thi |
6.64. as with a beast to mate, though many a time 6.65. on her smooth forehead she had sought for horns, 6.66. and for her neck had feared the galling plough.
6.69. reposing, under some dark ilex now 6.70. chews the pale herbage, or some heifer track 6.71. amid the crowding herd. Now close, ye Nymphs,
6.73. if haply there may chance upon mine eye''. None
|39. Vergil, Georgics, 4.488
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus
Found in books: Johnson (2008) 101; Thorsen et al. (2021) 106
4.488. cum subita incautum dementia cepit amantem,''. None
|4.488. “Take beakers of Maconian wine,” she said,''. None|
|40. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Gaul, Gauls, sack, of Rome • Gauls
Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 8; Tacoma (2016) 8, 208
|41. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aquilius Florus Turcianus Gallus, L. • Aquillius Fionas Turcianus Gallus, L.
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 92; Talbert (1984) 397