Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       

Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.



All subjects (including unvalidated):
subject book bibliographic info
etruscan Bernabe et al (2013) 105, 243
Clackson et al. (2020) 9, 13, 14, 17, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 67, 90, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 119, 245, 284
Edmonds (2019) 209, 210
Edmondson (2008) 40, 84, 88, 90, 105, 111, 153, 154, 158, 159, 183, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 280, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 392, 395
etruscan, ages Santangelo (2013) 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 115, 116, 117, 118, 123, 129, 248, 250
etruscan, alphabet, script Clackson et al. (2020) 38, 104, 106, 107, 109, 113, 115, 117
etruscan, belief integrated with stoic/greek rationalization, divination Williams (2012) 296, 297, 319, 323
etruscan, calendars Rüpke (2011) 12, 30, 34, 43
etruscan, calendars, fasti Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 706
etruscan, cippi Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 706
etruscan, cognomina Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 707
etruscan, colonies Clackson et al. (2020) 13, 102, 104
etruscan, divination, divination, lightning as one of three branches of Williams (2012) 312
etruscan, divinatory belief, seneca, rationalization of Williams (2012) 328, 329, 330
etruscan, funerary monuments Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 713, 714
etruscan, ideology Faure (2022) 203
etruscan, influence/culture Radicke (2022) 62, 212, 290, 328, 379
etruscan, inscriptions Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 136, 159, 160, 705, 706, 707, 709
etruscan, inscriptions, languages Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 752, 753
etruscan, languages Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 705, 706, 707, 709, 713, 714
etruscan, onomastics Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 707, 714
etruscan, phrase Griffiths (1975) 157
etruscan, phrase, augury Griffiths (1975) 207
etruscan, phrase, cat mite Griffiths (1975) 180
etruscan, phrase, influence Griffiths (1975) 176
etruscan, porsenna, lars king Mueller (2002) 125, 126
etruscan, practices as scientific discipline, divination Williams (2012) 297, 312
etruscan, priest Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021) 44
etruscan, regional variations in spread of inscriptions Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 706, 707
etruscan, rutulians Santangelo (2013) 93, 115, 116, 117, 118, 250
etruscan, sacrificial rituals Ekroth (2013) 83, 239
etruscan, saeculum corruptissimum Davies (2004) 218
etruscan, spurinna, beautiful Mueller (2002) 172
etruscan, temple Rupke (2016) 52
etruscan, viewpoint in tension with whole stoic view, divination, narrow Williams (2012) 312, 313
etruscans Augoustakis (2014) 268
Bay (2022) 81, 234
Bianchetti et al (2015) 29
Borg (2008) 187
Cosgrove (2022) 173, 174
Giusti (2018) 26, 52, 58, 94
Jenkyns (2013) 50, 270, 331
Konrad (2022) 6, 39, 40, 257, 258, 286
Luck (2006) 18, 286, 309, 310, 311, 331
Marek (2019) 473
Maso (2022) 81
Rutledge (2012) 34, 168, 169, 180, 197, 215
Rüpke (2011) 12, 30, 34, 43
Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 300
Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 267
Verhagen (2022) 268
etruscans, alphabet, and Johnson and Parker (2009) 116
etruscans, aphrodite and Simon (2021) 258, 265
etruscans, etruria Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 118, 119, 120, 121, 124, 146, 147, 156, 163, 203, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 276, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 291, 292, 316
etruscans, etruria and Goldman (2013) 65, 132, 133, 139
etruscans, greek vases as grave goods of Simon (2021) 157, 326
etruscans, language as identity marker, distinguishing Gruen (2020) 93
etruscans, league of italian cities against Simon (2021) 173
etruscans, origin of Bremmer (2008) 316
etruscans, tydeus in art of Simon (2021) 218
etruscans, tyrrhenos, ancestral father of the Marek (2019) 473
etruscans, wall paintings of Simon (2021) 234
etruscans/tyrrhenians Gruen (2020) 30, 73, 76, 89, 93, 100, 101, 104, 108

List of validated texts:
16 validated results for "etruscan"
1. Hesiod, Theogony, 1011-1016 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans

 Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 29; Gruen (2020) 76, 93

1011. Κίρκη δʼ, Ἠελίου θυγάτηρ Ὑπεριονίδαο,'1012. γείνατʼ Ὀδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος ἐν φιλότητι 1013. Ἄγριον ἠδὲ Λατῖνον ἀμύμονά τε κρατερόν τε· 1014. Τηλέγονον δʼ ἄρʼ ἔτικτε διὰ χρυσέην Ἀφροδίτην. 1015. οἳ δή τοι μάλα τῆλε μυχῷ νήσων ἱεράων 1016. πᾶσιν Τυρσηνοῖσιν ἀγακλειτοῖσιν ἄνασσον. '. None
1011. She brought into the world a glorious son,'1012. Hephaestus, who transcended everyone 1013. In Heaven in handiwork. But Zeus then lay 1014. With Ocean’s and Tethys’ fair child, away 1015. From Hera … He duped Metis, although she 1016. Was splendidly intelligent. Then he '. None
2. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 268; Verhagen (2022) 268

3. Cicero, On Divination, 1.72, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans, • ages, Etruscan

 Found in books: Luck (2006) 310, 331; Maso (2022) 81; Santangelo (2013) 94

1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit.
2.26. Sed haec fuerit nobis tamquam levis armaturae prima orationis excursio; nunc comminus agamus experiamurque, si possimus cornua commovere disputationis tuae. Duo enim genera dividi esse dicebas, unum artificiosum, alterum naturale; artificiosum constare partim ex coniectura, partim ex observatione diuturna; naturale, quod animus arriperet aut exciperet extrinsecus ex divinitate, unde omnes animos haustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus. Artificiosa divinationis illa fere genera ponebas: extispicum eorumque, qui ex fulgoribus ostentisque praedicerent, tum augurum eorumque, qui signis aut ominibus uterentur, omneque genus coniecturale in hoc fere genere ponebas.''. None
1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola.
2.26. But this introductory part of my discussion has been mere skirmishing with light infantry; now let me come to close quarters and see if I cannot drive in both wings of your argument.11 You divided divination into two kinds, one artificial and the other natural. The artificial, you said, consists in part of conjecture and in part of long-continued observation; while the natural is that which the soul has seized, or, rather, has obtained, from a source outside itself — that is, from God, whence all human souls have been drawn off, received, or poured out. Under the head of artificial divination you placed predictions made from the inspection of entrails, those made from lightnings and portents, those made by augurs, and by persons who depend entirely upon premonitory signs. Under the same head you included practically every method of prophecy in which conjecture was employed.''. None
4. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans

 Found in books: Konrad (2022) 40; Maso (2022) 81; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 81

3.5. "Very well," rejoined Cotta, "let us then proceed as the argument itself may lead us. But before we come to the subject, let me say a few words about myself. I am considerably influenced by your authority, Balbus, and by the plea that you put forward at the conclusion of your discourse, when you exhorted me to remember that I am both a Cotta and a pontife. This no doubt meant that I ought to uphold the beliefs about the immortal gods which have come down to us from our ancestors, and the rites and ceremonies and duties of religion. For my part I always shall uphold them and always have done so, and no eloquence of anybody, learned or unlearned, shall ever dislodge me from the belief as to the worship of the immortal gods which I have inherited from our forefathers. But on any question of el I am guided by the high pontifes, Titus Coruncanius, Publius Scipio and Publius Scaevola, not by Zeno or Cleanthes or Chrysippus; and I have Gaius Laelius, who was both an augur and a philosopher, to whose discourse upon religion, in his famous oration, I would rather listen than to any leader of the Stoics. The religion of the Roman people comprises ritual, auspices, and the third additional division consisting of all such prophetic warnings as the interpreters of the Sybil or the soothsayers have derived from portents and prodigies. While, I have always thought that none of these departments of religion was to be despised, and I have held the conviction that Romulus by his auspices and Numa by his establishment of our ritual laid the foundations of our state, which assuredly could never have been as great as it is had not the fullest measure of divine favour been obtained for it. ''. None
5. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 188; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 77

6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89, 3.46-3.47 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans

 Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020) 103; Gruen (2020) 73, 76, 93, 104; Jenkyns (2013) 270

1.89. 1. \xa0Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I\xa0have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â\x80\x94 which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2. \xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3. \xa0But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4. \xa0For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians.
3.46. 1. \xa0After the death of Ancus Marcius the senate, being empowered by the people to establish whatever form of government they thought fit, again resolved to abide by the same form and appointed interreges. These, having assembled the people for the election, chosen Lucius Tarquinius as king; and the omens from Heaven having confirmed the decision of the people, Tarquinius took over the sovereignty about the second year of the forty-first Olympiad (the one in which Cleondas, a Theban, gained the prize), Heniochides being archon at Athens.,2. \xa0I\xa0shall now relate, following the account I\xa0have found in the Roman annals, from what sort of ancestors this Tarquinius was sprung, from what country he came, the reasons for his removing to Rome, and by what course of conduct he came to be king.,3. \xa0There was a certain Corinthian, Demaratus by name, of the family of the Bacchiadae, who, having chosen to engage in commerce, sailed to Italy in a ship of his own with his own cargo; and having sold the cargo in the Tyrrhenian cities, which were at the time the most flourishing in all Italy, and gained great profit thereby, he no longer desired to put into any other ports, but continued to ply the same sea, carrying a Greek cargo to the Tyrrhenians and a Tyrrhenian cargo to Greece, by which means he became possessed of great wealth.,4. \xa0But when Corinth fell a prey to sedition and the tyranny of Cypselus was rising in revolt against the Bacchiadae, Demaratus thought it was not safe for him to live under a tyranny with his great riches, particularly as he was of the oligarchic family; and accordingly, getting together all of his substance that he could, he sailed away from Corinth.,5. \xa0And having from his continual intercourse with the Tyrrhenians many good friends among them, particularly at Tarquinii, which was a large and flourishing city at that time, he built a house there and married a woman of illustrious birth. By her he had two sons, to whom he gave Tyrrhenian names, calling one Arruns and the other Lucumo; and having instructed them in both the Greek and Tyrrhenian learning, he married them, when they were grown, to two women of the most distinguished families. ' "
3.46. < 3.47. 1. \xa0Not long afterward the elder of his sons died without acknowledged issue, and a\xa0few days later Demaratus himself died of grief, leaving his surviving son Lucumo heir to his entire fortune. Lucumo, having thus inherited the great wealth of his father, had aspired to public life and a part in the administration of the commonwealth and to be one of its foremost citizens.,2. \xa0But being repulsed on every side by the native-born citizens and excluded, not only from the first, but even from the middle rank, he resented his disfranchisement. And hearing that the Romans gladly received all strangers and made them citizens, he resolved to get together all his riches and remove thither, taking with him his wife and such of his friends and household as wished to go along; and those who were eager to depart with him were many.,3. \xa0When they were come to the hill called Janiculum, from which Rome is first discerned by those who come from Tyrrhenia, an eagle, descending on a sudden, snatched his cap from his head and flew up again with it, and rising in a circular flight, hid himself in the depths of the circumambient air, then of a sudden replaced the cap on his head, fitting it on as it had been before.,4. \xa0This prodigy appearing wonderful and extraordinary to them all, the wife of Lucumo, Tanaquil by name, who had a good understanding standing, through her ancestors, of the Tyrrhenians' augural science, took him aside from the others and, embracing him, filled him with great hopes of rising from his private station to the royal power. She advised him, however, to consider by what means he might render himself worthy to receive the sovereignty by the free choice of the Romans. "'. None
7. Ovid, Fasti, 3.850 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscans • calendars, Etruscan

 Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203; Rüpke (2011) 30

3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae.''. None
3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say:''. None
8. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans, • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • Porsenna, Lars (Etruscan king)

 Found in books: Bay (2022) 234; Clackson et al. (2020) 103; Farrell (2021) 185; Gruen (2020) 76, 104; Mueller (2002) 125; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 121, 271, 283; Rutledge (2012) 180

9. Tacitus, Annals, 4.55.3, 14.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • Tyrrhenos, ancestral father of the Etruscans • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans

 Found in books: Gruen (2020) 93; Marek (2019) 473; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203; Rutledge (2012) 34

14.12. Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata.' '. None
4.55.3. \xa0To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. <' "
14.12. \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <"'. None
10. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians

 Found in books: Gruen (2020) 89; Jenkyns (2013) 270

11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscan phrase, influence

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 240; Griffiths (1975) 176

12. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • ages, Etruscan

 Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 168; Santangelo (2013) 91

13. Strabo, Geography, 5.2.2
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans

 Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020) 103; Gruen (2020) 76, 93

5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia received its name, and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king of Rome . Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts.''. None
14. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 6.2.3
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians

 Found in books: Gruen (2020) 100; Jenkyns (2013) 270

6.2.3. What? Were the people safe from the assaults of liberty? No, it both assailed them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo, tribune of the plebs, who was a most turbulent supporter of the recently suppressed Gracchan sedition, and a most absolute firebrand of the growing civil strife, having dragged P. Africanus from the very gate of the city to the rostra, as he returned in triumph from the destruction of Numantia, asked him there for his opinion on the death of Ti. Gracchus, whose sister he had married; so that by the authority of so eminent a person, he might add fuel to the fire already begun. He did not doubt that in regard of his near relative, Scipio would speak somewhat affectionately on behalf of his brother-in-law who had been put to death; but he answered that Gracchus was rightly slain. Upon which saying, when the whole assembly, aroused by the tribunician fury, began to make a great clamour. "Hold your peace," said he, "you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother." And when they began to make yet more noise, he said, "You shall never make me afraid of you - the freedmen, whom I brought here in chains." Thus were the whole people twice reprimanded by one man with contempt. But - such is the honour they gave to virtue - they soon were mute. The Numantine victory fresh in memory, his father\'s conquest of Macedonia, his grandfather\'s Carthaginian trophies, and the necks of two kings, Perseus and Syphax, chained to their triumphal chariots, closed the mouths of the whole forum. Nor did their silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian families, many fears of the city and Italy were brought to an end. The people of Rome were not free to protest, in respect of Scipio\'s free speech.''. None
15. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.259-1.260, 1.282-1.286, 8.505-8.506, 10.180-10.181
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruria and Etruscans • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • ages, Etruscan • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 40, 90, 212; Farrell (2021) 12, 252, 264; Goldman (2013) 139; Gruen (2020) 93; Santangelo (2013) 123, 248

1.259. moenia, sublimemque feres ad sidera caeli 1.260. magimum Aenean; neque me sententia vertit.
1.282. Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam: 1.283. sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus aetas, 1.284. cum domus Assaraci Phthiam clarasque Mycenas 1.285. servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argis. 1.286. Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar,
8.505. Ipse oratores ad me regnique coronam 8.506. cum sceptro misit mandatque insignia Tarchon,
10.180. urbs Etrusca solo. Sequitur pulcherrimus Astur, 10.181. Astur equo fidens et versicoloribus armis.''. None
1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends
1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires.
8.505. and oft to see Aeneas burdened sore 8.506. I could but weep. But now by will of Jove
10.180. of slain Sarpedon, and from Lycian steep 10.181. Clarus and Themon. With full-straining thews ''. None
16. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan sacrificial rituals • Etruscans

 Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 239; Pirenne-Delforge and Pironti (2022) 222

Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.