1. Hesiod, Theogony, 1011-1016 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 29; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76, 93
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1011 Κίρκη δʼ, Ἠελίου θυγάτηρ Ὑπεριονίδαο,'1012 γείνατʼ Ὀδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος ἐν φιλότητι 1013 Ἄγριον ἠδὲ Λατῖνον ἀμύμονά τε κρατερόν τε· 1014 Τηλέγονον δʼ ἄρʼ ἔτικτε διὰ χρυσέην Ἀφροδίτην. 1015 οἳ δή τοι μάλα τῆλε μυχῷ νήσων ἱεράων 1016 πᾶσιν Τυρσηνοῖσιν ἀγακλειτοῖσιν ἄνασσον. ' None | sup>
1011 She brought into the world a glorious son,'1012 Hephaestus, who transcended everyone 1013 In Heaven in handiwork. But Zeus then lay 1014 With Ocean’s and Tethys’ fair child, away 1015 From Hera … He duped Metis, although she 1016 Was splendidly intelligent. Then he ' None |
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2. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268
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3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.94 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 93; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 62
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1.94 Λυδοὶ δὲ νόμοισι μὲν παραπλησίοισι χρέωνται καὶ Ἕλληνές, χωρὶς ἢ ὅτι τὰ θήλεα τέκνα καταπορνεύουσι, πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν νόμισμα χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου κοψάμενοι ἐχρήσαντο, πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ κάπηλοι ἐγένοντο. φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ Λυδοὶ καὶ τὰς παιγνίας τὰς νῦν σφίσι τε καὶ Ἕλλησι κατεστεώσας ἑωυτῶν ἐξεύρημα γενέσθαι· ἅμα δὲ ταύτας τε ἐξευρεθῆναι παρὰ σφίσι λέγουσι καὶ Τυρσηνίην ἀποικίσαι, ὧδε περὶ αὐτῶν λέγοντες. ἐπὶ Ἄτυος τοῦ Μάνεω βασιλέος σιτοδείην ἰσχυρὴν ἀνὰ τὴν Λυδίην πᾶσαν γενέσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Λυδοὺς τέως μὲν διάγειν λιπαρέοντας, μετὰ δὲ ὡς οὐ παύεσθαι, ἄκεα δίζησθαι, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλο ἐπιμηχανᾶσθαι αὐτῶν. ἐξευρεθῆναι δὴ ὦν τότε καὶ τῶν κύβων καὶ τῶν ἀστραγάλων καὶ τῆς σφαίρης καὶ τῶν ἀλλέων πασέων παιγνιέων τὰ εἴδεα, πλὴν πεσσῶν τούτων γὰρ ὦν τὴν ἐξεύρεσιν οὐκ οἰκηιοῦνται Λυδοί. ποιέειν δὲ ὧδε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν ἐξευρόντας, τὴν μὲν ἑτέρην τῶν ἡμερέων παίζειν πᾶσαν, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ζητέοιεν σιτία, τὴν δὲ ἑτέρην σιτέεσθαι παυομένους τῶν παιγνιέων. τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ διάγειν ἐπʼ ἔτεα δυῶν δέοντα εἴκοσι. ἐπείτε δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέναι τὸ κακὸν ἀλλʼ ἔτι ἐπὶ μᾶλλον βιάζεσθαι οὕτω δὴ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν δύο μοίρας διελόντα Λυδῶν πάντων κληρῶσαι τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ μόνῃ τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ ἐξόδῳ ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ μένειν αὐτοῦ λαγχανούσῃ τῶν μοιρέων ἑωυτὸν τὸν βασιλέα προστάσσειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἀπαλλασσομένῃ τὸν ἑωυτοῦ παῖδα, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Τυρσηνόν. λαχόντας δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς χώρης καταβῆναι ἐς Σμύρνην καὶ μηχανήσασθαι πλοῖα, ἐς τὰ ἐσθεμένους τὰ πάντα ὅσα σφι ἦν χρηστὰ ἐπίπλοα, ἀποπλέειν κατὰ βίου τε καὶ γῆς ζήτησιν, ἐς ὃ ἔθνεα πολλὰ παραμειψαμένους ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Ὀμβρικούς, ἔνθα σφέας ἐνιδρύσασθαι πόλιας καὶ οἰκέειν τὸ μέχρι τοῦδε. ἀντὶ δὲ Λυδῶν μετονομασθῆναι αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέος τοῦ παιδός, ὅς σφεας ἀνήγαγε, ἐπὶ τούτου τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιευμένους ὀνομασθῆναι Τυρσηνούς. Λυδοὶ μὲν δὴ ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι ἐδεδούλωντο.'' None | sup>
1.94 The customs of the Lydians are like those of the Greeks, except that they make prostitutes of their female children. They were the first men whom we know who coined and used gold and silver currency; and they were the first to sell by retail. ,And, according to what they themselves say, the games now in use among them and the Greeks were invented by the Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them at the time when they colonized Tyrrhenia. This is their story: ,In the reign of Atys son of Manes there was great scarcity of food in all Lydia . For a while the Lydians bore this with what patience they could; presently, when the famine did not abate, they looked for remedies, and different plans were devised by different men. Then it was that they invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and ball and all other forms of game except dice, which the Lydians do not claim to have discovered. ,Then, using their discovery to lighten the famine, every other day they would play for the whole day, so that they would not have to look for food, and the next day they quit their play and ate. This was their way of life for eighteen years. ,But the famine did not cease to trouble them, and instead afflicted them even more. At last their king divided the people into two groups, and made them draw lots, so that the one group should remain and the other leave the country; he himself was to be the head of those who drew the lot to remain there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, of those who departed. ,Then the one group, having drawn the lot, left the country and came down to Smyrna and built ships, in which they loaded all their goods that could be transported aboard ship, and sailed away to seek a livelihood and a country; until at last, after sojourning with one people after another, they came to the Ombrici, where they founded cities and have lived ever since. ,They no longer called themselves Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the king's son who had led them there.The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the Persians. "" None |
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4. Cicero, On Divination, 1.72, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans, • ages, Etruscan
Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 310, 331; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 81; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 94
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1.72 in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit.
2.26 Sed haec fuerit nobis tamquam levis armaturae prima orationis excursio; nunc comminus agamus experiamurque, si possimus cornua commovere disputationis tuae. Duo enim genera dividi esse dicebas, unum artificiosum, alterum naturale; artificiosum constare partim ex coniectura, partim ex observatione diuturna; naturale, quod animus arriperet aut exciperet extrinsecus ex divinitate, unde omnes animos haustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus. Artificiosa divinationis illa fere genera ponebas: extispicum eorumque, qui ex fulgoribus ostentisque praedicerent, tum augurum eorumque, qui signis aut ominibus uterentur, omneque genus coniecturale in hoc fere genere ponebas.'' None | sup>
1.72 But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola.
2.26 But this introductory part of my discussion has been mere skirmishing with light infantry; now let me come to close quarters and see if I cannot drive in both wings of your argument.11 You divided divination into two kinds, one artificial and the other natural. The artificial, you said, consists in part of conjecture and in part of long-continued observation; while the natural is that which the soul has seized, or, rather, has obtained, from a source outside itself — that is, from God, whence all human souls have been drawn off, received, or poured out. Under the head of artificial divination you placed predictions made from the inspection of entrails, those made from lightnings and portents, those made by augurs, and by persons who depend entirely upon premonitory signs. Under the same head you included practically every method of prophecy in which conjecture was employed.'' None |
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5. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 81; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 81
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3.5 "Very well," rejoined Cotta, "let us then proceed as the argument itself may lead us. But before we come to the subject, let me say a few words about myself. I am considerably influenced by your authority, Balbus, and by the plea that you put forward at the conclusion of your discourse, when you exhorted me to remember that I am both a Cotta and a pontife. This no doubt meant that I ought to uphold the beliefs about the immortal gods which have come down to us from our ancestors, and the rites and ceremonies and duties of religion. For my part I always shall uphold them and always have done so, and no eloquence of anybody, learned or unlearned, shall ever dislodge me from the belief as to the worship of the immortal gods which I have inherited from our forefathers. But on any question of el I am guided by the high pontifes, Titus Coruncanius, Publius Scipio and Publius Scaevola, not by Zeno or Cleanthes or Chrysippus; and I have Gaius Laelius, who was both an augur and a philosopher, to whose discourse upon religion, in his famous oration, I would rather listen than to any leader of the Stoics. The religion of the Roman people comprises ritual, auspices, and the third additional division consisting of all such prophetic warnings as the interpreters of the Sybil or the soothsayers have derived from portents and prodigies. While, I have always thought that none of these departments of religion was to be despised, and I have held the conviction that Romulus by his auspices and Numa by his establishment of our ritual laid the foundations of our state, which assuredly could never have been as great as it is had not the fullest measure of divine favour been obtained for it. '' None |
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6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 188; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 77
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7. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89, 3.46-3.47 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 103; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73, 76, 93, 104; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270
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1.89 1. \xa0Such, then, are the facts concerning the origin of the Romans which I\xa0have been able to discover a reading very diligently many works written by both Greek and Roman authors. Hence, from now on let the reader forever renounce the views of those who make Rome a retreat of barbarians, fugitives and vagabonds, and let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city, â\x80\x94 which will be easy when he shows that it is at once the most hospitable and friendly of all cities, and when he bears in mind that the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians,,2. \xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these.,3. \xa0But the admixtures of the barbarians with the Romans, by which the city forgot many of its ancient institutions, happened at a later time. And it may well seem a cause of wonder to many who reflect on the natural course of events that Rome did not become entirely barbarized after receiving the Opicans, the Marsians, the Samnites, the Tyrrhenians, the Bruttians and many thousands of Umbrians, Ligurians, Iberians and Gauls, besides innumerable other nations, some of whom came from Italy itself and some from other regions and differed from one another both in their language and habits; for their very ways of life, diverse as they were and thrown into turmoil by such dissoce, might have been expected to cause many innovations in the ancient order of the city.,4. \xa0For many others by living among barbarians have in a short time forgotten all their Greek heritage, so that they neither speak the Greek language nor observe the customs of the Greeks nor acknowledge the same gods nor have the same equitable laws (by which most of all the spirit of the Greeks differs from that of the barbarians) nor agree with them in anything else whatever that relates to the ordinary intercourse of life. Those Achaeans who are settled near the Euxine sea are a sufficient proof of my contention; for, though originally Eleans, of a nation the most Greek of any, they are now the most savage of all barbarians.
3.46 1. \xa0After the death of Ancus Marcius the senate, being empowered by the people to establish whatever form of government they thought fit, again resolved to abide by the same form and appointed interreges. These, having assembled the people for the election, chosen Lucius Tarquinius as king; and the omens from Heaven having confirmed the decision of the people, Tarquinius took over the sovereignty about the second year of the forty-first Olympiad (the one in which Cleondas, a Theban, gained the prize), Heniochides being archon at Athens.,2. \xa0I\xa0shall now relate, following the account I\xa0have found in the Roman annals, from what sort of ancestors this Tarquinius was sprung, from what country he came, the reasons for his removing to Rome, and by what course of conduct he came to be king.,3. \xa0There was a certain Corinthian, Demaratus by name, of the family of the Bacchiadae, who, having chosen to engage in commerce, sailed to Italy in a ship of his own with his own cargo; and having sold the cargo in the Tyrrhenian cities, which were at the time the most flourishing in all Italy, and gained great profit thereby, he no longer desired to put into any other ports, but continued to ply the same sea, carrying a Greek cargo to the Tyrrhenians and a Tyrrhenian cargo to Greece, by which means he became possessed of great wealth.,4. \xa0But when Corinth fell a prey to sedition and the tyranny of Cypselus was rising in revolt against the Bacchiadae, Demaratus thought it was not safe for him to live under a tyranny with his great riches, particularly as he was of the oligarchic family; and accordingly, getting together all of his substance that he could, he sailed away from Corinth.,5. \xa0And having from his continual intercourse with the Tyrrhenians many good friends among them, particularly at Tarquinii, which was a large and flourishing city at that time, he built a house there and married a woman of illustrious birth. By her he had two sons, to whom he gave Tyrrhenian names, calling one Arruns and the other Lucumo; and having instructed them in both the Greek and Tyrrhenian learning, he married them, when they were grown, to two women of the most distinguished families. ' "
3.46 < 3.47 1. \xa0Not long afterward the elder of his sons died without acknowledged issue, and a\xa0few days later Demaratus himself died of grief, leaving his surviving son Lucumo heir to his entire fortune. Lucumo, having thus inherited the great wealth of his father, had aspired to public life and a part in the administration of the commonwealth and to be one of its foremost citizens.,2. \xa0But being repulsed on every side by the native-born citizens and excluded, not only from the first, but even from the middle rank, he resented his disfranchisement. And hearing that the Romans gladly received all strangers and made them citizens, he resolved to get together all his riches and remove thither, taking with him his wife and such of his friends and household as wished to go along; and those who were eager to depart with him were many.,3. \xa0When they were come to the hill called Janiculum, from which Rome is first discerned by those who come from Tyrrhenia, an eagle, descending on a sudden, snatched his cap from his head and flew up again with it, and rising in a circular flight, hid himself in the depths of the circumambient air, then of a sudden replaced the cap on his head, fitting it on as it had been before.,4. \xa0This prodigy appearing wonderful and extraordinary to them all, the wife of Lucumo, Tanaquil by name, who had a good understanding standing, through her ancestors, of the Tyrrhenians' augural science, took him aside from the others and, embracing him, filled him with great hopes of rising from his private station to the royal power. She advised him, however, to consider by what means he might render himself worthy to receive the sovereignty by the free choice of the Romans. "' None |
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8. Ovid, Fasti, 3.850 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscans • calendars, Etruscan
Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 30
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3.850 admonet et forti sacrificare deae.'' None | sup>
3.850 Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say:'' None |
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9. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscans
Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 270; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 53
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10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans, • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • Porsenna, Lars (Etruscan king)
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 234; Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 103; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 185; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 379; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73, 76, 104; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 125; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 121, 271, 283; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 180; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 148
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11. Tacitus, Annals, 4.55.3, 14.12, 14.20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruria, Etruscans • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • Tyrrhenos, ancestral father of the Etruscans • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 93; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 473; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 34; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 152
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14.12 Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata.' ' None | sup>
4.55.3 \xa0To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. <' "
14.12 \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <" 14.20 \xa0In the consulate of Nero â\x80\x94 his fourth term â\x80\x94 and of Cornelius Cossus, a quinquennial competition on the stage, in the style of a Greek contest, was introduced at Rome. Like almost all innovations it was variously canvassed. Some insisted that "even Pompey had been censured by his elders for establishing the theatre in a permanent home. Before, the games had usually been exhibited with the help of improvised tiers of benches and a stage thrown up for the occasion; or, to go further into the past, the people stood to watch: seats in the theatre, it was feared, might tempt them to pass whole days in indolence. By all means let the spectacles be retained in their old form, whenever the praetor presided, and so long as no citizen lay under any obligation to compete. But the national morality, which had gradually fallen into oblivion, was being overthrown from the foundations by this imported licentiousness; the aim of which was that every production of every land, capable of either undergoing or engendering corruption, should be on view in the capital, and that our youth, under the influence of foreign tastes, should degenerate into votaries of the gymnasia, of indolence, and of dishonourable amours, â\x80\x94 and this at the instigation of the emperor and senate, who, not content with conferring immunity upon vice, were applying compulsion, in order that Roman nobles should pollute themselves on the stage under pretext of delivering an oration or a poem. What remained but to strip to the skin as well, put on the gloves, and practise that mode of conflict instead of the profession of arms? Would justice be promoted, would the equestrian decuries better fulfil their great judicial functions, if they had lent an expert ear to emasculated music and dulcet voices? Even night had been requisitioned for scandal, so that virtue should not be left with a breathing-space, but that amid a promiscuous crowd every vilest profligate might venture in the dark the act for which he had lusted in the light." <'' None |
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12. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 89; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270
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13. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans
Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 25, 26; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 85
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14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscan phrase, influence
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 240; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 176
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15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans
Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 168; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 41
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16. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • ages, Etruscan
Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 168; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 91
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17. Strabo, Geography, 5.2.2
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 103; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76, 93
| sup>
5.2.2 The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia received its name, and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king of Rome . Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts.'' None |
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18. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 6.2.3
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 100; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 270
| sup>
6.2.3 What? Were the people safe from the assaults of liberty? No, it both assailed them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo, tribune of the plebs, who was a most turbulent supporter of the recently suppressed Gracchan sedition, and a most absolute firebrand of the growing civil strife, having dragged P. Africanus from the very gate of the city to the rostra, as he returned in triumph from the destruction of Numantia, asked him there for his opinion on the death of Ti. Gracchus, whose sister he had married; so that by the authority of so eminent a person, he might add fuel to the fire already begun. He did not doubt that in regard of his near relative, Scipio would speak somewhat affectionately on behalf of his brother-in-law who had been put to death; but he answered that Gracchus was rightly slain. Upon which saying, when the whole assembly, aroused by the tribunician fury, began to make a great clamour. "Hold your peace," said he, "you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother." And when they began to make yet more noise, he said, "You shall never make me afraid of you - the freedmen, whom I brought here in chains." Thus were the whole people twice reprimanded by one man with contempt. But - such is the honour they gave to virtue - they soon were mute. The Numantine victory fresh in memory, his father\'s conquest of Macedonia, his grandfather\'s Carthaginian trophies, and the necks of two kings, Perseus and Syphax, chained to their triumphal chariots, closed the mouths of the whole forum. Nor did their silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian families, many fears of the city and Italy were brought to an end. The people of Rome were not free to protest, in respect of Scipio\'s free speech.'' None |
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19. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.259-1.260, 1.282-1.286, 7.648, 8.505-8.506, 8.731, 10.180-10.181, 10.198, 10.206, 10.721-10.722, 11.656
Tagged with subjects: • Etruria and Etruscans • Etruscan • Etruscans • Etruscans/Tyrrhenians • ages, Etruscan • language as identity marker, distinguishing Etruscans
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 40, 90, 212; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 5; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 12, 252, 264, 268; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 139; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 93; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 120, 354, 389; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 123, 248; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 41
sup>
1.259 moenia, sublimemque feres ad sidera caeli 1.260 magimum Aenean; neque me sententia vertit.
1.282 Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam: 1.283 sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus aetas, 1.284 cum domus Assaraci Phthiam clarasque Mycenas 1.285 servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argis. 1.286 Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar,
7.648 contemptor divom Mezentius agminaque armat.
8.505 Ipse oratores ad me regnique coronam 8.506 cum sceptro misit mandatque insignia Tarchon,
8.731 attollens umero famamque et fata nepotum.
10.180 urbs Etrusca solo. Sequitur pulcherrimus Astur, 10.181 Astur equo fidens et versicoloribus armis.
10.206 Mincius infesta ducebat in aequora pinu.
10.721 Hunc ubi miscentem longe media agmina vidit, 10.722 purpureum pennis et pactae coniugis ostro:' ' None | sup>
1.259 lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260 Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends
1.282 Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283 they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284 and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285 and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286 place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires.
7.648 now roused this wanderer in their ravening chase,
8.505 and oft to see Aeneas burdened sore 8.506 I could but weep. But now by will of Jove
8.731 of chosen lambs, with fitting rites and true.
10.180 of slain Sarpedon, and from Lycian steep 10.181 Clarus and Themon. With full-straining thews
10.206 While these in many a shock of grievous war
10.721 He spoke: and, grasping with his mighty left 10.722 the helmet of the vainly suppliant foe, ' ' None |
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20. Vergil, Georgics, 3.15
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscans
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 354
sup>
3.15 Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas.'' None | sup>
3.15 To lead the Muses with me, as I pa'' None |
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21. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Etruscan sacrificial rituals • Etruscans
Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 239; Pirenne-Delforge and Pironti (2022), The Hera of Zeus: Intimate Enemy, Ultimate Spouse, 222
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