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2 results for "ethnographic"

1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.148-1.256, 2.212-2.216, 5.375 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ethnographic disposition, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 98

1.148. ̓́Ενθα δὴ πολλὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κακοπαθούντων ὁ Πομπήιος τά τε ἄλλα τῆς καρτερίας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπεθαύμαζεν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ μηδὲν παραλῦσαι: τῆς θρησκείας ἐν μέσοις τοῖς βέλεσιν ἀνειλημένους: ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰρήνης βαθείας κατεχούσης τὴν πόλιν αἵ τε θυσίαι καθ' ἡμέραν καὶ οἱ ἐναγισμοὶ καὶ πᾶσα θεραπεία κατὰ τἀκριβὲς ἐξετελεῖτο τῷ θεῷ, καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὴν ἅλωσιν περὶ τῷ βωμῷ φονευόμενοι τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν νομίμων εἰς τὴν θρησκείαν ἀπέστησαν. 1.149. τρίτῳ γὰρ μηνὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μόλις ἕνα τῶν πύργων καταρρίψαντες εἰσέπιπτον εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος ὑπερβῆναι τολμήσας τὸ τεῖχος Σύλλα παῖς ἦν Φαῦστος Κορνήλιος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχαι δύο Φούριος καὶ Φάβιος. εἵπετο δὲ ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἴδιον στῖφος, καὶ περισχόντες πανταχοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔκτεινον οὓς μὲν τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντας, οὓς δὲ ἀμυνομένους πρὸς ὀλίγον. 1.151. ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν ἀνῃρέθησαν μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν πάνυ νεκροί, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο πλείους. 1.152. Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια. 1.153. οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο. 1.154. ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον. 1.155. ̓Αφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ Γάδαρα ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων κατεστραμμένην Γαδαρεῖ τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος. 1.156. ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσας μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ̔́Ιππον Σκυθόπολίν τε καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ Μάρισαν ̓́Αζωτόν τε καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους Γάζαν ̓Ιόππην Δῶρα καὶ τὴν πάλαι μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν Καισάρειαν. 1.157. ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον. 1.158. δύο δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ δύο υἱεῖς, ὧν ὁ ἕτερος μὲν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ διαδιδράσκει, σὺν δὲ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίγονος εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐκομίζετο. 1.159. Κἀν τούτῳ Σκαῦρος εἰς τὴν ̓Αραβίαν ἐμβαλὼν τῆς μὲν Πέτρας εἴργετο ταῖς δυσχωρίαις, ἐπόρθει δὲ τὰ πέριξ πολλὰ κἀν τούτῳ κακοπαθῶν: ἐλίμωττεν γὰρ ἡ στρατιά. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ̔Υρκανὸς ἐπεβοήθει διὰ ̓Αντιπάτου τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πέμπων. ὃν καὶ καθίησι Σκαῦρος ὄντα συνήθη πρὸς ̓Αρέταν, ὅπως ἐπὶ χρήμασιν διαλύσαιτο τὸν πόλεμον. πείθεται δὲ ὁ ̓́Αραψ τριακόσια δοῦναι τάλαντα, κἀπὶ τούτοις Σκαῦρος ἐξῆγεν τῆς ̓Αραβίας τὴν δύναμιν. 1.161. ὁ δὲ δείσας πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον δύναμίν τε πλείω συνέλεγεν, ὡς γενέσθαι μυρίους μὲν ὁπλίτας χιλίους δὲ καὶ πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν χωρίων ἐτείχιζε ̓Αλεξάνδρειόν τε καὶ ̔Υρκάνειον καὶ Μαχαιροῦντα πρὸς τοῖς ̓Αραβίοις ὄρεσιν. 1.162. Γαβίνιος δὲ μετὰ μέρους τῆς στρατιᾶς Μᾶρκον ̓Αντώνιον προπέμψας αὐτὸς εἵπετο τὴν ὅλην ἔχων δύναμιν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἐπίλεκτοι καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τάγμα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ὧν Μάλιχος ἦρχεν καὶ Πειθόλαος, συμμίξαντες τοῖς περὶ Μᾶρκον ̓Αντώνιον ἡγεμόσιν ὑπήντων ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ. καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ παρῆν ἅμα τῇ φάλαγγι Γαβίνιος. 1.163. ἑνουμένην δὲ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ̓Αλέξανδρος ἀνεχώρει καὶ πλησίον ἤδη ̔Ιεροσολύμων γενόμενος ἀναγκάζεται συμβαλεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἑξακισχιλίους ἀποβαλών, ὧν τρισχίλιοι μὲν ἔπεσον τρισχίλιοι δὲ ἐζωγρήθησαν, φεύγει σὺν τοῖς καταλειφθεῖσιν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειον. 1.164. Γαβίνιος δὲ πρὸς τὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἐλθὼν ἐπειδὴ πολλοὺς εὗρεν ἐστρατοπεδευμένους, ἐπειρᾶτο συγγνώμης ὑποσχέσει περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων πρὸ μάχης αὐτοὺς προσαγαγέσθαι: μηδὲν δὲ μέτριον φρονούντων ἀποκτείνας πολλοὺς τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπέκλεισεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα. 1.165. κατὰ ταύτην ἀριστεύει τὴν μάχην ὁ ἡγεμὼν Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος, πανταχοῦ μὲν γενναῖος ἀεὶ φανείς, οὐδαμοῦ δ' οὕτως. Γαβίνιος δὲ τοὺς ἐξαιρήσοντας τὸ φρούριον καταλιπὼν αὐτὸς ἐπῄει τὰς μὲν ἀπορθήτους πόλεις καθιστάμενος, τὰς δὲ κατεστραμμένας ἀνακτίζων. 1.166. συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος Σκυθόπολίς τε καὶ Σαμάρεια καὶ ̓Ανθηδὼν καὶ ̓Απολλωνία καὶ ̓Ιάμνεια καὶ ̔Ράφεια Μάρισά τε καὶ ̓Αδώρεος καὶ Γάβαλα καὶ ̓́Αζωτος καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ' ἑκάστην συνθεόντων. 1.167. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἐπέρρωσεν τὴν πολιορκίαν, ὥστε ̓Αλέξανδρος ἀπογνοὺς περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρὸς αὐτόν, συγγνωσθῆναί τε τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δεόμενος καὶ τὰ συλληφθέντα φρούρια παραδιδοὺς ̔Υρκάνειον καὶ Μαχαιροῦντα: αὖθις δὲ καὶ τὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἐνεχείρισεν. 1.168. ἃ πάντα Γαβίνιος ἐναγούσης τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς κατέστρεψεν, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ὁρμητήριον γένοιτο δευτέρου πολέμου: παρῆν δὲ μειλισσομένη τὸν Γαβίνιον κατὰ δέος τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης αἰχμαλώτων, τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων. 1.169. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα Γαβίνιος ̔Υρκανὸν καταγαγὼν καὶ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ παραδοὺς κηδεμονίαν αὐτῷ καθίστατο τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν ἐπὶ προστασίᾳ τῶν ἀρίστων. 1.171. Μετ' οὐ πολύ γε μὴν αὐτοῖς ἀρχὴ γίνεται θορύβων ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀποδρὰς ἐκ ̔Ρώμης, ὃς αὖθις πολλοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπισυνίστη, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντας μεταβολῆς, τοὺς δὲ ἀγαπῶντας αὐτὸν πάλαι. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον καταλαβόμενος τὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἀνατειχίζειν ἐπειρᾶτο: ὡς δὲ Γαβίνιος ὑπὸ Σισέννᾳ καὶ ̓Αντωνίῳ καὶ Σερουιανῷ στρατιὰν ἔπεμψεν ἐπ' αὐτόν. γνοὺς ἀνεχώρει ἐπὶ Μαχαιροῦντος. 1.172. καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄχρηστον ὄχλον ἀπεφορτίσατο, μόνους δὲ ἐπήγετο τοὺς ὡπλισμένους ὄντας εἰς ὀκτακισχιλίους, ἐν οἷς καὶ Πειθόλαος ἦν ὁ ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὑποστράτηγος αὐτομολήσας μετὰ χιλίων. ̔Ρωμαῖοι δ' ἐπηκολούθουν, καὶ γενομένης συμβολῆς μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον διεκαρτέρουν γενναίως ἀγωνιζόμενοι, τέλος δὲ βιασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων πίπτουσι μὲν πεντακισχίλιοι, περὶ δὲ δισχιλίους ἀνέφυγον εἴς τινα λόφον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ χίλιοι σὺν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ διακόψαντες τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων εἰς Μαχαιροῦντα συνελαύνονται. 1.173. ἔνθα δὴ τὴν πρώτην ἑσπέραν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἐρειπίοις ἐναυλισάμενος ἐν ἐλπίσι μὲν ἦν ἄλλην συναθροίσειν δύναμιν ἀνοχὴν τοῦ πολέμου διδόντος καὶ τὸ φρούριον κακῶς ὠχύρου: προσπεσόντων δὲ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπὶ δύο ἡμέρας ἀντισχὼν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἁλίσκεται καὶ μετ' ̓Αντιγόνου τοῦ παιδός, ὃς ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης αὐτῷ συναπέδρα, δεσμώτης ἐπὶ Γαβίνιον ἀνήχθη καὶ ἀπὸ Γαβινίου πάλιν εἰς ̔Ρώμην. 1.174. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος εἷρξεν, τὰ τέκνα δ' αὐτοῦ διῆγεν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν Γαβινίου δι' ἐπιστολῶν δηλώσαντος τῇ ̓Αριστοβούλου γυναικὶ τοῦτο ἀντὶ τῆς παραδόσεως τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὡμολογηκέναι. 1.175. Γαβινίῳ δ' ἐπὶ Πάρθους ὡρμημένῳ στρατεύειν γίνεται Πτολεμαῖος ἐμπόδιον: ὃς ὑποστρέψας ἀπ' Εὐφράτου κατῆγεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐπιτηδείοις εἰς ἅπαντα χρώμενος κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ γὰρ χρήματα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτον καὶ ἐπικούρους ̓Αντίπατρος προσῆγεν, καὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ ̓Ιουδαίους φρουροῦντας τὰς κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολὰς παρεῖναι Γαβίνιον ἔπεισεν. 1.176. τῆς δ' ἄλλης Συρίας πρὸς τὸν Γαβινίου χωρισμὸν κινηθείσης καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους πάλιν ἀπέστησεν ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου, μεγίστην δὲ συγκροτήσας δύναμιν ὥρμητο πάντας τοὺς κατὰ τὴν χώραν ̔Ρωμαίους ἀνελεῖν. 1.177. πρὸς ὃ Γαβίνιος δείσας, ἤδη δὲ παρῆν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου τοῖς τῇδε θορύβοις ἠπειγμένος, ἐπὶ τινὰς μὲν τῶν ἀφεστώτων ̓Αντίπατρον προπέμψας μετέπεισεν, συνέμενον δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τρεῖς μυριάδες, κἀκεῖνος ὥρμητο πολεμεῖν. οὕτως ἔξεισιν πρὸς μάχην. ὑπήντων δὲ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, καὶ συμβαλόντων περὶ τὸ ̓Ιταβύριον ὄρος μύριοι μὲν ἀναιροῦνται, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἐσκεδάσθη φυγῇ. 1.179. Κἀν τούτῳ Κράσσος αὐτῷ διάδοχος ἐλθὼν παραλαμβάνει Συρίαν. οὗτος εἰς τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν τόν τε ἄλλον τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ναοῦ χρυσὸν πάντα περιεῖλεν καὶ τὰ δισχίλια τάλαντα ἦρεν, ὧν ἀπέσχετο Πομπήιος. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Εὐφράτην αὐτός τε ἀπώλετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, περὶ ὧν οὐ νῦν καιρὸς λέγειν. 1.181. τούτῳ γήμαντι γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐξ ̓Αραβίας Κύπρον τοὔνομα τέσσαρες μὲν υἱεῖς γίνονται, Φασάηλος καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὖθις ̔Ηρώδης, πρὸς οἷς ̓Ιώσηπος καὶ Φερώρας καὶ Σαλώμη θυγάτηρ. ἐξῳκειωμένος δὲ τοὺς πανταχοῦ δυνατοὺς φιλίαις τε καὶ ξενίαις μάλιστα προσηγάγετο τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα διὰ τὴν ἐπιγαμβρίαν, κἀπειδὴ τὸν πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἀνείλετο πόλεμον, ἐκείνῳ παρακαταθήκην ἔπεμψεν τὰ τέκνα. 1.182. Κάσσιος δὲ κατὰ συνθήκας ἡσυχάζειν ̓Αλέξανδρον ἀναγκάσας ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ὑπέστρεψεν Πάρθους διαβαίνειν ἀνείρξων, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἑτέροις ἐροῦμεν. 1.183. Καῖσαρ δὲ Πομπηίου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου φυγόντων ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιόνιον ̔Ρώμης καὶ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσας ἀνίησι μὲν τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον, παραδοὺς δ' αὐτῷ δύο τάγματα κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν εἰς Συρίαν, ταύτην τε ῥᾳδίως ἐλπίσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν δι' αὐτοῦ προσάξεσθαι. 1.184. φθάνει δ' ὁ φθόνος καὶ τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου προθυμίαν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἐλπίδας: φαρμάκῳ γοῦν ἀναιρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οὐδὲ ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρῴᾳ χώρᾳ μετεῖχεν, ἔκειτο δὲ μέλιτι συντηρούμενος ὁ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ, ἕως ὑπ' ̓Αντωνίου ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέμφθη τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μνημείοις ἐνταφησόμενος. 1.185. ̓Αναιρεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Αλέξανδρος πελέκει ὑπὸ Σκιπίωνος ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ Πομπηίου τοῦτ' ἐπιστείλαντος καὶ γενομένης κατηγορίας πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ὧν ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβλαψεν. τοὺς δ' ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου παραλαβών, ὃς ἐκράτει τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ Λιβάνῳ Χαλκίδος, Φιλιππίωνα τὸν υἱὸν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς εἰς ̓Ασκάλωνα πέμπει. 1.186. κἀκεῖνος ἀποσπάσας τῆς ̓Αριστοβούλου γυναικὸς ̓Αντίγονον καὶ τὰς ἀδελφὰς αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀνήγαγεν. ἁλοὺς δ' ἔρωτι γαμεῖ τὴν ἑτέραν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς δι' αὐτὴν κτείνεται: γαμεῖ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν ἀνελὼν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ διὰ τὸν γάμον κηδεμονικώτερος αὐτὸς ἦν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς. 1.187. ̓Αντίπατρος δὲ μετὰ τὴν Πομπηίου τελευτὴν μεταβὰς ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα, κἀπειδὴ Μιθριδάτης ὁ Περγαμηνὸς μεθ' ἧς ἦγεν ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον δυνάμεως εἰργόμενος τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολῶν ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι κατείχετο, τούς τε ̓́Αραβας ξένος ὢν ἔπεισεν ἐπικουρῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἧκεν ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας. 1.188. παρώρμησεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν Συρίᾳ δυνατοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν τόν τε ἔποικον τοῦ Λιβάνου Πτολεμαῖον καὶ ̓Ιάμβλιχον, δι' οὓς αἱ ταύτῃ πόλεις ἑτοίμως συνεφήψαντο τοῦ πολέμου. 1.189. καὶ θαρρῶν ἤδη Μιθριδάτης τῇ προσγενομένῃ δι' ̓Αντίπατρον ἰσχύι πρὸς τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐξελαύνει κωλυόμενός τε διελθεῖν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. γίνεται δὲ κἀν τῇ προσβολῇ διασημότατος ̓Αντίπατρος: τὸ γὰρ κατ' αὐτὸν μέρος τοῦ τείχους διαρρήξας πρῶτος εἰσεπήδησεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ. 1.191. κἀκεῖνος ἤδη τὸ Δέλτα περιελθὼν συνέβαλλεν τοῖς λοιποῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εἰς μάχην κατὰ χῶρον, ὃς ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον καλεῖται. κινδυνεύοντα δ' αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ παρατάξει σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι ῥύεται περιελθὼν ̓Αντίπατρος παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ: 1.192. τῶν γὰρ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἐκράτει τὸ λαιὸν ἔχων κέρας: ἔπειτα προσπεσὼν τοῖς διώκουσι Μιθριδάτην ἀπέκτεινεν πολλοὺς καὶ μέχρι τοσούτου τοὺς καταλειπομένους ἐδίωξεν ὡς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν ἑλεῖν. ὀγδοήκοντα δὲ μόνους τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλεν, καὶ Μιθριδάτης ἐν τῇ τροπῇ περὶ ὀκτακοσίους. σωθεὶς δ' αὐτὸς παρ' ἐλπίδα μάρτυς ἀβάσκανος γίνεται πρὸς Καίσαρα τῶν ̓Αντιπάτρου κατορθωμάτων. 1.193. ̔Ο δὲ τότε μὲν τὸν ἄνδρα τοῖς ἐπαίνοις καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν εἰς τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κινδύνους ἐπέρρωσεν, ἐν οἷς πᾶσιν παραβολώτατος ἀγωνιστὴς γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ τρωθεὶς ἐφ' ὅλου σχεδὸν τοῦ σώματος εἶχεν τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀρετῆς. 1.194. αὖθις δὲ καταστησάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὡς ἐπανῆκεν εἰς Συρίαν, πολιτείᾳ τε αὐτὸν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐδωρήσατο καὶ ἀτελείᾳ τῆς τε ἄλλης τιμῆς καὶ φιλοφρονήσεως ἕνεκεν ζηλωτὸν ἐποίησεν καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην δὲ δι' αὐτὸν ἐπεκύρωσεν ̔Υρκανῷ. 1.195. Κατ' αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίγονος ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα παρὼν γίνεται παραδόξως ̓Αντιπάτρῳ μείζονος προκοπῆς αἴτιος: δέον γὰρ ἀποδύρεσθαι περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς πεφαρμάχθαι δοκοῦντος ἐκ τῶν πρὸς Πομπήιον διαφορῶν καὶ περὶ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν Σκιπίωνος ὠμότητα μέμφεσθαι καὶ μηδὲν εἰς τὸν ἔλεον παραμῖξαι φθονερὸν πάθος, ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ̔Υρκανοῦ καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατηγόρει παρελθών, 1.196. ὡς παρανομώτατα μὲν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πάσης ἀπελαύνοιεν τῆς πατρίου γῆς, πολλὰ δ' εἰς τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοὶ διὰ κόρον ἐξυβρίζοιεν, καὶ ὅτι τὴν εἰς Αἴγυπτον συμμαχίαν οὐκ ἐπ' εὐνοίᾳ αὐτῷ πέμψειαν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ δέος τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Πομπήιον φιλίαν ἀποσκευαζόμενοι. 1.198. ̓Αντιγόνου δὲ θαυμάζειν τὴν τόλμαν, εἰ πολεμίου ̔Ρωμαίων υἱὸς ὢν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων δραπέτου καὶ τὸ νεωτεροποιὸς εἶναι καὶ στασιώδης αὐτὸς πατρῷον ἔχων, παρὰ τῷ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμόνι κατηγορεῖν ἐπικεχείρηκεν ἑτέρων καὶ πειρᾶται τυχεῖν ἀγαθοῦ τινος, δέον ἀγαπᾶν ὅτι ζῇ: καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἐφίεσθαι πραγμάτων οὐ τοσοῦτον δι' ἀπορίαν, ἀλλ' ἵνα ̓Ιουδαίους διαστασιάσῃ παρελθὼν καὶ χρήσηται κατὰ τῶν δόντων ταῖς ἀφορμαῖς. 1.199. Τούτων Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ̔Υρκανὸν μὲν ἀξιώτερον τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀπεφήνατο, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ δυναστείας αἵρεσιν ἔδωκεν. ὁ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸ μέτρον τῆς τιμῆς θέμενος πάσης ἐπίτροπος ̓Ιουδαίας ἀποδείκνυται καὶ προσεπιτυγχάνει τὰ τείχη τῆς πατρίδος ἀνακτίσαι κατεστραμμένα. 1.202. εἰ δὲ πείθοιντο ταῖς ψυχραῖς ἐλπίσιν τῶν νεωτερίζειν ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν οἰκείοις ἐθελόντων, ὡς αὐτόν τε πειράσουσιν ἀντὶ κηδεμόνος δεσπότην καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἀντὶ βασιλέως τύραννον, ̔Ρωμαίους γε μὴν καὶ Καίσαρα πολεμίους ἀνθ' ἡγεμόνων καὶ φίλων: οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι μετακινούμενον ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὃν αὐτοὶ κατέστησαν. 1.203. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα λέγων καὶ δι' αὑτοῦ καθίστατο τὴν χώραν ὁρῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν νωθῆ τε καὶ βασιλείας ἀτονώτερον. Φασάηλον μὲν δὴ τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τῶν πέριξ στρατηγὸν καθίστησιν, τὸν δὲ μετ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις ἔστειλεν εἰς Γαλιλαίαν κομιδῇ νέον. 1.204. ̔Ο δὲ ὢν φύσει δραστήριος ὕλην εὐθέως εὑρίσκει τῷ φρονήματι. καταλαβὼν οὖν ̓Εζεκίαν τὸν ἀρχιλῃστὴν τὰ προσεχῆ τῇ Συρίᾳ κατατρέχοντα μετὰ μεγίστου στίφους αὐτόν τε συλλαβὼν ἀποκτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν λῃστῶν. 1.205. ὃ δὴ μάλιστα τοῖς Σύροις ἡγεῖτο κεχαρισμένον: ὑμνεῖτο γοῦν ἀνά τε τὰς κώμας καὶ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ̔Ηρώδης ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἀνασεσωκώς. γίνεται δ' ἐκ τούτου καὶ Σέξτῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διοικοῦντι τὴν Συρίαν. 1.206. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν εὐδοκιμοῦντα καὶ Φασάηλος ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἔριν τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις εὐνουστέρους καθιστάμενος καὶ δι' αὑτοῦ μὲν ἔχων τὴν πόλιν μηδὲν δὲ ἀπειροκάλως εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐξυβρίζων. 1.207. ἐντεῦθεν ̓Αντιπάτρῳ θεραπεία τε ἦν ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους βασιλικὴ καὶ τιμαὶ παρὰ πάντων ὡς δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων: οὐ μὴν αὐτὸς τῆς πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν εὐνοίας ἢ πίστεώς τι μετεκίνησεν. 1.208. ̓Αμήχανον δ' ἐν εὐπραγίαις φθόνον διαφυγεῖν: ̔Υρκανὸς γοῦν ἤδη μὲν καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ κλέος τῶν νεανίσκων ἐδάκνετο, μάλιστα δὲ ἐλύπει τὰ ̔Ηρώδου κατορθώματα καὶ κήρυκες ἐπάλληλοι τῆς καθ' ἕκαστον εὐδοξίας προστρέχοντες πολλοὶ [δὲ] τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις βασκάνων ἠρέθιζον, οἷς ἢ τὸ τῶν παίδων ἢ τὸ ̓Αντιπάτρου σωφρονικὸν προσίστατο, 1.209. λέγοντες ὡς ̓Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ παραχωρήσας τῶν πραγμάτων καθέζοιτο τοὔνομα μόνον βασιλέως ἔχων ἔρημον ἐξουσίας. καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πλανηθήσεται καθ' ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιτρέφων; οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτι, φανεροὺς δὲ εἶναι δεσπότας παρωσαμένους ἐκεῖνον, εἴ γε μήτε ἐντολὰς δόντος μήτε ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτοῦ τοσούτους παρὰ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νόμον ἀνῄρηκεν ̔Ηρώδης: ὅν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἀλλ' ἔτι ἰδιώτης, δεῖν ἐπὶ δίκην ἥκειν ἀποδώσοντα λόγον αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οἳ κτείνειν ἀκρίτους οὐκ ἐφιᾶσιν. 1.211. Σέξτος δὲ Καῖσαρ δείσας περὶ τῷ νεανίᾳ, μή τι παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀποληφθεὶς πάθῃ, πέμπει πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τοὺς παραγγελοῦντας διαρρήδην ἀπολύειν ̔Ηρώδην τῆς φονικῆς δίκης. ὁ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ὡρμημένος, ἠγάπα γὰρ ̔Ηρώδην, ἀποψηφίζεται. 1.212. Καὶ ὃς ὑπολαμβάνων ἄκοντος τοῦ βασιλέως διαφυγεῖν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἀνεχώρησεν πρὸς Σέξτον παρασκευαζόμενος οὐδὲ αὖθις ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι. καὶ πάλιν οἱ πονηροὶ παρώξυνον τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν κατ' ὀργήν τε οἴχεσθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην λέγοντες καὶ παρεσκευασμένον κατ' αὐτοῦ: πιστεύων δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ τι χρὴ δρᾶν. 1.213. ὡς ἑώρα μείζονα τὸν διάφορον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπὸ Σέξτου Καίσαρος στρατηγὸς ἀνεδείχθη κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Σαμαρείας οὐ μόνον τε κατ' εὔνοιαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἀλλὰ καὶ δυνάμει φοβερὸς ἦν. εἰς ἔσχατον δέους κατέπεσεν ̔Υρκανός, ὅσον οὔπω προσδοκῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὁρμήσειν μετὰ στρατιᾶς. 1.214. Καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς οἰήσεως: ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης κατ' ὀργὴν τῆς περὶ τὴν δίκην ἀπειλῆς στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἦγεν καταλύσων τὸν ̔Υρκανόν. κἂν ἔφθη τοῦτο ποιήσας, εἰ μὴ προεξελθόντες ὅ τε πατὴρ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἔκλασαν αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν παρακαλοῦντες καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπειλῇ καὶ ἀνατάσει μόνῃ μετρῆσαι τὴν ἄμυναν, φείσασθαι δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑφ' οὗ μέχρι τοσαύτης δυνάμεως προῆλθεν: δεῖν τε, εἰ κληθεὶς ἐπὶ δίκην παρώξυνται, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως εὐχαριστεῖν καὶ μὴ πρὸς μὲν τὸ σκυθρωπὸν ἀπαντᾶν, περὶ δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀχάριστον εἶναι. 1.215. εἰ δὲ δὴ λογιστέον εἴη καὶ πολέμου ῥοπὰς βραβεύεσθαι θεῷ, πλέον εἶναι τῆς στρατείας τὸ ἄδικον. διὸ δὴ καὶ περὶ τῆς νίκης οὐ χρὴ κατὰ πᾶν εὔελπιν εἶναι, μέλλοντά γε συμβαλεῖν βασιλεῖ καὶ συντρόφῳ καὶ πολλάκις μὲν εὐεργέτῃ, χαλεπῷ δὲ οὐδέποτε, πλὴν ὅσον πονηροῖς συμβούλοις χρώμενος ἐπισείσειεν αὐτῷ σκιὰν ἀδικήματος. πείθεται τούτοις ̔Ηρώδης ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὰς ἐλπίδας αὔταρκες εἶναι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξασθαι τῷ ἔθνει. 1.216. Κἀν τούτῳ γίνεται περὶ ̓Απάμειαν ταραχὴ ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ πόλεμος ἐμφύλιος, Καικιλίου μὲν Βάσσου διὰ τὴν εἰς Πομπήιον εὔνοιαν δολοφονήσαντος Σέξτον Καίσαρα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν παραλαβόντος, τῶν δ' ἄλλων Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ φόνου μετὰ δυνάμεως συνελθόντων. 1.217. οἷς καὶ διὰ τὸν ἀνῃρημένον καὶ διὰ τὸν περιόντα Καίσαρα φίλους ὄντας ἀμφοτέρους ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος διὰ τῶν παίδων ἔπεμψεν συμμαχίαν. μηκυνομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου Μοῦρκος μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας Σέξτου παραγίνεται διάδοχος, 1.218. συνίσταται δὲ ̔Ρωμαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μέγας πόλεμος Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου κτεινάντων δόλῳ Καίσαρα κατασχόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. μεγίστου δ' ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ γενομένου κινήματος καὶ διαστασιασθέντων τῶν δυνατῶν ἕκαστος ἐλπίσιν οἰκείαις ἐχώρει πρὸς ὃ συμφέρειν ὑπελάμβανεν, καὶ δὴ καὶ Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν καταληψόμενος τὰς περὶ ̓Απάμειαν δυνάμεις. 1.219. ἔνθα Βάσσῳ τε Μοῦρκον καὶ τὰ διεστῶτα τάγματα διαλλάξας ἐλευθεροῖ μὲν ̓Απάμειαν τῆς πολιορκίας, ἡγούμενος δ' αὐτὸς τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπῄει φορολογῶν τὰς πόλεις καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν τὰς εἰσπράξεις ποιούμενος. 1.221. πρῶτος δ' ἀπεμειλίξατο Κάσσιον ̔Ηρώδης τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μοῖραν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας κομίσας ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ἦν. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς βραδυτῆτα κακίσας αὐταῖς ἐθυμοῦτο ταῖς πόλεσιν. 1.222. Γόφνα γοῦν καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦν καὶ δύο ἑτέρας τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἐξανδραποδισάμενος ἐχώρει μὲν ὡς καὶ Μάλιχον ἀναιρήσων, ὅτι μὴ σπεύσας εἰσέπραξεν, ἐπέσχεν δὲ τὴν τούτου καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἀπώλειαν ̓Αντίπατρος ταχέως ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις θεραπεύσας Κάσσιον. 1.223. Οὐ μὴν Μάλιχος ἀναχωρήσαντος Κασσίου τῆς χάριτος ἀπεμνημόνευσεν ̓Αντιπάτρῳ, κατὰ δὲ τοῦ πολλάκις σωτῆρος ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνεσκευάζετο σπεύδων ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἐμπόδιον αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀδικήμασιν ̓Αντίπατρος δὲ τήν τε ἰσχὺν καὶ τὸ πανοῦργον τἀνδρὸς ὑποδείσας διαβαίνει τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην στρατὸν ἀθροίσων εἰς τὴν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἄμυναν. 1.224. φωραθεὶς δὲ Μάλιχος ἀναιδείᾳ τῶν ̓Αντιπάτρου παίδων περιγίνεται: τόν τε γὰρ ̔Ιεροσολύμων φρουρὸν Φασάηλον καὶ ̔Ηρώδην πεπιστευμένον τὰ ὅπλα πολλαῖς ἀπολογίαις καὶ ὅρκοις ἐκγοητεύσας διαλλακτὰς αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πείθει γίνεσθαι. πάλιν γοῦν ὑπ' ̓Αντιπάτρου σώζεται πείσαντος Μοῦρκον τὸν τότε στρατηγοῦντα Συρίας, ὃς ὥρμητο κτεῖναι Μάλιχον ἐφ' οἷς ἐνεωτέρισεν. 1.225. Συστάντος δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον πολέμου Καίσαρί τε τῷ νέῳ καὶ ̓Αντωνίῳ Κάσσιος καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκ τῆς Συρίας, ἐπειδὴ μέγα μέρος εἰς τὰς χρείας ̔Ηρώδης ἔδοξε, τότε μὲν αὐτὸν Συρίας ἁπάσης ἐπιμελητὴν καθιστᾶσιν δύναμιν πεζήν τε καὶ ἱππικὴν δόντες, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν ἀποδείξειν Κάσσιος ὑπέσχετο καὶ ̓Ιουδαίας βασιλέα. 1.226. συνέβη δ' ̓Αντιπάτρῳ τήν τε ἰσχὺν τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα αἰτίαν ἀπωλείας γενέσθαι: ταῦτα γὰρ δείσας ὁ Μάλιχος διαφθείρει τινὰ τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰνοχόων χρήμασιν δοῦναι φάρμακον ̓Αντιπάτρῳ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀγώνισμα τῆς Μαλίχου παρανομίας γενόμενος μετὰ τὸ συμπόσιον θνήσκει τά τε ἄλλα δραστήριος ἀνὴρ ἐν ἀφηγήσει πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνακτησάμενός τε ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ διαφυλάξας: 1.227. Μάλιχος δὲ καθ' ὑπόνοιαν τῆς φαρμακείας ὀργιζόμενον τὸ πλῆθος ἀρνούμενος ἔπειθεν καὶ δυνατώτερον ἑαυτὸν κατεσκεύαζεν ὁπλίτας συγκροτῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἠρεμήσειν ̔Ηρώδην ὑπελάμβανεν, ὃς δὴ καὶ παρῆν αὐτίκα στρατὸν ἄγων ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ πατρός. 1.228. Φασαήλου δὲ τἀδελφοῦ συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτῷ μὴ φανερῶς τὸν ἄνδρα μετιέναι, διαστασιάσειν γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος, τότε μὲν ἀπολογούμενόν τε προσίεται τὸν Μάλιχον καὶ τῆς ὑπονοίας ἀπολύειν ὡμολόγει, λαμπρὰν δὲ πομπὴν ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ κηδείας ἐτέλεσεν. 1.229. Τραπεὶς δ' ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν στάσει τεταραγμένην κατεστήσατο τὴν πόλιν: ἔπειτα καθ' ἑορτὴν ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἄγων. καὶ πέμπων ̔Υρκανός, ἐνῆγεν γὰρ δεδοικὼς τὴν ἔφοδον Μάλιχος, ἐκώλυεν τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους εἰσαγαγεῖν ἐφ' ἁγνεύοντας τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. ὁ δὲ τῆς προφάσεως καταφρονήσας καὶ τοῦ προστάσσοντος εἰσέρχεται διὰ νυκτός. 1.231. Καὶ ἐπειδὴ Λαοδίκειαν ἑλόντος αὐτοῦ συνῇσαν οἱ πανταχόθεν δυνατοὶ δωρεάς τε καὶ στεφάνους φέροντες, ̔Ηρώδης μὲν τοῦτον τῇ τιμωρίᾳ τὸν καιρὸν ἀφώρισεν, Μάλιχος δὲ ὑποπτεύσας, ὡς ἐν Τύρῳ γίνεται, τόν τε υἱὸν ὁμηρεύοντα παρὰ τοῖς Τυρίοις ὑπεξαγαγεῖν ἔγνω λάθρα καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀποδρᾶναι παρεσκευάζετο: 1.232. παρώξυνεν δ' αὐτὸν ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπόγνωσις ἐνθυμεῖσθαι καὶ μείζονα: τό τε γὰρ ἔθνος ἐπαναστήσειν ̔Ρωμαίοις ἤλπισεν Κασσίου τῷ πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον πολέμῳ περισπωμένου καὶ βασιλεύσειν αὐτὸς ̔Υρκανὸν καταλύσας εὐμαρῶς. 1.233. ̓Επεγέλα δ' ἄρα τὸ χρεὼν αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν. ὁ γοῦν ̔Ηρώδης προϊδόμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν τόν τε ̔Υρκανὸν κἀκεῖνον ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐκάλει, παρεστῶτας ἔπειτα τῶν οἰκετῶν τινας πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰσέπεμψεν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ δείπνου παρασκευήν, τῷ δὲ ὄντι προειπεῖν τοῖς χιλιάρχοις ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐνέδραν. 1.234. κἀκεῖνοι τῶν Κασσίου προσταγμάτων ἀναμνησθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως αἰγιαλὸν ἐξῄεσαν ξιφήρεις, ἔνθα περιστάντες τὸν Μάλιχον πολλοῖς τραύμασιν ἀναιροῦσιν. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν λυθεὶς ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως ἔπεσεν, μόλις δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ̔Ηρώδην διηρώτα, τίς ὁ κτείνας εἴη Μάλιχον. 1.235. ἀποκριναμένου δέ τινος τῶν χιλιάρχων “τὸ Κασσίου πρόσταγμα”, “Κάσσιος ἄρα, ἔφη, κἀμὲ καὶ τὴν πατρίδα μου σώζει τὸν ἀμφοτέρων ἐπίβουλον ἀνελών.” εἴτε δὲ φρονῶν ̔Υρκανὸς οὕτως εἴθ' ὑπὸ δέους ὁμόσε τῇ πράξει χωρῶν εἶπεν, ἄδηλον ἦν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Μάλιχον μὲν οὕτως ̔Ηρώδης μετῆλθεν. 1.236. Κασσίου δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντος ἐκ Συρίας πάλιν στάσις ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις γίνεται ̔́Ελικος μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπαναστάντος Φασαήλῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ Μαλίχου τιμωρίαν ἀμύνεσθαι θέλοντος ̔Ηρώδην εἰς τὸν ἀδελφόν. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ἔτυχεν μὲν ὢν παρὰ Φαβίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ κατὰ Δαμασκόν, ὡρμημένος δὲ βοηθεῖν ὑπὸ νόσου κατείχετο. 1.237. κἀν τούτῳ Φασάηλος καθ' ἑαυτὸν ̔́Ελικος περιγενόμενος ̔Υρκανὸν ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀχαριστίαν ὧν τε ̔́Ελικι συμπράξειεν, καὶ ὅτι περιορῴη τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν Μαλίχου τὰ φρούρια καταλαμβάνοντα: πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ κατείληπτο, καὶ τὸ πάντων ὀχυρώτατον Μασάδαν. 1.238. Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ τι πρὸς τὴν ̔Ηρώδου βίαν ἤρκεσεν, ὃς ἀναρρωσθεὶς τά τε ἄλλα παραλαμβάνει κἀκεῖνον ἐκ τῆς Μασάδας ἱκέτην ἀφῆκεν. ἐξήλασεν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας Μαρίωνα τὸν Τυρίων τύραννον ἤδη τρία κατεσχηκότα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, τοὺς δὲ ληφθέντας Τυρίους ἔσωσεν μὲν πάντας, ἦσαν δ' οὓς καὶ δωρησάμενος ἀπέπεμψεν εὔνοιαν ἑαυτῷ παρὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ μῖσος παρασκευαζόμενος. 1.239. ὁ δὲ Μαρίων ἠξίωτο μὲν τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπὸ Κασσίου τυραννίσιν πᾶσαν διαλαβόντος τὴν Συρίαν, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἔχθος συγκατήγαγεν ̓Αντίγονον τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου, καὶ τὸ πλέον διὰ Φάβιον, ὃν ̓Αντίγονος χρήμασιν προσποιησάμενος βοηθὸν εἶχεν τῆς καθόδου: χορηγὸς δ' ἦν ἁπάντων ὁ κηδεστὴς Πτολεμαῖος ̓Αντιγόνῳ. 1.241. πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἦκτο γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπιχωρίων οὐκ ἄσημον, Δωρὶς ἐκαλεῖτο, ἐξ ἧς ἐγέννησεν ̓Αντίπατρον, τότε δὲ γήμας τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ̓Αριστοβούλου θυγατέρα, θυγατριδῆν δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ Μαριάμην οἰκεῖος τῷ βασιλεῖ γίνεται. 1.242. ̓Επεὶ δὲ Κάσσιον περὶ Φιλίππους ἀνελόντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς μὲν ̓Ιταλίαν Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ̓Ασίας ̓Αντώνιος, πρεσβευομένων τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον εἰς Βιθυνίαν ἧκον καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ δυνατοὶ κατηγοροῦντες Φασαήλου καὶ ̔Ηρώδου, βίᾳ μὲν αὐτοὺς κρατεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων, ὄνομα δὲ μόνον περιεῖναι ̔Υρκανῷ τίμιον. πρὸς ἃ παρὼν ̔Ηρώδης καὶ τεθεραπευκὼς οὐκ ὀλίγοις ̓Αντώνιον χρήμασιν οὕτως διέθηκεν, ὡς μηδὲ λόγου τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀνασχέσθαι. 1.243. καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως διελύθησαν, αὖθις δὲ οἱ ἐν τέλει ̓Ιουδαίων ἑκατὸν ἄνδρες ἧκον εἰς τὴν πρὸς ̓Αντιόχειαν Δάφνην ἐπ' ̓Αντώνιον ἤδη τῷ Κλεοπάτρας ἔρωτι δεδουλωμένον: οἳ προστησάμενοι τοὺς ἀξιώματι καὶ λόγῳ σφῶν δυνατωτάτους κατηγόρουν τῶν ἀδελφῶν. ὑπήντα δὲ Μεσσάλας ἀπολογούμενος συμπαρεστῶτος ̔Υρκανοῦ διὰ τὸ κῆδος. 1.244. καὶ ̓Αντώνιος ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων ̔Υρκανοῦ διεπυνθάνετο τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτέρους ὄντας ἄρχειν: τοῦ δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην προκρίνοντος, ἡσθείς, ἦν γὰρ δὴ καὶ ξένος αὐτοῖς πατρῷος δεχθεὶς ὑπ' ̓Αντιπάτρου φιλοφρόνως ὅτε εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν σὺν Γαβινίῳ παρέβαλλεν, τετράρχας ἀποδείκνυσιν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πᾶσαν διοικεῖν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπιτρέπων. 1.245. Προσαγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν συλλαβὼν εἵργνυσιν, οὓς καὶ ἀνελεῖν ὥρμησεν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς μεθ' ὕβρεως ἀπήλασεν. πρὸς ὃ μείζων ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις γίνεται ταραχή: χιλίους γοῦν πάλιν ἔπεμψαν πρέσβεις εἰς Τύρον, ἔνθα διέτριβεν ̓Αντώνιος ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὡρμημένος. ἐπὶ τούτους κεκραγότας ἐκπέμπει τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν Τυρίων κολάζειν προστάξας οὓς ἂν λάβῃ, συγκατασκευάζειν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατασταθεῖσιν τετράρχαις. 1.246. Πρὸ δὲ τούτου πολλὰ παρῄνει προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ̔Ηρώδης σὺν ̔Υρκανῷ μήθ' ἑαυτοῖς ἀπωλείας αἰτίους μήτε τῇ πατρίδι πολέμου γίνεσθαι φιλονεικοῦντας ἀκρίτως. τῶν δὲ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀγανακτούντων ̓Αντώνιος ἐκπέμψας ὁπλίτας πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ἔτρωσεν: ὧν οἵ τε πεσόντες ταφῆς καὶ οἱ τραυματίαι θεραπείας ἠξιώθησαν ὑπὸ ̔Υρκανοῦ. 1.247. οὐ μὴν οἱ διαφυγόντες ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν συνταράσσοντες παρώξυναν ̓Αντώνιον ὥστε καὶ τοὺς δεσμώτας ἀποκτεῖναι. 1.248. Μετὰ δὲ ἔτη δύο Βαζαφράνου τοῦ Πάρθων σατράπου σὺν Πακόρῳ τῷ βασιλέως υἱῷ Συρίαν κατασχόντος Λυσανίας ἀναδεδεγμένος ἤδη τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος, Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἦν οὗτος ὁ Μενναίου, πείθει τὸν σατράπην ὑποσχέσει χιλίων ταλάντων καὶ πεντακοσίων γυναικῶν καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια τὸν ̓Αντίγονον, καταλῦσαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανόν. 1.249. τούτοις ὑπαχθεὶς Πάκορος αὐτὸς μὲν ᾔει κατὰ τὴν παράλιον, Βαζαφράνην δὲ διὰ τῆς μεσογείου προσέταξεν ἐμβαλεῖν. τῶν δ' ἐπιθαλαττίων Τύριοι Πάκορον οὐκ ἐδέξαντο καίτοι Πτολεμαιῶν καὶ Σιδωνίων δεδεγμένων. ὁ δ' οἰνοχόῳ τινὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁμωνύμῳ μοῖραν τῆς ἵππου παραδοὺς προεμβαλεῖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν κατασκεψόμενόν τε τὰ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς ἃ δέοι βοηθήσοντα ̓Αντιγόνῳ. 1.251. ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ καὶ Φασαήλου δεξαμένων αὐτοὺς καρτερῷ στίφει μάχη κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν συρρήγνυται, καθ' ἣν τρεψάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ περὶ ̔Ηρώδην κατακλείουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ φρουροὺς αὐτῶν ἄνδρας ἑξήκοντα ταῖς πλησίον οἰκίαις ἐγκατέστησαν. 1.252. τούτους μὲν ὁ στασιάζων πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς λαὸς ἐπελθὼν ἐμπίπρησιν, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ τοῦ δήμου πολλοὺς κατ' ὀργὴν τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀναιρεῖ συμβαλών, καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν ἐπεκθεόντων ἀλλήλοις κατὰ λόχους φόνος ἦν ἀδιάλειπτος. 1.253. ̓Ενστάσης δ' ἑορτῆς, ἣ πεντηκοστὴ καλεῖται, τά τε περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πάντα καὶ ἡ πόλις ὅλη πλήθους τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἀναπίμπλαται τὸ πλέον ὁπλιτῶν. καὶ Φασάηλος μὲν τὸ τεῖχος, ̔Ηρώδης δ' οὐ μετὰ πολλῶν ἐφρούρει τὰ βασίλεια: καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπεκδραμὼν ἀσυντάκτοις κατὰ τὸ προάστειον πλείστους μὲν ἀναιρεῖ, τρέπεται δὲ πάντας καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, τοὺς δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, τοὺς δὲ εἰς τὸ ἔξω χαράκωμα ἐγκλείει. 1.254. κἀν τούτῳ διαλλακτὴν μὲν ̓Αντίγονος παρακαλεῖ Πάκορον εἰσαφεῖναι, Φασάηλος δὲ πεισθεὶς τῇ τε πόλει καὶ ξενίᾳ τὸν Πάρθον εἰσδέχεται μετὰ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων, προφάσει μὲν ἥκοντα τοῦ παῦσαι τὴν στάσιν. 1.255. τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ̓Αντιγόνῳ βοηθόν. τὸν γοῦν Φασάηλον ἐνεδρεύων ἀνέπεισεν πρὸς Βαζαφράνην πρεσβεύσασθαι περὶ καταλύσεως, καίτοι γε πολλὰ ἀποτρέποντος ̔Ηρώδου καὶ παραινοῦντος ἀναιρεῖν τὸν ἐπίβουλον, ἀλλὰ μὴ ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς ἑαυτὸν ἐκδιδόναι, φύσει γὰρ ἀπίστους εἶναι τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἔξεισιν ̔Υρκανὸν παραλαβών, καὶ Πάκορος, ὡς ἧττον ὑποπτεύοιτο, καταλιπὼν παρ' ̔Ηρώδῃ τινὰς τῶν καλουμένων ̓Ελευθέρων ἱππέων τοῖς λοιποῖς προέπεμψεν Φασάηλον. 1.256. ̔Ως δ' ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιχωρίους ἀφεστῶτας κἀν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὄντας καταλαμβάνουσιν, τῷ σατράπῃ δὲ ἐνετύγχανον πανούργῳ σφόδρα καὶ ταῖς φιλοφρονήσεσιν τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καλύπτοντι: δῶρα γοῦν δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἔπειτα ἀναχωροῦντας ἐλόχα. 2.212. τὰ δίκαια πρὸς οὓς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων χωρεῖν μέλλομεν;” ταῦτα εἰπὼν διὰ μέσης ὥρμησεν τῆς βουλῆς πάντας τοὺς συστρατιώτας ἐφελκόμενος. οἱ δ' εὐπατρίδαι παραχρῆμα μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόλειψιν περιδεῶς ἔσχον, αὖθις δ' ὡς ἀποστροφὴ σωτήριος οὐ κατεφαίνετο, τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁδὸν ἠπείγοντο πρὸς Κλαύδιον. 2.213. ὑπήντων δ' αὐτοῖς πρὸ τοῦ τείχους γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν οἱ σφοδρότερον κολακεύοντες τὴν τύχην: κἂν συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι τοὺς προάγοντας πρὶν γνῶναι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν Κλαύδιον, εἰ μὴ προσδραμὼν ̓Αγρίππας αὐτῷ τὸ κινδύνευμα τῆς πράξεως ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι τε εἰ μὴ κατάσχοι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐπατρίδας λελυσσηκότων, ἀπολέσας δι' οὓς τὸ κρατεῖν ἐστι περίοπτον ἐρημίας ἔσοιτο βασιλεύς. 2.214. Ταῦτ' ἀκούσας Κλαύδιος κατέσχεν τὰς ὁρμὰς τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ προσδέχεταί τε τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενος ἐξῄει σὺν αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα θύσων τῷ θεῷ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας χαριστήρια. 2.215. καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ' Αὐγούστου δοθείσας ̔Ηρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην. 2.216. καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ διατάγματι τὴν δωρεὰν ἐδήλου, τοῖς ἄρχουσιν δὲ προσέταξεν ἐγχαράξαντας δέλτοις χαλκαῖς τὴν δόσιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀναθεῖναι: 5.375. Ταῦτα τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον παραινοῦντα πολλοὶ μὲν ἔσκωπτον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους, πολλοὶ δ' ἐβλασφήμουν, ἔνιοι δ' ἔβαλλον. ὁ δ' ὡς ταῖς φανεραῖς οὐκ ἔπειθε συμβουλίαις, ἐπὶ τὰς ὁμοφύλους μετέβαινεν ἱστορίας “ἆ δειλοί,

1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149. for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense. 1.150. 5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. 1.151. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155. 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome. 1.159. 1. In the meantime, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia. 1.160. 2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; 1.161. who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Macherus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia. 1.162. 3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Gabinius with his main army soon afterward; 1.163. and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies’ forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of whom fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium. 1.164. 4. Now, when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there encamped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. 1.165. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. 1.166. Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants. 1.167. 5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards: 1.168. all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. 1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. 1.170. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by an aristocracy. 1.171. 6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Sisenna, Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. 1.172. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutet at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus’s party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus broke through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus; 1.173. and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that stronghold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. 1.174. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him. 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.176. But now, upon Gabinius’s absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; 1.177. hereupon Gabinius was afraid (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults), and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.180. 9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. 1.181. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now, as he made himself friends among the men of power everywhere, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. 1.182. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere. 1.183. 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. 1.184. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres. 1.185. 2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, 1.186. who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister. 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 1.188. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; 1.189. insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him. 1.190. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. 1.191. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’ Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; 1.192. for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater. 1.193. 5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. 1.194. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood. 1.195. 1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater’s further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio’s barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, 1.196. how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with regard to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of goodwill to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey. 1.198. that he wondered at Antigonus’s boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it to him. 1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. 1.200. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater. 1.202. but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king,—and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor. 1.203. And at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee. 1.204. 5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; 1.205. which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod’s commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. 1.206. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the goodwill of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; 1.207. whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that goodwill or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.210. 7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father’s advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. 1.211. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 1.212. 8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got everything ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. 1.213. And now, since Herod was made general of Celesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the goodwill which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army. 1.214. 9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; 1.215. and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation. 1.216. 10. In the meantime, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his goodwill to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar’s commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, 1.217. Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus. 1.218. 1. There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and everyone betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, 1.219. where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear. 1.220. 2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius’s threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. 1.221. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; 1.222. o he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately. 1.223. 3. However, when Cassius was gone, Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; 1.224. but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater’s sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was entrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation. 1.225. 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. 1.226. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king’s cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus’s wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands. 1.227. 5. However, Malichus, when he was suspected of poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father’s death; 1.228. but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus’s apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father. 1.229. 6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. 1.230. Upon which Malichus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father’s death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about. 1.231. 7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; 1.232. the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself. 1.233. 8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; 1.234. accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the seashore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. 1.235. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius, “Then,” said he, “Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both.” Whether he spoke according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus. 1.236. 1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother’s assistance, he was detained by sickness; 1.237. in the meantime, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus’s brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada. 1.238. 2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured goodwill to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. 1.239. Marion had, indeed, obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted. 1.240. 3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by everybody for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; 1.241. for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king. 1.242. 4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time. 1.243. 5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren. But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. 1.244. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea. 1.245. 6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs. 1.246. 7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the seashore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; 1.247. yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had put in bonds also. 1.248. 1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Pacorus, the king’s son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded, upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. 1.249. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the seacoast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cupbearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance. 1.250. 2. Now, as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland], to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king’s palace; 1.251. but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the marketplace, in which Herod’s party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. 1.252. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them. 1.253. 3. Now, when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. 1.254. In the meantime, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; 1.255. however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest. 1.256. 4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; 2.212. When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. 2.213. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa run before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert. 2.214. 5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire. 2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.216. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. 5.375. 4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation,

2. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 5.41.2, 5.44.2, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •ethnographic disposition, Found in books: Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 70, 98

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database