| 1. Septuagint, Genesis, 3 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius (king of persia) Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 54, 95, 132, 137, 269, 355, 361, 438 |
2. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 12.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius i, king of persia Found in books: Heymans (2021), The Origins of Money in the Iron Age Mediterranean World, 153| 12.12. "וְנָתְנוּ אֶת־הַכֶּסֶף הַמְתֻכָּן עַל־יד [יְדֵי] עֹשֵׂי הַמְּלָאכָה הפקדים [הַמֻּפְקָדִים] בֵּית יְהוָה וַיּוֹצִיאֻהוּ לְחָרָשֵׁי הָעֵץ וְלַבֹּנִים הָעֹשִׂים בֵּית יְהוָה׃", | 12.12. "And they gave the money that was weighed out into the hands of them that did the work, that had the oversight of the house of the LORD; and they paid it out to the carpenters and the builders, that wrought upon the house of the LORD,", |
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3. Hesiod, Works And Days, 109-114, 116-188, 115 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 230 | 115. Take it to heart. The selfsame ancestry |
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| 4. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 7.1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 200 |
5. Aeschylus, Persians, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 607, 608, 609, 610, 611, 612, 613, 614, 615, 616, 617, 618, 619, 620, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 626, 627, 628, 629, 630, 631, 632, 633, 634, 635, 636, 637, 638, 639, 640, 641, 642, 643, 644, 645, 646, 647, 648, 649, 650, 651, 652, 653, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 659, 660, 661, 662, 663, 664, 665, 666, 667, 668, 669, 670, 671, 672, 673, 674, 675, 676, 677, 678, 679, 680, 681, 682, 683, 684, 685, 686, 687, 688, 689, 690, 691, 692, 693, 694, 695, 696, 697, 698, 699, 723-725, 745-754, 179 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 159| 179. ἀλλʼ οὔτι πω τοιόνδʼ ἐναργὲς εἰδόμην | |
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| 6. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 54 |
7. Herodotus, Histories, a b c d\n0 1.153 1.153 1 153\n1 7.18 7.18 7 18 \n2 7.17 7.17 7 17 \n3 7.16 7.16 7 16 \n4 6.63 6.63 6 63 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n260 3.136 3.136 3 136\n261 6.13 6.13 6 13 \n262 3.151 3.151 3 151\n263 3.152 3.152 3 152\n264 3.160.1 3.160.1 3 160\n\n[265 rows x 4 columns] (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 159 | 1.153. When the herald had proclaimed this, Cyrus is said to have asked the Greeks who were present who and how many in number these Lacedaemonians were who made this declaration. When he was told, he said to the Spartan herald, “I never yet feared men who set apart a place in the middle of their city where they perjure themselves and deceive each other. They, if I keep my health, shall talk of their own misfortunes, not those of the Ionians.” ,He uttered this threat against all the Greeks, because they have markets and buy and sell there; for the Persians themselves were not used to resorting to markets at all, nor do they even have a market of any kind. ,Presently, entrusting Sardis to a Persian called Tabalus, and instructing Pactyes, a Lydian, to take charge of the gold of Croesus and the Lydians, he himself marched away to Ecbatana , taking Croesus with him, and at first taking no notice of the Ionians. ,For he had Babylon on his hands and the Bactrian nation and the Sacae and Egyptians; he meant to lead the army against these himself, and to send another commander against the Ionians. |
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8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20.2, 1.126-1.127, 1.134, 2.49, 3.3, 4.35.4, 6.56-6.58, 7.84 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia •darius (king of persia) Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 137; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 200| 1.20.2. Ἀθηναίων γοῦν τὸ πλῆθος Ἵππαρχον οἴονται ὑφ’ Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος τύραννον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι Ἱππίας μὲν πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἦρχε τῶν Πεισιστράτου υἱέων, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλὸς ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ὑποτοπήσαντες δέ τι ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ παραχρῆμα Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων ἐκ τῶν ξυνειδότων σφίσιν Ἱππίᾳ μεμηνῦσθαι τοῦ μὲν ἀπέσχοντο ὡς προειδότος, βουλόμενοι δὲ πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι δράσαντές τι καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι, τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ περιτυχόντες περὶ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον τὴν Παναθηναϊκὴν πομπὴν διακοσμοῦντι ἀπέκτειναν. 4.35.4. καὶ χρόνον μὲν πολὺν καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας τὸ πλεῖστον ταλαιπωρούμενοι ἀμφότεροι ὑπό τε τῆς μάχης καὶ δίψης καὶ ἡλίου ἀντεῖχον, πειρώμενοι οἱ μὲν ἐξελάσασθαι ἐκ τοῦ μετεώρου, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἐνδοῦναι: ῥᾷον δ’ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἠμύνοντο ἢ ἐν τῷ πρίν, οὐκ οὔσης σφῶν τῆς κυκλώσεως ἐς τὰ πλάγια. | 1.20.2. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 4.35.4. For a long time, indeed for most of the day, both sides held out against all the torments of the battle, thirst, and sun, the one endeavoring to drive the enemy from the high ground, the other to maintain himself upon it, it being now more easy for the Lacedaemonians to defend themselves than before, as they could not be surrounded upon the flanks. |
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| 9. Isocrates, Orations, 4.156 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 25 |
10. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 8.8.2-8.8.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius (king of persia) Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 54| 8.8.2. ἐπεὶ μέντοι Κῦρος ἐτελεύτησεν, εὐθὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ οἱ παῖδες ἐστασίαζον, εὐθὺς δὲ πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη ἀφίσταντο, πάντα δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐτρέποντο. ὡς δʼ ἀληθῆ λέγω ἄρξομαι διδάσκων ἐκ τῶν θείων. οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι πρότερον μὲν βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ ὑπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἔσχατα πεποιηκόσιν εἴτε ὅρκους ὀμόσαιεν, ἠμπέδουν, εἴτε δεξιὰς δοῖεν, ἐβεβαίουν. 8.8.3. εἰ δὲ μὴ τοιοῦτοι ἦσαν καὶ τοιαύτην δόξαν εἶχον οὐδʼ ἂν εἷς αὐτοῖς ἐπίστευεν, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ νῦν πιστεύει οὐδὲ εἷς ἔτι, ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσται ἡ ἀσέβεια αὐτῶν. οὕτως οὐδὲ τότε ἐπίστευσαν ἂν οἱ τῶν σὺν Κύρῳ ἀναβάντων στρατηγοί· νῦν δὲ δὴ τῇ πρόσθεν αὐτῶν δόξῃ πιστεύσαντες ἐνεχείρισαν ἑαυτούς, καὶ ἀναχθέντες πρὸς βασιλέα ἀπετμήθησαν τὰς κεφαλάς. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν συστρατευσάντων βαρβάρων ἄλλοι ἄλλαις πίστεσιν ἐξαπατηθέντες ἀπώλοντο. 8.8.4. πολὺ δὲ καὶ τάδε χείρονες νῦν εἰσι. πρόσθεν μὲν γὰρ εἴ τις ἢ διακινδυνεύσειε πρὸ βασιλέως ἢ πόλιν ἢ ἔθνος ὑποχείριον ποιήσειεν ἢ ἄλλο τι καλὸν ἢ ἀγαθὸν αὐτῷ διαπράξειεν, οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ τιμώμενοι· νῦν δὲ καὶ ἤν τις ὥσπερ Μιθριδάτης τὸν πατέρα Ἀριοβαρζάνην προδούς, καὶ ἤν τις ὥσπερ Ῥεομίθρης τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς τῶν φίλων παῖδας ὁμήρους παρὰ τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ ἐγκαταλιπὼν καὶ τοὺς μεγίστους ὅρκους παραβὰς βασιλεῖ δόξῃ τι σύμφορον ποιῆσαι, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ ταῖς μεγίσταις τιμαῖς γεραιρόμενοι. 8.8.5. ταῦτʼ οὖν ὁρῶντες οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ πάντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἀσεβὲς καὶ τὸ ἄδικον τετραμμένοι εἰσίν· ὁποῖοί τινες γὰρ ἂν οἱ προστάται ὦσι, τοιοῦτοι καὶ οἱ ὑπʼ αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ γίγνονται. ἀθεμιστότεροι δὴ νῦν ἢ πρόσθεν ταύτῃ γεγένηνται. 8.8.6. εἴς γε μὴν χρήματα τῇδε ἀδικώτεροι· οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοὺς πολλὰ ἡμαρτηκότας, ἀλλʼ ἤδη τοὺς οὐδὲν ἠδικηκότας συλλαμβάνοντες ἀναγκάζουσι πρὸς οὐδὲν δίκαιον χρήματα ἀποτίνειν· ὥστʼ οὐδὲν ἧττον οἱ πολλὰ ἔχειν δοκοῦντες τῶν πολλὰ ἠδικηκότων φοβοῦνται· καὶ εἰς χεῖρας οὐδʼ οὗτοι ἐθέλουσι τοῖς κρείττοσιν ἰέναι. οὐδέ γε ἁθροίζεσθαι εἰς βασιλικὴν στρατιὰν θαρροῦσι. 8.8.7. τοιγαροῦν ὅστις ἂν πολεμῇ αὐτοῖς, πᾶσιν ἔξεστιν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ αὐτῶν ἀναστρέφεσθαι ἄνευ μάχης ὅπως ἂν βούλωνται διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων περὶ μὲν θεοὺς ἀσέβειαν, περὶ δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἀδικίαν. αἱ μὲν δὴ γνῶμαι ταύτῃ τῷ παντὶ χείρους νῦν ἢ τὸ παλαιὸν αὐτῶν. 8.8.8. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἐπιμέλονται ὥσπερ πρόσθεν, νῦν αὖ τοῦτο διηγήσομαι. νόμιμον γὰρ δὴ ἦν αὐτοῖς μήτε πτύειν μήτε ἀπομύττεσθαι. δῆλον δὲ ὅτι ταῦτα οὐ τοῦ ἐν τῷ σώματι ὑγροῦ φειδόμενοι ἐνόμισαν, ἀλλὰ βουλόμενοι διὰ πόνων καὶ ἱδρῶτος τὰ σώματα στερεοῦσθαι. νῦν δὲ τὸ μὲν μὴ πτύειν μηδὲ ἀπομύττεσθαι ἔτι διαμένει, 8.8.9. τὸ δʼ ἐκπονεῖν οὐδαμοῦ ἐπιτηδεύεται. καὶ μὴν πρόσθεν μὲν ἦν αὐτοῖς μονοσιτεῖν νόμιμον, ὅπως ὅλῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ χρῷντο εἰς τὰς πράξεις καὶ εἰς τὸ διαπονεῖσθαι. νῦν γε μὴν τὸ μὲν μονοσιτεῖν ἔτι διαμένει, ἀρχόμενοι δὲ τοῦ σίτου ἡνίκαπερ οἱ πρῳαίτατα ἀριστῶντες μέχρι τούτου ἐσθίοντες καὶ πίνοντες διάγουσιν ἔστεπερ οἱ ὀψιαίτατα κοιμώμενοι. 8.8.10. ἦν δʼ αὐτοῖς νόμιμον μηδὲ προχοΐδας εἰσφέρεσθαι εἰς τὰ συμπόσια, δῆλον ὅτι νομίζοντες τὸ μὴ ὑπερπίνειν ἧττον ἂν καὶ σώματα καὶ γνώμας σφάλλειν· νῦν δὲ τὸ μὲν μὴ εἰσφέρεσθαι ἔτι αὖ διαμένει, τοσοῦτον δὲ πίνουσιν ὥστε ἀντὶ τοῦ εἰσφέρειν αὐτοὶ ἐκφέρονται, ἐπειδὰν μηκέτι δύνωνται ὀρθούμενοι ἐξιέναι. 8.8.11. ἀλλὰ μὴν κἀκεῖνο ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐπιχώριον τὸ μεταξὺ πορευομένους μήτε ἐσθίειν μήτε πίνειν μήτε τῶν διὰ ταῦτα ἀναγκαίων μηδὲν ποιοῦντας φανεροὺς εἶναι· νῦν δʼ αὖ τὸ μὲν τούτων ἀπέχεσθαι ἔτι διαμένει, τὰς μέντοι πορείας οὕτω βραχείας ποιοῦνται ὡς μηδένʼ ἂν ἔτι θαυμάσαι τὸ ἀπέχεσθαι τῶν ἀναγκαίων. 8.8.12. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐπὶ θήραν πρόσθεν μὲν τοσαυτάκις ἐξῇσαν ὥστε ἀρκεῖν αὐτοῖς τε καὶ ἵπποις γυμνάσια τὰς θήρας· ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ ἥττους τοῦ οἴνου ἐγένοντο, οὐκέτι ὁμοίως οὔτʼ αὐτοὶ ἐξῇσαν οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους ἐξῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς θήρας· ἀλλὰ καὶ εἴ τινες φιλόπονοι γενόμενοι καὶ σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὑτοὺς ἱππεῦσι θαμὰ θηρῷεν, φθονοῦντες αὐτοῖς δῆλοι ἦσαν καὶ ὡς βελτίονας αὑτῶν ἐμίσουν. 8.8.13. ἀλλά τοι καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τὸ μὲν παιδεύεσθαι ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ἔτι διαμένει· τὸ μέντοι τὰ ἱππικὰ μανθάνειν καὶ μελετᾶν ἀπέσβηκε διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ὅπου ἂν ἀποφαινόμενοι εὐδοκιμοῖεν. καὶ ὅτι γε οἱ παῖδες ἀκούοντες ἐκεῖ πρόσθεν τὰς δίκας δικαίως δικαζομένας ἐδόκουν μανθάνειν δικαιότητα, καὶ τοῦτο παντάπασιν ἀνέστραπται· σαφῶς γὰρ ὁρῶσι νικῶντας ὁπότεροι ἂν πλέον διδῶσιν. 8.8.14. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν φυομένων ἐκ τῆς γῆς τὰς δυνάμεις οἱ παῖδες πρόσθεν μὲν ἐμάνθανον, ὅπως τοῖς μὲν ὠφελίμοις χρῷντο, τῶν δὲ βλαβερῶν ἀπέχοιντο· νῦν δὲ ἐοίκασι ταῦτα διδασκομένοις, ὅπως ὅτι πλεῖστα κακοποιῶσιν· οὐδαμοῦ γοῦν πλείους ἢ ἐκεῖ οὔτʼ ἀποθνῄσκουσιν οὔτε διαφθείρονται ὑπὸ φαρμάκων. 8.8.15. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ θρυπτικώτεροι πολὺ νῦν ἢ ἐπὶ Κύρου εἰσί. τότε μὲν γὰρ ἔτι τῇ ἐκ Περσῶν παιδείᾳ καὶ ἐγκρατείᾳ ἐχρῶντο, τῇ δὲ Μήδων στολῇ καὶ ἁβρότητι· νῦν δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ Περσῶν καρτερίαν περιορῶσιν ἀποσβεννυμένην, τὴν δὲ τῶν Μήδων μαλακίαν διασῴζονται. 8.8.16. σαφηνίσαι δὲ βούλομαι καὶ τὴν θρύψιν αὐτῶν. ἐκείνοις γὰρ πρῶτον μὲν τὰς εὐνὰς οὐ μόνον ἀρκεῖ μαλακῶς ὑποστόρνυσθαι, ἀλλʼ ἤδη καὶ τῶν κλινῶν τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ ταπίδων τιθέασιν, ὅπως μὴ ἀντερείδῃ τὸ δάπεδον, ἀλλʼ ὑπείκωσιν αἱ τάπιδες. καὶ μὴν τὰ πεττόμενα ἐπὶ τράπεζαν ὅσα τε πρόσθεν ηὕρητο, οὐδὲν αὐτῶν ἀφῄρηται, ἄλλα τε ἀεὶ καινὰ ἐπιμηχανῶνται· καὶ ὄψα γε ὡσαύτως· καὶ γὰρ καινοποιητὰς ἀμφοτέρων τούτων κέκτηνται. 8.8.17. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι οὐ μόνον κεφαλὴν καὶ σῶμα καὶ πόδας ἀρκεῖ αὐτοῖς ἐσκεπάσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ἄκραις ταῖς χερσὶ χειρῖδας δασείας καὶ δακτυλήθρας ἔχουσιν. ἔν γε μὴν τῷ θέρει οὐκ ἀρκοῦσιν αὐτοῖς οὔθʼ αἱ τῶν δένδρων οὔθʼ αἱ τῶν πετρῶν σκιαί, ἀλλʼ ἐν ταύταις ἑτέρας σκιὰς ἄνθρωποι μηχανώμενοι αὐτοῖς παρεστᾶσι. 8.8.18. καὶ μὴν ἐκπώματα ἢν μὲν ὡς πλεῖστα ἔχωσι, τούτῳ καλλωπίζονται· ἢν δʼ ἐξ ἀδίκου φανερῶς ᾖ μεμηχανημένα, οὐδὲν τοῦτο αἰσχύνονται· πολὺ γὰρ ηὔξηται ἐν αὐτοῖς ἡ ἀδικία τε καὶ αἰσχροκέρδεια. 8.8.19. ἀλλὰ καὶ πρόσθεν μὲν ἦν ἐπιχώριον αὐτοῖς μὴ ὁρᾶσθαι πεζῇ πορευομένοις, οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἕνεκα ἢ τοῦ ὡς ἱππικωτάτους γίγνεσθαι· νῦν δὲ στρώματα πλείω ἔχουσιν ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ἢ ἐπὶ τῶν εὐνῶν· οὐ γὰρ τῆς ἱππείας οὕτως ὥσπερ τοῦ μαλακῶς καθῆσθαι ἐπιμέλονται. 8.8.20. τά γε μὴν πολεμικὰ πῶς οὐκ εἰκότως νῦν τῷ παντὶ χείρους ἢ πρόσθεν εἰσίν; οἷς ἐν μὲν τῷ παρελθόντι χρόνῳ ἐπιχώριον εἶναι ὑπῆρχε τοὺς μὲν τὴν γῆν ἔχοντας ἀπὸ ταύτης ἱππότας παρέχεσθαι, οἳ δὴ καὶ ἐστρατεύοντο εἰ δέοι στρατεύεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ φρουροῦντας πρὸ τῆς χώρας μισθοφόρους εἶναι· νῦν δὲ τούς τε θυρωροὺς καὶ τοὺς σιτοποιοὺς καὶ τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς καὶ οἰνοχόους καὶ λουτροχόους καὶ παρατιθέντας καὶ ἀναιροῦντας καὶ κατακοιμίζοντας καὶ ἀνιστάντας, καὶ τοὺς κοσμητάς, οἳ ὑποχρίουσί τε καὶ ἐντρίβουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ τἆλλα ῥυθμίζουσι, τούτους πάντας ἱππέας οἱ δυνάσται πεποιήκασιν, ὅπως μισθοφορῶσιν αὐτοῖς. 8.8.21. πλῆθος μὲν οὖν καὶ ἐκ τούτων φαίνεται, οὐ μέντοι ὄφελός γε οὐδὲν αὐτῶν εἰς πόλεμον· δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ αὐτὰ τὰ γιγνόμενα· κατὰ γὰρ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ῥᾷον οἱ πολέμιοι ἢ οἱ φίλοι ἀναστρέφονται. 8.8.22. καὶ γὰρ δὴ ὁ Κῦρος τοῦ μὲν ἀκροβολίζεσθαι ἀποπαύσας, θωρακίσας δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ ἵππους καὶ ἓν παλτὸν ἑκάστῳ δοὺς εἰς χεῖρα ὁμόθεν τὴν μάχην ἐποιεῖτο· νῦν δὲ οὔτε ἀκροβολίζονται ἔτι οὔτʼ εἰς χεῖρας συνιόντες μάχονται. 8.8.23. καὶ οἱ πεζοὶ ἔχουσι μὲν γέρρα καὶ κοπίδας καὶ σαγάρεις ὥσπερ οἱ ἐπὶ Κύρου τὴν μάχην ποιησάμενοι· εἰς χεῖρας δὲ ἰέναι οὐδʼ οὗτοι ἐθέλουσιν. 8.8.24. οὐδέ γε τοῖς δρεπανηφόροις ἅρμασιν ἔτι χρῶνται ἐφʼ ᾧ Κῦρος αὐτὰ ἐποιήσατο. ὁ μὲν γὰρ τιμαῖς αὐξήσας τοὺς ἡνιόχους καὶ ἀγαστοὺς ποιήσας εἶχε τοὺς εἰς τὰ ὅπλα ἐμβαλοῦντας· οἱ δὲ νῦν οὐδὲ γιγνώσκοντες τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἅρμασιν οἴονται σφίσιν ὁμοίους τοὺς ἀνασκήτους τοῖς ἠσκηκόσιν ἔσεσθαι. 8.8.25. οἱ δὲ ὁρμῶσι μέν, πρὶν δʼ ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις εἶναι οἱ μὲν ἄκοντες ἐκπίπτουσιν, οἱ δʼ ἐξάλλονται, ὥστε ἄνευ ἡνιόχων γιγνόμενα τὰ ζεύγη πολλάκις πλείω κακὰ τοὺς φίλους ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους ποιεῖ. 8.8.26. ἐπεὶ μέντοι καὶ αὐτοὶ γιγνώσκουσιν οἷα σφίσι τὰ πολεμιστήρια ὑπάρχει, ὑφίενται, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἄνευ Ἑλλήνων εἰς πόλεμον καθίσταται, οὔτε ὅταν ἀλλήλοις πολεμῶσιν οὔτε ὅταν οἱ Ἕλληνες αὐτοῖς ἀντιστρατεύωνται· ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τούτους ἐγνώκασι μεθʼ Ἑλλήνων τοὺς πολέμους ποιεῖσθαι. 8.8.27. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ οἶμαι ἅπερ ὑπεθέμην ἀπειργάσθαι μοι. φημὶ γὰρ Πέρσας καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀσεβεστέρους περὶ θεοὺς καὶ ἀνοσιωτέρους περὶ συγγενεῖς καὶ ἀδικωτέρους περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ ἀνανδροτέρους τὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον νῦν ἢ πρόσθεν ἀποδεδεῖχθαι. εἰ δέ τις τἀναντία ἐμοὶ γιγνώσκοι, τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ἐπισκοπῶν εὑρήσει αὐτὰ μαρτυροῦντα τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις. | 8.8.2. I know, for example, that in early times the kings and their officers, in their dealings with even the worst offenders, would abide by an oath that they might have given, and be true to any pledge they might have made. 8.8.3. 8.8.4. But at the present time they are still worse, as the following will show: if, for example, any one in the olden times risked his life for the king, or if any one reduced a state or a nation to submission to him, or effected anything else of good or glory for him, such an one received honour and preferment; now, on the other hand, if any one seems to bring some advantage to the king by evil-doing, whether as Mithradates did, by betraying his own father Ariobarzanes, or as a certain Rheomithres did, in violating his most sacred oaths and leaving his wife and children and the children of his friends behind as hostages in the power of the king of Egypt Tachos; see Index, s.v. Ariobarzanes. —such are the ones who now have the highest honours heaped upon them. 8.8.5. Witnessing such a state of morality, all the inhabitants of Asia have been turned to wickedness and wrong-doing. For, whatever the character of the rulers is, such also that of the people under them for the most part becomes. In this respect they are now even more unprincipled than before. 8.8.6. In money matters, too, they are more dishonest Ficial dishonesty in this particular: they arrest not merely those who have committed many offences, but even those who have done no wrong, and against all justice compel them to pay fines; and so those who are supposed to be rich are kept in a state of terror no less than those who have committed many crimes, and they are no more willing than malefactors are to come into close relations with their superiors in power; in fact, they do not even venture to enlist in the royal army. 8.8.7. 8.8.8. In the next place, as I will now show, they do Physical deterioration not care for their physical strength as they used to do. For example, it used to be their custom neither to spit nor to blow the nose. It is obvious that they observed this custom not for the sake of saving the moisture in the body, but from the wish to harden the body by labour and perspiration. But now the custom of refraining from spitting or blowing the nose still continues, but they never give themselves the trouble to work off the moisture in some other direction. 8.8.9. 8.8.10. They had also the custom of not bringing pots into their banquets, evidently because they thought that if one did not drink to excess, both mind and body would be less uncertain. So even now the custom of not bringing in the pots still obtains, but they drink so much that, instead of carrying anything in, they are themselves carried out when they are no longer able to stand straight enough to walk out. 8.8.11. Again, this also was a native custom of theirs, neither to eat nor drink while on a march, nor yet to be seen doing any of the necessary consequences of eating or drinking. Even yet that same abstinence prevails, but they make their journeys so short that no one would be surprised at their ability to resist those calls of nature. 8.8.12. 8.8.13. Again, it is still the custom for the boys to be educated at court; but instruction and practice in horsemanship have died out, because there are no occasions on which they may give an exhibition and win distinction for skill. And while anciently the boys used there to hear cases at law justly decided and so to learn justice, as they believed—that also has been entirely reversed; for now they see all too clearly that whichever party gives the larger bribe wins the case. 8.8.14. 8.8.15. Furthermore, they are much more effeminate now than they were in Cyrus’s day. For at that time they still adhered to the old discipline and the old abstinence that they received from the Persians, but adopted the Median garb and Median luxury; now, on the contrary, they are allowing the rigour of the Persians to die out, while they keep up the effeminacy of the Medes. 8.8.16. I should like to explain their effeminacy more The effeminacy of the orientals in detail. In the first place, they are not satisfied with only having their couches upholstered with down, but they actually set the posts of their beds upon carpets, so that the floor may offer no resistance, but that the carpets may yield. Again, whatever sorts of bread and pastry for the table had been discovered before, none of all those have fallen into disuse, but they keep on always inventing something new besides; and it is the same way with meats; for in both branches of cookery they actually have artists to invent new dishes. 8.8.17. 8.8.18. They take great pride also in having as many cups as possible; but they are not ashamed if it transpire that they came by them by dishonest means, for dishonesty and sordid love of gain have greatly increased among them. 8.8.19. Furthermore, it was of old a national custom The modern knighthood not to be seen going anywhere on foot; and that was for no other purpose than to make themselves as knightly as possible. But now they have more coverings upon their horses than upon their beds, for they do not care so much for knighthood as for a soft seat. 8.8.20. 8.8.21. 8.8.22. 8.8.23. 8.8.24. Neither do they employ the scythed chariot any longer for the purpose for which Cyrus had it made. For he advanced the charioteers to honour and made them objects of admiration and so had men who were ready to hurl themselves against even a heavy-armed line. The officers of the present day, however, do not so much as know the men in the chariots, and they think that untrained drivers will be just as serviceable to them as trained charioteers. 8.8.25. 8.8.26. 8.8.27. I think now that I have accomplished the task Conclusion that I set before myself. For I maintain that I have proved that the Persians of the present day and those living in their dependencies are less reverent toward the gods, less dutiful to their relatives, less upright in their dealings with all men, and less brave in war than they were of old. But if any one should entertain an opinion contrary to my own, let him examine their deeds and he will find that these testify to the truth of my statements. |
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| 11. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 20.2-20.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 200 |
| 12. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 80-81 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 25 |
13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.45, 1.63.1, 2.13.4, 2.21, 3.64.6, 4.4.4, 4.5.2, 11.29.2-11.29.4, 11.45.5-11.45.9, 13.58, 14.80.2, 17.35, 17.36.7, 17.54.6, 17.66.1-17.66.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •darius (king of persia) •darius of persia •darius i, king of persia Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 355, 361; Heymans (2021), The Origins of Money in the Iron Age Mediterranean World, 153; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 25, 200 | 1.45. 1. After the gods the first king of Egypt, according to the priests, was Menas, who taught the people to worship gods and offer sacrifices, and also to supply themselves with tables and couches and to use costly bedding, and, in a word, introduced luxury and an extravagant manner of life.,2. For this reason when, many generations later, Tnephachthus, the father of Bocchoris the wise, was king and, while on a campaign in Arabia, ran short of supplies because the country was desert and rough, we are told that he was obliged to go without food for one day and then to live on quite simple fare at the home of some ordinary folk in private station, and that he, enjoying the experience exceedingly, denounced luxury and pronounced a curse on the king who had first taught the people their extravagant way of living; and so deeply did he take to heart the change which had taken place in the people's habits of eating, drinking, and sleeping, that he inscribed his curse in hieroglyphs on the temple of Zeus in Thebes; and this, in fact, appears to be the chief reason why the fame of Menas and his honours did not persist into later ages.,3. And it is said that the descendants of this king, fifty-two in number all told, ruled in unbroken succession more than a thousand and forty years, but that in their reigns nothing occurred that was worthy of record.,4. Subsequently, when Busiris became king and his descendants in turn, eight in name, the last of the line, who bore the same name as the first, founded, they say, the city which the Egyptians call Diospolis the Great, though the Greeks call it Thebes. Now the circuit of it he made one hundred and forty stades, and he adorned it in marvellous fashion with great buildings and remarkable temples and dedicatory monuments of every other kind;,5. in the same way he caused the houses of private citizens to be constructed in some cases four stories high, in others five, and in general made it the most prosperous city, not only of Egypt, but of the whole world.,6. And since, by reason of the city's pre-eminent wealth and power, its fame has been spread abroad to every region, even the poet, we are told, has mentioned it when he says: Nay, not for all the wealth of Thebes in Egypt, where in ev'ry hall There lieth treasure vast; a hundred are Her gates, and warriors by each issue forth Two hundred, each of them with car and steeds. ,7. Some, however, tell us that it was not one hundred "gates" (pulai) which the city had, but rather many great propylaea in front of its temples, and that it was from these that the title "hundred-gated" was given it, that is, "having many gateways." Yet twenty thousand chariots did in truth, we are told, pass out from it to war; for there were once scattered along the river from Memphis to the Thebes which is over against Libya one hundred post-stations, each one having accommodation for two hundred horses, whose foundations are pointed out even to this day. 1.63.1. After Remphis died, kings succeeded to the throne for seven generations who were confirmed sluggards and devoted only to indulgence and luxury. Consequently, in the priestly records, no costly building of theirs nor any deed worthy of historical record is handed down in connection with them, except in the case of one ruler, Nileus, from whom the river came to be named the Nile, though formerly called Aegyptus. This ruler constructed a very great number of canals at opportune places and in many ways showed himself eager to increase the usefulness of the Nile, and therefore became the cause of the present appellation of the river. 2.13.4. In this place she passed a long time and enjoyed to the full every device that contributed to luxury; she was unwilling, however, to contract a lawful marriage, being afraid that she might be deprived of her supreme position, but choosing out the most handsome of the soldiers she consorted with them and then made away with all who had lain with her. 2.21. 1. After her death Ninyas, the son of Ninus and Semiramis, succeeded to the throne and had a peaceful reign, since he in no wise emulated his mother's fondness for war and her adventurous spirit.,2. For in the first place, he spent all his time in the palace, seen by no one but his concubines and the eunuchs who attended him, and devoted his life to luxury and idleness and the consistent avoidance of any suffering or anxiety, holding the end and aim of a happy reign to be the enjoyment of every kind of pleasure without restraint.,3. Moreover, having in view the safety of his crown and the fear he felt with reference to his subjects, he used to summon each year a fixed number of soldiers and a general from each nation and to keep the army,,4. which had been gathered in this way from all his subject peoples, outside his capital, appointing as commander of each nation one of the most trustworthy men in his service; and at the end of the year he would summon from his peoples a second equal number of soldiers and dismiss the former to their countries.,5. The result of this device was that all those subject to his rule were filled with awe, seeing at all times a great host encamped in the open and punishment ready to fall on any who rebelled or would not yield obedience.,6. This annual change of the soldiers was devised by him in order that, before the generals and all the other commanders of the army should become well acquainted with each other, every man of them would have been separated from the rest and have gone back to his own country; for long service in the field both gives the commanders experience in the arts of war and fills them with arrogance, and, above all, it offers great opportunities for rebellion and for plotting against their rulers.,7. And the fact that he was seen by no one outside the palace made everyone ignorant of the luxury of his manner of life, and through their fear of him, as of an unseen god, each man dared not show disrespect of him even in word. So by appointing generals, satraps, ficial officers, and judges for each nation and arranging all other matters as he felt at any time to be to his advantage, he remained for his lifetime in the city of Ninus.,8. The rest of the kings also followed his example, son succeeding father upon the throne, and reigned for thirty generations down to Sardanapallus; for it was under this ruler that the Empire of the Assyrians fell to the Medes, after it had lasted more than thirteen hundred years, as Ctesias of Cnidus says in his Second Book. 3.64.6. There the boy was reared by nymphs and was given the name Dionysus after his father (Dios) and after the place (Nysa); and since he grew to be of unusual beauty he at first spent his time at dances and with bands of women and in every kind of luxury and amusement, and after that, forming the women into an army and arming them with thyrsi, he made a campaign over all the inhabited world. 4.4.4. And in the battles which took place during his wars he arrayed himself in arms suitable for war and in the skins of panthers, but in assemblages and at festive gatherings in time of peace he wore garments which were bright-coloured and luxurious in their effeminacy. Furthermore, in order to ward off the headaches which every man gets from drinking too much wine he bound about his head, they report, a band (mitra), which was the reason for his receiving the name Mitrephorus; and it was this head-band, they say, that in later times led to the introduction of the diadem for kings. 4.5.2. Thriambus is a name that has been given him, they say, because he was the first of those of whom we have a record to have celebrated a triumph (thriambos) upon entering his native land after his campaign, this having been done when he returned from India with great booty. It is on a similar basis that the other appellations or epithets have been given to him, but we feel that it would be a long task to tell of them and inappropriate to the history which we are writing. He was thought to have two forms, men say, because there were two Dionysi, the ancient one having a long beard because all men in early times wore long beards, the younger one being youthful and effeminate and young, as we have mentioned before. 11.29.2. And when the Greek forces were assembled at the Isthmus, all of them agreed that they should swear an oath about the war, one that would make staunch the concord among them and would compel entrenchment nobly to endure the perils of the battle. 11.29.3. The oath ran as follows: "I will not hold life dearer than liberty, nor will I desert the leaders, whether they be living or dead, but I will bury all the allies who have perished in the battle; and if I overcome the barbarians in the war, I will not destroy any one of the cities which have participated in the struggle; nor will I rebuild any one of the sanctuaries which have been burnt or demolished, but I will let them be and leave them as a reminder to coming generations of the impiety of the barbarians." 11.29.4. After they had sworn the oath, they marched to Boeotia through the pass of Cithaeron, and when they had descended as far as the foothills near Erythrae, they pitched camp there. The command over the Athenians was held by Aristeides, and the supreme command by Pausanias, who was the guardian of the son of Leonidas. 11.45.5. Pausanias said that he was sorry and went on to ask the man to forgive the mistake; he even implored him to help keep the matter secret, promising him great gifts, and the two then parted. As for the ephors and the others with them, although they had learned the precise truth, at that time they held their peace, but on a later occasion, when the Lacedaemonians were taking up the matter together with the ephors, Pausanias learned of it in advance, acted first, and fled for safety into the temple of Athena of the Brazen House. 11.45.6. And while the Lacedaemonians were hesitating whether to punish him now that he was a suppliant, we are told that the mother of Pausanias, coming to the temple, neither said nor did anything else than to pick up a brick and lay it against the entrance of the temple, and after she had done this she returned to her home. 11.45.7. And the Lacedaemonians, falling in with the mother's decision, walled up the entrance and in this manner forced Pausanias to meet his end through starvation. Now the body of the dead man was turned over to his relatives for burial; but the divinity showed its displeasure at the violation of the sanctity of suppliants, 11.45.8. for once when the Lacedaemonians were consulting the oracle at Delphi about some other matters, the god replied by commanding them to restore her suppliant to the goddess. 11.45.9. Consequently the Spartans, thinking the oracle's command to be impracticable, were at a loss for a considerable time, being unable to carry out the injunction of the god. Concluding, however, to do as much as was within their power, they made two bronze statues of Pausanias and set them up in the temple of Athena. 13.58. 1. The Greeks serving as allies of the Carthaginians, as they contemplated the reversal in the lives of the hapless Selinuntians, felt pity at their lot. The women, deprived now of the pampered life they had enjoyed, spent the nights in the very midst of enemies' lasciviousness, enduring terrible indignities, and some were obliged to see their daughters of marriageable age suffering treatment improper for their years.,2. For the savagery of the barbarians spared neither free-born youths nor maidens, but exposed these unfortunates to dreadful disasters. Consequently, as the women reflected upon the slavery that would be their lot in Libya, as they saw themselves together with their children in a condition in which they possessed no legal rights and were subject to insolent treatment and thus compelled to obey masters, and as they noted that these masters used an unintelligible speech and had a bestial character, they mourned for their living children as dead, and receiving into their souls as a piercing wound each and every outrage committed against them, they became frantic with suffering and vehemently deplored their own fate; while as for their fathers and brothers who had died fighting for their country, them they counted blessed, since they had not witnessed any sight unworthy of their own valour.,3. The Selinuntians who had escaped capture, twenty-six hundred in number, made their way in safety to Acragas and there received all possible kindness; for Acragantini, after portioning out food to them at public expense, divided them for billeting among their homes, urging the private citizens, who were indeed eager enough, to supply them with every necessity of life. 14.80.2. He overran the countryside as far as Sardis and ravaged the orchards and the pleasure-park belonging to Tissaphernes, which had been artistically laid out at great expense with plants and all other things that contribute to luxury and the enjoyment in peace of the good things of life. He then turned back, and when he was midway between Sardis and Thybarnae, he dispatched by night the Spartan Xenocles with fourteen hundred soldiers to a thickly wooded place to set an ambush for the barbarians. 17.35. 1. When night fell, the remainder of the Persian army easily succeeded in scattering in various directions while the Macedonians gave over the pursuit and turned to plunder, being particularly attracted by the royal pavilions because of the mass of wealth that was there.,2. This included much silver, no little gold, and vast numbers of rich dresses from the royal treasure, which they took, and likewise a great store of wealth belonging to the King's Friends, Relatives, and military commanders.,3. Not only the ladies of the royal house but also those of the King's Relatives and Friends, borne on gilded chariots, had accompanied the army according to an ancestral custom of the Persians,,4. and each of them had brought with her a store of rich future and feminine adornment, in keeping with their vast wealth and luxury. The lot of these captured women was pathetic in the extreme.,5. They who previously from daintiness only with reluctance had been conveyed in luxurious carriages and had exposed no part of their bodies unveiled now burst wailing out of the tents clad only in a single chiton, rending their garments, calling on the gods, and falling at the knees of the conquerors.,6. Flinging off their jewelry with trembling hands and with their hair flying, they fled for their lives over rugged ground and, collecting into groups, they called to help them those who were themselves in need of help from others.,7. Some of their captors dragged these unfortunates by the hair, others, ripping off their clothing, drove them with blows of their hands or spear-butts against their naked bodies, thus outraging the dearest and proudest of the Persian possessions by virtue of Fortune's generosity to them. 17.54.6. He bade them tell Dareius that, if he desired the supremacy, he should do battle with him to see which of them would have sole and universal rule. If, on the other hand, he despised glory and chose profit and luxury with a life of ease, then let him obey Alexander, but be king over all other rulers, since this privilege was granted him by Alexander's generosity. 17.66.1. Alexander entered the city and found the treasure in the palace to include more than forty thousand talents of gold and silver bullion, 17.66.2. which the kings had accumulated unused over a long period of time as a protection against the vicissitudes of Fortune. In addition there were nine thousand talents of minted gold in the form of darics. |
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| 14. Plutarch, Solon, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 200 |
| 15. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 128 |
16. Plutarch, Themistocles, 13.2-13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 50| 13.2. καὶ διελόντες ἑαυτοὺς οἱ μὲν ἐμφανῶς Σφηττόθεν ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ μετὰ τοῦ πατρός, οἱ δὲ Γαργηττοῖ κρύψαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐνήδρευον, ὡς διχόθεν ἐπιθησόμενοι τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις. ἦν δὲ κῆρυξ μετʼ αὐτῶν, ἀνὴρ Ἁγνούσιος, ὄνομα Λεώς. οὗτος ἐξήγγειλε τῷ Θησεῖ τὰ βεβουλευμένα τοῖς Παλλαντίδαις. 13.3. ὁ δὲ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς ἐνεδρεύουσι πάντας διέφθειρεν. οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Πάλλαντος πυθόμενοι διεσπάρησαν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τῷ Παλληνέων δήμῳ πρὸς τὸν Ἁγνουσίων ἐπιγαμίαν μὴ εἶναι, μηδὲ κηρύττεσθαι τοὐπιχώριον παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἀκούετε λεῷ· μισοῦσι γὰρ τοὔνομα διὰ τὴν προδοσίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός. | |
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| 17. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 269 |
18. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 3.4.3-3.4.6, 9.4.1-9.4.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 122, 200| 3.4.3. διατρίβοντος δὲ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ Κλεομένους Δημάρατος ὁ τῆς οἰκίας βασιλεὺς τῆς ἑτέρας διέβαλλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ πλῆθος· Κλεομένης δὲ ὡς ἀνέστρεψεν ἐξ Αἰγίνης, ἔπρασσεν ὅπως Δημάρατον παύσειε βασιλεύοντα, καὶ τήν τε ἐν Δελφοῖς πρόμαντιν ὠνήσατο, Λακεδαιμονίοις αὐτὴν ὁπόσα αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκεν ἐς Δημάρατον χρῆσαι, καὶ Λεωτυχίδην ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους καὶ οἰκίας Δημαράτῳ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπῆρεν ἀμφισβητεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς. 3.4.4. εἴχετο δὲ Λεωτυχίδης λόγων οὓς Ἀρίστων ποτὲ ἐς Δημάρατον τεχθέντα ἐξέβαλεν ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας οὐχ αὑτοῦ παῖδα εἶναι φήσας. τότε δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὸ χρηστήριον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰώθεσαν, ἀνάγουσι καὶ τὸ ἀμφισβήτημα τὸ ὑπὲρ Δημαράτου· ἡ δέ σφισιν ἔχρησεν ἡ πρόμαντις ὁπόσα ἦν Κλεομένει κατὰ γνώμην. 3.4.5. Δημάρατος μὲν δὴ κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Κλεομένους καὶ οὐ σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ βασιλείας ἐπαύθη, Κλεομένην δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτὴ μανέντα· ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐλάβετο ξίφους, ἐτίτρωσκεν αὐτὸς αὑτὸν καὶ διεξῄει τὸ σῶμα ἅπαν κόπτων τε καὶ λυμαινόμενος. Ἀργεῖοι μὲν δὴ τοῖς ἱκέταις τοῦ Ἄργου διδόντα αὐτὸν δίκην τέλος τοῦ βίου φασὶν εὑρέσθαι τοιοῦτον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὅτι ἐδῄωσε τὴν Ὀργάδα, Δελφοὶ δὲ τῶν δώρων ἕνεκα ὧν τῇ προμάντιδι ἔδωκεν, ἀναπείσας ἐψευσμένα εἰπεῖν ἐς Δημάρατον. 3.4.6. εἴη δʼ ἂν καὶ τὰ μηνίματα ἔκ τε ἡρώων ὁμοῦ καὶ θεῶν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ Κλεομένει συνεληλυθότα, ἐπεί τοι καὶ ἰδίᾳ Πρωτεσίλαος ἐν Ἐλαιοῦντι οὐδὲν ἥρως Ἄργου φανερώτερος ἄνδρα Πέρσην ἐτιμωρήσατο Ἀρταΰκτην καὶ Μεγαρεῦσιν οὔ ποτε θεῶν τῶν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ὄντων ἐξεγένετο ἱλάσασθαι τὸ μήνιμα γῆν ἐπεργασαμένοις τὴν ἱεράν. τὰ δὲ ἐς τοῦ μαντείου τὴν διάπειραν οὐδὲ τὸ παράπαν ἄλλον γε οὐδένα ὅτι μὴ μόνον Κλεομένην τολμήσαντα ἴσμεν. 9.4.1. Πλαταιεῦσι δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν Ἀρείας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων ἃ τῆς μάχης σφίσιν Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς Μαραθῶνι ἀπένειμαν. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἄγαλμα ξόανόν ἐστιν ἐπίχρυσον, πρόσωπον δέ οἱ καὶ χεῖρες ἄκραι καὶ πόδες λίθου τοῦ Πεντελησίου εἰσί· μέγεθος μὲν οὐ πολὺ δή τι ἀποδεῖ τῆς ἐν ἀκροπόλει χαλκῆς, ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ Μαραθῶνι ἀπαρχὴν ἀγῶνος ἀνέθηκαν, Φειδίας δὲ καὶ Πλαταιεῦσιν ἦν ὁ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα ποιήσας. 9.4.2. γραφαὶ δέ εἰσιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Πολυγνώτου μὲν Ὀδυσσεὺς τοὺς μνηστῆρας ἤδη κατειργασμένος, Ὀνασία δὲ Ἀδράστου καὶ Ἀργείων ἐπὶ Θήβας ἡ προτέρα στρατεία. αὗται μὲν δή εἰσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ προνάου τῶν τοίχων αἱ γραφαί, κεῖται δὲ τοῦ ἀγάλματος πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶν εἰκὼν Ἀριμνήστου· ὁ δὲ Ἀρίμνηστος ἔν τε τῇ πρὸς Μαρδόνιον μάχῃ καὶ ἔτι πρότερον ἐς Μαραθῶνα Πλαταιεῦσιν ἡγήσατο. | 3.4.3. While Cleomenes was occupied in Aegina , Demaratus, the king of the other house, was slandering him to the Lacedaemonian populace. On his return from Aegina , Cleomenes began to intrigue for the deposition of king Demaratus. He bribed the Pythian prophetess to frame responses about Demaratus according to his instructions, and instigated Leotychides, a man of royal birth and of the same family as Demaratus, to put in a claim to the throne. 3.4.4. Leotychides seized upon the remark that Ariston in his ignorance blurted out when Demaratus was born, denying that he was his child. On the present occasion the Lacedaemonians, according to their wont, referred to the oracle at Delphi the claim against Demaratus, and the prophetess gave them a response which favoured the designs of Cleomenes. 3.4.5. So Demaratus was deposed, not rightfully, but because Cleomenes hated him. Subsequently Cleomenes met his end in a fit of madness for seizing a sword he began to wound himself, and hacked and maimed his body all over. The Argives assert that the manner of his end was a punishment for his treatment of the suppliants of Argus; the Athenians say that it was because he had devastated Orgas; the Delphians put it down to the bribes he gave the Pythian prophetess, persuading her to give lying responses about Demaratus. 3.4.6. It may well be too that the wrath of heroes and the wrath of gods united together to punish Cleomenes since it is a fact that for a personal wrong Protesilaus, a hero not a whit more illustrious than Argus, punished at Elaeus Artayctes, a Persian; while the Megarians never succeeded in propitiating the deities at Eleusis for having encroached upon the sacred land. As to the tampering with the oracle, we know of nobody, with the exception of Cleomenes, who has had the audacity even to attempt it. 9.4.1. The Plataeans have also a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Warlike; it was built from the spoils given them by the Athenians as their share from the battle of Marathon. It is a wooden image gilded, but the face, hands and feet are of Pentelic marble. In size it is but little smaller than the bronze Athena on the Acropolis, the one which the Athenians also erected as first-fruits of the battle at Marathon; the Plataeans too had Pheidias for the maker of their image of Athena. 9.4.2. In the temple are paintings: one of them, by Polygnotus, represents Odysseus after he has killed the wooers; the other, painted by Onasias, is the former expedition of the Argives, under Adrastus, against Thebes . These paintings are on the walls of the fore-temple, while at the feet of the image is a portrait of Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans at the battle against Mardonius, and yet before that at Marathon. |
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| 19. Zenobius, Proverbs of Lucillus Tarrhaeus And Didymus, 3.41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •darius (king of persia) Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 269 |
| 20. Epigraphy, Ig I , None Tagged with subjects: •darius i, king of persia Found in books: Heymans (2021), The Origins of Money in the Iron Age Mediterranean World, 153 |
| 21. Epigraphy, Seg, 1.344 Tagged with subjects: •darius i, king of persia Found in books: Heymans (2021), The Origins of Money in the Iron Age Mediterranean World, 153 |
| 23. Demosthenes, Orations, 21.144 Tagged with subjects: •darius of persia Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 200 |
