1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 15.12 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Charax • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 405; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
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15.12 כִּי־יִמָּכֵר לְךָ אָחִיךָ הָעִבְרִי אוֹ הָעִבְרִיָּה וַעֲבָדְךָ שֵׁשׁ שָׁנִים וּבַשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁבִיעִת תְּשַׁלְּחֶנּוּ חָפְשִׁי מֵעִמָּךְ׃'' None | sup>
15.12 If thy brother, a Hebrew man, or a Hebrew woman, be sold unto thee, he shall serve thee six years; and in the seventh year thou shalt let him go free from thee.'' None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 21.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Charax • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 405; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
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21.2 וְכִי־יַכֶּה אִישׁ אֶת־עַבְדּוֹ אוֹ אֶת־אֲמָתוֹ בַּשֵּׁבֶט וּמֵת תַּחַת יָדוֹ נָקֹם יִנָּקֵם׃21.2 כִּי תִקְנֶה עֶבֶד עִבְרִי שֵׁשׁ שָׁנִים יַעֲבֹד וּבַשְּׁבִעִת יֵצֵא לַחָפְשִׁי חִנָּם׃ ' None | sup>
21.2 If thou buy a Hebrew servant, six years he shall serve; and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing.'' None |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 3.15, 14.13, 15.2-15.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius Charax • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • King, emperor, Claudius
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 377; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 365, 369, 370, 457, 567; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 297; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 24; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
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3.15 וְאֵיבָה אָשִׁית בֵּינְךָ וּבֵין הָאִשָּׁה וּבֵין זַרְעֲךָ וּבֵין זַרְעָהּ הוּא יְשׁוּפְךָ רֹאשׁ וְאַתָּה תְּשׁוּפֶנּוּ עָקֵב׃
14.13 וַיָּבֹא הַפָּלִיט וַיַּגֵּד לְאַבְרָם הָעִבְרִי וְהוּא שֹׁכֵן בְּאֵלֹנֵי מַמְרֵא הָאֱמֹרִי אֲחִי אֶשְׁכֹּל וַאֲחִי עָנֵר וְהֵם בַּעֲלֵי בְרִית־אַבְרָם׃
15.2 וְאֶת־הַחִתִּי וְאֶת־הַפְּרִזִּי וְאֶת־הָרְפָאִים׃
15.2 וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָם אֲדֹנָי יֱהוִה מַה־תִּתֶּן־לִי וְאָנֹכִי הוֹלֵךְ עֲרִירִי וּבֶן־מֶשֶׁק בֵּיתִי הוּא דַּמֶּשֶׂק אֱלִיעֶזֶר׃ 15.3 וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָם הֵן לִי לֹא נָתַתָּה זָרַע וְהִנֵּה בֶן־בֵּיתִי יוֹרֵשׁ אֹתִי׃' ' None | sup>
3.15 And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; they shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise their heel.’
14.13 And there came one that had escaped, and told Abram the Hebrew—now he dwelt by the terebinths of Mamre the Amorite, brother of Eshcol, and brother of Aner; and these were confederate with Abram.
15.2 And Abram said: ‘O Lord GOD, what wilt Thou give me, seeing I go hence childless, and he that shall be possessor of my house is Eliezer of Damascus?’ 15.3 And Abram said: ‘Behold, to me Thou hast given no seed, and, lo, one born in my house is to be mine heir.’' ' None |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 18.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 324; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 47
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18.3 וּשְׁמַרְתֶּם אֶת־מִשְׁמַרְתִּי לְבִלְתִּי עֲשׂוֹת מֵחֻקּוֹת הַתּוֹעֵבֹת אֲשֶׁר נַעֲשׂוּ לִפְנֵיכֶם וְלֹא תִטַּמְּאוּ בָּהֶם אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃
18.3 כְּמַעֲשֵׂה אֶרֶץ־מִצְרַיִם אֲשֶׁר יְשַׁבְתֶּם־בָּהּ לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ וּכְמַעֲשֵׂה אֶרֶץ־כְּנַעַן אֲשֶׁר אֲנִי מֵבִיא אֶתְכֶם שָׁמָּה לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ וּבְחֻקֹּתֵיהֶם לֹא תֵלֵכוּ׃'' None | sup>
18.3 After the doings of the land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall ye not do; and after the doings of the land of Canaan, whither I bring you, shall ye not do; neither shall ye walk in their statutes.'' None |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 27.18-27.23 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius, Letter to the Alexandrians • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 397; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 357
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27.18 וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה קַח־לְךָ אֶת־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בִּן־נוּן אִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־רוּחַ בּוֹ וְסָמַכְתָּ אֶת־יָדְךָ עָלָיו׃ 27.19 וְהַעֲמַדְתָּ אֹתוֹ לִפְנֵי אֶלְעָזָר הַכֹּהֵן וְלִפְנֵי כָּל־הָעֵדָה וְצִוִּיתָה אֹתוֹ לְעֵינֵיהֶם׃' '27.21 וְלִפְנֵי אֶלְעָזָר הַכֹּהֵן יַעֲמֹד וְשָׁאַל לוֹ בְּמִשְׁפַּט הָאוּרִים לִפְנֵי יְהוָה עַל־פִּיו יֵצְאוּ וְעַל־פִּיו יָבֹאוּ הוּא וְכָל־בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל אִתּוֹ וְכָל־הָעֵדָה׃ 27.22 וַיַּעַשׂ מֹשֶׁה כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה אֹתוֹ וַיִּקַּח אֶת־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וַיַּעֲמִדֵהוּ לִפְנֵי אֶלְעָזָר הַכֹּהֵן וְלִפְנֵי כָּל־הָעֵדָה׃ 27.23 וַיִּסְמֹךְ אֶת־יָדָיו עָלָיו וַיְצַוֵּהוּ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה בְּיַד־מֹשֶׁה׃'' None | sup>
27.18 And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Take thee Joshua the son of Nun, a man in whom is spirit, and lay thy hand upon him; 27.19 and set him before Eleazar the priest, and before all the congregation; and give him a charge in their sight. 27.20 And thou shalt put of thy honour upon him, that all the congregation of the children of Israel may hearken. 27.21 And he shall stand before Eleazar the priest, who shall inquire for him by the judgment of the Urim before the LORD; at his word shall they go out, and at his word they shall come in, both he, and all the children of Israel with him, even all the congregation.’ 27.22 And Moses did as the LORD commanded him; and he took Joshua, and set him before Eleazar the priest, and before all the congregation. 27.23 And he laid his hands upon him, and gave him a charge, as the LORD spoke by the hand of Moses.'' None |
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6. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius (Claudius Pulcher) • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 301; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 613; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 301
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7. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius • Cicero, performance as Ap. Claudius Caecus • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Clodia
Found in books: Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 38; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 23; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 417
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8. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius (Claudius Pulcher)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 301; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 301
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9. Cicero, On Divination, 1.3, 1.27-1.30, 1.72, 1.95, 1.105, 2.71-2.75, 2.91 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher (Claudius 297 RE) • Bobbiensia Scholia, on Claudius Pulcher, trial of • Claudius Glicia, M. • Claudius Marcellus, C • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Pulcher, Ap • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, C., attempts army command without profectio • Claudius Pulcher, P. • Claudius Pulcher, P., dictator, named by • Claudius Pulcher, P., perduellio, tried for • Claudius Pulcher, P., pulli, drowned by • Claudius, antiquarianism of • Claudius, censorship of • Claudius, wives of • Clodius Pulcher, P • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Iuppiter, saves Claudius Pulcher • Marcellus, Gaius Claudius (Claudius 214 RE) • Ptolemy, Claudius • Ptolemy, Claudius the astronomer • Valerius Maximus, on trial of Claudius Pulcher • lex Clodia • tribunes of the Plebs, Claudius Pulcher, profectio opposed by • tribunes of the Plebs, Claudius Pulcher, prosecuted by • vitium, of Claudius Pulcher
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 64, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 264, 294; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 135; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 17, 38; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 27, 72, 199, 262, 275, 277; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 249, 263; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 76, 212, 232
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1.3 Quam vero Graecia coloniam misit in Aeoliam, Ioniam, Asiam, Siciliam, Italiam sine Pythio aut Dodonaeo aut Hammonis oraculo? aut quod bellum susceptum ab ea sine consilio deorum est? Nec unum genus est divinationis publice privatimque celebratum. Nam, ut omittam ceteros populos, noster quam multa genera conplexus est! Principio huius urbis parens Romulus non solum auspicato urbem condidisse, sed ipse etiam optumus augur fuisse traditur. Deinde auguribus et reliqui reges usi, et exactis regibus nihil publice sine auspiciis nec domi nec militiae gerebatur. Cumque magna vis videretur esse et inpetriendis consulendisque rebus et monstris interpretandis ac procurandis in haruspicum disciplina, omnem hanc ex Etruria scientiam adhibebant, ne genus esset ullum divinationis, quod neglectum ab iis videretur.
1.27 Itaque, ut ex ipso audiebam, persaepe revertit ex itinere, cum iam progressus esset multorum dierum viam. Cuius quidem hoc praeclarissimum est, quod, posteaquam a Caesare tetrarchia et regno pecuniaque multatus est, negat se tamen eorum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda evenerint, paenitere; senatus enim auctoritatem et populi Romani libertatem atque imperii dignitatem suis armis esse defensam, sibique eas aves, quibus auctoribus officium et fidem secutus esset, bene consuluisse; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse possessionibus suis gloriam. Ille mihi videtur igitur vere augurari. Nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur coactis; necesse est enim offa obiecta cadere frustum ex pulli ore, cum pascitur; 1.28 quod autem scriptum habetis †aut tripudium fieri, si ex ea quid in solidum ceciderit, hoc quoque, quod dixi, coactum tripudium solistimum dicitis. Itaque multa auguria, multa auspicia, quod Cato ille sapiens queritur, neglegentia collegii amissa plane et deserta sunt. Nihil fere quondam maioris rei nisi auspicato ne privatim quidem gerebatur, quod etiam nunc nuptiarum auspices declarant, qui re omissa nomen tantum tenent. Nam ut nunc extis (quamquam id ipsum aliquanto minus quam olim), sic tum avibus magnae res inpetriri solebant. Itaque, sinistra dum non exquirimus, in dira et in vitiosa incurrimus. 1.29 Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris.
1.72 in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit.
1.95 Quis vero non videt in optuma quaque re publica plurimum auspicia et reliqua dividi genera valuisse? Quis rex umquam fuit, quis populus, qui non uteretur praedictione divina? neque solum in pace, sed in bello multo etiam magis, quo maius erat certamen et discrimen salutis. Omitto nostros, qui nihil in bello sine extis agunt, nihil sine auspiciis domi habent auspicia ; externa videamus: Namque et Athenienses omnibus semper publicis consiliis divinos quosdam sacerdotes, quos ma/nteis vocant, adhibuerunt, et Lacedaemonii regibus suis augurem adsessorem dederunt, itemque senibus (sic enim consilium publicum appellant) augurem interesse voluerunt, iidemque de rebus maioribus semper aut Delphis oraclum aut ab Hammone aut a Dodona petebant.
1.105 Quid de auguribus loquar? Tuae partes sunt, tuum inquam, auspiciorum patrocinium debet esse. Tibi App. Claudius augur consuli nuntiavit addubitato Salutis augurio bellum domesticum triste ac turbulentum fore; quod paucis post mensibus exortum paucioribus a te est diebus oppressum. Cui quidem auguri vehementer adsentior; solus enim multorum annorum memoria non decantandi augurii, sed dividi tenuit disciplinam. Quem inridebant collegae tui eumque tum Pisidam, tum Soranum augurem esse dicebant; quibus nulla videbatur in auguriis aut praesensio aut scientia veritatis futurae; sapienter aiebant ad opinionem imperitorum esse fictas religiones. Quod longe secus est; neque enim in pastoribus illis, quibus Romulus praefuit, nec in ipso Romulo haec calliditas esse potuit, ut ad errorem multitudinis religionis simulacra fingerent. Sed difficultas laborque discendi disertam neglegentiam reddidit; malunt enim disserere nihil esse in auspiciis quam, quid sit, ediscere.
2.71 Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.72 Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73 Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74 Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.75 Primum vide, ne in eum dixerint, qui rogator centuriae fuisset; is enim erat mortuus; id autem sine divinatione coniectura poterant dicere. Deinde fortasse casu, qui nullo modo est ex hoc genere tollendus. Quid enim scire Etrusci haruspices aut de tabernaculo recte capto aut de pomerii iure potuerunt? Equidem adsentior C. Marcello potius quam App. Claudio, qui ambo mei collegae fuerunt, existimoque ius augurum, etsi divinationis opinione principio constitutum sit, tamen postea rei publicae causa conservatum ac retentum.
2.91 At ii nec totidem annos vixerunt; anno enim Procli vita brevior fuit, multumque is fratri rerum gestarum gloria praestitit. At ego id ipsum, quod vir optumus, Diogenes, Chaldaeis quasi quadam praevaricatione concedit, nego posse intellegi. Etenim cum, ut ipsi dicunt, ortus nascentium luna moderetur, eaque animadvertant et notent sidera natalicia Chaldaei, quaecumque lunae iuncta videantur, oculorum fallacissimo sensu iudicant ea, quae ratione atque animo videre debebant. Docet enim ratio mathematicorum, quam istis notam esse oportebat, quanta humilitate luna feratur terram paene contingens, quantum absit a proxuma Mercurii stella, multo autem longius a Veneris, deinde alio intervallo distet a sole, cuius lumine conlustrari putatur; reliqua vero tria intervalla infinita et inmensa, a sole ad Martis, inde ad Iovis, ab eo ad Saturni stellam, inde ad caelum ipsum, quod extremum atque ultumum mundi est.' ' None | sup>
1.3 And, indeed, what colony did Greece ever send into Aeolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily, or Italy without consulting the Pythian or Dodonian oracle, or that of Jupiter Hammon? Or what war did she ever undertake without first seeking the counsel of the gods? 2 Nor is it only one single mode of divination that has been employed in public and in private. For, to say nothing of other nations, how many our own people have embraced! In the first place, according to tradition, Romulus, the father of this City, not only founded it in obedience to the auspices, but was himself a most skilful augur. Next, the other Roman kings employed augurs; and, again, after the expulsion of the kings, no public business was ever transacted at home or abroad without first taking the auspices. Furthermore, since our forefathers believed that the soothsayers art had great efficacy in seeking for omens and advice, as well as in cases where prodigies were to be interpreted and their effects averted, they gradually introduced that art in its entirety from Etruria, lest it should appear that any kind of divination had been disregarded by them.
1.3 Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.17 And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured.
1.27 This is why, as he told me himself, he had time and again abandoned a journey even though he might have been travelling for many days. By the way, that was a very noble utterance of his which he made after Caesar had deprived him of his tetrarchy and kingdom, and had forced him to pay an indemnity too. Notwithstanding what has happened, said he, I do not regret that the auspices favoured my joining Pompey. By so doing I enlisted my military power in defence of senatorial authority, Roman liberty, and the supremacy of the empire. The birds, at whose instance I followed the course of duty and of honour, counselled well, for I value my good name more than riches. His conception of augury, it seems to me, is the correct one.For with us magistrates make use of auspices, but they are forced auspices, since the sacred chickens in eating the dough pellets thrown must let some fall from their beaks. 1.28 But, according to the writings of you augurs, a tripudium results if any of the food should fall to the ground, and what I spoke of as a forced augur your fraternity calls as tripudium solistimum. And so through the indifference of the college, as Cato the Wise laments, many auguries and auspices have been entirely abandoned and lost.16 In ancient times scarcely any matter out of the ordinary was undertaken, even in private life, without first consulting the auspices, clear proof of which is given even at the present time by our custom of having nuptial auspices, though they have lost their former religious significance and only preserve the name. For just as to‑day on important occasions we make use of entrails in divining — though even they are employed to a less extent than formerly — so in the past resort was usually had to divination by means of birds. And thus it is that by failing to seek out the unpropitious signs we run into awful disasters. 1.29 For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken.
1.72 But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola.
1.95 But who fails to observe that auspices and all other kinds of divination flourish best in the best regulated states? And what king or people has there ever been who did not employ divination? I do not mean in time of peace only, but much more even in time of war, when the strife and struggle for safety is hardest. Passing by our own countrymen, who do nothing in war without examining entrails and nothing in peace without taking the auspices, let us look at the practice of foreign nations. The Athenians, for instance, in every public assembly always had present certain priestly diviners, whom they call manteis. The Spartans assigned an augur to their kings as a judicial adviser, and they also enacted that an augur should be present in their Council of Elders, which is the name of their Senate. In matters of grave concern they always consulted the oracle at Delphi, or that of Jupiter Hammon or that of Dodona.
1.105 Why need I speak of augurs? That is your rôle; the duty to defend auspices, I maintain, is yours. For it was to you, while you were consul, that the augur Appius Claudius declared that because the augury of safety was unpropitious a grievous and violent civil war was at hand. That war began few months later, but you brought it to an end in still fewer days. Appius is one augur of whom I heartily approve, for not content merely with the sing-song ritual of augury, he, alone, according to the record of many years, has maintained a real system of divination. I know that your colleagues used to laugh at him and call him the one time a Pisidian and at another a Soran. They did not concede to augury any power of prevision or real knowledge of the future, and used to say that it was a superstitious practice shrewdly invented to gull the ignorant. But the truth is far otherwise, for neither those herdsmen whom Romulus governed, nor Romulus himself, could have had cunning enough to invent miracles with which to mislead the people. It is the trouble and hard work involved in mastering the art that has induced this eloquent contempt; for men prefer to say glibly that there is nothing in auspices rather than to learn what auspices are.
2.71 In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.34 Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.72 To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. 35 2.73 Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74 Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.75 Now, in the first place, do not understand that by the president they meant the president of the prerogative century, for he was dead; and, moreover, they could have told that by conjecture without the use of divination; or, in the second place, perhaps, they said so by accident which is no wise to be left out of account in cases of this kind. For what could the Etruscan soothsayers have known, either as to whether the tabernaculum had been properly placed, or as to whether the regulations pertaining to the pomerium had been observed? For my part, I agree with Gaius Marcellus, rather than with Appius Claudius — both of whom were my colleagues — and I think that, although in the beginning augural law was established from a belief in divination, yet later it was maintained and preserved from considerations of political expediency. 36
2.91 But they did not live the same number of years, for the life of Procles was shorter by a year than that of his brother and his deeds were far more glorious. But for my part I say that even this concession which our excellent friend Diogenes makes to the Chaldeans in a sort of collusive way, is in itself unintelligible. For the Chaldeans, according to their own statements, believe that a persons destiny is affected by the condition of the moon at the time of his birth, and hence they make and record their observations of the stars which anything in conjunction with the moon on his birthday. As a result, in forming their judgements, they depend on the sense of sight, which is the least trustworthy of the senses, whereas they should employ reason and intelligence. For the science of mathematics which the Chaldeans ought to know, teaches us how close the moon comes to the earth, which indeed it almost touches; how far it is from Mercury, the nearest star; how much further yet it is from Venus; and what a great interval separates it from the sun, which is supposed to give it light. The three remaining distances are beyond computation: from the Sun to Mars, from Mars to Jupiter, from Jupiter to Saturn. Then there is the distance from Saturn to the limits of heaven — the ultimate bounds of space.' ' None |
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10. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher (Claudius 297 RE) • Clodius Pulcher, P • Marcellus, Gaius Claudius (Claudius 214 RE)
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 14; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 76
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1.1 There are a number of branches of philosophy that have not as yet been by any means adequately explored; but the inquiry into the nature of the gods, which is both highly interesting in relation to the theory of the soul, and fundamentally important for the regulation of religion, is one of special difficulty and obscurity, as you, Brutus, are well aware. The multiplicity and variety of the opinions held upon this subject by eminent scholars are bound to constitute a strong argument for the view that philosophy has its origin and starting-point in ignorance, and that the Academic School were well-advised in "withholding assent" from beliefs that are uncertain: for what is more unbecoming than ill‑considered haste? and what is so ill‑considered or so unworthy of the dignity and seriousness proper to a philosopher as to hold an opinion that is not true, or to maintain with unhesitating certainty a proposition not based on adequate examination, comprehension and knowledge? '' None |
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11. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 7.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius
Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 23; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 222
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7.14 וְלֵהּ יְהִיב שָׁלְטָן וִיקָר וּמַלְכוּ וְכֹל עַמְמַיָּא אֻמַיָּא וְלִשָּׁנַיָּא לֵהּ יִפְלְחוּן שָׁלְטָנֵהּ שָׁלְטָן עָלַם דִּי־לָא יֶעְדֵּה וּמַלְכוּתֵהּ דִּי־לָא תִתְחַבַּל׃'' None | sup>
7.14 And there was given him dominion, And glory, and a kingdom, That all the peoples, nations, and languages Should serve him; His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, And his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.'' None |
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12. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 5.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 527; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 226
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5.9 and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.'"" None |
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13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, performance as Ap. Claudius Caecus • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Clodia • Clodius Pulcher, P.
Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 136; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 24
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14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher • Claudius Pulcher, C., attempts army command without profectio • Claudius Pulcher, P., pulli, drowned by
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 64, 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 108
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15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher (Claudius 297 RE) • Cicero (M. Tullius Cicero), on adoption of P. Clodius Pulcher • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius (Pulcher), (Publius) • Clodius Pulcher, P • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., accused of parricide • Clodius Pulcher, P., and the funeral of the republic • Clodius Pulcher, P., bill de exsilio Ciceronis • Clodius Pulcher, P., erects a Temple of Libertas • Clodius Pulcher, P., his funeral • Clodius Pulcher, P., plot against Pompey’s life • Clodius Pulcher, P., shrine to Libertas as a wound • Clodius Pulcher, P., weak and mangled praetorship of • Clodius Pulcher, Publius, as master/tyrant • Clodius Pulcher, Publius, as “liberator” • M. Tullius Cicero,and Clodius • Marcellus, Gaius Claudius (Claudius 214 RE) • Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., criticism of Clodius as parricide • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as parricide • Tullius Cicero, M., conflict with P. Clodius Pulcher • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Publius Clodius Pulcher • buildings, porticus of Clodius • libertas, Clodius shrine
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 211, 212; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 46, 135, 136; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 118, 119; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 53, 171; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 125, 234, 257, 258, 262; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 75; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 89, 153; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 40; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58, 59, 73, 85, 86, 107; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 76
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16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Claudius, death of • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius (Pulcher), (Publius) • Clodius Pulcher • Clodius Pulcher, P • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., defective masculinity of • Clodius Pulcher, P., plot against Pompey’s life • Clodius Pulcher, P., shrine to Libertas as a wound • Clodius, P. • M. Tullius Cicero,and Clodius • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Clodia Metelli • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Publius Clodius Pulcher • libertas, Clodius shrine
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 186, 187, 212; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 46, 136; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 188; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 171; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 214; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 112; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 205, 260, 466, 546; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 126; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 74, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 41, 102, 103, 106; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 276; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 59, 73, 83
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17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Clodia • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Marcellus, M. Claudius
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 138; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 247
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher (Claudius 297 RE) • Claudius Marcellus, C • Claudius Pulcher, Ap • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Clodius Pulcher, P • Marcellus, Gaius Claudius (Claudius 214 RE) • P. Clodius
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 25, 38; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 109; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 28; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 76
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19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher • Clodius Pulcher, P., weak and mangled praetorship of
Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 17; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 58
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodius Pulcher, P • Clodius Pulcher, P., and the funeral of the republic • Clodius Pulcher, P., bill de exsilio Ciceronis
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 35; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 85, 86
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21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Marcellus, M., Cicero’s portrayal of • Marcellus (M. Claudius Marcellus) • Ptolemy, Claudius (geographer)
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 117; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 65; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37
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22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Caecus • Cicero, performance as Ap. Claudius Caecus • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius Caecus, App. (censor 312 bce) • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Marcellus, M., augur • Clodia
Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 33, 221; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 134, 141; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 233; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 186
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23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodia • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., accused of parricide • Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., criticism of Clodius as parricide • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as parricide
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 136; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 64; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 107
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24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Caecus • Claudius Marcellus, M. (Marcellus) • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Clodius Pulcher, P., tribunate as death of the state • Marcellus, M. Claudius • Marcellus, Marcus Claudius • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), on Clodius’ tribunate as death of state
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 332, 346, 526; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 206; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 91; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 88
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25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Clodia • Clodius Pulcher • Clodius Pulcher, P., accused of parricide • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as parricide
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 142, 143, 144; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 201, 260; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 106
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26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Claudius, Appius • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P. (tr. pl. 58 bce)
Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 115; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 45, 50, 51, 137; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 160
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27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., Cicero’s attacks in Pro Sestio • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as disease
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 46; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 45
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28. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius Pulcher (Claudius 297 RE) • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Marcellus, Gaius Claudius (Claudius 214 RE)
Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 40; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 76
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29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleanthes, P. Clodius Pulcher • Clodius P. Pulcher • Marcellus, M. Claudius
Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 23; Volk and Williams (2006), Seeing Seneca Whole: Perspectives on Philosophy, Poetry and Politics, 160
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30. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Marcellus, C. • Clodia • Clodius Pulcher, P. • lex Clodia
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 141; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 275
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31. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, performance as Ap. Claudius Caecus • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Claudius, Appius • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., Cicero’s attacks in Pro Sestio • Clodius Pulcher, P., orders to purge the forum • Clodius Pulcher, P., shrine to Libertas as a wound • Clodius Pulcher, P., tribunate as death of the state • Clodius, P. • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as disease • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), on Clodius’ tribunate as death of state
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 135, 139, 146, 147, 148; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 160; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 48, 73, 87
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32. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aesopus, M. Clodius • Mamertinus, Claudius
Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 146; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 68
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33. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aesopus, M. Clodius • Appius Claudius Caecus • Appius Claudius Pulcher • Caelius Rufus, Marcus, relationship with Clodia • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Cicero, performance as Ap. Claudius Caecus • Claudius • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius Caecus, Appius • Clodia • Clodia Metelli • Clodia Metelli (sister of Clodius) • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P. (tr. pl. 58 bce) • Clodius Pulcher, P., erects a Temple of Libertas • Pallas, freedman of Claudius • Tullius Cicero, M., conflict with P. Clodius Pulcher • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Clodia Metelli • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Publius Clodius Pulcher • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, portraying Appius Claudius Caecus • prostitutes, Clodia as
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 134, 136, 140; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 77, 81, 82, 85, 132, 133, 134, 145, 147; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 132, 133, 134, 156, 157; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 66; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 74, 107, 112; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 306; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 42; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 184; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 106; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 127, 128; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 61; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 153
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34. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius, emperor • Clodius Pulcher, P., Cicero’s attacks in Pro Sestio • Clodius Pulcher, P., dead body displayed • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as disease
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 253; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 49
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35. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius (Roman emperor) • Clodia
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 136; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25
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36. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Claudius Caecus, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Claudius, Appius • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius Pulcher, P. • M. Tullius Cicero,and Clodius • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Clodia Metelli • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Publius Clodius Pulcher • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, portraying Appius Claudius Caecus • libertas, Clodius shrine
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 215, 216; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 31, 32, 33, 34, 48, 135, 136, 139, 140; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 31, 160, 201; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 234, 240; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 58, 59, 182; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 129
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37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodia • Clodius
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 148; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 201
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38. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • M. Tullius Cicero,and Clodius
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 166; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 176
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39. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Claudius • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius Caecus, App. (censor 312 bce) • Claudius Claudianus • Claudius, App. (cos. 54 bce) • Clodia • Clodius • Clodius Pulcher, P • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P. (tr. pl. 58 bce) • Clodius Pulcher, P., Cicero’s attacks in Pro Sestio • Clodius Pulcher, P., and the funeral of the republic • Clodius Pulcher, P., orders to purge the forum • M. Tullius Cicero,and Clodius • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as disease • Tullius Cicero, Marcus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 216; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 127; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 46; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 201; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 168; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 130; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 35; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 124; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 45, 46, 47, 48, 85
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40. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, condemnation of P. Clodius Pulcher • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., accused of parricide • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as parricide
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 45; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 106
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41. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.70.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, antiquarianism of • Claudius, censorship of • Claudius, deification of
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 355, 548; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 4
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2.70.5 \xa0Whether I\xa0have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I\xa0need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. <'' None |
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42. Ovid, Fasti, 1.85-1.86, 6.277-6.280 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Marcellus, M., Cicero’s portrayal of • Clodius • Drusus (Nero Claudius Drusus) • Marcellus (M. Claudius Marcellus)
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 65; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 31; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37
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1.85 Iuppiter arce sua totum cum spectat in orbem, 1.86 nil nisi Romanum, quod tueatur, habet,
6.277 arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278 stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279 et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280 terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit,'' None | sup>
1.85 When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, 1.86 Everything that he sees belongs to Rome.
6.277 There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278 That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279 And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280 Which is achieved by its spherical shape.'' None |
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43. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.796, 15.875-15.876 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius (Claudius Pulcher) • Claudius • P. Clodius Thrasea Paetus • T. Clodius Eprius Marcellus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 301; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 24; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 301
sup>
15.796 Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum
15.875 parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876 astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum,'' None | sup>
15.796 be seen and cause men envy by new life:
15.875 But first he veiled his horns with laurel, which 15.876 betokens peace. Then, standing on a mound'' None |
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44. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 17, 20, 36-37, 45-46, 50, 56, 74, 78-80, 105, 151, 181 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, emperor • Emperors and Egypt, Claudius
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 692, 696; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 38, 39, 40; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 19, 141, 149; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2
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17 But when a magistrate begins to despair of his power of exerting authority, it follows inevitably, that his subjects must quickly become disobedient, especially those who are naturally, at every trivial or common occurrence, inclined to show insubordination, and, among people of such a disposition, the Egyptian nation is pre-eminent, being constantly in the habit of exciting great seditions from very small sparks.
20 for they became executors of all the plans which they had devised, treating him like a mute person on the stage, as one who was only, by way of making up the show, inscribed with the title of authority, being themselves a lot of Dionysiuses, demagogues, and of Lampos, a pack of cavillers and word-splitters; and of Isidoruses, sowers of sedition, busy-bodies, devisers of evil, troublers of the state; for this is the name which has, at last, been given to them.
36 There was a certain madman named Carabbas, afflicted not with a wild, savage, and dangerous madness (for that comes on in fits without being expected either by the patient or by bystanders), but with an intermittent and more gentle kind; this man spent all this days and nights naked in the roads, minding neither cold nor heat, the sport of idle children and wanton youths; 37 and they, driving the poor wretch as far as the public gymnasium, and setting him up there on high that he might be seen by everybody, flattened out a leaf of papyrus and put it on his head instead of a diadem, and clothed the rest of his body with a common door mat instead of a cloak and instead of a sceptre they put in his hand a small stick of the native papyrus which they found lying by the way side and gave to him;
45 for it was sufficiently evident that the report about the destruction of the synagogues, which took its rise in Alexandria would be immediately spread over all the districts of Egypt, and would extend from that country to the east and to the oriental nations, and from the borders of the land in the other direction, and from the Mareotic district which is the frontier of Libya, towards the setting of the sun and the western nations. For no one country can contain the whole Jewish nation, by reason of its populousness; 46 on which account they frequent all the most prosperous and fertile countries of Europe and Asia, whether islands or continents, looking indeed upon the holy city as their metropolis in which is erected the sacred temple of the most high God, but accounting those regions which have been occupied by their fathers, and grandfathers, and great grandfathers, and still more remote ancestors, in which they have been born and brought up, as their country; and there are even some regions to which they came the very moment that they were originally settled, sending a colony of their people to do a pleasure to the founders of the colony.
50 For if we were to neglect the opportunity of adhering to our national customs when it is afforded to us, we should deserve to meet with the severest punishment, as not giving any proper or adequate return for the benefits which we have received; but if, while it is in our power to do so, we, in conformity with our own laws which Augustus himself is in the habit of confirming, obey in everything, then I do not see what great, or even what small offence can be laid to our charge; unless any one were to impute to us that we do not transgress the laws of deliberate purpose, and that we do not intentionally take care to depart from our national customs, which practices, even if they at first attack others, do often in the end visit those who are guilty of them.
56 and by reason of their numbers they were dispersed over the sea-shore, and desert places, and among the tombs, being deprived of all their property; while the populace, overrunning their desolate houses, turned to plunder, and divided the booty among themselves as if they had obtained it in war. And as no one hindered them, they broke open even the workshops of the Jews, which were all shut up because of their mourning for Drusilla, and carried off all that they found there, and bore it openly through the middle of the market-place as if they had only been making use of their own property.
74 for he arrested thirty-eight members of our council of elders, which our saviour and benefactor, Augustus, elected to manage the affairs of the Jewish nation after the death of the king of our own nation, having sent written commands to that effect to Manius Maximus when he was about to take upon himself for the second time the government of Egypt and of the country, he arrested them, I say, in their own houses, and commanded them to be thrown into prison, and arranged a splendid procession to send through the middle of the market-place a body of old men prisoners, with their hands bound, some with thongs and others with iron chains, whom he led in this plight into the theatre, a most miserable spectacle, and one wholly unsuited to the times.
78 Now, though I desire to mention a circumstance which took place at that time, I am in doubt whether to do so or not, lest if it should be looked upon as unimportant, it may appear to take off from the enormity of these great iniquities; but even if it is unimportant in itself, it is nevertheless an indication of no trifling wickedness of disposition. There are different kinds of scourges used in the city, distinguished with reference to the deserts or crimes of those who are about to be scourged. Accordingly, it is usual for the Egyptians of the country themselves to be scourged with a different kind of scourge, and by a different class of executioners, but for the Alexandrians in the city to be scourged with rods by the Alexandrian lictors, 79 and this custom had been preserved, in the case also of our own people, by all the predecessors of Flaccus, and by Flaccus himself in the earlier periods of his government; for it is possible, it really is possible, even in ignominy, to find some slight circumstance of honour, and even in ill treatment to find something which is, to some extent, a relaxation, when any one allows the nature of things to be examined into by itself, and to be confined to its own indispensable requirements, without adding from his own ingenuity any additional cruelty or treachery, to separate and take from it all that is mingled with it of a milder character. 80 How then can it be looked upon as anything but most infamous, that when Alexandrian Jews, of the lowest rank, had always been previously beaten with the rods, suited to freemen and citizens, if ever they were convicted of having done anything worthy of stripes, yet now the very rulers of the nation, the council of the elders, who derived their very titles from the honour in which they were held and the offices which they filled, should, in this respect, be treated with more indignity than their own servants, like the lowest of the Egyptian rustics, even when found guilty of the very worst of crimes?
105 for some men of those who, in the time of Tiberius, and of Caesar his father, had the government, seeking to convert their governorship and viceroyalty into a sovereignty and tyranny, filled all the country with intolerable evils, with corruption, and rapine, and condemnation of persons who had done no wrong, and with banishment and exile of such innocent men, and with the slaughter of the nobles without a trial; and then, after the appointed period of their government had expired, when they returned to Rome, the emperors exacted of them an account and relation of all that they had done, especially if by chance the cities which they had been oppressing sent any embassy to complain; 151 And after he had been deprived of all his property, he was condemned to banishment, and was exiled from the whole continent, and that is the greatest and most excellent portion of the inhabited world, and from every island that has any character for fertility or richness; for he was commanded to be sent into that most miserable of all the islands in the Aegaean Sea, called Gyara, and he would have been left there if he had not availed himself of the intercession of Lepidus, by whose means he obtained leave to exchange Gyara for Andros, which was very near it.
181 and he often repented that he had condemned him to banishment and not to death, and though he had a great respect for Lepidus who had interceded for him, he blamed him, so that he was kept in a state of great alarm from fear of punishment impending over him, for he feared lest, as was very likely, he, because he had been the cause of another person having been visited by a lighter punishment, might himself have a more severe one inflicted upon him. ' None |
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45. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 24, 66-77, 110, 139, 155, 166-167, 182, 185-190, 206, 250, 278, 281, 287, 353, 355-367 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, and Agrippa I • Claudius, emperor • Emperors and Egypt, Claudius • Judea (district/region), added to Agrippas kingdom by Claudius • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius • edict, of Claudius
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 13; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 159, 162; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 691, 696, 768; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 38, 40; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 295, 296; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 138, 149; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 4; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 157
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24 And, as some person say, if Tiberius had lived a short time longer, Gaius would have been made away with, as he began to be looked upon by him with unalterable suspicion, and the genuine grandson of Tiberius would have been named the future emperor, and the inheritor of his paternal kingdom. 67 and then again, by a sudden change (for the multitude is very unstable in everything, in intentions, and words, and actions), men, disbelieving that one who but a little while before was merciful and humane could have become altered so entirely, for Gaius had been looked upon as affable, and sociable, and friendly, began to seek for excuses for him, and after some search they found such, saying with regard to his cousin and co-heir in the kingdom things such as these: 68 "The unchangeable law of nature has ordained that there should be no partnership in the sovereign power, and it has established by its own unalterable principles what this man must inevitably have suffered at the hands of his more powerful coheir. The one who was the more powerful has chastised the other. This is not murder. Perhaps, indeed, the putting that youth to death was done providentially for the advantage of the whole human race, since if one portion had been assigned as subjects to the one, and another portion to the other, there would have arisen troubles and confusion, and civil and foreign war. And what is better than peace? and peace is caused by good government on sound principles. And no government can be good but that which is free from all contentions and from all disputes, and then everything else is made right by it."
110 Is it fitting now to compare with these oracles of Apollo the ill-omened warning of Gaius, by means of which poverty, and dishonour, and banishment, and death were given premature notice of to all those who were in power and authority in any part of the world? What connexion or resemblance was there between him and Apollo, when he never paid any attention to any ties of kindred or friendship? Let him cease, then, this pretended Apollo, from imitating that real healer of mankind, for the form of God is not a thing which is capable of being imitated by an inferior one, as good money is imitated by bad. XV. '
139 And what would they not have done in the case of those whom they looked upon as men? a people who look upon dogs, and wolves, and lions, and crocodiles, and numerous other beasts, both terrestrial and aquatic, and numerous birds, as gods, and erect in their honour altars, and temples, and shrines, and consecrated precincts, throughout the whole of Egypt? XXI.
155 How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances. 1
66 The greater portion of these men ere Egyptians, wicked, worthless men, who had imprinted the venom and evil disposition of their native asps and crocodiles on their own souls, and gave a faithful representation of them there. And the leader of the whole Egyptian troops, like the coryphaeus of a chorus, was a man of the name of Helicon, an accursed and infamous slave, who had been introduced into the imperial household to its ruin; for he had acquired a slight smattering of the encyclical sciences, by imitation of and rivalry with his former master, who gave him to Tiberius Caesar. 167 And at that time he had no especial privilege, since Tiberius had a perfect hatred of all youthful sallies of wit for the mere purposes of amusement, as he, from almost his earliest youth, was of a solemn and austere disposition.
182 But I myself, who was accounted to be possessed of superior prudence, both on account of my age and my education, and general information, was less sanguine in respect of the matters at which the others were so greatly delighted. "For why," said I, after pondering the matter deeply in my own heart, "why, when there have been such numbers of ambassadors, who have come, one may almost say, from every corner of the globe, did he say on that occasion that he would hear what we had to say, and no one else? What could have been his meaning? for he was not ignorant that we were Jews, who would have been quite content at not being treated worse than the others;
185 For we had come from Rome to Dicaearchia attending upon Gaius; and he had gone down to the seaside and was remaining near the gulf, having left for a while his own palaces, which were numerous and superbly furnished. 186 And while we were anxiously considering his intentions, for we were continually expecting to be summoned, a man arrived, with blood-shot eyes, and looking very much troubled, out of breath and palpitating, and leading us away to a little distance from the rest (for there were several persons near), he said, "Have you heard the news?" And then when he was about to tell us what it was he stopped, because of the abundance of tears that rose up to choke his utterance. 187 And beginning again, he was a second and a third time stopped in the same manner. And we, seeing this, were much alarmed and agitated by suspense, and entreated him to tell us what the circumstance was on account of which he said that he had come; for he could not have come merely to weep before so many witnesses. "If, then," said we, "you have any real cause for tears, do not keep your grief to yourself; we have been long ago well accustomed to misfortune." 188 And he with difficulty, sobbing aloud, and in a broken voice, spoke as follows: "Our temple is destroyed! Gaius has ordered a colossal statue of himself to be erected in the holy of holies, having his own name inscribed upon it with the title of Jupiter!" 189 And while we were all struck dumb with astonishment and terror at what he had told us, and stood still deprived of all motion (for we stood there mute and in despair, ready to fall to the ground with fear and sorrow, the very muscles of our bodies being deprived of all strength by the news which we had heard); others arrived bearing the same sad tale. 190 And then we all retired and shut ourselves up together and bewailed our individual and common miseries, and went through every circumstance that our minds could conceive, for a man in misfortune is a most loquacious animal, wrestling as we might with our misery. And we said to one another, "We have sailed hither in the middle of winter, in order that we might not be all involved in violation of the law and in misfortunes proceeding from it, without being aware what a winter of misery was awaiting us on shore, far more grievous than any storm at sea. For of the one nature is the cause, which has divided the seasons of the year and arranged them in due order, but nature is a thing which exerts a saving power; but the other storm is caused by a man who cherishes no ideas such as become a man, but is a young man, and a promoter of all kinds of innovation, being invested with irresponsible power over all the world. "And youth, when combined with absolute power and yielding to irresistible and unrestrained passion, is an invincible evil.
206 When we heard this we were wounded in our souls at every word he said and at every name he mentioned; but those admirable advisers of admirable actions a little while afterwards met with the fit reward of their impiety, the one being bound by Gaius with iron chains for other causes, and being put to the torture and to the rack after periods of relief, as is the case with people affected with intermittent diseases; and Helicon was put to death by Claudius Germanicus Caesar, for other wicked actions, that, like a madman as he was, he had committed; but there occurrences took place at a later date. XXXI.
250 for he himself was intending, as is said, to sail to Alexandria in Egypt, but so great a general did not choose to cross the open sea both by reason of the danger and also of the numerous fleet which would be required as his escort, and also from his regard for his own person, as everything requisite for his comfort would be more easily provided if he took the circuitous route through Asia and Syria;
278 And I am, as you know, a Jew; and Jerusalem is my country, in which there is erected the holy temple of the most high God. And I have kings for my grandfathers and for my ancestors, the greater part of whom have been called high priests, looking upon their royal power as inferior to their office as priests; and thinking that the high priesthood is as much superior to the power of a king, as God is superior to man; for that the one is occupied in rendering service to God, and the other has only the care of governing them.
281 "Concerning the holy city I must now say what is necessary. It, as I have already stated, is my native country, and the metropolis, not only of the one country of Judaea, but also of many, by reason of the colonies which it has sent out from time to time into the bordering districts of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria in general, and especially that part of it which is called Coelo-Syria, and also with those more distant regions of Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia, and the furthermost corners of Pontus. And in the same manner into Europe, into Thessaly, and Boeotia, and Macedonia, and Aetolia, and Attica, and Argos, and Corinth and all the most fertile and wealthiest districts of Peloponnesus.
287 both because that is my natural disposition, and also in consequence of the number of benefits with which you have enriched me; so that if I in consequence had felt confidence to implore you myself on behalf of my country, if not to grant to it the Roman constitution, at least to confer freedom and a remission of taxes on it, I should not have thought that I had any reason to fear your displeasure for preferring such a petition to you, and for requesting that most desirable of all things, your favour, which it can do you no harm to grant, and which is the most advantageous of all things for my country to receive.
353 for, said he, "You are haters of God, inasmuch as you do not think that I am a god, I who am already confessed to be a god by every other nation, but who am refused that appellation by you." And then, stretching up his hands to heaven, he uttered an ejaculation which it was impious to hear, much more would it be so to repeat it literally.
355 And while he was triumphing in these super-human appellations, the sycophant Isidorus, seeing the temper in which he was, said, "O master, you will hate with still juster vehemence these men whom you see before you and their fellow countrymen, if you are made acquainted with their disaffection and disloyalty towards yourself; for when all other men were offering up sacrifices of thanksgiving for your safety, these men alone refused to offer any sacrifice at all; and when I say, \'these men,\' I comprehend all the rest of the Jews." 356 And when we all cried out with one accord, "O Lord Gaius, we are falsely accused; for we did sacrifice, and we offered up entire hecatombs, the blood of which we poured in a libation upon the altar, and the flesh we did not carry to our homes to make a feast and banquet upon it, as it is the custom of some people to do, but we committed the victims entire to the sacred flame as a burnt offering: and we have done this three times already, and not once only; on the first occasion when you succeeded to the empire, and the second time when you recovered from that terrible disease with which all the habitable world was afflicted at the same time, and the third time we sacrificed in hope of your victory over the Germans." 357 "Grant," said he, "that all this is true, and that you did sacrifice; nevertheless you sacrificed to another god and not for my sake; and then what good did you do me? Moreover you did not sacrifice to me." Immediately a profound shuddering came upon us the first moment that we heard this expression, similar to that which overwhelmed us when we first came into his presence. 358 And while he was saying this he entered into the outer buildings, examining the chambers of the men and the chambers of the women, and the rooms on the ground floor, and all the apartments in the upper story, and blaming some points of their preparation as defective, and planning alterations and suggesting designs, and giving orders himself to make them more costly 359 and then we being driven about in this way followed him up and down through the whole place, being mocked and ridiculed by our adversaries like people at a play in the theatre; for indeed the whole matter was a kind of farce: the judge assumed the part of an accuser, and the accusers the part of an unjust judge, who look upon the defendants with an eye of hostility, and act in accordance with the nature of truth. ' "360 And when a judge invested with such mighty power begins to reproach the person who is on his trial before him it is necessary to be silent; for it is possible even to defend one's self in silence, and especially for people who are able to make no reply on any of the subjects which he was not investigating and desiring to understand, inasmuch as our laws and our customs restrained our tongues, and shut and sewed up our mouths. " '361 But when he had given some of his orders about the buildings, he then asked a very important and solemn question; "why is it that you abstain from eating pig\'s flesh?" And then again at this question such a violent laughter was raised by our adversaries, partly because they were really delighted, and partly as they wished to court the emperor out of flattery, and therefore wished to make it appear that this question was dictated by wit and uttered with grace, that some of the servants who were following him were indigt at their appearing to treat the emperor with so little respect, since it was not safe for his most intimate friends to do so much as smile at his words. 362 And when we made answer that, "different nations have different laws, and there are some things of which the use of forbidden both to us and to our adversaries;" and when some one said, "there are also many people who do not eat lamb\'s flesh which is the most tender of all meat," he laughed and said, "they are quite right, for it is not nice." 363 Being joked with and trifled with and ridiculed in this manner, we were in great perplexity; and at last he said in a rapid and peremptory manner, "I desire to know what principles of justice you recognise with regard to your constitution." 364 And when we began to reply to him and to explain it, he, as soon as he had a taste of our pleading on the principles of justice, and as soon as he perceived that our arguments were not contemptible, before we could bring forward the more important things which we had to say, cut us short and ran forward and burst into the principal building, and as soon as he had entered he commanded the windows which were around it to be filled up with the transparent pebbles very much resembling white crystal which do not hinder the light, but which keep out the wind and the heat of the sun. 365 Then proceeding on deliberately he asked in a more moderate tone, "What are you saying?" And when we began to connect our reply with what we had said before, he again ran on and went into another house, in which he had commanded some ancient and admirable pictures to be placed. 3
66 But when our pleadings on behalf of justice were thus broken up, and cut short, and interrupted, and crushed as one may almost say, we, being wearied and exhausted, and having no strength left in us, but being in continual expectation of nothing else than death, could not longer keep our hearts as they had been, but in our agony we took refuge in supplications to the one true God, praying him to check the wrath of this falsely called god. 367 And he took compassion on us, and turned his mind to pity. And he becoming pacified merely said, "These men do not appear to me to be wicked so much as unfortunate and foolish, in not believing that I have been endowed with the nature of God;" and so he dismissed us, and commanded us to depart. XLVI. ' None |
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46. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Ptolemy, Claudius (geographer)
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 350; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38
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8.2.6 6. That this is the case, is evident from an inspection of the sources of rivers, as marked in geographical charts; as also from the descriptions of them, wherein we find that the largest, and greatest number are from the north. First, in India, the Ganges and Indus spring from Mount Caucasus: in Syria, the Tigris and Euphrates: in Asia, and especially in Pontus, the Borysthenes, Hypanis and Tanaïs: in Colchis, the Phasis: in France, the Rhone: in Belgium, the Rhine: southward of the Alps, the Timavus and Po: in Italy, the Tiber: in Maurusia, which we call Mauritania, the river Dyris, from Mount Atlas, which, rising in a northern region, proceeds westward to the lake Heptabolus, where, changing its name, it is called the Niger, and thence from the lake Heptabolus, flowing under barren mountains, it passes in a southern direction, and falls into the marsh Coloe, which encircles Meroe, a kingdom of the southern Ethiopians. From this marsh turning round near the rivers Astasoba, Astabora, and many others, it passes through mountains to the Cataract, and falling down towards the north it passes between Elephantis and Syene and the Thebaic Fields in Egypt, where it receives the appellation of the Nile.'' None |
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47. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodius Pulcher, P., Cicero’s attacks in Pro Sestio • Clodius Pulcher, P., orders to purge the forum • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Clodius as disease
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 212; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 48
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48. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodius • Clodius Pulcher, P., his funeral
Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 240; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 89, 106
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49. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius (Claudius Pulcher) • Claudius, fate and • Claudius, priesthoods of • Claudius, wives of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 301; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 8; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 301
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50. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Marcellus, Marcus Claudius
Found in books: Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 161; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 104
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51. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius Claudius (decemvir) • Appius Claudius Caecus • C. Claudius Marcellus • Claudius • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius Caecus, App. • Claudius Etruscus • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Marcellus, M., Cicero’s portrayal of • Claudius Marcellus, M., augur • Claudius Marcellus, M., auspices of investiture • Claudius Marcellus, M., consulship, abdication of • Claudius Marcellus, M., death in office • Claudius Marcellus, M., enemies of • Claudius Marcellus, M., his ovatio • Claudius Marcellus, Marcus (cos. I • Claudius Nero, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, Ap. • Claudius Pulcher, C., attempts army command without profectio • Claudius Pulcher, P. • Claudius Pulcher, P., auspices, practice of, attacked by • Claudius Pulcher, P., dictator, named by • Claudius Pulcher, P., pulli, drowned by • Claudius Quadrigarius • Claudius Russus, Ap., death in office • Claudius, Appius • Claudius, Emperor, • Claudius, antiquarianism of • Claudius, death of • Clodius • M. Claudius Marcellus • M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 222) • Marcus Claudius Marcellus • Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and fatum • names, as monumental form, Claudius • vitium, of Claudius Pulcher
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 323; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 234; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 50, 68; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 44, 46, 56, 70, 76, 99, 111, 119; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 160; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 356; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 35, 36, 64, 71, 159, 160, 177, 257, 269, 274, 277; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 140, 158; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 99, 103, 131, 187; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 98; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36, 38, 155; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 45, 88; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 28, 199; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 138, 276, 290; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 323; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 261
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52. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Appius (Claudius Pulcher) • Drusus (Nero Claudius Drusus) • Emperors, Claudius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 301; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 40, 112; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 121; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 301
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53. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Clodius • Drusus (Nero Claudius Drusus)
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 31
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54. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.14, 1.20, 3.151, 3.181, 4.223-4.224, 6.36, 11.169, 11.303, 11.309, 11.329-11.340, 11.346, 12.8, 12.40-12.42, 12.61-12.69, 12.71-12.79, 12.81-12.84, 12.142, 13.66, 13.74-13.79, 13.432, 14.74, 14.127-14.132, 14.137, 14.194, 14.255, 14.260, 15.300, 17.319, 17.354, 18.1, 18.4-18.5, 18.66-18.79, 18.81-18.84, 18.145, 18.159-18.160, 18.257-18.260, 19.81, 19.275-19.276, 19.278-19.291, 19.338-19.342, 20.13, 20.34-20.53, 20.100-20.103, 20.116, 20.122, 20.131-20.136, 20.223, 20.238, 20.243-20.244, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius Charax • Claudius Sabinus, App. • Claudius, Letter to the Alexandrians • Claudius, Roman Emperor • Claudius, Roman Emperor, advice of to Jews of Alexandria • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, and Agrippa I • Claudius, edict of • Claudius, emperor • Claudius,, and foreign affairs • Emperors and Egypt, Claudius • Judea (district/region), added to Agrippas kingdom by Claudius • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius • edict, of Claudius • plague, metaphor in Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 117, 122, 123, 159, 161; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 144, 145; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 69, 296, 297, 305, 307, 322, 344, 355, 384, 400, 417, 428, 432, 435, 473, 490, 512, 513, 520, 553, 576, 597, 612, 613, 622, 644, 645, 647, 648, 649, 677, 678, 682, 683, 686, 692, 714, 729, 740, 743, 768, 770, 771, 772, 773; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 179; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 43, 73; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 37, 38; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 214; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 138; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276, 286, 287, 289, 357; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 138, 149; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 226; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 429; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 39; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 4, 5; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149, 216, 217, 545, 570; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 84, 132, 133, 157, 158; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 131; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 170
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1.14 Νῶχος μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τῆς γῆς κατασταθείσης εἰς τὴν αὐτῆς φύσιν ἐπ' ἔργα χωρεῖ καὶ καταφυτεύσας αὐτὴν ἀμπέλοις, ἡνίκα τοῦ καρποῦ τελεσφορηθέντος καθ' ὥραν ἐτρύγησε καὶ παρῆν εἰς χρῆσιν ὁ οἶνος, θύσας ἐν εὐωχίαις ἦν." 1.14 τὸ σύνολον δὲ μάλιστά τις ἂν ἐκ ταύτης μάθοι τῆς ἱστορίας ἐθελήσας αὐτὴν διελθεῖν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν θεοῦ γνώμῃ κατακολουθοῦσι καὶ τὰ καλῶς νομοθετηθέντα μὴ τολμῶσι παραβαίνειν πάντα κατορθοῦται πέρα πίστεως καὶ γέρας εὐδαιμονία πρόκειται παρὰ θεοῦ: καθ' ὅσον δ' ἂν ἀποστῶσι τῆς τούτων ἀκριβοῦς ἐπιμελείας, ἄπορα μὲν γίνεται τὰ πόριμα, τρέπεται δὲ εἰς συμφορὰς ἀνηκέστους ὅ τι ποτ' ἂν ὡς ἀγαθὸν δρᾶν σπουδάσωσιν," "
3.151 Γίνονται δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι στολαὶ πᾶσί τε τοῖς ἄλλοις, οὓς χαναναίας καλοῦσι, καὶ δὴ καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ὃν ἀραβάχην προσαγορεύουσι: σημαίνει δὲ ἀρχιερέα. * τὴν μὲν οὖν τῶν ἄλλων στολὴν τοιαύτην εἶναι συμβέβηκεν.
3.181 τήν τε γὰρ σκηνὴν τριάκοντα πηχῶν οὖσαν νείμας εἰς τρία καὶ δύο μέρη πᾶσιν ἀνεὶς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὥσπερ βέβηλόν τινα καὶ κοινὸν τόπον, τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀποσημαίνει: καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα πᾶσίν ἐστιν ἐπιβατά. τὴν δὲ τρίτην μοῖραν μόνῳ περιέγραψε τῷ θεῷ διὰ τὸ καὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνεπίβατον εἶναι ἀνθρώποις.' "
4.223 ̓Αριστοκρατία μὲν οὖν κράτιστον καὶ ὁ κατ' αὐτὴν βίος, καὶ μὴ λάβῃ πόθος ὑμᾶς ἄλλης πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ ταύτην στέργοιτε καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἔχοντες δεσπότας κατ' αὐτοὺς ἕκαστα πράττετε: ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἡγεμὼν εἶναι. βασιλέως δ' εἰ γένοιτο ἔρως ὑμῖν, ἔστω μὲν οὗτος ὁμόφυλος, πρόνοια δ' αὐτῷ δικαιοσύνης καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς διὰ παντὸς ἔστω." "4.224 παραχωροίη δὲ οὗτος τοῖς μὲν νόμοις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τὰ πλείονα τοῦ φρονεῖν, πρασσέτω δὲ μηδὲν δίχα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῆς τῶν γερουσιαστῶν γνώμης γάμοις τε μὴ πολλοῖς χρώμενος μηδὲ πλῆθος διώκων χρημάτων μηδ' ἵππων, ὧν αὐτῷ παραγενομένων ὑπερήφανος ἂν τῶν νόμων ἔσοιτο. κωλυέσθω δ', εἰ τούτων τι διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχοι, γίγνεσθαι τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑμῖν δυνατώτερος." 6.36 ἐλύπησαν δὲ σφόδρα τὸν Σαμουῆλον οἱ λόγοι διὰ τὴν σύμφυτον δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας μῖσος: ἥττητο γὰρ δεινῶς τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὡς θείας καὶ μακαρίους ποιούσης τοὺς χρωμένους αὐτῆς τῇ πολιτείᾳ.' "
6.36 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως διώκειν κελεύσαντος ἐκπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν ἑξακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν εἵπετο τοῖς πολεμίοις: παραγενόμενος δ' ἐπί τινα χειμάρρουν Βάσελον λεγόμενον καὶ πλανωμένῳ τινὶ περιπεσὼν Αἰγυπτίῳ μὲν τὸ γένος ὑπ' ἐνδείας δὲ καὶ λιμοῦ παρειμένῳ, τρισὶ γὰρ ἡμέραις ἐν τῇ ἐρημίᾳ πλανώμενος ἄσιτος διεκαρτέρησε, πρῶτον αὐτὸν ποτῷ καὶ τροφῇ παραστησάμενος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν ἐπύθετο, τίς τε εἴη καὶ πόθεν." 11.303 εἰδὼς λαμπρὰν οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ κατοικοῦσιν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεῖς πράγματα παρασχόντας, ἀσμένως συνῴκισεν τὴν αὐτοῦ θυγατέρα Νικασὼ καλουμένην, οἰόμενος τὴν ἐπιγαμίαν ὅμηρον αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους παντὸς εὔνοιαν.' "
11.309 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως τῷ λαῷ συναγανακτοῦντος καὶ εἴργοντος τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βωμοῦ, παραγενόμενος ὁ Μανασσῆς πρὸς τὸν πενθερὸν Σαναβαλλέτην στέργειν μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα Νικασώ, τῆς μέντοι γε ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς μεγίστης οὔσης ἐν τῷ ἔθνει καὶ τῷ γένει παραμενούσης οὐ βούλεσθαι δι' αὐτὴν στέρεσθαι." "
11.329 Πυθόμενος δ' αὐτὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ὄντα πρόεισι μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους, ἱεροπρεπῆ καὶ διαφέρουσαν τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ποιούμενος τὴν ὑπάντησιν εἰς τόπον τινὰ Σαφειν λεγόμενον. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦτο μεταφερόμενον εἰς τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν γλῶτταν σκοπὸν σημαίνει: τά τε γὰρ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναὸν συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖθεν ἀφορᾶσθαι." "11.331 ὁ γὰρ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἰδὼν τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, τοὺς δὲ ἱερεῖς προεστῶτας ἐν ταῖς βυσσίναις αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἐν τῇ ὑακινθίνῳ καὶ διαχρύσῳ στολῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχοντα τὴν κίδαριν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἔλασμα, ᾧ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐγέγραπτο ὄνομα, προσελθὼν μόνος προσεκύνησεν τὸ ὄνομα καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα πρῶτος ἠσπάσατο." '11.332 τῶν δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ὁμοῦ πάντων μιᾷ φωνῇ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ἀσπασαμένων καὶ κυκλωσαμένων αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντος κατεπλάγησαν καὶ διεφθάρθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπελάμβανον, 11.333 Παρμενίωνος δὲ μόνου προσελθόντος αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένου, τί δήποτε προσκυνούντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων αὐτὸς προσκυνήσειεν τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα; “οὐ τοῦτον, εἶπεν, προσεκύνησα, τὸν δὲ θεόν, οὗ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην οὗτος τετίμηται: 11.334 τοῦτον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδον ἐν τῷ νῦν σχήματι ἐν Δίῳ τῆς Μακεδονίας τυγχάνων, καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διασκεπτομένῳ μοι, πῶς ἂν κρατήσαιμι τῆς ̓Ασίας, παρεκελεύετο μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντα διαβαίνειν: αὐτὸς γὰρ ἡγήσεσθαί μου τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τὴν Περσῶν παραδώσειν ἀρχήν.' "11.335 ὅθεν ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα θεασάμενος ἐν τοιαύτῃ στολῇ, τοῦτον δὲ νῦν ἰδὼν καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀναμνησθεὶς ὄψεώς τε καὶ παρακελεύσεως, νομίζω θείᾳ πομπῇ τὴν στρατείαν πεποιημένος Δαρεῖον νικήσειν καὶ τὴν Περσῶν καταλύσειν δύναμιν καὶ πάνθ' ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἐστί μοι προχωρήσειν.”" "11.336 ταῦτ' εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν Παρμενίωνα καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παραθεόντων εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγίνεται. καὶ ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν θύει μὲν τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὑφήγησιν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἀξιοπρεπῶς ἐτίμησεν." "11.337 δειχθείσης δ' αὐτῷ τῆς Δανιήλου βίβλου, ἐν ᾗ τινα τῶν ̔Ελλήνων καταλύσειν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐδήλου, νομίσας αὐτὸς εἶναι ὁ σημαινόμενος τότε μὲν ἡσθεὶς ἀπέλυσε τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς αἰτεῖσθαι δωρεάς, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέλωσιν." "11.338 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀνείσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησεν πάντα. παρακαλεσάντων δ' αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Μηδίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν." "11.339 εἰπόντος δ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ βούλονται συστρατεύειν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμμένοντες καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῶντες, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολλοὶ τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατείαν ἠγάπησαν." 11.346 Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους ἐμερίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Γαριζεὶν ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν. εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν ἔσχεν παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγεν λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι.' "
12.8 ἐπεγνωκὼς δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων περί τε τὴν τῶν ὅρκων φυλακὴν καὶ τὰς πίστεις βεβαιοτάτους ὑπάρχοντας ἐξ ὧν ἀπεκρίναντο ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ πρεσβευσαμένῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ τὸ κρατῆσαι Δαρείου τῇ μάχῃ, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ φρούρια καταλοχίσας καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ποιήσας ἰσοπολίτας ὅρκους ἔλαβεν παρ' αὐτῶν, ὅπως τοῖς ἐκγόνοις τοῦ παραθεμένου τὴν πίστιν διαφυλάξωσιν." 12.8 τὰ δὲ μέσα λίθων ἀσπίδια τετραδακτύλων ἀνεπλήρου τὸ κάλλος. περιεστέφετο δὲ τὰ χείλη τοῦ κρατῆρος κρίνων σμίλαξι καὶ ἀνθεμίσι καὶ βοτρύων σχοινίαις εἰς κύκλον περιηγμέναις. 12.41 οὗ πεσόντος οὐδὲ τὸ στράτευμα ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπολέσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν ῥίψαντες τὰς πανοπλίας. ἐπιδιώκων δὲ ὁ ̓Ιούδας ἐφόνευσεν καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι ταῖς πέριξ κώμαις ἐσήμαινεν, ὅτι νικῴη τοὺς πολεμίους. 12.41 προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοὺς φύλακας τῶν κιβωτῶν, ἐν αἷς ἐτύγχανον οἱ λίθοι, τὴν ἐκλογὴν τοῖς τεχνίταις αὐτοῖς οὗπερ ἂν θελήσωσιν εἴδους ἐπιτρέπειν. διετάξατο δὲ καὶ νομίσματος εἰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς χρείας πρὸς ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τῷ ἱερεῖ δοθῆναι. 12.42 Δημήτριος δ' ἀπαγγελθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς Νικάνορος τελευτῆς καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ. στρατεύματος πάλιν τὸν Βακχίδην μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐξέπεμψεν." '12.42 διηγήσομαι δὲ τὰ κατασκευάσματα καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς δημιουργίας αὐτῶν μετὰ τὸ προεκθέσθαι τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς γραφείσης ̓Ελεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ταύτην λαβόντι τὴν τιμὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης:' "
12.61 μαθὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν οὖσαν ἡλίκη τις ἦν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῆς οὐδὲν κωλύει μείζονα γενέσθαι, φήσας καὶ πενταπλασίονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τῷ μεγέθει βούλεσθαι κατασκευάσαι, φοβεῖσθαι δέ, μὴ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας ἄχρηστος διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ μεγέθους γένηται: βούλεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀνακεῖσθαι μόνον εἰς θέαν τἀναθήματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας εὔχρηστα:' "12.62 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν προτέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ' οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ὑπερβαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι." '12.63 δεινὸς δὲ ὢν συνιδεῖν πραγμάτων παντοδαπῶν φύσιν καὶ λαβεῖν ἐπίνοιαν ἔργων καινῶν καὶ παραδόξων καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἄγραφα τὴν εὕρεσιν αὐτὸς παρέχων διὰ τὴν σύνεσιν καὶ ὑποδεικνὺς τοῖς τεχνίταις, ἐκέλευσεν ταῦτα κατασκευάζεσθαι καὶ τὰ ἀναγεγραμμένα πρὸς τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποβλέποντας ὁμοίως ἐπιτελεῖν.' "12.64 ̔Υποστησάμενοι τοίνυν ποιήσασθαι τὴν τράπεζαν δύο μὲν καὶ ἡμίσους πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος, ἑνὸς δὲ τὸ εὖρος, τὸ δ' ὕψος ἑνὸς καὶ ἡμίσους, κατεσκεύαζον ἐκ χρυσοῦ τὴν ὅλην τοῦ ἔργου καταβολὴν ποιούμενοι. τὴν μὲν οὖν στεφάνην παλαιστιαίαν εἰργάσαντο, τὰ δὲ κυμάτια στρεπτὰ τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἔχοντα σχοινοειδῆ τῇ τορείᾳ θαυμαστῶς ἐκ τῶν τριῶν μερῶν μεμιμημένην." "12.65 τριγώνων γὰρ ὄντων αὐτῶν ἑκάστη γωνία τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἐκτυπώσεως εἶχεν διάθεσιν, ὡς στρεφομένων αὐτῶν μίαν καὶ μὴ διάφορον τὴν ἰδέαν αὐτοῖς συμπεριφέρεσθαι. τῆς δὲ στεφάνης τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν τράπεζαν ἐκκεκλιμένον ὡραίαν εἶχεν τὴν ἀποτύπωσιν, τὸ δ' ἔξωθεν περιηγμένον ἔτι μᾶλλον τῷ κάλλει τῆς ἐργασίας ἦν ἐκπεπονημένον, ὡς ὑπ' ὄψιν καὶ θεωρίαν ἐρχόμενον." '12.66 διὸ καὶ τὴν μὲν ὑπεροχὴν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν ὀξεῖαν συνέβαινε γίγνεσθαι, καὶ μηδεμίαν γωνίαν τριῶν οὐσῶν, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, περὶ τὴν μεταγωγὴν τῆς τραπέζης ἐλάσσονα βλέπεσθαι. ἐνδιέκειντο δὲ ταῖς σχοινίσιν τῆς τορείας λίθοι πολυτελεῖς παράλληλοι περόναις χρυσαῖς διὰ τρημάτων κατειλημμένοι.' "12.67 τὰ δ' ἐκ πλαγίου τῆς στεφάνης καὶ πρὸς ὄψιν ἀνατείνοντα ὠῶν ἐκ λίθου καλλίστου πεποιημένων θέσει κατακεκόσμητο ῥάβδοις τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἐοικότων πυκναῖς, αἳ περὶ τὸν κύκλον τῆς τραπέζης εἴληντο." '12.68 ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν τῶν ὠῶν διατύπωσιν στέφανον περιήγαγον οἱ τεχνῖται παντοίου καρποῦ φύσιν ἐντετορευμένον, ὡς ἀποκρέμασθαί τε βότρυς καὶ στάχυας ἀναστῆναι καὶ ῥόας ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι. τοὺς δὲ λίθους εἰς πᾶν γένος τῶν προειρημένων καρπῶν, ὡς ἑκάστου τὴν οἰκείαν ἐντετυπῶσθαι χρόαν, ἐξεργασάμενοι συνέδησαν τῷ χρυσῷ περὶ ὅλην τὴν τράπεζαν.' "12.69 ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν στέφανον ὁμοίως ἡ τῶν ὠῶν διάθεσις πεποίητο καὶ ἡ τῆς ῥαβδώσεως ἀναγλυφή, τῆς τραπέζης ἐπ' ἀμφότερον μέρος ἔχειν τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ποικιλίας τῶν ἔργων καὶ γλαφυρότητος θέαν κατεσκευασμένης, ὡς καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων κυμάτων θέσιν καὶ τὴν τῆς στεφάνης μηδὲ τῆς τραπέζης ἐφ' ἕτερον μέρος ἐναλλαττομένης γίγνεσθαι διάφορον, τὴν δ' αὐτὴν ἄχρι καὶ τῶν ποδῶν ὄψιν τῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως διατετάσθαι." 12.71 ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τραπέζης μαίανδρον ἐξέγλυψαν λίθους αὐτῷ κατὰ μέσον ἀξιολόγους ὥσπερ ἀστέρας ποικίλης ἰδέας ἐνθέντες, τόν τε ἄνθρακα καὶ τὸν σμάραγδον ἥδιστον προσαυγάζοντας αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, τῶν τε ἄλλων γενῶν ὅσοι περισπούδαστοι καὶ ζηλωτοὶ πᾶσιν διὰ τὴν πολυτέλειαν τῆς φύσεως ὑπάρχουσιν.' "12.72 μετὰ δὲ τὸν μαίανδρον πλέγμα τι σχοινοειδὲς περιῆκτο ῥόμβῳ τὴν κατὰ μέσον ὄψιν ἐμφερές, ἐφ' οὗ κρύσταλλός τε λίθος καὶ ἤλεκτρον ἐντετύπωτο τῇ παραλλήλῳ τῆς ἰδέας γειτνιάσει ψυχαγωγίαν θαυμαστὴν παρέχον τοῖς βλέπουσιν." '12.73 τῶν δὲ ποδῶν ἦσαν αἱ κεφαλίδες εἰς κρίνα μεμιμημέναι τὰς ἐκφύσεις τῶν πετάλων ὑπὸ τὴν τράπεζαν ἀνακλωμένων, εἰς ὀρθὸν δὲ τὴν βλάστησιν ἔνδοθεν παρεχόντων ὁρᾶν.' "12.74 ἡ δὲ βάσις αὐτοῖς ἦν ἐξ ἄνθρακος λίθου παλαιστιαία πεποιημένη σχῆμα κρηπῖδος ἀποτελοῦσα, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ὀκτὼ δακτύλων ἔχουσα, καθ' οὗ τὸ πᾶν ἔλασμα τῶν ποδῶν ἐρήρειστο." "12.75 ἀνέγλυψαν δὲ λεπτομερεῖ καὶ φιλοπονωτάτῃ τορείᾳ τῶν ποδῶν ἕκαστον, κισσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ κλήματα ἀμπέλων σὺν καὶ βότρυσιν ἐκφύσαντες, ὡς εἰκάσαι μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῆς ἀληθείας: καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ πνεῦμα διὰ λεπτότητα καὶ τὴν ἐπ' ἄκρον αὐτῶν ἔκτασιν κινούμενα φαντασίαν τῶν κατὰ φύσιν μᾶλλον ἢ τέχνης μιμημάτων παρεῖχεν." "12.76 ἐκαινούργησαν δὲ ὥστε τρίπτυχον οἱονεὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ὅλης κατασκευάσαι τραπέζης τῆς ἁρμονίας πρὸς ἄλληλα τῶν μερῶν οὕτω συνδεδεμένης, ὡς ἀόρατον εἶναι καὶ μηδ' ἐπινοεῖσθαι τὰς συμβολάς. ἥμισυ δὲ πήχεως οὐκ ἔλασσον τῇ τραπέζῃ τὸ πάχος συνέβαινεν εἶναι." '12.77 τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάθημα τοῦτο κατὰ πολλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλοτιμίαν τοιοῦτο τῇ τε πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῇ ποικιλίᾳ τῆς καλλονῆς καὶ τῇ μιμήσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν τορείαν τῶν τεχνιτῶν συνετελέσθη, σπουδάσαντος εἰ καὶ μὴ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς προανακειμένης τῷ θεῷ τραπέζης ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι διάφορος, τῇ μέντοι γε τέχνῃ καὶ τῇ καινουργίᾳ καὶ τῇ λαμπρότητι τῆς κατασκευῆς πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ περίβλεπτον ἀπεργάσασθαι.' "12.78 Τῶν δὲ κρατήρων χρύσεοι μὲν ἦσαν δύο, φολιδωτὴν δ' εἶχον ἀπὸ τῆς βάσεως μέχρι τοῦ διαζώματος τὴν τορείαν λίθων ταῖς σπείραις ποικίλων ἐνδεδεμένων." "12.79 εἶτα ἐπ' αὐτῇ μαίανδρος πηχυαῖος τὸ ὕψος ἐξείργαστο κατὰ σύνθεσιν λίθων παντοίων τὴν ἰδέαν, κατ' αὐτοῦ δὲ ῥάβδωσις ἀναγέγλυπτο, καθ' ἧς πλέγμα ῥομβωτὸν δικτύοις ἐμφερὲς ἕως τοῦ χείλους ἀνείλκυστο:" "
12.81 τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρυσέους κρατῆρας δύο χωροῦντας ἑκάτερον ἀμφορέας τοῦτον κατεσκεύασαν τὸν τρόπον, οἱ δ' ἀργύρεοι τῶν ἐσόπτρων τὴν λαμπρότητα πολὺ διαυγέστεροι γεγόνεισαν, ὡς τρανοτέρας διὰ τούτων τὰς τῶν προσφερομένων ὄψεις ὁρᾶσθαι." 12.82 προσκατεσκεύασε δὲ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ φιάλας τριάκοντα, ὧν ὅσα χρυσὸς ἦν ἀλλὰ μὴ λίθῳ πολυτελεῖ διείληπτο, σμίλαξι κισσοῦ καὶ πετάλοις ἀμπέλων ἐσκίαστο φιλοτέχνως ἐντετορευμένων.' "
12.83 ταῦτα δ' ἐγίγνετο μὲν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν τῶν ἐργαζομένων θαυμασίων ὄντων περὶ τὴν τέχνην, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας διαφερόντως ἀπηρτίζετο:" "
12.84 οὐ γὰρ τῆς χορηγίας τὸ ἄφθονον καὶ μεγαλόψυχον τοῖς τεχνίταις παρεῖχεν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ χρηματίζειν τοῖς δημοσίοις πράγμασιν ἀπειρηκὼς αὐτὸς τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι παρῆν καὶ τὴν ὅλην ἐργασίαν ἐπέβλεπεν. αἴτιον δ' ἦν τοῦτο τῆς τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐπιμελείας, οἳ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν τούτου σπουδὴν ἀποβλέποντες φιλοπονώτερον τοῖς ἔργοις προσελιπάρουν." "
12.142 πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων." 13.66 καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν,' "
13.74 Τοὺς δ' ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, οἳ τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμαρέων τὸ ἐν Γαριζείν." "13.75 παρεκάλεσάν τε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Σαμαρέων λόγον Σαββαῖος ἐποιήσατο καὶ Θεοδόσιος, τοὺς δ' ὑπὲρ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων ̓Ανδρόνικος ὁ Μεσαλάμου." '13.76 ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων.' "13.77 οἱ δ' ἐν τῇ ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τυγχάνοντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ: χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον, εἰ τοῦτό τινες καταλύσουσιν οὕτως ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον." "13.78 τοῦ δὲ Σαββαίου καὶ Θεοδοσίου συγχωρησάντων τῷ ̓Ανδρονίκῳ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀποδείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς ̓Ασίας βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ' ἐν Γαριζεὶν ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ' ἐπιστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο." '13.79 ταῦτα λέγων ̓Ανδρόνικος καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σαββαῖον καὶ Θεοδόσιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλομήτορα ταῦτα ἦν.' "
13.432 εἰς γοῦν τοῦτο τῷ οἴκῳ ἀτυχίας τὰ πράγματα περιέστησεν, ὥσθ' ἣν μετὰ πλείστων κινδύνων καὶ ταλαιπωρίας περιεκτήσατο δυναστείαν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων γυναικὶ χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τοῖς μὲν δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν πρὸς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην προσθεῖσα, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔρημον τῶν προκηδομένων ποιησαμένη." 14.74 καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν.' "
14.127 Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128 Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129 καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131 καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.
14.137 Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.' "
14.194 διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," 14.255 ὡς ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀποληψόμενον μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ̓́Αβραμον καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων ̔Εβραίων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν.' "
17.319 Βαταναία δὲ σὺν Τράχωνι καὶ Αὐρανῖτις σύν τινι μέρει οἴκου τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου λεγομένου Φιλίππῳ τάλαντα ἑκατὸν προσέφερεν: τὰ δ' ̓Αρχελάῳ συντελοῦντα ̓Ιδουμαῖοί τε καὶ ̓Ιουδαία τό τε Σαμαρειτικόν. τετάρτην μοῖραν οὗτοι τῶν φόρων παραλέλυντο Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς κούφισιν ψηφισαμένου διὰ τὸ μὴ συναποστῆναι τῇ λοιπῇ πληθύι." "
17.354 ̓Εγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀλλότρια νομίσας αὐτὰ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ εἶναι διὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐνεστηκέναι καὶ ἄλλως ἐπὶ παραδείγματι φέρειν τοῦ τε ἀμφὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀθανασίας ἐμφεροῦς καὶ τοῦ θείου προμηθείᾳ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια περιειληφότος τῇ αὐτοῦ, καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισα εἰπεῖν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖται τὰ τοιάδε γνώμης ὀνινάμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κώλυμα οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο τῷ ἐπ' ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ προστιθεμένῳ." 18.1 Κυρίνιος δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ Συρίας παρῆν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος,' "
18.1 καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας Δαῶν τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχήν.' "
18.1 περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε." 18.4 ̓Ιούδας δὲ Γαυλανίτης ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα Γάμαλα Σάδδωκον Φαρισαῖον προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ' ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος:" "
18.4 Φραάτης παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων ̓Ιταλικῆς παιδίσκης * ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ ̓Ιουλίου Καίσαρος μετ' ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν." "18.5 κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη Πάρθοις, Βονώνης δ' εἰς ̓Αρμενίαν διαπίπτει, καὶ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπρέσβευεν." "18.5 ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως, σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος, καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον, ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." "
18.66 Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προϊοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ Σατορνίνῳ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ." '18.67 ταύτης ἐρᾷ Δέκιος Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν ̓Ατθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς.' "18.68 καὶ μηδ' ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισεν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο." '18.69 καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα ̓́Ιδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ.' "18.71 τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ' ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωτα αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι." "18.72 οἱ δ' ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος ἔρωτι αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν." "18.73 τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος." '18.74 χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι.' "18.75 καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ̈ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ' αὐτῷ." "18.76 οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ' ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότε εἴς τε τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς." "18.77 τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος “Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς, ̓Ανούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ.”" '18.78 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν:' "18.79 ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν πρᾶξιν. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν ̓́Ιδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ̓́Ισιδος εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε," "
18.81 ̓͂Ην ἀνὴρ ̓Ιουδαῖος, φυγὰς μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ κατηγορίᾳ τε παραβάσεων νόμων τινῶν καὶ δέει τιμωρίας τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα. καὶ δὴ τότε ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ διαιτώμενος προσεποιεῖτο μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι σοφίαν νόμων τῶν Μωυσέως," "18.82 προσποιησάμενος δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρας εἰς τὰ πάντα ὁμοιοτρόπους τούτοις ἐπιφοιτήσασαν Φουλβίαν τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι γυναικῶν καὶ νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαϊκοῖς πείθουσι πορφύραν καὶ χρυσὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερὸν διαπέμψασθαι, καὶ λαβόντες ἐπὶ χρείας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν αὐτὰ ποιοῦνται, ἐφ' ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἡ αἴτησις ἐπράσσετο." '18.83 καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος, ἀποσημαίνει γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν φίλος ὢν Σατορνῖνος τῆς Φουλβίας ἀνὴρ ἐπισκήψει τῆς γυναικός, κελεύει πᾶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἀπελθεῖν. 18.84 οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι τετρακισχιλίους ἀνθρώπους ἐξ αὐτῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἔπεμψαν εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον, πλείστους δὲ ἐκόλασαν μὴ θέλοντας στρατεύεσθαι διὰ φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων. καὶ οἱ μὲν δὴ διὰ κακίαν τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν ἠλαύνοντο τῆς πόλεως.' "
18.145 ἐπεὶ δὲ Βερενίκη τελευτᾷ, γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ, τὰ μὲν εἰς πολυτέλειαν τῆς καθ' ἡμέραν διαίτης, τὰ δ' εἰς τῶν δωρεῶν τὸ μὴ μέτρῳ προϊέμενον ἀνάλωσε τῶν χρημάτων, τὰ πλεῖστα δ' εἰς τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀπελευθέρους ἐτετέλεστο ἐλπίδι πράξεως τῆς αὐτῶν, πενία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν." "
18.159 καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν." "
18.257 Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ γενομένης ̓Ιουδαίων τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ ̔Ελλήνων τρεῖς ἀφ' ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Γάιον. καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων πρέσβεων εἷς ̓Απίων, ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν Καίσαρος τιμῶν περιορῷεν:" '18.258 πάντων γοῦν ὁπόσοι τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαί̈ῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων, μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι.' "18.259 πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ̓Απίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ̓Αλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν," 19.81 ἐπὶ γὰρ ̓Αλεξανδρείας παρεσκεύαστο πλεῖν κατὰ θεωρίαν τῆς Αἰγύπτου. “καλὸν δὲ ἡμῖν προέσθαι τῶν χειρῶν τὸ ὄνειδος τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων μεγαλαυχίᾳ πομπεῦσον διά τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης.
19.275 καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ὀφειλόμενα τῇ οἰκειότητι τοῦ γένους ἀπεδίδου: ̓́Αβιλαν δὲ τὴν Λυσανίου καὶ ὁπόσα ἐν τῷ Λιβάνῳ ὄρει ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ προσετίθει, ὅρκιά τε αὐτῷ τέμνεται πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης ἐν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλει. 19.276 ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα.' "
19.278 Στασιάζεται δὲ κατ' αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον ̓Ιουδαίων τὰ πρὸς ̔́Ελληνας ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἐπὶ ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐκείνου τεταπεινωμένον καὶ δεινῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων ὑβρισμένον ἀνεθάρσησέ τε καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις εὐθέως ἦν." '19.279 καὶ Κλαύδιος ἐπιστέλλει τῷ ἐπαρχοῦντι κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὥστε τὴν στάσιν καταστεῖλαι, πέμπει δὲ καὶ διάγραμμα παρακεκληκότων αὐτὸν ̓Αγρίππου τε καὶ ̔Ηρώδου τῶν βασιλέων εἴς τε τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν καὶ Συρίαν γεγραμμένον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον:' "19.281 ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνέκαθεν τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς λεγομένους συγκατοικισθέντας τοῖς πρώτοις εὐθὺ καιροῖς ̓Αλεξανδρεῦσι καὶ ἴσης πολιτείας παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τετευχότας, καθὼς φανερὸν ἐγένετο ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν διαταγμάτων," '19.282 καὶ μετὰ τὸ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ ὑποταχθῆναι πεφυλάχθαι αὐτοῖς τὰ δίκαια ὑπὸ τῶν πεμφθέντων ἐπάρχων κατὰ διαφόρους χρόνους μηδεμίαν τε ἀμφισβήτησιν περὶ τούτων γενομένην τῶν δικαίων αὐτοῖς,' "19.283 ἅμα καὶ καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ̓Ακύλας ἦν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐθνάρχου τὸν Σεβαστὸν μὴ κεκωλυκέναι ἐθνάρχας γίγνεσθαι βουλόμενον ὑποτετάχθαι ἑκάστους ἐμμένοντας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ἀναγκαζομένους τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν," "19.284 ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς δὲ ἐπαρθῆναι κατὰ τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τῶν Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος χρόνων τοῦ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ παραφροσύνην, ὅτι μὴ παραβῆναι ἠθέλησεν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν καὶ θεὸν προσαγορεύειν αὐτόν, ταπεινώσαντος αὐτούς:" "19.285 βούλομαι μηδὲν διὰ τὴν Γαί̈ου παραφροσύνην τῶν δικαίων τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει παραπεπτωκέναι, φυλάσσεσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ πρότερον δικαιώματα ἐμμένουσι τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν, ἀμφοτέροις τε διακελεύομαι τοῖς μέρεσι πλείστην ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν, ὅπως μηδεμία ταραχὴ γένηται μετὰ τὸ προτεθῆναί μου τὸ διάταγμα.”" "19.286 Τὸ μὲν οὖν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διάταγμα τοῦτον ἦν τὸν τρόπον γεγραμμένον: τὸ δ' εἰς τὴν ἄλλην οἰκουμένην εἶχεν οὕτως:" '19.287 “Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς ἀρχιερεὺς μέγιστος δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας ὕπατος χειροτονηθεὶς τὸ δεύτερον λέγει. 19.288 αἰτησαμένων με βασιλέως ̓Αγρίππα καὶ ̔Ηρώδου τῶν φιλτάτων μοι, ὅπως συγχωρήσαιμι τὰ αὐτὰ δίκαια καὶ τοῖς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις φυλάσσεσθαι, καθὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ, ἥδιστα συνεχώρησα οὐ μόνον τοῦτο τοῖς αἰτησαμένοις με χαριζόμενος, 19.289 ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ ὧν παρεκλήθην ἀξίους κρίνας διὰ τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πίστιν καὶ φιλίαν, μάλιστα δὲ δίκαιον κρίνων μηδεμίαν μηδὲ ̔Ελληνίδα πόλιν τῶν δικαίων τούτων ἀποτυγχάνειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ θείου Σεβαστοῦ αὐταῖς ἦν τετηρημένα. 19.291 τοῦτό μου τὸ διάταγμα τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν κολωνιῶν καὶ μουνικιπίων τῶν ἐν τῇ ̓Ιταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐκτός, βασιλεῖς τε καὶ δυνάστας διὰ τῶν ἰδίων πρεσβευτῶν ἐγγράψασθαι βούλομαι ἐκκείμενόν τε ἔχειν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα ὅθεν ἐξ ἐπιπέδου καλῶς ἀναγνωσθῆναι δύναται.”' "
19.338 ̓Εν Βηρυτῷ δὲ τελέσας τὰ προειρημένα μετῆλθεν εἰς Τιβεριάδα πόλιν τῆς Γαλιλαίας. ἦν δὲ ἄρα τοῖς ἄλλοις βασιλεῦσιν περίβλεπτος. ἧκε γοῦν παρ' αὐτὸν Κομμαγηνῆς μὲν βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος, ̓Εμεσῶν δὲ Σαμψιγέραμος καὶ Κότυς, τῆς μικρᾶς ̓Αρμενίας οὗτος ἐβασίλευσεν, καὶ Πολέμων τὴν Πόντου κεκτημένος δυναστείαν ̔Ηρώδης τε: οὗτος ἀδελφὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ, ἦρχεν δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος." '19.339 ὡμίλησε δὲ πᾶσιν κατά τε τὰς ὑποδοχὰς καὶ φιλοφρονήσεις ὡς μάλιστα διαδείξας φρονήσεως ὕψος καὶ διὰ τοῦτό γε δοκεῖν δικαίως τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίᾳ τετιμῆσθαι.' "19.341 τοῦτο δὲ ἄρα ἔμελλεν τῆς πρὸς Μάρσον ἀρχὴ γενήσεσθαι διαφορᾶς: συγκαθεζόμενος γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀπήνης ἐπήγετο τοὺς ἄλλους βασιλέας, Μάρσῳ δ' ἡ τούτων ὁμόνοια καὶ μέχρι τοσοῦδε φιλία πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπωπτεύθη συμφέρειν οὐχ ὑπολαμβάνοντι ̔Ρωμαίοις δυναστῶν τοσούτων συμφρόνησιν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς πέμπων ἐπέστελλεν ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ δίχα μελλήσεως ἀπέρχεσθαι." "19.342 ταῦτα ̓Αγρίππας ἀνιαρῶς ἐξεδέχετο: καὶ Μάρσῳ μὲν ἐκ τούτου διαφόρως ἔσχεν, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην δὲ Ματθίαν ἀφελόμενος ἀντ' αὐτοῦ κατέστησεν ἀρχιερέα ̓Ελιωναῖον τὸν τοῦ Κιθαίρου παῖδα." 20.13 κἀκεῖθεν εἰς κώμην τινὰ παραγενόμενος Λύδδαν πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν καθίσας ἐπὶ βήματος κἀκ δευτέρου τῶν Σαμαρέων διακούσας διδάσκεται παρά τινος Σαμαρέως, ὅτι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τις πρῶτος ὄνομα Δόητος καί τινες σὺν αὐτῷ νεωτερισταὶ τέσσαρες τὸν ἀριθμὸν πείσειαν τὸν ὄχλον ἐπὶ τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστάσει.' "
20.13 συγκατεθέμην δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ ταύτῃ πρῶτον διὰ τὸ ἐμαυτοῦ εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ βούλεσθαι ἑκάστους κατὰ τὰ πάτρια θρησκεύειν, ἔπειτα δὲ εἰδώς, ὅτι καὶ αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ, ὧν τὴν πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν περὶ ὑμᾶς γινώσκω σπουδήν * ταῦτα ποιήσας, πρὸς οὓς ἔστι μοι πλεῖστα δίκαια φιλίας κρατίστους ὄντας κἀμοὶ τιμίους.
20.34 Καθ' ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῷ Σπασίνου χάρακι διέτριβεν ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἔμπορος ̓Ανανίας ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς ̓Ιουδαίοις πάτριον ἦν," "20.35 καὶ δὴ δι' αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν: συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ελένην ὁμοίως ὑφ' ἑτέρου τινὸς ̓Ιουδαίου διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους." "20.36 ὁ δ' ̓Ιζάτης ὡς παρέλαβεν τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ θεασάμενος τούς τε ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς δεδεμένους ἐδυσχέρανεν τῷ γεγονότι." "20.37 καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἢ φυλάττειν δεδεμένους ἀσεβὲς ἡγούμενος, τὸ δὲ μνησικακοῦντας ἔχειν σὺν αὐτῷ μὴ δεδεμένους σφαλερὸν εἶναι νομίζων, τοὺς μὲν ὁμηρεύσοντας μετὰ τέκνων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐξέπεμψε Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αρταβάνην τὸν Πάρθον ἐφ' ὁμοίαις προφάσεσιν ἀπέστειλεν." '20.38 Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως ̓Ιουδαῖος, εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν ἕτοιμος.' "20.39 μαθοῦσα δ' ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα: βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίου." "20.41 δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι:" "20.42 συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς." '20.43 μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀφικόμενος ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον.' "20.44 ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν Μωυσέος νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, “λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν." "20.45 μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ' εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν' εἰδῇς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν ἀνάγνωθι.”" "20.46 ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ' εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ̓Ανανίαν ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον." "20.47 τοὺς δ' ἔκπληξις εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης." "20.48 θεὸς δ' ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος: πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν ̓Ιζάτην περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν." '20.49 ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι.' "20.51 γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας." "20.52 ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε." '20.53 πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν.' "20.101 ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμὸν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν συνέβη γενέσθαι, καθ' ὃν καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα ̔Ελένη πολλῶν χρημάτων ὠνησαμένη σῖτον ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου διένειμεν τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις, ὡς προεῖπον." '20.102 πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ̓Ιούδα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου ἀνήχθησαν τοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστήσαντος Κυρινίου τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τιμητεύοντος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, ̓Ιάκωβος καὶ Σίμων, οὓς ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν ̓Αλέξανδρος. 20.103 ὁ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης μεταστήσας τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν τοῦ Καμοιδὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν τῆς τιμῆς ̓Ανανίᾳ τῷ τοῦ Νεβεδαίου δίδωσιν. Τιβερίῳ δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ Κουμανὸς ἀφίκετο διάδοχος.
20.116 ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες καὶ πολλοὶ συνδραμόντες καταβαίνουσιν εἰς Καισάρειαν, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ὁ Κουμανὸς ὤν, ἱκετεύοντες μὴ αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ τὸν θεὸν οὗπερ οἱ νόμοι καθυβρίσθησαν ἐκδικῆσαι: ζῆν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπομένειν τῶν πατρίων αὐτοῖς οὕτως περιυβρισμένων. καὶ Κουμανὸς δείσας,
20.122 Κουμανὸς δὲ τῆς πράξεως εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικομένης ἀναλαβὼν τὴν τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἴλην καὶ πεζῶν τέσσαρα τάγματα τούς τε Σαμαρεῖς καθοπλίσας ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν πλείους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν.
20.131 κἀκείνους μὲν ὁ Κουαδρᾶτος ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Ανανίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ̓́Ανανον δήσας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἀνέπεμψεν περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων λόγον ὑφέξοντας Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι.' "
20.132 κελεύει δὲ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Σαμαρέων πρώτοις καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις Κουμανῷ τε τῷ ἐπιτρόπῳ καὶ Κέλερι, χιλίαρχος δ' ἦν οὗτος, ἐπ' ̓Ιταλίας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα κριθησομένους ἐπ' αὐτοῦ περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ζητήσεων." "
20.133 αὐτὸς δὲ δείσας, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος πάλιν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νεωτερίσειεν, εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικνεῖται: καταλαμβάνει δ' αὐτὴν εἰρηνευομένην καὶ πάτριον ἑορτὴν τῷ θεῷ τελοῦσαν. πιστεύσας οὖν μηδένα νεωτερισμὸν παρ' αὐτῶν γενήσεσθαι καταλιπὼν ἑορτάζοντας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν." "
20.134 Οἱ περὶ Κουμανὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν Σαμαρέων ἀναπεμφθέντες εἰς ̔Ρώμην λαμβάνουσι παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀμφισβητήσεων λέγειν ἔμελλον." 20.135 σπουδὴ δὲ μεγίστη τῷ Κουμανῷ καὶ τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ἦν παρὰ τῶν Καίσαρος ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων, κἂν περιεγένοντο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, εἰ μή περ ̓Αγρίππας ὁ νεώτερος ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ τυγχάνων κατασπευδομένους ἰδὼν τοὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πρώτους ἐδεήθη πολλὰ τῆς τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος γυναικὸς ̓Αγριππίνης πεῖσαι τὸν ἄνδρα διακούσαντα πρεπόντως τῇ ἑαυτοῦ δικαιοσύνῃ τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως.
20.136 καὶ Κλαύδιος τῇ δεήσει ταύτῃ προευτρεπισθεὶς καὶ διακούσας, ὡς εὗρε τῶν κακῶν ἀρχηγοὺς τοὺς Σαμαρείτας γενομένους, τοὺς μὲν ἀναβάντας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι, τῷ Κουμανῷ δὲ φυγὴν ἐπέβαλεν, Κέλερα δὲ τὸν χιλίαρχον ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγόντας εἰς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα πάντων ὁρώντων ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν πᾶσαν σύραντας οὕτως ἀποκτεῖναι.
20.238 πάλιν δὲ οἱ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἔγγονοι τὴν προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους πιστευθέντες καὶ πολεμήσαντες Μακεδόσιν ̓Ιωνάθην ἀρχιερέα καθιστᾶσιν, ὃς ἦρξεν ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτά.' "
20.243 μετὰ γὰρ τὸν θάνατον αὐτῆς πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ νικήσας ἀφαιρεῖται μὲν ἐκεῖνον τὴν ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς δ' ἐβασίλευέ τε καὶ ἀρχιεράτευεν τοῦ ἔθνους." "20.244 ἔτει δὲ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πρὸς μησὶν τοῖς ἴσοις Πομπήιος ἐλθὼν καὶ τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς ̔Ρώμην μετὰ τῶν τέκνων δήσας ἔπεμψεν, τῷ δ' ̔Υρκανῷ πάλιν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀποδοὺς τὴν μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους προστασίαν ἐπέτρεψεν, διάδημα δὲ φορεῖν ἐκώλυσεν." 20.251 καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπολιτεύσαντο ἐπί τε ̔Ηρώδου βασιλεύοντος καὶ ἐπὶ ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων τελευτὴν ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἦν ἡ πολιτεία, τὴν δὲ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐπεπίστευντο. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἱκανὰ ταῦτα.' " None | sup>
1.14 3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted,
1.14 Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable; and whatsoever they set about as a good thing is converted into an incurable calamity.
3.151 1. There were peculiar garments appointed for the priests, and for all the rest, which they call Cahanaeae priestly garments, as also for the high priests, which they call Cahanaeae Rabbae, and denote the high priest’s garments. Such was therefore the habit of the rest.
3.181 When Moses distinguished the tabernacle into three parts, and allowed two of them to the priests, as a place accessible and common, he denoted the land and the sea, these being of general access to all; but he set apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible to men.
4.223 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; 4.224 let him submit to the laws, and esteem God’s commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare.
6.36 And when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all gave him sustece, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came.
6.36 o they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition;
11.303 This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him.
11.309 the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family.
11.329 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.331 for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332 The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333 However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334 for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335 whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336 And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337 And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338 whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339 And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.
11.346 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature,
12.8 And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covets; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care.
12.8 while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers’ depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. 12.41 He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. 12.41 upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy; 12.42 1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army into Judea, 12.42 Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following:
12.61 And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. 12.62 According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. 12.63 And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation. 12.64 9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits and a half, in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; 12.65 for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; 12.66 for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; 12.67 but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. 12.68 But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. 12.69 The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet;
12.71 but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. 12.72 Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. 12.73 The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. 12.74 Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. 12.75 Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. 12.76 They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. 12.77 So that this gift, by the king’s great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was. 12.78 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. 12.79 Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin,
12.81 And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other.
12.82 The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven.
12.83 And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king,
12.84 who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work.
12.142 and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also.
13.66 where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals;
13.74 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. 13.75 They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; 13.76 and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. 13.77 Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. 13.78 Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. 13.79 By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
13.432 and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra.
14.74 and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds.
14.127 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128 for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129 and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131 But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132 and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.
14.137 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;
14.194 for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends.
14.255 as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have also found it set down in our public records.”
17.319 while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude.
17.354 So Archelaus’s country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people’s effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.
18.1 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.
18.1 concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.
18.1 when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.
18.4 When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her.
18.4 Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.5 But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome for that purpose. 18.5 as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same;
18.66 There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67 Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68 and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69 Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.71 She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72 So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73 Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74 Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75 and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76 who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77 But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78 When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79 whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;
18.81 5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. 18.82 He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 18.83 Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; 18.84 at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.
18.145 but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty,
18.159 He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;
18.257 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; 18.258 for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. 18.259 Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;
19.81 for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea?
19.275 and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: 19.276 he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa.
19.278 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.279 So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: 19.281 Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282 and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, 19.283 even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject to the Romans as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284 but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285 I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287 “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288 Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, 19.289 but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. 19.291 And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.”
19.338 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commagene, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. 19.339 All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. 19.341 But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. 19.342 This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead.
20.13 And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character.
20.13 From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans;
20.34 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35 He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36 But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37 and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39 But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.41 and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42 He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43 But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44 for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, by omitting to be circumcised; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45 How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46 When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47 upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48 But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.51 Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52 And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53 And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.101 Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. 20.102 And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.103 But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Aias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander;
20.116 which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Caesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner.
20.122 When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive;
20.131 whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander of the temple, in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar.
20.132 He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another.
20.133 But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch.
20.134 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another.
20.135 But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:—
20.136 whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain.
20.238 But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years.
20.243 for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God. 20.244 But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem.
20.251 Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests.' ' None |
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55. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.27, 2.123, 2.183, 2.215, 2.220, 2.223-2.224, 2.228, 2.230, 2.232-2.241, 2.254-2.257, 2.260-2.261, 2.361, 2.368, 2.399, 2.464, 2.469-2.476, 2.478-2.479, 5.201-5.205, 6.241, 7.43, 7.46-7.53, 7.148-7.150, 7.152, 7.253, 7.267-7.274, 7.280, 7.285-7.289, 7.291-7.294, 7.361-7.369, 7.432 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelian (Claudius Aelianus) • Albinus (Clodius) • Claudius • Claudius Nero, C. • Claudius, Letter to the Alexandrians • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, and Agrippa I • Claudius’ edict • Judea (district/region), added to Agrippas kingdom by Claudius • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 47; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 186; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 122, 123, 160, 161, 162; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 297, 317, 319, 349, 355, 383, 395, 429, 455, 471, 475, 479, 490, 642, 647, 677, 686, 693, 698, 699, 750, 777; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 179; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 117; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 270, 272, 275, 357; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 5, 273; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 216, 545; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 157, 158; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 105; Zetterholm (2003), The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation Between Judaism and Christianity. 117; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 170
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1.3 Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "
1.3 προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης:
1.3 ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." 1.27 ̓́Επειτα διέξειμι τήν τε τῶν τυράννων πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὠμότητα καὶ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων φειδὼ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους, καὶ ὁσάκις Τίτος σῶσαι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐπιθυμῶν ἐπὶ δεξιὰς τοὺς στασιάζοντας προυκαλέσατο, διακρινῶ δὲ τὰ πάθη τοῦ δήμου καὶ τὰς συμφορὰς ὅσα τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ὅσα ὑπὸ τῆς στάσεως καὶ ὅσα ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ κακωθέντες ἑάλωσαν.
1.27 ὁ δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ μὲν προσπεσὼν αὐτὸς τὰ ὦτα λωβᾶται τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν, ὡς μηδὲ αὖθις ἐν μεταβολῇ ποτε δύναιτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπολαβεῖν:' "
2.123 κηλῖδα δ' ὑπολαμβάνουσι τὸ ἔλαιον, κἂν ἀλειφθῇ τις ἄκων, σμήχεται τὸ σῶμα: τὸ γὰρ αὐχμεῖν ἐν καλῷ τίθενται λευχειμονεῖν τε διαπαντός. χειροτονητοὶ δ' οἱ τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ καὶ ἀδιαίρετοι πρὸς ἁπάντων εἰς τὰς χρείας ἕκαστοι." "
2.183 ὑφ' οὗ τῆς πλεονεξίας ἐπιτιμᾶται φυγῇ εἰς Γαλλίαν: ἠκολούθησεν γὰρ αὐτῷ κατήγορος ̓Αγρίππας, ᾧ καὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου προσέθηκεν Γάιος. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης μὲν ἐν Γαλλίᾳ συμφυγούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτᾷ." "
2.215 καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ' Αὐγούστου δοθείσας ̔Ηρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην." "2.224 συνεληλυθότος γὰρ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τῆς ̔Ρωμαϊκῆς σπείρας ὑπὲρ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοὰν ἐφεστώσης, ἔνοπλοι δ' ἀεὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς παραφυλάττουσιν, ὡς μή τι νεωτερίζοι τὸ πλῆθος ἠθροισμένον, εἷς τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνασυράμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ κατακύψας ἀσχημόνως προσαπέστρεψεν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τῷ σχήματι φωνὴν ὁμοίαν ἐπεφθέγξατο." 2.228 Μετελάμβανεν δὲ ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἄλλος λῃστρικὸς θόρυβος. κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Βαιθωρὼ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν Στεφάνου τινὸς δούλου Καίσαρος ἀποσκευὴν κομιζομένην διήρπασαν λῃσταὶ προσπεσόντες.
2.232 Αὖθις δὲ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Σαμαρέων γίνεται συμβολή. κατὰ γὰρ Γήμαν καλουμένην κώμην, ἥτις ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κεῖται τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, πολλῶν ἀναβαινόντων ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναιρεῖταί τις Γαλιλαῖος.' "2.233 πρὸς τοῦτο πλεῖστοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας συνέδραμον ὡς πολεμήσοντες τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν, οἱ γνώριμοι δ' αὐτῶν ἐλθόντες πρὸς Κουμανὸν ἠντιβόλουν πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν διαβάντα τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου: μόνως γὰρ ἂν οὕτως διαλυθῆναι πρὸ πολέμου τὸ πλῆθος. Κουμανὸς μὲν οὖν ἐν δευτέρῳ τὰς ἐκείνων ἱκεσίας τῶν ἐν χειρὶ πραγμάτων θέμενος ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψεν τοὺς ἱκέτας." '2.234 ̓Αγγελθὲν δὲ εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τὸ πάθος τοῦ πεφονευμένου τὰ πλήθη συνετάραξεν καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀφέμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαμάρειαν ἐξώρμων ἀστρατήγητοι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατέχοντι πειθόμενοι.' "2.235 τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ στασιώδους Δειναίου τις υἱὸς ̓Ελεάζαρος καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐξῆρχον, οἳ τοῖς ὁμόροις τῆς ̓Ακραβατηνῆς τοπαρχίας προσπεσόντες αὐτούς τε ἀνῄρουν μηδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φειδὼ ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν." "2.236 Κουμανὸς δὲ ἀναλαβὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Καισαρείας μίαν ἴλην ἱππέων καλουμένην Σεβαστηνῶν ἐξεβοήθει τοῖς πορθουμένοις καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον πολλοὺς μὲν συνέλαβεν, πλείστους δ' ἀπέκτεινεν." "2.237 πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν πολεμεῖν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὡρμημένων οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐκδραμόντες σάκκους ἀμπεχόμενοι καὶ τέφραν τῶν κεφαλῶν καταχέοντες ἱκέτευον ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν εἰς Σαμαρεῖς ἄμυναν ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ̔Ρωμαίους παροξύνειν, ἐλεῆσαί τε τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ναὸν τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἰδίας, ἃ πάντα κινδυνεύειν δι' ἑνὸς ἐκδικίαν Γαλιλαίου παραπολέσθαι." '2.239 καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων οἱ δυνατοὶ πρὸς Οὐμμίδιον Κουαδρᾶτον, ὃς ἦν ἡγεμὼν τῆς Συρίας, εἰς Τύρον παραγενόμενοι δίκην τινὰ παρὰ τῶν πορθησάντων τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν λαβεῖν. 2.241 Κουαδρᾶτος δὲ τότε μὲν ἑκατέρους ὑπερτίθεται φήσας, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραγένηται, διερευνήσειν ἕκαστα, αὖθις δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Καισάρειαν τοὺς ὑπὸ Κουμανοῦ ζωγρηθέντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν πάντας.' "
2.254 Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο, οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι, μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους," '2.255 μάλιστα δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια, τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους, ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες, διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι.' "2.256 πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ̓Ιωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται, μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί: καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος, ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ' ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου." '2.257 προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν, ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο: τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη. 2.261 Μείζονι δὲ τούτου πληγῇ ̓Ιουδαίους ἐκάκωσεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ψευδοπροφήτης: παραγενόμενος γὰρ εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄνθρωπος γόης καὶ προφήτου πίστιν ἐπιθεὶς ἑαυτῷ περὶ τρισμυρίους μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἠπατημένων,' "
2.361 ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί;" 2.368 πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς;' "
2.399 οὓς ἅπαντας πολεμησάντων ὑμῶν κατασφάξουσιν οἱ διάφοροι, καὶ δι' ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν κακοβουλίαν πᾶσα πλησθήσεται πόλις ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ φόνου. καὶ συγγνώμη μὲν τοῖς τοῦτο πράξασιν: ἂν δὲ μὴ πραχθῇ, λογίσασθε, πῶς πρὸς οὕτω φιλανθρώπους ὅπλα κινεῖν ἀνόσιον." 2.464 προεκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν διαφόρων καὶ τοὺς πάλαι πρᾳοτάτους πάνυ δοκοῦντας ἡ πλεονεξία: τὰς γὰρ οὐσίας τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀδεῶς διήρπαζον καὶ καθάπερ ἐκ παρατάξεως τὰ σκῦλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους οἴκους μετέφερον, ἔνδοξός τε ἦν ὁ πλεῖστα κερδάνας ὡς κατισχύσας πλειόνων.' "
2.469 ̓́Αξιον δ' ἀφηγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ Σίμωνος πάθος, ὃς υἱὸς μὲν ἦν Σαούλου τινὸς τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέρων ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἀμφοτέροις κατεχρήσατο:" "2.471 περιέρχεται δ' αὐτὸν ἀξία ποινὴ τοῦ συγγενικοῦ φόνου: ἐπεὶ γὰρ περισχόντες οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται κατηκόντιζον αὐτοὺς ἀνὰ τὸ ἄλσος, σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπ' οὐδένα μὲν ὥρμησεν τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ γὰρ ἑώρα τὸ πλῆθος ἀνήνυτον, ἀναβοήσας δὲ μάλα ἐκπαθῶς “ἄξιά γε ὧν ἔδρασα πάσχω," "2.472 Σκυθοπολῖται, καθ' ὑμῶν, οἳ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ συγγενῶν τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν ἐπιστωσάμεθα. τοιγαροῦν οἷς ἄπιστον μὲν εὐλόγως εὕρηται τὸ ἀλλόφυλον, ἠσέβηται δὲ εἰς ἔσχατα τὸ οἰκεῖον, θνήσκωμεν ὡς ἐναγεῖς χερσὶν ἰδίαις: οὐ γὰρ πρέπον ἐν ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων." "2.473 τὸ αὐτὸ δ' ἂν εἴη μοι καὶ ποινὴ τοῦ μιάσματος ἀξία καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἔπαινος, ἵνα μηδεὶς τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὴν ἐμὴν αὐχήσῃ σφαγὴν μηδ' ἐπαλαζονεύσηται πεσόντι.”" "2.474 ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐλεοῦσιν ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένοις ὄμμασιν περισκέπτεται τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γενεάν: ἦν δ' αὐτῷ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ τέκνα καὶ γηραιοὶ γονεῖς." "2.475 ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν πατέρα τῆς πολιᾶς ἐπισπασάμενος διελαύνει τῷ ξίφει, μεθ' ὃν οὐκ ἄκουσαν τὴν μητέρα κἀπὶ τούτοις τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα, μόνον οὐχ ὑπαπαντῶντος ἑκάστου τῷ ξίφει καὶ σπεύδοντος φθάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους." "2.476 ὁ δὲ διελθὼν πᾶσαν τὴν γενεὰν καὶ περίοπτος ἐπιστὰς τοῖς σώμασιν τήν τε δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας, ὡς μηδένα λαθεῖν, ὅλον εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σφαγὴν ἐβάπτισεν τὸ ξίφος, ἄξιος μὲν ἐλέους νεανίας δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα, τῆς δὲ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους πίστεως ἕνεκεν ἀκολούθοις πάθεσι χρησάμενος." "
2.478 καὶ Τύριοι συχνοὺς μὲν διεχειρίσαντο, πλείστους δ' αὐτῶν δεσμώτας ἐφρούρουν, ̔Ιππηνοί τε καὶ Γαδαρεῖς ὁμοίως τοὺς μὲν θρασυτέρους ἀπεσκευάσαντο, τοὺς δὲ φοβεροὺς διὰ φυλακῆς εἶχον, αἵ τε λοιπαὶ πόλεις τῆς Συρίας, ὅπως ἑκάστη πρὸς τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἢ μίσους ἢ δέους εἶχον." '2.479 μόνοι δὲ ̓Αντιοχεῖς καὶ Σιδώνιοι καὶ ̓Απαμεῖς ἐφείσαντο τῶν μετοικούντων καὶ οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τινας ̓Ιουδαίων ὑπέμειναν οὔτε δῆσαι, τάχα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ σφέτερον πλῆθος ὑπερορῶντες αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ κινήματα, τὸ πλέον δὲ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν οἴκτῳ πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἑώρων νεωτερίζοντας.' "
5.201 Τῶν δὲ πυλῶν αἱ μὲν ἐννέα χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ κεκαλυμμέναι πανταχόθεν ἦσαν ὁμοίως τε αἵ τε παραστάδες καὶ τὰ ὑπέρθυρα, μία δ' ἡ ἔξωθεν τοῦ νεὼ Κορινθίου χαλκοῦ πολὺ τῇ τιμῇ τὰς καταργύρους καὶ περιχρύσους ὑπεράγουσα." '5.202 καὶ δύο μὲν ἑκάστου πυλῶνος θύραι, τριάκοντα δὲ πηχῶν τὸ ὕψος ἑκάστης καὶ τὸ πλάτος ἦν πεντεκαίδεκα.' "5.203 μετὰ μέντοι τὰς εἰσόδους ἐνδοτέρω πλατυνόμενοι παρ' ἑκάτερον τριακονταπήχεις ἐξέδρας εἶχον εὖρός τε καὶ μῆκος πυργοειδεῖς, ὑψηλὰς δ' ὑπὲρ τεσσαράκοντα πήχεις: δύο δ' ἀνεῖχον ἑκάστην κίονες δώδεκα πηχῶν τὴν περιοχὴν ἔχοντες." "5.204 καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἴσον ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ἡ δ' ὑπὲρ τὴν Κορινθίαν ἀπὸ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος ἐξ ἀνατολῆς ἀνοιγομένη τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ πύλης ἀντικρὺ πολὺ μείζων:" '5.205 πεντήκοντα γὰρ πηχῶν οὖσα τὴν ἀνάστασιν τεσσαρακονταπήχεις τὰς θύρας εἶχε καὶ τὸν κόσμον πολυτελέστερον ἐπὶ δαψιλὲς πάχος ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ. τοῦτον δὲ ταῖς ἐννέα πύλαις ἐπέχεεν ὁ Τιβερίου πατὴρ ̓Αλέξανδρος.' "
6.241 ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐδ' ἂν ἐπιβάντες ἐπ' αὐτοῦ πολεμῶσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι φήσας ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀμυνεῖσθαι τὰ ἄψυχα οὐδὲ καταφλέξειν ποτὲ τηλικοῦτον ἔργον: ̔Ρωμαίων γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὴν βλάβην, ὥσπερ καὶ κόσμον τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ μένοντος:" "
7.43 Τὸ γὰρ ̓Ιουδαίων γένος πολὺ μὲν κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην παρέσπαρται τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις, πλεῖστον δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ κατὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ἀναμεμιγμένον ἐξαιρέτως ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας ἦν πολὺ διὰ τὸ τῆς πόλεως μέγεθος: μάλιστα δ' αὐτοῖς ἀδεᾶ τὴν ἐκεῖ κατοίκησιν οἱ μετ' ̓Αντίοχον βασιλεῖς παρέσχον:" 7.43 ἀνῆκε δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς χρημάτων πρόσοδον, ὅπως εἴη καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀφθονία καὶ τῷ θεῷ πολλὰ τὰ πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν.' "
7.46 καθ' ὃν δὲ καιρὸν ὁ πόλεμος ἀνακεκήρυκτο, νεωστὶ δ' εἰς τὴν Συρίαν Οὐεσπασιανὸς καταπεπλεύκει, τὸ δὲ κατὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παρὰ πᾶσιν ἤκμαζε μῖσος," "7.47 τότε δή τις ̓Αντίοχος εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν τὰ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πατέρα τιμώμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἄρχων τῶν ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίων, τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ἐκκλησιάζοντος εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν τόν τε πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνεδείκνυτο κατηγορῶν, ὅτι νυκτὶ μιᾷ καταπρῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν διεγνώκεισαν, καὶ παρεδίδου ξένους ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὡς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν βεβουλευμένων." "7.48 ταῦτα ἀκούων ὁ δῆμος τὴν ὀργὴν οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς παραδοθέντας πῦρ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον κομίζειν, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατεφλέγησαν," '7.49 ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὥρμητο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐν τῷ τάχιον ἐκείνους τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα σώζειν νομίζοντες. 7.51 ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν: φανεροὺς γὰρ γενήσεσθαι τῷ μὴ θέλειν τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας. χρωμένων δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν. 7.52 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ στρατιώτας παρὰ τοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμόνος λαβὼν χαλεπὸς ἐφειστήκει τοῖς αὐτοῦ πολίταις, ἀργεῖν τὴν ἑβδόμην οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ βιαζόμενος πάντα πράττειν ὅσα δὴ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις.' "7.53 οὕτως τε τὴν ἀνάγκην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας καταλυθῆναι τὴν ἑβδομάδα ἀργὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πράγματος κἀν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁμοίως βραχύν τινα χρόνον." "
7.148 πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ νῆες εἵποντο. λάφυρα δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χύδην ἐφέρετο, διέπρεπε δὲ πάντων τὰ ἐγκαταληφθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ, χρυσῆ τε τράπεζα τὴν ὁλκὴν πολυτάλαντος καὶ λυχνία χρυσῆ μὲν ὁμοίως πεποιημένη, τὸ δ' ἔργον ἐξήλλακτο τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν χρῆσιν συνηθείας." "7.149 ὁ μὲν γὰρ μέσος ἦν κίων ἐκ τῆς βάσεως πεπηγώς, λεπτοὶ δ' ἀπ' αὐτοῦ μεμήκυντο καυλίσκοι τριαίνης σχήματι παραπλησίαν τὴν θέσιν ἔχοντες, λύχνον ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐπ' ἄκρον κεχαλκευμένος: ἑπτὰ δ' ἦσαν οὗτοι τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἑβδομάδος τὴν τιμὴν ἐμφανίζοντες." "
7.152 μεθ' ἃ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἤλαυνε πρῶτος καὶ Τίτος εἵπετο, Δομετιανὸς δὲ παρίππευεν, αὐτός τε διαπρεπῶς κεκοσμημένος καὶ τὸν ἵππον παρέχων θέας ἄξιον." 7.253 προειστήκει δὲ τῶν κατειληφότων αὐτὸ σικαρίων δυνατὸς ἀνὴρ ̓Ελεάζαρος, ἀπόγονος ̓Ιούδα τοῦ πείσαντος ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκ ὀλίγους, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν, μὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπογραφάς, ὅτε Κυρίνιος τιμητὴς εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπέμφθη.
7.267 παρημιλλήσατο δὲ καὶ τὴν τούτων ἀπόνοιαν ἡ τῶν ̓Ιδουμαίων μανία: ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ οἱ μιαρώτατοι τοὺς ἀρχιερέας κατασφάξαντες, ὅπως μηδὲ μέρος τι τῆς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας διαφυλάττηται, πᾶν ὅσον ἦν λείψανον ἔτι πολιτικοῦ σχήματος ἐξέκοψαν, 7.268 καὶ τὴν τελεωτάτην εἰσήγαγον διὰ πάντων ἀνομίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ τῶν ζηλωτῶν κληθέντων γένος ἤκμασεν, οἳ τὴν προσηγορίαν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπηλήθευσαν:' "7.269 πᾶν γὰρ κακίας ἔργον ἐξεμιμήσαντο, μηδ' εἴ τι πρότερον προϋπάρχον ἡ μνήμη παραδέδωκεν αὐτοὶ παραλιπόντες ἀζήλωτον." '7.271 τοιγαροῦν προσῆκον ἕκαστοι τὸ τέλος εὕροντο τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ἀξίαν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν αὐτοῖς τιμωρίαν βραβεύσαντος: 7.272 ὅσας γὰρ ἀνθρώπου δύναται φύσις κολάσεις ὑπομεῖναι, πᾶσαι κατέσκηψαν εἰς αὐτοὺς μέχρι καὶ τῆς ἐσχάτης τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς, ἣν ὑπέμειναν ἐν πολυτρόποις αἰκίαις ἀποθανόντες.' "7.273 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ φαίη τις ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω παθεῖν ὧν ἔδρασαν: τὸ γὰρ δικαίως ἐπ' αὐτῶν οὐ προσῆν." '7.274 τοὺς δὲ ταῖς ἐκείνων ὠμότησι περιπεσόντας οὐ τοῦ παρόντος ἂν εἴη καιροῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ὀδύρεσθαι: πάλιν οὖν ἐπάνειμι πρὸς τὸ καταλειπόμενον μέρος τῆς διηγήσεως.' "
7.285 ἐπὶ ταύτῃ πρῶτον μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο φρούριον ̓Ιωνάθης καὶ προσηγόρευσε Μασάδαν, ὕστερον δ' ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ πολλῆς ἐγένετο σπουδῆς ἡ τοῦ χωρίου κατασκευή." '7.286 τεῖχός τε γὰρ ἤγειρε περὶ πάντα τὸν κύκλον τῆς κορυφῆς ἑπτὰ σταδίων ὄντα λευκοῦ μὲν λίθου πεποιημένον, ὕψος δὲ δώδεκα καὶ πλάτος ὀκτὼ πήχεις ἔχον, 7.287 τριάκοντα δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἑπτὰ πύργοι πεντηκονταπήχεις ἀνειστήκεσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν εἰς οἰκήματα διελθεῖν περὶ πᾶν τὸ τεῖχος ἔνδον ᾠκοδομημένα.' "7.288 τὴν γὰρ κορυφὴν πίονα καὶ πεδίου παντὸς οὖσαν μαλακωτέραν ἀνῆκεν εἰς γεωργίαν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵν' εἴ ποτε τῆς ἔξωθεν τροφῆς ἀπορία γένοιτο, μηδὲ ταύτῃ κάμοιεν οἱ τὴν αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν τῷ φρουρίῳ πεπιστευκότες." '7.289 καὶ βασίλειον δὲ κατεσκεύασεν ἐν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἀνάβασιν, ὑποκάτω μὲν τῶν τῆς ἄκρας τειχῶν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἄρκτον ἐκκλίνον. τοῦ δὲ βασιλείου τὸ τεῖχος ἦν ὕψει μέγα καὶ καρτερόν, πύργους ἔχον ἑξηκονταπήχεις ἐγγωνίους τέτταρας.
7.291 πρὸς ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν οἰκουμένων τόπων ἄνω τε καὶ περὶ τὸ βασίλειον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τείχους πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἐτετμήκει λάκκους ἐν ταῖς πέτραις φυλακτῆρας ὑδάτων, μηχανώμενος εἶναι χορηγίαν ὅση τῷ ἐκ πηγῶν ἐστι χρωμένοις.' "7.292 ὀρυκτὴ δ' ὁδὸς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου πρὸς ἄκραν τὴν κορυφὴν ἀνέφερε τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀφανής. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ταῖς φανεραῖς ὁδοῖς ἦν οἷόν τε χρήσασθαι ῥᾳδίως πολεμίους:" "7.293 ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἑῴα διὰ τὴν φύσιν, ὡς προείπαμεν, ἐστὶν ἄβατος, τὴν δ' ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας μεγάλῳ κατὰ τὸ στενότατον πύργῳ διετείχισεν ἀπέχοντι τῆς ἄκρας πήχεων οὐκ ἔλαττον διάστημα χιλίων, ὃν οὔτε παρελθεῖν δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε ῥᾴδιον ἑλεῖν: δυσέξοδος δὲ καὶ τοῖς μετὰ ἀδείας βαδίζουσιν ἐπεποίητο." '7.294 οὕτως μὲν οὖν πρὸς τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφόδους φύσει τε καὶ χειροποιήτως τὸ φρούριον ὠχύρωτο.
7.361 ποίοις γὰρ ὅπλοις ̔Ρωμαίων τεθνήκασιν οἱ Καισάρειαν ̓Ιουδαῖοι κατοικοῦντες;' "7.362 ἀλλ' οὐδὲ μελλήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἐκείνων ἀφίστασθαι, μεταξὺ δὲ τὴν ἑβδόμην ἑορτάζοντας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Καισαρέων ἐπιδραμὸν μηδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταίροντας ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις κατέσφαξαν, οὐδ' αὐτοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐντραπέντες, οἳ μόνους ἡμᾶς ἡγοῦντο πολεμίους τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας." "7.363 ἀλλὰ φήσει τις, ὅτι Καισαρεῦσιν ἦν ἀεὶ διαφορὰ πρὸς τοὺς παρ' αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοῦ καιροῦ λαβόμενοι τὸ παλαιὸν μῖσος ἀπεπλήρωσαν." "7.364 τί οὖν τοὺς ἐν Σκυθοπόλει φῶμεν; ἡμῖν γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι διὰ τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας πολεμεῖν ἐτόλμησαν, ἀλλ' οὐ μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν ἡμῶν ̔Ρωμαίους ἀμύνεσθαι." "7.365 πολὺ τοίνυν ὤνησεν αὐτοὺς ἡ πρὸς ἐκείνους εὔνοια καὶ πίστις: ὑπ' αὐτῶν μέντοι πανοικεσίᾳ πικρῶς κατεφονεύθησαν ταύτην τῆς συμμαχίας ἀπολαβόντες ἀμοιβήν:" "7.366 ἃ γὰρ ἐκείνους ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἐκώλυσαν ταῦθ' ὑπέμειναν ὡς αὐτοὶ δρᾶσαι θελήσαντες. μακρὸν ἂν εἴη νῦν ἰδίᾳ περὶ ἑκάστων λέγειν:" "7.367 ἴστε γὰρ ὅτι τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεων οὐκ ἔστιν ἥτις τοὺς παρ' αὐτῇ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκ ἀνῄρηκεν, ἡμῖν πλέον ἢ ̔Ρωμαίοις ὄντας πολεμίους:" '7.368 ὅπου γε Δαμασκηνοὶ μηδὲ πρόφασιν εὔλογον πλάσαι δυνηθέντες φόνου μιαρωτάτου τὴν αὐτῶν πόλιν ἐνέπλησαν ὀκτακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις ̓Ιουδαίους ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ γενεαῖς ἀποσφάξαντες.' "7.369 τὸ δ' ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πλῆθος τῶν μετ' αἰκίας ἀνῃρημένων ἕξ που μυριάδας ὑπερβάλλειν ἐπυνθανόμεθα. κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἴσως ἐπ' ἀλλοτρίας γῆς οὐδὲν ἀντίπαλον εὑράμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις οὕτως ἀπέθανον, τοῖς δ' ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκείας τὸν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἀραμένοις ἅπασι τε τῶν ἐλπίδα νίκης ἐχυρᾶς παρασχεῖν δυναμένων οὐχ ὑπῆρξε;" "
7.432 ἐγεγόνει δέ τις καὶ παλαιὰ πρόρρησις ἔτεσί που πρόσθεν ἑξακοσίοις: ̔Ησαί̈ας ὄνομα τῷ προαγορεύσαντι τοῦδε τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γενησομένην ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς ̓Ιουδαίου κατασκευήν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἱερὸν οὕτως ἐπεποίητο." ' None | sup>
1.3 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
1.3 I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work.
1.3 When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.
1.27 11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken.
1.27 Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus’s ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.
2.123 They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all.
2.183 These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.
2.215 Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.224 for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple(for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture.
2.228 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized.
2.232 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles, a certain Galilean was slain; 2.233 and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success. 2.234 4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, 2.235 but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. 2.236 5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Caesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. 2.237 And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. 2.239 And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: 2.241 6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive;
2.254 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; 2.255 this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. 2.256 The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; 2.257 and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance. 2.261 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him;
2.361 Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings?
2.368 How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons?
2.399 whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you.
2.464 Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies.
2.469 4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; 2.471 But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner and said,— 2.472 “O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; 2.473 and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.” 2.474 Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration, and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); 2.475 o, in the first place, he caught his father by his gray hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; 2.476 o when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity against his own countrymen, he suffered deservedly.
2.478 those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they wereafraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; 2.479 only the Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, andthey would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think that the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations.
5.201 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without the inward court of the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.202 Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. 5.203 However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. 5.204 Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; 5.205 for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
6.241 But Titus said, that “although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are iimate, instead of the men themselves;” and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued.
7.43 3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity;
7.43 but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship.
7.46 But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, 7.47 and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48 When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49 They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.51 he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52 As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53 and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time.
7.148 and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149 for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews;
7.152 After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration.
7.253 It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one;
7.267 The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they all, vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, 7.268 and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; 7.269 for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; 7.271 Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment; 7.272 for all such miseries have been sent upon them as man’s nature is capable of undergoing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment; 7.273 yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished according to their deserving. 7.274 But to make a lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men’s barbarity, this is not a proper place for it;—I therefore now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.
7.285 Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree; 7.286 he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; 7.287 there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; 7.288 for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. 7.289 Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high.
7.291 at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there. 7.292 Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without the walls; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; 7.293 for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it; 7.294 and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.
7.361 What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews at Caesarea were slain? 7.362 On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Caesarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them. 7.363 But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Caesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them. 7.364 What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. 7.365 Wherefore you see how little our goodwill and fidelity to them profited us, while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others; 7.366 for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us; 7.367 for you cannot but know that there was not anyone Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves; 7.368 nay, even those of Damascus, when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children. 7.369 And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those, indeed, being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory?
7.432 There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by a prophet whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.' ' None |
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56. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.1, 2.10, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 2.20-2.21, 2.25, 2.37-2.38, 2.49-2.57, 2.64-2.70, 2.75-2.77, 2.79-2.84, 2.86, 2.89, 2.91-2.97, 2.102-2.109, 2.112-2.113, 2.142-2.143, 2.148, 2.165, 2.205, 2.215-2.216, 2.219, 2.232-2.235, 2.282 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, Letter to the Alexandrians • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, emperor • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius • plague, metaphor in Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 158, 159, 162; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 336, 358, 399, 416, 490, 505, 538, 548, 554, 647, 684, 698, 724; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 179; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 357; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 149; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 8
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2.14 ἐπισταμένοις αὐτὸν καὶ συγγενομένοις. καὶ περὶ μὲν ̔Ομήρου τοῦ ποιητοῦ γραμματικὸς ὢν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἂν ἔχοι, τίς αὐτοῦ πατρίς ἐστι, διαβεβαιωσάμενος εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ περὶ Πυθαγόρου μόνον οὐκ ἐχθὲς καὶ πρῴην γεγονότος, περὶ δὲ Μωσέως τοσούτῳ πλήθει προάγοντος ἐκείνους ἐτῶν οὕτως ἀποφαίνεται ῥᾳδίως πιστεύων ἀκοῇ πρεσβυτέρων, ὡς δῆλός ἐστι καταψευσάμενος.
2.14 καὶ μὴν εἴ τις αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τῶν πάντων Αἰγυπτίων τίνας εἶναι καὶ σοφωτάτους καὶ θεοσεβεῖς νομίζει, πάντως ἂν ὡμολόγησε' "
2.17 ὁ δέ γε πάντων πιστότατος ̓Απίων ὡρίσατο τὴν ἔξοδον ἀκριβῶς κατὰ τὴν ἑβδόμην ὀλυμπιάδα καὶ ταύτης ἔτος εἶναι πρῶτον, ἐν ᾧ, φησί, Καρχηδόνα Φοίνικες ἔκτισαν. τοῦτο δὲ πάντως προσέθηκε τὸ Καρχηδόνα τεκμήριον οἰόμενος αὑτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐναργέστατον, οὐ συνῆκε δὲ καθ' ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐπισπώμενος." "
2.17 τὴν περὶ θεοῦ πίστιν ἐνέφυσεν ἀμετακίνητον. αἴτιον δ' ὅτι καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς νομοθεσίας πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον πάντων ἀεὶ πολὺ διήνεγκεν: οὐ γὰρ μέρος ἀρετῆς ἐποίησεν τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ ταύτης μέρη τἆλλα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δικαιοσύνην τὴν σωφροσύνην τὴν καρτερίαν τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐν ἅπασι συμφωνίαν:" 2.18 εἰ γὰρ περὶ τῆς ἀπιστίας πιστεύειν δεῖ ταῖς Φοινίκων ἀναγραφαῖς, ἐν ἐκείναις Εἴρωμος ὁ βασιλεὺς γέγραπται πρεσβύτερος τῆς Καρχηδόνος κτίσεως ἔτεσι πλείοσι πρὸς τοῖς πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, περὶ οὗ τὰς πίστεις ἀνωτέρω παρέσχον ἐκ τῶν Φοινίκων' "
2.18 παρ' ἡμῖν γὰρ μόνοις οὔτε περὶ θεοῦ λόγους ἀκούσεταί τις ἀλλήλοις ὑπεναντίους, ὁποῖα πολλὰ παρ' ἑτέροις οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων μόνον κατὰ τὸ προσπεσὸν ἑκάστῳ λέγεται πάθος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρά τισι τῶν φιλοσόφων ἀποτετόλμηται, τῶν μὲν τὴν ὅλην τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν ἀναιρεῖν τοῖς λόγοις ἐπικεχειρηκότων, ἄλλων δὲ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν" '2.21 ὅσοι μὲν γὰρ θέλουσιν ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν νόμους ζῆν ὑπελθόντες δέχεται φιλοφρόνως, οὐ τῷ γένει μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ προαιρέσει τοῦ βίου νομίζων εἶναι τὴν οἰκειότητα. τοὺς δ' ἐκ παρέργου προσιόντας ἀναμίγνυσθαι τῇ συνηθείᾳ οὐκ ἠθέλησεν." '2.21 “ὁδεύσαντες γάρ, φησίν, ἓξ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν βουβῶνας ἔσχον καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀνεπαύσαντο σωθέντες εἰς τὴν χώραν τὴν νῦν ̓Ιουδαίαν λεγομένην καὶ ἐκάλεσαν τὴν ἡμέραν σάββατον σώζοντες τὴν Αἰγυπτίων γλῶτταν:' "
2.25 Τί τοίνυν τὸ αἴτιον τῆς τοσαύτης ἀνωμαλίας καὶ περὶ τὸ θεῖον πλημμελείας; ἐγὼ μὲν ὑπολαμβάνω τὸ μήτε τὴν ἀληθῆ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνιδεῖν αὐτῶν τοὺς νομοθέτας μήθ' ὅσον καὶ λαβεῖν ἠδυνήθησαν ἀκριβῆ γνῶσιν διορίσαντας πρὸς τοῦτο" "
2.25 εἰκὸς οὕτως συμβῆναι: πάντων γὰρ ἀλογώτατον. ὁ δὲ θαυμαστὸς ̓Απίων διὰ μὲν ἓξ ἡμερῶν αὐτοὺς ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προείρηκε, πάλιν δὲ τὸν Μωσῆν εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ὄρος, ὃ καλεῖται Σίναιον, ἀναβάντα φησὶν ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα κρυβῆναι κἀκεῖθεν καταβάντα δοῦναι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τοὺς νόμους. καίτοι πῶς οἷόν τε τοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μένειν ἡμέρας ἐν ἐρήμῳ καὶ ἀνύδρῳ τόπῳ καὶ τὴν μεταξὺ πᾶσαν' "
2.37 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀναγνοὺς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰς Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου καὶ τῶν μετ' ἐκεῖνον τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων ἐντυχὼν τοῖς γράμμασι καὶ τὴν στήλην τὴν ἑστῶσαν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ καὶ τὰ δικαιώματα περιέχουσαν, ἃ Καῖσαρ ὁ μέγας τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἔδωκεν, εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα, φημί, γιγνώσκων τἀναντία γράφειν ἐτόλμα, πονηρὸς ἦν, εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἠπίστατο τούτων, ἀπαίδευτος." '2.38 τὸ δὲ δὴ θαυμάζειν, πῶς ̓Ιουδαῖοι ὄντες ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς ἐκλήθησαν, τῆς ὁμοίας ἀπαιδευσίας: πάντες γὰρ οἱ εἰς ἀποικίαν τινὰ κατακληθέντες, κἂν πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων τοῖς γένεσι διαφέρωσιν, ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιστῶν τὴν προσηγορίαν λαμβάνουσιν.
2.49 ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν βασιλείαν ὅλην τὴν ἑαυτῶν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπίστευσαν, καὶ στρατηγοὶ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἦσαν ̓Ονίας καὶ Δοσίθεος ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὧν ̓Απίων σκώπτει τὰ ὀνόματα, δέον τὰ ἔργα θαυμάζειν καὶ μὴ λοιδορεῖν, ἀλλὰ χάριν αὐτοῖς ἔχειν, ὅτι διέσωσαν τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἧς ὡς πολίτης ἀντιποιεῖται. 2.51 τοῦ παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων πρεσβευτοῦ καὶ παρόντος.” ὀρθῶς δὲ ποιῶν φαίην ἂν καὶ μάλα δικαίως: ὁ γὰρ Φύσκων ἐπικληθεὶς Πτολεμαῖος ἀποθανόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλομήτορος ἀπὸ Κυρήνης ἐξῆλθε Κλεοπάτραν ἐκβαλεῖν βουλόμενος τῆς βασιλείας 2.52 ετ φιλιος ρεγις, υτ ιπσε ρεγνυμ ινιυστε σιβιμετ αππλιξαρετ; προπτερ ηαεξ εργο ονιας αδυερσυς ευμ βελλυμ προ ξλεοπατρα συσξεπιτ ετ φιδεμ, θυαμ ηαβυιτ ξιρξα ρεγες, νεθυαθυαμ ιν νεξεσσιτατε δεσερυιτ. 2.53 τεστις αυτεμ δευς ιυστιτιαε ειυς μανιφεστυς αππαρυιτ; ναμ φψσξον πτολομαευς ξυμ αδυερσυμ εχερξιτυμ θυιδεμ ονιαε πυγναρε πραεσυμερετ, ομνες υερο ιυδαεος ιν ξιυιτατε ποσιτος ξυμ φιλιις ετ υχοριβυς ξαπιενς νυδος ατθυε υινξτος ελεπηαντις συβιεξισσετ, υτ αβ εις ξονξυλξατι δεφιξερεντ, ετ αδ ηοξ ετιαμ βεστιας ιπσας δεβριασσετ, ιν ξοντραριυμ θυαε πραεπαραυερατ ευενερυντ. 2.54 ελεπηαντι ενιμ ρελινθυεντες σιβι απποσιτος ιυδαεος ιμπετυ φαξτο συπερ αμιξος ειυς μυλτος εχ ιπσις ιντερεμερυντ. ετ ποστ ηαεξ πτολομαευς θυιδεμ ασπεξτυμ τερριβιλεμ ξοντεμπλατυς εστ προηιβεντεμ σε, υτ ιλλις νοξερετ 2.55 ηομινιβυς, ξονξυβινα υερο συα ξαρισσιμα, θυαμ αλιι θυιδεμ ιτηαξαμ, αλιι υερο ηιρενεν δενομιναντ, συππλιξαντε νε τανταμ ιμπιετατεμ περαγερετ, ει ξονξεσσιτ ετ εχ ηις θυαε ιαμ εγερατ υελ αξτυρυς ερατ παενιτεντιαμ εγιτ. υνδε ρεξτε ηανξ διεμ ιυδαει αλεχανδρια ξονστιτυτι εο θυοδ απερτε α δεο σαλυτεμ προμερυερυντ ξελεβραρε νοσξυντυρ. 2.56 απιον αυτεμ ομνιυμ ξαλυμνιατορ ετιαμ προπτερ βελλυμ αδυερσυς φψσξονεμ γεστυμ ιυδαεος αξξυσαρε πραεσυμπσιτ, ξυμ εος λαυδαρε δεβυεριτ. ις αυτεμ ετιαμ υλτιμαε ξλεοπατραε αλεχανδρινορυμ ρεγιναε μεμινιτ υελυτι νοβις ιμπροπερανς, θυονιαμ ξιρξα νος φυιτ ινγρατα, ετ νον ποτιυς ιλλαμ ρεδαργυερε στυδυιτ;
2.64 ναμ αμμινιστρατιο τριτιξι νιηιλο μινυς αβ εις θυαμ αβ αλιις αλεχανδρινις τρανσλατα εστ, μαχιμαμ υερο εις φιδεμ ολιμ α ρεγιβυς δαταμ ξονσερυαυερυντ, ιδ εστ φλυμινις ξυστοδιαμ τοτιυσθυε ξυστοδιαε νεθυαθυαμ ηις ρεβυς ινδιγνος εσσε ιυδιξαντες. 2.65 σεδ συπερ ηαεξ, θυομοδο εργο, ινθυιτ, σι συντ ξιυες, εοσδεμ δεος θυος αλεχανδρινι νον ξολυντ? ξυι ρεσπονδεο, θυομοδο ετιαμ, ξυμ υος σιτις αεγψπτιι, ιντερ αλτερυτρος προελιο μαγνο ετ σινε 2.66 φοεδερε δε ρελιγιονε ξοντενδιτις? αν ξερτε προπτερεα νον υος ομνες διξιμυς αεγψπτιος ετ νεθυε ξομμυνιτερ ηομινες, θυονιαμ βεστιας αδυερσαντες νατυραε νοστραε ξολιτις μυλτα διλιγεντια νυτριεντες, ξυμ 2.67 γενυς υτιθυε νοστρορυμ υνυμ ιταθυε ιδεμ εσσε υιδεατυρ? σι αυτεμ ιν υοβις αεγψπτιις τανταε διφφερεντιαε οπινιονυμ συντ, θυιδ μιραρις συπερ ηις, θυι αλιυνδε ιν αλεχανδριαμ αδυενερυντ, σι ιν λεγιβυς α 2.68 πρινξιπιο ξονστιτυτις ξιρξα ταλια περμανσερυντ? ις αυτεμ ετιαμ σεδιτιονις ξαυσας νοβις αππονιτ, θυι σι ξυμ υεριτατε οβ ηοξ αξξυσατ ιυδαεος ιν αλεχανδρια ξονστιτυτος, ξυρ ομνες νος ξυλπατ υβιθυε ποσιτος 2.69 εο θυοδ νοσξαμυρ ηαβερε ξονξορδιαμ? πορρο ετιαμ σεδιτιονις αυξτορες θυιλιβετ ινυενιετ απιονι σιμιλες αλεχανδρινορυμ φυισσε ξιυες. δονεξ ενιμ γραεξι φυερυντ ετ μαξεδονες ηανξ ξιυιλιτατεμ ηαβεντες, νυλλαμ σεδιτιονεμ αδυερσυς νος γεσσερυντ, σεδ αντιθυις ξεσσερε σολλεμνιτατιβυς. ξυμ υερο μυλτιτυδο αεγψπτιορυμ ξρευισσετ ιντερ εος προπτερ ξονφυσιονες τεμπορυμ, ετιαμ ηοξ οπυς σεμπερ εστ αδδιτυμ. νοστρυμ υερο γενυς περμανσιτ πυρυμ.
2.75 ηονορεμ πραεβερε υιδεαντυρ? πορρο νοστερ λεγισλατορ, νον θυασι προπηετανς ρομανορυμ ποτεντιαμ νον ηονορανδαμ, σεδ ταμθυαμ ξαυσαμ νεθυε δεο νεθυε ηομινιβυς υτιλεμ δεσπιξιενς, ετ θυονιαμ τοτιυς ανιματι, μυλτο μαγις δει ινανιματυ προβατυρ ινφεριυς ιντερδιχιτ ιμαγινες φαβριξαρι. 2.76 αλιις αυτεμ ηονοριβυς ποστ δευμ ξολενδος νον προηιβυιτ υιρος βονος, θυιβυς νος ετ ιμπερατορες ετ ποπυλυμ ρομανορυμ διγνιτατιβυς αμπλιαμυς. 2.77 φαξιμυς αυτεμ προ εις ξοντινυα σαξριφιξια ετ νον σολυμ ξοτιδιανις διεβυς εχ ιμπενσα ξομμυνι ομνιυμ ιυδαεορυμ ταλια ξελεβραμυς, υερυμ ξυμ νυλλας αλιας ηοστιας εχ ξομμυνι νεθυε προ φιλιις περαγαμυς, σολις ιμπερατοριβυς ηυνξ ηονορεμ πραεξιπυυμ παριτερ εχηιβεμυς, θυεμ ηομινυμ νυλλι περσολυιμυς.
2.79 αμμιρορ αυτεμ ετιαμ εος, θυι ει ηυιυσμοδι φομιτεμ πραεβυερυντ ιδ εστ ποσιδονιυμ ετ απολλονιυμ μολονις, θυονιαμ αξξυσαντ θυιδεμ νος, θυαρε νος εοσδεμ δεος ξυμ αλιις νον ξολιμυς, μεντιεντες αυτεμ παριτερ ετ δε νοστρο τεμπλο βλασπηεμιας ξομπονεντες ινξονγρυας νον σε πυταντ ιμπιε αγερε, δυμ σιτ υαλδε τυρπισσιμυμ λιβερις θυαλιβετ ρατιονε μεντιρι μυλτο μαγις δε τεμπλο απυδ ξυνξτος ηομινες νομινατο ταντα σανξτιτατε πολλεντε. 2.81 αδ ηαεξ ιγιτυρ πριυς εθυιδεμ διξο, θυονιαμ αεγψπτιυς, υελ σι αλιθυιδ ταλε απυδ νος φυισσετ, νεθυαθυαμ δεβυερατ ινξρεπαρε, ξυμ νον σιτ δετεριορ ασινυς φυρονιβυς ετ ηιρξις ετ αλιις, θυαε συντ απυδ εος διι. 2.82 δεινδε θυομοδο νον ιντελλεχιτ οπεριβυς ινξρεπατυς δε ινξρεδιβιλι συο μενδαξιο? λεγιβυς ναμθυε σεμπερ υτιμυρ ηισδεμ, ιν θυιβυς σινε φινε ξονσιστιμυς, ετ ξυμ υαριι ξασυς νοστραμ ξιυιτατεμ σιξυτ ετιαμ αλιορυμ υεχαυεριντ ετ πιυς αξ πομπειυς μαγνυς ετ λιξινιυς ξρασσυς ετ αδ νουισσιμυμ τιτυς ξαεσαρ βελλο υινξεντες οπτινυεριντ τεμπλυμ, νιηιλ ηυιυσμοδι ιλλιξ ινυενερυντ, σεδ πυρισσιμαμ πιετατεμ, δε θυα νιηιλ νοβις εστ απυδ αλιος εφφαβιλε. 2.83 θυια υερο αντιοξηυς νεθυε ιυσταμ φεξιτ τεμπλι δεπραεδατιονεμ, σεδ εγεστατε πεξυνιαρυμ αδ ηοξ αξξεσσιτ, ξυμ νον εσσετ ηοστις, ετ συπερ νος αυχιλιατορες συος ετ αμιξος αδγρεσσυς εστ νεξ αλιθυιδ διγνυμ δερισιονε ιλλιξ ινυενιτ, 2.84 μυλτι ετ διγνι ξονσξριπτορες συπερ ηοξ θυοθυε τεσταντυρ, πολψβιυς μεγαλοπολιτα στραβον ξαππαδοχ νιξολαυς δαμασξενυς τιμαγενις ετ ξαστορ τεμπορυμ ξονσξριπτορ ετ απολλοδορυς; ομνες διξυντ πεξυνιις ινδιγεντεμ αντιοξηυμ τρανσγρεσσυμ φοεδερα ιυδαεορυμ ετ σπολιασσε τεμπλυμ αυρο αργεντοθυε πλενυμ.
2.86 νος ιταθυε ασινις νεθυε ηονορεμ νεθυε ποτεστατεμ αλιθυαμ δαμυς, σιξυτ αεγψπτιι ξροξοδιλλις ετ ασπιδιβυς, θυανδο εος θυι αβ ιστις μορδεντυρ ετ α ξροξοδιλλις ραπιυντυρ φελιξες ετ δεο διγνι αρβιτραντυρ.
2.89 αλτεραμ υερο φαβυλαμ δερογατιονε νοστρα πλεναμ δε γραεξις απποσυιτ, δε θυο ηοξ διξερε σατ εριτ, θυονιαμ θυι δε πιετατε λοθυι πραεσυμυντ οπορτετ εος νον ιγνοραρε μινυς εσσε ινμυνδυμ περ τεμπλα τρανσιρε θυαμ σαξερδοτιβυς σξελεστα υερβα ξομπονερε.
2.91 προπηετα υερο αλιορυμ φαξτυς εστ απιον ετ διχιτ αντιοξηυμ ιν τεμπλο ινυενισσε λεξτυμ ετ ηομινεμ ιν εο ιαξεντεμ ετ προποσιταμ ει μενσαμ μαριτιμις τερρενισθυε ετ υολατιλιυμ δαπιβυς πλεναμ, ετ οβστιπυισσετ ηις ηομο. 2.92 ιλλυμ υερο μοχ αδορασσε ρεγις ινγρεσσυμ ταμθυαμ μαχιμυμ ει σολαξιυμ πραεβιτυρυμ αξ προξιδεντεμ αδ ειυς γενυα εχτενσα δεχτρα ποποσξισσε λιβερτατεμ; ετ ιυβεντε ρεγε, υτ ξονφιδερετ ετ διξερετ, θυις εσσετ υελ ξυρ ιβιδεμ ηαβιταρετ υελ θυαε εσσετ ξαυσα ξιβορυμ ειυς, τυνξ ηομινεμ ξυμ γεμιτυ ετ λαξριμις λαμενταβιλιτερ συαμ ναρρασσε νεξεσσιτατεμ αιτ. 2.93 ινθυιτ εσσε θυιδεμ σε γραεξυμ, ετ δυμ περαγραρετ προυινξιαμ προπτερ υιταε ξαυσαμ διρεπτυμ σε συβιτο αβ αλιενιγενις ηομινιβυς ατθυε δεδυξτυμ αδ τεμπλυμ ετ ινξλυσυμ ιλλιξ, ετ α νυλλο ξονσπιξι σεδ ξυνξτα δαπιυμ πραεπαρατιονε σαγιναρι. 2.94 ετ πριμυμ θυιδεμ ηαεξ σιβι ινοπιναβιλια βενεφιξια προδιδισσε ετ δετυλισσε λαετιτιαμ δεινδε συσπιξιονεμ ποστεα στυπορεμ, αξ ποστρεμυμ ξονσυλεντεμ α μινιστρις αδ σε αξξεδεντιβυς αυδισσε λεγεμ ινεφφαβιλεμ ιυδαεορυμ, προ θυα νυτριεβατυρ, ετ ηοξ ιλλος φαξερε σινγυλις αννις θυοδαμ τεμπορε ξονστιτυτο. 2.95 ετ ξομπραεηενδερε θυιδεμ γραεξυμ περεγρινυμ ευμθυε ανναλι τεμπορε σαγιναρε ετ δεδυξτυμ αδ θυανδαμ σιλυαμ οξξιδερε θυιδεμ ευμ ηομινεμ ειυσθυε ξορπυς σαξριφιξαρε σεξυνδυμ συας σολλεμνιτατες ετ γυσταρε εχ ειυς υισξεριβυς ετ ιυσιυρανδυμ φαξερε ιν ιμμολατιονε γραεξι, υτ ινιμιξιτιας ξοντρα γραεξος ηαβερεντ, ετ τυνξ ιν θυανδαμ φουεαμ ρελιθυα ηομινις περευντις αβιξερε. 2.96 δεινδε ρεφερτ ευμ διχισσε παυξος ιαμ διες δεβιτα σιβιμετ συπερεσσε ατθυε ρογασσε, υτ ερυβεσξενς γραεξορυμ δεος ετ συπεραντες ιν συο σανγυινε ινσιδιας ιυδαεορυμ δε μαλις ευμ ξιρξυμασταντιβυς λιβεραρετ. 2.97 ηυιυσμοδι εργο φαβυλα νον ταντυμ ομνι τραγοεδια πλενισσιμα εστ, σεδ ετιαμ ιμπυδεντια ξρυδελι ρεδυνδατ, νον ταμεν α σαξριλεγιο πριυατ αντιοξηυμ, σιξυτ αρβιτρατι συντ θυι ηαεξ αδ ιλλιυς γρατιαμ ξονσξριπσερυντ;
2.102 σεδ ηαεξ ρελινθυο; ινσενσατος ενιμ νον υερβις σεδ οπεριβυς δεξετ αργυερε. σξιυντ ιγιτυρ ομνες θυι υιδερυντ ξονστρυξτιονεμ τεμπλι νοστρι, θυαλις φυεριτ, ετ ιντρανσγρεσσιβιλεμ ειυς πυριφιξατιονις ιντεγριτατεμ.
2.103 θυαττυορ ετενιμ ηαβυιτ ιν ξιρξυιτυ πορτιξυς, ετ ηαρυμ σινγυλαε προπριαμ σεξυνδυμ λεγεμ ηαβυερε ξυστοδιαμ; ιν εχτεριορεμ ιταθυε ινγρεδι λιξεβατ ομνιβυς ετιαμ αλιενιγενις; μυλιερες ταντυμμοδο μενστρυαταε τρανσιρε προηιβεβαντυρ.
2.104 ιν σεξυνδα υερο πορτιξυ ξυνξτι ιυδαει ινγρεδιεβαντυρ εορυμθυε ξονιυγες, ξυμ εσσεντ αβ ομνι πολλυτιονε μυνδαε, ιν τερτια μασξυλι ιυδαεορυμ μυνδι εχιστεντες ατθυε πυριφιξατι, ιν θυαρταμ αυτεμ σαξερδοτες στολις ινδυτι σαξερδοταλιβυς, ιν αδψτυμ υερο σολι πρινξιπες σαξερδοτυμ προπρια στολα ξιρξυμαμιξτι.
2.105 ταντα υερο εστ ξιρξα ομνια προυιδεντια πιετατις, υτ σεξυνδυμ θυασδαμ ηορας σαξερδοτες ινγρεδι ξονστιτυτυμ σιτ; μανε ετενιμ απερτο τεμπλο οπορτεβατ φαξιεντες τραδιτας ηοστιας ιντροιρε ετ μεριδιε ρυρσυς, δυμ ξλαυδερετυρ τεμπλυμ.
2.106 δενιθυε νεξ υας αλιθυοδ πορταρι λιξετ ιν τεμπλυμ, σεδ εραντ ιν εο σολυμμοδο ποσιτα αλταρε μενσα τυριβυλυμ ξανδελαβρυμ, θυαε ομνια ετ ιν λεγε ξονσξριπτα συντ.
2.107 ετενιμ νιηιλ αμπλιυς νεθυε μψστεριορυμ αλιθυορυμ ινεφφαβιλιυμ αγιτυρ νεθυε ιντυς υλλα επυλατιο μινιστρατυρ; ηαεξ ενιμ θυαε πραεδιξτα συντ ηαβεντ τοτιυς ποπυλι τεστιμονιυμ μανιφεστατιονεμθυε γεστορυμ.
2.108 λιξετ ενιμ σιντ τριβυς θυαττυορ σαξερδοτυμ ετ ηαρυμ τριβυυμ σινγυλαε ηαβεαντ ηομινυμ πλυς θυαμ θυινθυε μιλια, φιτ ταμεν οβσερυατιο παρτιξυλαριτερ περ διες ξερτος, ετ ηις τρανσαξτις αλιι συξξεδεντες αδ σαξριφιξια υενιυντ ετ ξονγρεγατι ιν τεμπλυμ μεδιαντε διε α πραεξεδεντιβυς ξλαυες τεμπλι ετ αδ νυμερυμ ομνια υασα περξιπιυντ, νυλλα ρε, θυαε αδ ξιβυμ αυτ ποτυμ αδτινεατ, ιν τεμπλο δελατα.
2.109 ταλια ναμθυε ετιαμ αδ αλταρε οφφερρε προηιβιτυμ εστ πραετερ ιλλα, θυαε αδ σαξριφιξια πραεπαραντυρ. θυιδ εργο απιονεμ εσσε διξιμυς νισι νιηιλ ηορυμ εχαμιναντεμ υερβα ινξρεδυλα προτυλισσε? σεδ τυρπε εστ; ηιστοριαε ενιμ υεραμ νοτιτιαμ σε προφερρε γραμματιξυς νον προμισιτ.
2.112 ρυρσυμθυε ταμθυαμ πιισσιμυς δεριδετ αδιξιενς φαβυλαε συαε μνασεαμ. αιτ ενιμ ιλλυμ ρετυλισσε, δυμ βελλυμ ιυδαει ξοντρα ιυδαεος ηαβερεντ λονγο θυοδαμ τεμπορε ιν αλιθυα ξιυιτατε ιυδαεορυμ, θυι δοριι νομιναντυρ, θυενδαμ εορυμ θυι ιν εα απολλινεμ ξολεβατ υενισσε αδ ιυδαεος, ξυιυς ηομινις νομεν διξιτ ζαβιδον δεινδε θυι εις προμισισσετ τραδιτυρυμ σε εις απολλινεμ δευμ δοριενσιυμ υεντυρυμθυε ιλλυμ αδ νοστρυμ τεμπλυμ, σι ομνες αβσξεδερεντ.
2.113 ετ ξρεδιδισσε ομνεμ μυλτιτυδινεμ ιυδαεορυμ; ζαβιδον υερο φεξισσε θυοδδαμ μαξηιναμεντυμ λιγνευμ ετ ξιρξυμποσυισσε σιβι ετ ιν εο τρες ορδινες ινφιχισσε λυξερναρυμ ετ ιτα αμβυλασσε, υτ προξυλ σταντιβυς αππαρερετ, θυασι στελλαε περ τερραμ' "
2.142 οὐδὲ εἷς ὗν θύει τοῖς θεοῖς. ἆρ' οὖν τυφλὸς ἦν τὸν νοῦν ̓Απίων ὑπὲρ Αἰγυπτίων ἡμῖν λοιδορεῖν συνθέμενος, ἐκείνων δὲ κατηγορῶν, οἵ γε μὴ μόνον χρῶνται τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτου λοιδορουμένοις ἔθεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδίδαξαν περιτέμνεσθαι, καθάπερ εἴρηκεν ̔Ηρόδοτος;"
2.143 ὅθεν εἰκότως μοι δοκεῖ τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατρίους αὐτοῦ νόμους βλασφημίας δοῦναι δίκην ̓Απίων τὴν πρέπουσαν: περιετμήθη γὰρ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἑλκώσεως αὐτῷ περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον γενομένης. καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς περιτομῆς ἀλλὰ σηπόμενος ἐν δειναῖς ὀδύναις ἀπέθανεν.' "
2.148 ἀπὸ τῶν νόμων, καθ' οὓς ζῶντες διατελοῦμεν. ἄλλως τε καὶ τὴν κατηγορίαν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος οὐκ ἀθρόαν ὥσπερ ὁ ̓Απίων ἔταξεν, ἀλλὰ σποράδην, καὶ δὴ εἴπας ποτὲ μὲν ὡς ἀθέους καὶ μισανθρώπους λοιδορεῖ, ποτὲ δ' αὖ δειλίαν ἡμῖν ὀνειδίζει καὶ τοὔμπαλιν ἔστιν ὅπου τόλμαν κατηγορεῖ καὶ ἀπόνοιαν. λέγει δὲ καὶ ἀφυεστάτους εἶναι τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηδὲν εἰς τὸν βίον εὕρημα συμβεβλῆσθαι μόνους." "
2.165 τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπέτρεψαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν πολιτευμάτων. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης εἰς μὲν τούτων οὐδοτιοῦν ἀπεῖδεν, ὡς δ' ἄν τις εἴποι βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον θεοκρατίαν ἀπέδειξε τὸ πολίτευμα"
2.205 Τῆς εἰς τοὺς τετελευτηκότας προυνόησεν ὁσίας οὐ πολυτελείαις ἐνταφίων οὐ κατασκευαῖς μνημείων ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ἐπιτελεῖν, πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς παριοῦσι καὶ προσελθεῖν καὶ συναποδύρασθαι. καθαίρειν δὲ καὶ τὸν οἶκον καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀπὸ κήδους, ἵνα πλεῖστον ἀπέχῃ τοῦ δοκεῖν καθαρὸς εἶναί τις φόνον ἐργασάμενος.
2.215 Ζημία γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν παραβαινόντων ὁ θάνατος, ἂν μοιχεύσῃ τις, ἂν βιάσηται κόρην, ἂν ἄρρενι τολμήσῃ πεῖραν προσφέρειν, ἂν ὑπομείνῃ παθεῖν ὁ πειρασθείς. ἔστι δὲ' "2.216 καὶ ἐπὶ δούλοις ὁμοίως ὁ νόμος ἀπαραίτητος. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ μέτρων ἤν τις κακουργήσῃ ἢ σταθμῶν ἢ περὶ πράσεως ἀδίκου καὶ δόλῳ γενομένης, κἂν ὑφέληταί τις ἀλλότριον, κἂν ὃ μὴ κατέθηκεν ἀνέληται, πάντων εἰσὶ κολάσεις οὐχ οἷαι παρ' ἑτέροις, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ" "
2.219 ὤκνουν δ' ἂν ἐγὼ ταῦτα γράφειν, εἰ μὴ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ἅπασιν ἦν φανερόν, ὅτι πολλοὶ καὶ πολλάκις ἤδη τῶν ἡμετέρων περὶ τοῦ μηδὲ ῥῆμα φθέγξασθαι παρὰ τὸν νόμον πάντα παθεῖν γενναίως προείλοντο." "
2.232 ̓͂Αρ' οὖν καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν, οὐ λέγω τοσούτους, ἀλλὰ δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔγνω τις προδότας γενομένους τῶν νόμων ἢ θάνατον φοβηθέντας, οὐχὶ τὸν ῥᾷστον ἐκεῖνον λέγω τὸν συμβαίνοντα τοῖς μαχομένοις, ἀλλὰ τὸν μετὰ λύμης τῶν σωμάτων, ὁποῖος εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων χαλεπώτατος;" "2.233 ὃν ἔγωγε νομίζω τινὰς κρατήσαντας ἡμῶν οὐχ ὑπὸ μίσους προσφέρειν τοῖς ὑποχειρίοις, ἀλλὰ ὡς θαυμαστόν τι θέαμα βουλομένους ἰδεῖν, εἴ τινές εἰσιν ἄνθρωποι μόνον εἶναι κακὸν αὐτοῖς πεπιστευκότες, εἰ πρᾶξαί τι παρὰ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νόμους εἰ λόγον εἰπεῖν παρ' ἐκείνοις παραβιασθεῖεν." "2.234 οὐ χρὴ δὲ θαυμάζειν, εἰ πρὸς θάνατον ἀνδρείως ἔχομεν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας: οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰ ῥᾷστα δοκοῦντα τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἄλλοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπομένουσιν, αὐτουργίαν λέγω καὶ τροφῆς λιτότητα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἰκῆ μηδ' ὡς ἔτυχεν ἕκαστος ἐπιτεθυμηκὼς φαγεῖν ἢ πιεῖν ἢ συνουσίᾳ προσελθεῖν ἢ πολυτελείᾳ" "2.235 καὶ πάλιν ἀργίας ὑπομεῖναι τάξιν ἀμετακίνητον. ἀλλ' οἱ τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὁμόσε χωροῦντες καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξ ἐφόδου τρεπόμενοι τοῖς προστάγμασιν τοῖς περὶ διαίτης οὐκ ἀντέβλεψαν. ἡμῖν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τοῦ περὶ ταῦτα τῷ νόμῳ πειθαρχεῖν ἡδέως κἀκεῖ περίεστιν ἐπιδείκνυσθαι τὸ γενναῖον." "
2.282 βίου καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν διδάσκοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐδ' ἔστιν οὐ πόλις ̔Ελλήνων οὐδητισοῦν οὐδὲ βάρβαρον οὐδὲ ἓν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, τὸ ἔθος δὲ διαπεφοίτηκεν καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται." ' None | sup>
2.14 However, if any one should ask Apion which of the Egyptians he thinks to be the most wise, and most pious of them all, he would certainly acknowledge the priests to be so;
2.14 Now, this man, grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer’s country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythagoras, who lived comparatively but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily determine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men’s relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was.
2.17 Molo and some others determined it as every one pleased; but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion;
2.17 The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of the community with one another;
2.18 for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records,
2.18 for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.21 Accordingly our legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that a true union, which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us. 2.21 for he says, that “when the Jews had travelled a six days’ journey, they had buboes in their groins: and that on this account it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of buboes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians.”
2.25 36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what should be the occasion of this unjust management, and of these scandals about the Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived from the imperfect knowledge the heathen legislators had at first of the true nature of God; nor did they explain to the people even so far as they did comprehend of it: nor did they compose the other parts of their political settlements according to it,
2.25 However, our admirable author Apion hath before told us, that “they came to Judea in six days’ time;” and again, that “Moses went up to a mountain that lay between Egypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was concealed there forty days, and that when he came down from thence he gave laws to the Jews.” But then, how was it possible for them to tarry forty days in a desert place where there was no water, and at the same time to pass all over the country between that and Judea in the six days?
2.37 Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the privileges which the great Julius Caesar bestowed upon the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; 2.38 nay, when he appears to wonder how Jews could be called Alexandrians, this is another like instance of his ignorance; for all such as are called out to be colonies, although they be ever so far remote from one another in their original, receive their names from those that bring them to their new habitations.
2.49 and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.51 Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom, 2.52 that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53 Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city Alexandria, with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54 for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55 his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. 2.56 However, Apion, the common calumniator of men, hath the presumption to accuse the Jews for making this war against Physco, when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alexandria, and abuses us, because she was ungrateful to us; whereas he ought to have reproved her,
2.64 for this distribution of wheat was no otherwise omitted with regard to the Jews, than it was with regard to the other inhabitants of Alexandria: but they still were desirous to preserve what the kings had formerly intrusted to their care, I mean the custody of the river: nor did those kings think them unworthy of having the entire custody thereof upon all occasions. 2.65 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.66 At this rate we must not call you all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men, because you breed up with great care beasts of a nature quite contrary to that of men, although the nature of all men seems to be one and the same. 2.67 Now if there be such differences in opinion among you Egyptians, why are you surprised that those who came to Alexandria from another country, and had original laws of their own before, should persevere in the observance of those laws? 2.68 But still he charges us with being the authors of sedition: which accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not laid against us all, since we are known to be all of one mind? 2.69 Moreover, those that search into such matters will soon discover that the authors of sedition have been such citizens of Alexandria as Apion is; for while they were the Grecians and Macedonians who were in possession of this city, there was no sedition raised against us, and we were permitted to observe our ancient solemnities; but when the number of the Egyptians therein came to be considerable, the times grew confused, and then these seditions brake out still more and more, while our people continued uncorrupted.
2.75 But then our legislator hath forbidden us to make images, not by way of denunciation beforehand, that the Roman authority was not to be honored, but as despising a thing that was neither necessary nor useful for either God or man; and he forbade them, as we shall prove hereafter, to make these images for any part of the animal creation, 2.76 and much less for God himself, who is no part of such animal creation. Yet hath our legislator no where forbidden us to pay honors to worthy men, provided they be of another kind, and inferior to those we pay to God; with which honors we willingly testify our respect to our emperors, and to the people of Rome; 2.77 we also offer perpetual sacrifices for them; nor do we only offer them every day at the common expenses of all the Jews, but although we offer no other such sacrifices out of our common expenses, no, not for our own children, yet do we this as a peculiar honor to the emperors, and to them alone, while we do the same to no other person whomsoever.
2.79 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with such his materials; I mean Posidonius and Apollonius the son of Molo, who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us; 2.81 To this my first answer shall be this, that had there been any such thing among us, an Egyptian ought by no means to have thrown it in our teeth, since an ass is not a more contemptible animal than ... and goats, and other such creatures, which among them are gods. 2.82 But besides this answer, I say farther, how comes it about that Apion does not understand this to be no other than a palpable lie, and to be confuted by the thing itself as utterly incredible? For we Jews are always governed by the same laws, in which we constantly persevere; and although many misfortunes have befallen our city, as the like have befallen others, and although Theos Epiphanes, and Pompey the Great, and Licinius Crassus, and last of all Titus Caesar, have conquered us in war, and gotten possession of our temple, yet have they none of them found any such thing there, nor indeed any thing but what was agreeable to the strictest piety; although what they found we are not at liberty to reveal to other nations. 2.83 But for Antiochus Epiphanes, he had no just cause for that ravage in our temple that he made; he only came to it when he wanted money, without declaring himself our enemy, and attacked us while we were his associates and his friends: nor did he find any thing there that was ridiculous. 2.84 This is attested by many worthy writers; Polybius of Megalopolis, Strabo of Cappadocia, Nicolaus of Damascus, Timagenes, Castor the chronologer, and Apollodorus, who all say that it was out of Antiochus’s want of money that he broke his league with the Jews, and despoiled their temple when it was full of gold and silver.
2.86 Asses are the same with us which they are with other wise men, viz., creatures that bear the burdens that we lay upon them;
2.89 8. He adds another Grecian fable, in order to reproach us. In reply to which, it would be enough to say that they who presume to speak about divine worship, ought not to be ignorant of this plain truth, that it is a degree of less impurity to pass through temples than to forge wicked calumnies of its priests.
2.91 Apion becomes other men’s prophet upon this occasion, and says, that “Antiochus found in our temple a bed and a man lying upon it, with a small table before him, full of dainties, from the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the dry land; that this man was amazed at these dainties thus set before him; 2.92 that he immediately adored the king, upon his coming in, as hoping that he would afford him all possible assistance; that he fell down upon his knees, and stretched out to him his right hand, and begged to be released: and that when the king bade him sit down, and tell him who he was, and why he dwelt there, and what was the meaning of those various sorts of food that were set before him, the man made a lamentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears in his eyes, gave him this account of the distress he was in: 2.93 and said that he was a Greek, and that as he went over this province, in order to get his living, he was seized upon by foreigners, on a sudden, and brought to this temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by nobody, but was fattened by these curious provisions thus set before him: 2.94 and that truly at the first such unexpected advantages seemed to him matter of great joy; that, after a while they brought a suspicion upon him, and at length astonishment, what their meaning should be; that at last he inquired of the servants that came to him, and was by them informed that it was in order to the fulfilling a law of the Jews, which they must not tell him, that he was thus fed; and that they did the same at a set time every year: 2.95 that they used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fat him thus up every year, and then lead him to a certain wood, and kill him, and sacrifice with their accustomed solemnities, and taste of his entrails, and take an oath upon this sacrificing a Greek, that they would ever be at enmity with the Greeks; and that then they threw the remaining parts of the miserable wretch into a certain pit.” 2.96 Apion adds farther, that “the man said there were but a few days to come ere he was to be slain, and implored Antiochus that, out of the reverence he bore to the Grecian gods, he would disappoint the snares the Jews laid for his blood, and would deliver him from the miseries with which he was encompassed.” 2.97 Now this is such a most tragical fable, as is full of nothing but cruelty and impudence; yet does it not excuse Antiochus of his sacrilegious attempts, as those who wrote it in his vindication are willing to suppose;
2.102 But I leave this matter; for the proper way of confuting fools is not to use bare words, but to appeal to the things themselves that make against them. Now then, all such as ever saw the construction of our temple, of what nature it was, know well enough how the purity of it was never to be profaned;
2.103 for it had four several courts, encompassed with cloisters round about, every one of which had by our law a peculiar degree of separation from the rest. Into the first court every body was allowed to go, even foreigners; and none but women, during their courses, were prohibited to pass through it;
2.104 all the Jews went into the second court, as well as their wives, when they were free from all uncleanness; into the third went the Jewish men when they were clean and purified; into the fourth went the priests, having on their sacerdotal garments;
2.105 but for the most sacred place, none went in but the high priests, clothed in their peculiar garments. Now there is so great caution used about these offices of religion, that the priests are appointed to go into the temple but at certain hours: for, in the morning, at the opening of the inner temple, those that are to officiate receive the sacrifices, as they do again at noon, till the doors are shut.
2.106 Lastly, it is not so much as lawful to carry any vessel into the holy house; nor is there any thing therein, but the altar of incense, the table of show-bread, the censer, and the candlestick, which are all written in the law:
2.107 for there is nothing farther there, nor are there any mysteries performed that may not be spoken of; nor is there any feasting within the place. For what I have now said is publicly known, and supported by the testimony of the whole people, and their operations are very manifest;
2.108 for although there be four courses of the priests, and every one of them have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain days only; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the performance of their sacrifices, and assemble together at mid-day, and receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple;
2.109 nay, we are not allowed to offer such things at the altar, excepting what is prepared for the sacrifices.
2.112 10. Nay, this miracle of piety derides us farther, and adds the following pretended facts to his former fable; for he says that this man related how, “while the Jews were once in a long war with the Idumeans, there came a man out of one of the cities of the Idumeans, who there had worshipped Apollo. This man, whose name is said to have been Zabidus, came to the Jews, and promised that he would deliver Apollo, the god of Dora into their hands, and that he would come to our temple, if they would all come up with him,
2.113 and bring the whole multitude of the Jews with them; that Zabidus made him a certain wooden instrument, and put it round about him, and set three rows of lamps therein, and walked after such a manner, that he appeared to those that stood a great way off him, to be a kind of star walking upon the earth:
2.142 Apion was therefore quite blinded in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus;
2.143 which makes me think that Apion is hereby justly punished for his casting such reproaches on the laws of his own country; for he was circumcised himself of necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy member; and when he received no benefit by such circumcision, but his member became putrid, he died in great torment.
2.148 Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvements in human life;
2.165 but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God,
2.205 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder.
2.215 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216 Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones.
2.219 Nor would I venture to write thus at this time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings, rather than speak one word against our law.
2.232 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233 Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234 Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235 while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also.
2.282 Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; ' ' None |
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57. Lucan, Pharsalia, 6.529-6.532 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius, death of • Claudius, worship or worshipful treatment of • Clodius
Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 248; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 294
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6.529 of fiction e'er transcended; all their art In things most strange and most incredible; There were Thessalian rocks with deadly herbs Thick planted, sensible to magic chants, Funereal, secret: and the land was full of violence to the gods: the Queenly guest From Colchis gathered here the fatal roots That were not in her store: hence vain to heaven Rise impious incantations, all unheard; For deaf the ears divine: save for one voice " "6.530 Which penetrates the furthest depths of airs Compelling e'en th' unwilling deities To hearken to its accents. Not the care of the revolving sky or starry pole Can call them from it ever. Once the sound of those dread tones unspeakable has reached The constellations, then nor BabylonNor secret Memphis, though they open wide The shrines of ancient magic and entreat The gods, could draw them from the fires that smoke " "6.532 Which penetrates the furthest depths of airs Compelling e'en th' unwilling deities To hearken to its accents. Not the care of the revolving sky or starry pole Can call them from it ever. Once the sound of those dread tones unspeakable has reached The constellations, then nor BabylonNor secret Memphis, though they open wide The shrines of ancient magic and entreat The gods, could draw them from the fires that smoke "" None |
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58. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 2.14-2.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius
Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 222; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 216, 217
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2.14 ὑμεῖς γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθὼς καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 2.15 τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν καὶ τοὺς προφήτας καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων, καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων, καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων,'' None | sup>
2.14 For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God which are in Judea in Christ Jesus; for you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews; ' "2.15 who killed both the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and drove us out, and didn't please God, and are contrary to all men; "' None |
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59. New Testament, Acts, 10.22, 11.26, 11.28, 12.1, 12.20-12.21, 13.1, 13.15, 13.43, 13.50, 16.1, 16.10-16.17, 16.20-16.21, 17.4-17.8, 17.17, 18.2, 18.4, 18.7-18.8, 18.11-18.18, 18.25-18.27, 21.20, 21.28, 21.31-21.32, 21.34, 21.37-21.39, 22.25-22.26, 23.23, 23.27, 23.29, 24.14, 24.24, 24.27, 25.8, 25.10-25.14, 25.16, 25.21, 25.25, 26.27, 26.32, 28.17-28.19, 28.21, 28.25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius Apollinaris • Claudius Lysias • Claudius Lysias, tribune • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, edict of • Claudius, emperor • Claudius, his treatment of the Jews in Rome • Nero, Claudius Caesar • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius
Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 302, 305, 307, 309; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 123, 159; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 297, 299, 516, 576, 686, 749; Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 26; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 458; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 73, 158, 168, 201; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 22, 36; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 758; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 17; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 602, 603; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 111; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 346; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 176; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 216, 217, 381, 545, 570, 627; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 157; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 74, 94, 131, 153; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 27
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10.22 οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Κορνήλιος ἑκατοντάρχης, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν μαρτυρούμενός τε ὑπὸ ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐχρηματίσθη ὑπὸ ἀγγέλου ἁγίου μεταπέμψασθαί σε εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ῥήματα παρὰ σοῦ.
11.26 καὶ εὑρὼν ἤγαγεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον συναχθῆναι ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ διδάξαι ὄχλον ἱκανόν, χρηματίσαὶ τε πρώτως ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τοὺς μαθητὰς Χριστιανούς.
11.28 ἀναστὰς δὲ εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὀνόματι Ἄγαβος ἐσήμαινεν διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος λιμὸν μεγάλην μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην· ἥτις ἐγένετο ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου.
12.1 Κατʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπέβαλεν Ἡρῴδης ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς χεῖρας κακῶσαί τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας.
12.20 Ἦν δὲ θυμομαχῶν Τυρίοις καὶ Σιδωνίοις· ὁμοθυμαδὸν δὲ παρῆσαν πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ πείσαντες Βλάστον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτοῦντο εἰρήνην διὰ τὸ τρέφεσθαι αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς. 12.21 τακτῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἐνδυσάμενος ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐδημηγόρει πρὸς αὐτούς·
13.1 Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρνάβας καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος.
13.15 μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν προφητῶν ἀπέστειλαν οἱ ἀρχισυνάγωγοι πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγοντες Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, εἴ τις ἔστιν ἐν ὑμῖν λόγος παρακλήσεως πρὸς τὸν λαόν, λέγετε.
13.43 λυθείσης δὲ τῆς συναγωγῆς ἠκολούθησαν πολλοὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ τῶν σεβομένων προσηλύτων τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ τῷ Βαρνάβᾳ, οἵτινες προσλαλοῦντες αὐτοῖς ἔπειθον αὐτοὺς προσμένειν τῇ χάριτι τοῦ θεοῦ.
13.50 οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι παρώτρυναν τὰς σεβομένας γυναῖκας τὰς εὐσχήμονας καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐπήγειραν διωγμὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Παῦλον καὶ Βαρνάβαν, καὶ ἐξέβαλον αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρίων αὐτῶν.
16.1 Κατήντησεν δὲ καὶ εἰς Δέρβην καὶ εἰς Λύστραν. καὶ ἰδοὺ μαθητής τις ἦν ἐκεῖ ὀνόματι Τιμόθεος, υἱὸς γυναικὸς Ἰουδαίας πιστῆς πατρὸς δὲ Ἕλληνος,
16.10 ὡς δὲ τὸ ὅραμα εἶδεν, εὐθέως ἐζητήσαμεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, συνβιβάζοντες ὅτι προσκέκληται ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς εὐαγγελίσασθαι αὐτούς.
16.11 Ἀναχθέντες οὖν ἀπὸ Τρῳάδος εὐθυδρομήσαμεν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην, τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ εἰς Νέαν Πόλιν,
16.12 κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Φιλίππους, ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος Μακεδονίας πόλις, κολωνία. Ἦμεν δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει διατρίβοντες ἡμέρας τινάς.
16.13 τῇ τε ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἐξήλθομεν ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμὸν οὗ ἐνομίζομεν προσευχὴν εἶναι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐλαλοῦμεν ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν.
16.14 καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου.
16.15 ὡς δὲ ἐβαπτίσθη καὶ ὁ οἶκος αὐτῆς, παρεκάλεσεν λέγουσα Εἰ κεκρίκατέ με πιστὴν τῷ κυρίῳ εἶναι, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου μένετε· καὶ παρεβιάσατο ἡμᾶς.
16.16 Ἐγένετο δὲ πορευομένων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν προσευχὴν παιδίσκην τινὰ ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα πύθωνα ὑπαντῆσαι ἡμῖν, ἥτις ἐργασίαν πολλὴν παρεῖχεν τοῖς κυρίοις
16.17 αὐτῆς μαντευομένη· αὕτη κατακολουθοῦσα τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἡμῖν ἔκραζεν λέγουσα Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι δοῦλοι τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου εἰσίν, οἵτινες καταγγέλλουσιν ὑμῖν ὁδὸν σωτηρίας.
16.20 καὶ προσαγαγόντες αὐτοὺς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς εἶπαν Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐκταράσσουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες, 16.21 καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν.
17.4 καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπείσθησαν καὶ προσεκληρώθησαν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ τῷ Σίλᾳ, τῶν τε σεβομένων Ἑλλήνων πλῆθος πολὺ γυναικῶν τε τῶν πρώτων οὐκ ὀλίγαι. 17.5 Ζηλώσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ προσλαβόμενοι τῶν ἀγοραίων ἄνδρας τινὰς πονηροὺς καὶ ὀχλοποιήσαντες ἐθορύβουν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ἐπιστάντες τῇ οἰκίᾳ Ἰάσονος ἐζήτουν αὐτοὺς προαγαγεῖν εἰς τὸν δῆμον· 17.6 μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7 οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8 ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα,
17.17 διελέγετο μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς σεβομένοις καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν πρὸς τοὺς παρατυγχάνοντας.
18.2 καὶ εὑρών τινα Ἰουδαῖον ὀνόματι Ἀκύλαν, Ποντικὸν τῷ γένει, προσφάτως ἐληλυθότα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Πρίσκιλλαν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ διατεταχέναι Κλαύδιον χωρίζεσθαι πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς,
18.4 ἔπειθέν τε Ἰουδαίους καὶ Ἕλληνας.
18.7 καὶ μεταβὰς ἐκεῖθεν ἦλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν τινὸς ὀνόματι Τιτίου Ἰούστου σεβομένου τὸν θεόν, οὗ ἡ οἰκία ἦν συνομοροῦσα τῇ συναγωγῇ. 18.8 Κρίσπος δὲ ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος ἐπίστευσεν τῷ κυρίῳ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀκούοντες ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο.
18.11 Ἐκάθισεν δὲ ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ μῆνας ἓξ διδάσκων ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ. 18.12 Γαλλίωνος δὲ ἀνθυπάτου ὄντος τῆς Ἀχαίας κατεπέστησαν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ὁμοθυμαδὸν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, 18.13 λέγοντες ὅτι Παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἀναπείθει οὗτος τοὺς ἀνθρώπους σέβεσθαι τὸν θεόν. 18.14 μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ Παύλου ἀνοίγειν τὸ στόμα εἶπεν ὁ Γαλλίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους Εἰ μὲν ἦν ἀδίκημά τι ἢ ῥᾳδιούργημα πονηρόν, ὦ Ἰουδαῖοι, κατὰ λόγον ἂν ἀνεσχόμην ὑμῶν· 18.15 εἰ δὲ ζητήματά ἐστιν περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου τοῦ καθʼ ὑμᾶς, ὄψεσθε αὐτοί· κριτὴς ἐγὼ τούτων οὐ βούλομαι εἶναι. 18.16 καὶ ἀπήλασεν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος. 18.17 ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ πάντες Σωσθένην τὸν ἀρχισυνάγωγον ἔτυπτον ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ βήματος· καὶ οὐδὲν τούτων τῷ Γαλλίωνι ἔμελεν. 18.18 Ὁ δὲ Παῦλος ἔτι προσμείνας ἡμέρας ἱκανὰς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποταξάμενος ἐξέπλει εἰς τὴν Συρίαν, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας, κειράμενος ἐν Κενχρεαῖς τὴν κεφαλήν, εἶχεν γὰρ εὐχήν.
18.25 οὗτος ἦν κατηχημένος τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ κυρίου, καὶ ζέων τῷ πνεύματι ἐλάλει καὶ ἐδίδασκεν ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐπιστάμενος μόνον τὸ βάπτισμα Ἰωάνου.
18.26 οὗτός τε ἤρξατο παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ· ἀκούσαντες δὲ αὐτοῦ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας προσελάβοντο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ.
18.27 βουλομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ διελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαίαν προτρεψάμενοι οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἔγραψαν τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἀποδέξασθαι αὐτόν· ὃς παραγενόμενος συνεβάλετο πολὺ τοῖς πεπιστευκόσιν διὰ τῆς χάριτος·
21.20 οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἐδόξαζον τὸν θεόν, εἶπάν τε αὐτῷ Θεωρεῖς, ἀδελφέ, πόσαι μυριάδες εἰσὶν ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τῶν πεπιστευκότων, καὶ πάντες ζηλωταὶ τοῦ νόμου ὑπάρχουσιν·
21.28 κράζοντες Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, βοηθεῖτε· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ κατὰ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ τόπου τούτου πάντας πανταχῇ διδάσκων, ἔτι τε καὶ Ἕλληνας εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ κεκοίνωκεν τὸν ἅγιον τόπον τοῦτον.
21.31 Ζητούντων τε αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι ἀνέβη φάσις τῷ χιλιάρχῳ τῆς σπείρης ὅτι ὅλη συνχύννεται Ἰερουσαλήμ,
21.34 ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλο τι ἐπεφώνουν ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ· μὴ δυναμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ γνῶναι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς διὰ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκέλευσεν ἄγεσθαι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.
21.37 Μέλλων τε εἰσάγεσθαι εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὁ Παῦλος λέγει τῷ χιλιάρχῳ Εἰ ἔξεστίν μοι εἰπεῖν τι πρὸς σέ; ὁ δὲ ἔφη Ἑλληνιστὶ 21.38 γινώσκεις; οὐκ ἄρα σὺ εἶ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ὁ πρὸ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀναστατώσας καὶ ἐξαγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους ἄνδρας τῶν σικαρίων; 21.39 εἶπεν δὲ ὁ Παῦλος Ἐγὼ ἄνθρωπος μέν εἰμι Ἰουδαῖος, Ταρσεὺς τῆς Κιλικίας, οὐκ ἀσήμου πόλεως πολίτης· δέομαι δέ σου, ἐπίτρεψόν μοι λαλῆσαι πρὸς τὸν λαόν.
22.25 ὡς δὲ προέτειναν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν ἑστῶτα ἑκατόνταρχον ὁ Παῦλος Εἰ ἄνθρωπον Ῥωμαῖον καὶ ἀκατάκριτον ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν μαστίζειν; 22.26 ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης προσελθὼν τῷ χιλιάρχῳ ἀπήγγειλεν λέγων Τί μέλλεις ποιεῖν; ὁ γὰρ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος Ῥωμαῖός ἐστιν.
23.23 Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενός τινας δύο τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν εἶπεν Ἑτοιμάσατε στρατιώτας διακοσίους ὅπως πορευθῶσιν ἕως Καισαρίας, καὶ ἱππεῖς ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δεξιολάβους διακοσίους, ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός,
23.27 Τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον συλλημφθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ μέλλοντα ἀναιρεῖσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἐπιστὰς σὺν τῷ στρατεύματι ἐξειλάμην, μαθὼν ὅτι Ῥωμαῖός ἐστιν,
23.29 ὃν εὗρον ἐγκαλούμενον περὶ ζητημάτων τοῦ νόμου αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ ἄξιον θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἔχοντα ἔγκλημα.
24.14 ὁμολογῶ δὲ τοῦτό σοι ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῷ πατρῴῳ θεῷ, πιστεύων πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τοῖς προφήταις γεγραμμένοις,
24.24 Μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ Φῆλιξ σὺν Δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ Ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν Παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν πίστεως.
24.27 Διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβεν διάδοχον ὁ Φῆλιξ Πόρκιον Φῆστον· θέλων τε χάριτα καταθέσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὁ Φῆλιξ κατέλιπε τὸν Παῦλον δεδεμένον.
25.8 τοῦ Παύλου ἀπολογουμένου ὅτι Οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν Ἰουδαίων οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν οὔτε εἰς Καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον.
25.10 εἶπεν δὲ ὁ Παῦλος Ἑστὼς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρός εἰμι, οὗ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι. Ἰουδαίους οὐδὲν ἠδίκηκα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις. 25.11 εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀδικῶ καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν· εἰ δὲ οὐδὲν ἔστιν ὧν οὗτοι κατηγοροῦσίν μου, οὐδείς με δύναται αὐτοῖς χαρίσασθαι· Καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι. 25.12 τότε ὁ Φῆστος συνλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου ἀπεκρίθη Καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι, ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πορεύσῃ. 25.13 Ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων τινῶν Ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Βερνίκη κατήντησαν εἰς Καισαρίαν ἀσπασάμενοι τὸν Φῆστον. 25.14 ὡς δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας διέτριβον ἐκεῖ, ὁ Φῆστος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν Παῦλον λέγων Ἀνήρ τίς ἐστιν καταλελιμμένος ὑπὸ Φήλικος δέσμιος,
25.16 πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.
25.21 τοῦ δὲ Παύλου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τηρηθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ διάγνωσιν, ἐκέλευσα τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἕως οὗ ἀναπέμψω αὐτὸν πρὸς Καίσαρα.
25.25 ἐγὼ δὲ κατελαβόμην μηδὲν ἄξιον αὐτὸν θανάτου πεπραχέναι, αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τὸν Σεβαστὸν ἔκρινα πέμπειν.
26.27 πιστεύεις, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, τοῖς προφήταις; οἶδα ὅτι πιστεύεις.
26.32 Ἀγρίππας δὲ τῷ Φήστῳ ἔφη Ἀπολελύσθαι ἐδύνατο ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος εἰ μὴ ἐπεκέκλητο Καίσαρα.
28.17 Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς συνκαλέσασθαι αὐτὸν τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους· συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐγώ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, οὐδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσας τῷ λαῷ ἢ τοῖς ἔθεσι τοῖς πατρῴοις δέσμιος ἐξ Ἰεροσολύμων παρεδόθην εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν Ῥωμαίων, 28.18 οἵτινες ἀνακρίναντές με ἐβούλοντο ἀπολῦσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν θανάτου ὑπάρχειν ἐν ἐμοί· 28.19 ἀντιλεγόντων δὲ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἠναγκάσθην ἐπικαλέσασθαι Καίσαρα, οὐχ ὡς τοῦ ἔθνους μου ἔχων τι κατηγορεῖν.
28.21 οἱ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπαν Ἡμεῖς οὔτε γράμματα περὶ σοῦ ἐδεξάμεθα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας, οὔτε παραγενόμενός τις τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀπήγγειλεν ἢ ἐλάλησέν τι περὶ σοῦ πονηρόν.
28.25 ἀσύμφωνοι δὲ ὄντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπελύοντο, εἰπόντος τοῦ Παύλου ῥῆμα ἓν ὅτι Καλῶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐλάλησεν διὰ Ἠσαίου τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ὑμῶν' ' None | sup>
10.22 They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say.
11.26 When he had found him, he brought him to Antioch. It happened, that even for a whole year they were gathered together with the assembly, and taught many people. The disciples were first called Christians in Antioch.
11.28 One of them named Agabus stood up, and indicated by the Spirit that there should be a great famine over all the world, which also happened in the days of Claudius.
12.1 Now about that time, Herod the king stretched out his hands to oppress some of the assembly. ' "
12.20 Now Herod was highly displeased with those of Tyre and Sidon. They came with one accord to him, and, having made Blastus, the king's chamberlain, their friend, they asked for peace, because their country depended on the king's country for food. " '12.21 On an appointed day, Herod dressed himself in royal clothing, sat on the throne, and gave a speech to them.
13.1 Now in the assembly that was at Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon who was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul.
13.15 After the reading of the law and the prophets, the rulers of the synagogue sent to them, saying, "Brothers, if you have any word of exhortation for the people, speak."
13.43 Now when the synagogue broke up, many of the Jews and of the devout proselytes followed Paul and Barnabas; who, speaking to them, urged them to continue in the grace of God.
13.50 But the Jews urged on the devout women of honorable estate, and the chief men of the city, and stirred up a persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and threw them out of their borders.
16.1 He came to Derbe and Lystra: and behold, a certain disciple was there, named Timothy, the son of a Jewess who believed; but his father was a Greek.
16.10 When he had seen the vision, immediately we sought to go out to Macedonia, concluding that the Lord had called us to preach the gospel to them.
16.11 Setting sail therefore from Troas, we made a straight course to Samothrace, and the day following to Neapolis;
16.12 and from there to Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony. We were staying some days in this city.
16.13 On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together.
16.14 A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul.
16.15 When she and her household were baptized, she begged us, saying, "If you have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and stay." She urged us.
16.16 It happened, as we were going to prayer, that a certain girl having a spirit of divination met us, who brought her masters much gain by fortune telling.
16.17 The same, following after Paul and us, cried out, "These men are servants of the Most High God, who proclaim to us the way of salvation!"
16.20 When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, 16.21 and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans."
17.4 Some of them were persuaded, and joined Paul and Silas, of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and not a few of the chief women. 17.5 But the disobedient Jews gathered some wicked men from the marketplace, and gathering a crowd, set the city in an uproar. Assaulting the house of Jason, they sought to bring them out to the people. 17.6 When they didn\'t find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7 whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8 The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things.
17.17 So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him.
18.2 He found a certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race, who had recently come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome. He came to them,
18.4 He reasoned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded Jews and Greeks.
18.7 He departed there, and went into the house of a certain man named Justus, one who worshiped God, whose house was next door to the synagogue. 18.8 Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house. Many of the Corinthians, hearing, believed and were baptized.
18.11 He lived there a year and six months, teaching the word of God among them. 18.12 But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one accord rose up against Paul and brought him before the judgment seat, 18.13 saying, "This man persuades men to worship God contrary to the law." 18.14 But when Paul was about to open his mouth, Gallio said to the Jews, "If indeed it were a matter of wrong or of wicked crime, Jews, it would be reasonable that I should bear with you; 18.15 but if they are questions about words and names and your own law, look to it yourselves. For I don\'t want to be a judge of these matters." 18.16 He drove them from the judgment seat. ' "18.17 Then all the Greeks laid hold on Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue, and beat him before the judgment seat. Gallio didn't care about any of these things. " '18.18 Paul, having stayed after this yet many days, took his leave of the brothers, and sailed from there for Syria, with Priscilla and Aquila with him. He shaved his head in Cenchreae, for he had a vow.
18.25 This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spoke and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, although he knew only the baptism of John.
18.26 He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately.
18.27 When he had determined to pass over into Achaia, the brothers encouraged him, and wrote to the disciples to receive him. When he had come, he helped them much, who had believed through grace;
21.20 They, when they heard it, glorified God. They said to him, "You see, brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of those who have believed, and they are all zealous for the law.
21.28 crying out, "Men of Israel, help! This is the man who teaches all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place. Moreover, he also brought Greeks into the temple, and has defiled this holy place!"
21.31 As they were trying to kill him, news came up to the commanding officer of the regiment that all Jerusalem was in an uproar. ' "
21.34 Some shouted one thing, and some another, among the crowd. When he couldn't find out the truth because of the noise, he commanded him to be brought into the barracks. " 21.37 As Paul was about to be brought into the barracks, he asked the commanding officer, "May I say something to you?"He said, "Do you know Greek? 21.38 Aren\'t you then the Egyptian, who before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins?" 21.39 But Paul said, "I am a Jew, from Tarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no insignificant city. I beg you, allow me to speak to the people."
22.25 When they had tied him up with thongs, Paul asked the centurion who stood by, "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man who is a Roman, and not found guilty?" 22.26 When the centurion heard it, he went to the commanding officer and told him, "Watch what you are about to do, for this man is a Roman!"
23.23 He called to himself two of the centurions, and said, "Prepare two hundred soldiers to go as far as Caesarea, with seventy horsemen, and two hundred men armed with spears, at the third hour of the night."
23.27 "This man was seized by the Jews, and was about to be killed by them, when I came with the soldiers and rescued him, having learned that he was a Roman.
23.29 I found him to be accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds.
24.14 But this I confess to you, that after the Way, which they call a sect, so I serve the God of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets;
24.24 But after some days, Felix came with Drusilla, his wife, who was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus.
24.27 But when two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus, and desiring to gain favor with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds.
25.8 while he said in his defense, "Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I sinned at all."
25.10 But Paul said, "I am standing before Caesar\'s judgment seat, where I ought to be tried. I have done no wrong to the Jews, as you also know very well. 25.11 For if I have done wrong, and have committed anything worthy of death, I don\'t refuse to die; but if none of those things is true that these accuse me of, no one can give me up to them. I appeal to Caesar!" 25.12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, "You have appealed to Caesar. To Caesar you will go." 25.13 Now when some days had passed, Agrippa the King and Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and greeted Festus. 25.14 As they stayed there many days, Festus laid Paul\'s case before the King, saying, "There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix;
25.16 To whom I answered that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man to destruction, before the accused have met the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him.
25.21 But when Paul had appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I commanded him to be kept until I could send him to Caesar."
25.25 But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and as he himself appealed to the emperor I determined to send him.
26.27 King Agrippa, do you believe the prophets? I know that you believe."
26.32 Agrippa said to Festus, "This man might have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar."
28.17 It happened that after three days Paul called together those who were the leaders of the Jews. When they had come together, he said to them, "I, brothers, though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs of our fathers, still was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans, 28.18 who, when they had examined me, desired to set me free, because there was no cause of death in me. 28.19 But when the Jews spoke against it, I was constrained to appeal to Caesar, not that I had anything about which to accuse my nation.
28.21 They said to him, "We neither received letters from Judea concerning you, nor did any of the brothers come here and report or speak any evil of you.
28.25 When they didn\'t agree among themselves, they departed after Paul had spoken one word, "The Holy Spirit spoke well through Isaiah, the prophet, to our fathers, ' ' None |
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60. New Testament, Apocalypse, 2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, edict of
Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 589; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 73
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2.14 ἀλλὰ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὀλίγα, ὅτι ἔχεις ἐκεῖ κρατοῦντας τὴν διδαχὴνΒαλαάμ,ὃς ἐδίδασκεν τῷ Βαλὰκ βαλεῖν σκάνδαλον ἐνώπιοντῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, φαγεῖν εἰδωλόθυτα καὶ πορνεῦσαι·'' None | sup>
2.14 But I have a few things against you, because you have there some who hold the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to throw a stumbling block before the children of Israel , to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit sexual immorality.'' None |
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61. New Testament, Galatians, 2.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, edict of
Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 12; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 397
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2.13 καὶ συνυπεκρίθησαν αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ Ἰουδαῖοι, ὥστε καὶ Βαρνάβας συναπήχθη αὐτῶν τῇ ὑποκρίσει.'' None | sup>
2.13 And the rest of the Jews joined him in his hypocrisy; so that evenBarnabas was carried away with their hypocrisy. '' None |
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62. New Testament, Philippians, 4.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius Apollinaris • Claudius Ephebus
Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 184; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 176
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4.22 ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας.'' None | sup>
4.22 All the saints greet you, especially those who are of Caesar's household. "" None |
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63. New Testament, Romans, 1.13-1.16, 15.22, 16.3-16.5, 16.20, 16.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, edict of • Claudius, emperor • King, emperor, Claudius
Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 307; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 14, 73, 157, 158, 165, 168; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188, 195; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 23, 24; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 346; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 379, 381, 397
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1.13 οὐ θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι πολλάκις προεθέμην ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἐκωλύθην ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο, ἵνα τινὰ καρπὸν σχῶ καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἔθνεσιν. 1.14 Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις, σοφοῖς τε καὶ ἀνοήτοις ὀφειλέτης εἰμί· 1.15 οὕτω τὸ κατʼ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ εὐαγγελίσασθαι. 1.16 οὐ γὰρ ἐπαισχύνομαι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, δύναμις γὰρ θεοῦ ἐστὶν εἰς σωτηρίαν παντὶ τῷ πιστεύοντι, Ἰουδαίῳ τε πρῶτον καὶ Ἕλληνι·
15.22 Διὸ καὶ ἐνεκοπτόμην τὰ πολλὰ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς·
16.3 Ἀσπάσασθε Πρίσκαν καὶ Ἀκύλαν τοὺς συνεργούς μου ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 16.4 οἵτινες ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς μου τὸν ἑαυτῶν τράχηλον ὑπέθηκαν, οἷς οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνος εὐχαριστῶ ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαι αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τῶν ἐθνῶν, 16.5 καὶ τὴν κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίαν. ἀσπάσασθε Ἐπαίνετον τὸν ἀγαπητόν μου, ὅς ἐστιν ἀπαρχὴ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς Χριστόν.
16.20 ὁ δὲ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης συντρίψει τὸν Σατανᾶν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας ὑμῶν ἐν τάχει. Ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ μεθʼ ὑμῶν.
16.23 ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Γαῖος ὁ ξένος μου καὶ ὅλης τῆς ἐκκλησίας. ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Ἔραστος ὁ οἰκονόμος τῆς πόλεως καὶ Κούαρτος ὁ ἀδελφός.' ' None | sup>
1.13 Now I don't desire to have you unaware, brothers, that I often planned to come to you, and was hindered so far, that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among the rest of the Gentiles. " '1.14 I am debtor both to Greeks and to foreigners, both to the wise and to the foolish. 1.15 So, as much as is in me, I am eager to preach the gospel to you also who are in Rome. 1.16 For I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, for it is the power of God for salvation for everyone who believes; for the Jew first, and also for the Greek.
15.22 Therefore also I was hindered these many times from coming to you,
16.3 Greet Prisca and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus, 16.4 who for my life, laid down their own necks; to whom not only I give thanks, but also all the assemblies of the Gentiles. 16.5 Greet the assembly that is in their house. Greet Epaenetus, my beloved, who is the first fruits of Achaia to Christ.
16.20 And the God of peace will quickly crush Satan under your feet. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.
16.23 Gaius, my host and host of the whole assembly, greets you. Erastus, the treasurer of the city, greets you, as does Quartus, the brother. ' " None |
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64. New Testament, Luke, 2.1, 3.1, 20.22, 20.24-20.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius Apollinaris • Claudius, emperor
Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 758; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 602; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 174, 176
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2.1 Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξῆλθεν δόγμα παρὰ Καίσαρος Αὐγούστου ἀπογράφεσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην·
3.1 ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ δὲ πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας Τιβερίου Καίσαρος, ἡγεμονεύοντος Ποντίου Πειλάτου τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἡρῴδου, Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Ἰτουραίας καὶ Τραχωνίτιδος χώρας, καὶ Λυσανίου τῆς Ἀβειληνῆς τετρααρχοῦντος,
20.22 ἔξεστιν ἡμᾶς Καίσαρι φόρον δοῦναι ἢ οὔ;
20.24 Δείξατέ μοι δηνάριον· τίνος ἔχει εἰκόνα καὶ ἐπιγραφήν; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Καίσαρος. 20.25 ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τοίνυν ἀπόδοτε τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ.'' None | sup>
2.1 Now it happened in those days, that a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled.
3.1 Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene,
20.22 Is it lawful for us to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?"
20.24 Show me a denarius. Whose image and inscription are on it?"They answered, "Caesar\'s." 20.25 He said to them, "Then give to Caesar the things that are Caesar\'s, and to God the things that are God\'s."'' None |
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65. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 6.1.32, 9.2.96 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Clodius (Pulcher) • Clodius Pulcher, P. • Clodius Pulcher, P., dead body displayed • Fulvia (wife of Clodius)
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 248; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 251; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 66
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6.1.32 \xa0Still I\xa0would not for this reason go so far as to approve a practice of which I\xa0have read, and which indeed I\xa0have occasionally witnessed, of bringing into court a picture of the crime painted on wood or canvas, that the judge might be stirred to fury by the horror of the sight. For the pleader who prefers a voiceless picture to speak for him in place of his own eloquence must be singularly incompetent.' ' None |
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66. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 50.2, 86.6, 108.22, 122.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius Rufus, Ti. • Claudius, T. Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Claudius, his treatment of the Jews in Rome • Emperors, Claudius • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 22; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 458; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 213; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 164; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 137, 138, 155, 156; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 362
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108.22 I was imbued with this teaching, and began to abstain from animal food; at the end of a year the habit was as pleasant as it was easy. I was beginning to feel that my mind was more active; though I would not to-day positively state whether it really was or not. Do you ask how I came to abandon the practice? It was this way: The days of my youth coincided with the early part of the reign of Tiberius Caesar. Some foreign rites were at that time13 being inaugurated, and abstinence from certain kinds of animal food was set down as a proof of interest in the strange cult. So at the request of my father, who did not fear prosecution, but who detested philosophy, I returned to my previous habits; and it was no very hard matter to induce me to dine more comfortably. ' ' None |
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67. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippina the Younger, and Claudius • Augustus, and Claudius • Claudius • Claudius (Germanicus) • Claudius, and Agrippina the Younger • Claudius, and Messalina • Claudius, and domus Augusta • Rome, people of and Augustus as pater patriae, and Claudius • Senate, and Claudius • Tacitus, on Claudius • Tiberius, and Claudius • domus Augusta (imperial family), and Claudius
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 226; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 49; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 213; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266
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24.1 He lived in habitual incest with all his sisters, and at a large banquet he placed each of them in turn below him, while his wife reclined above. of these he is believed to have violated Drusilla when he was still a minor, and even to have been caught lying with her by his grandmother Antonia, at whose house they were brought up in company. Afterwards, when she was the wife of Lucius Cassius Longinus, an ex-consul, he took her from him and openly treated her as his lawful wife; and when ill, he made her heir to his property and the throne.' ' None |
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68. Suetonius, Claudius, 3.2, 11.1-11.2, 25.3-25.4, 29.1, 35.1, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius (Emperor) • Claudius (Germanicus) • Claudius (Roman emperor) • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, death of • Claudius, deification of • Claudius, emperor (A.D. . • Claudius, his treatment of the Jews in Rome • Claudius, wives of • Claudius,, legislation under • Claudius,, measures • Emperors, Claudius • Nero adoption by Claudius • Nero, Claudius Caesar • Tiberius, Divus Claudius • imperial adoption of Nero by Claudius
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 192; Bowersock (1997), Fiction as History: Nero to Julian, 119; Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 302, 307; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 199; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 144; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 222; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 296; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 102; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 180; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 104; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 237, 457, 458, 485; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 71; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 34, 35, 164, 166; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 74; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 22; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 266; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 281; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 174; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 26, 34, 35, 36, 44, 45; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 74, 441; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 217; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 137, 151, 155, 164, 224, 227, 230; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 82; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 74
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3.2 \xa0His mother Antonia often called him "a\xa0monster of a man, not finished but merely begun by Dame Nature"; and if she accused anyone of dulness, she used to say that he was "a\xa0bigger fool than her son Claudius." His grandmother Augusta always treated him with the utmost contempt, very rarely speaking to him; and when she admonished him, she did so in short, harsh letters, or through messengers. When his sister Livilla heard that he would one day be emperor, she openly and loudly prayed that the Roman people might be spared so cruel and undeserved a fortune. Finally to make it clearer what opinions, favourable and otherwise, his great uncle Augustus had of him, I\xa0have appended extracts from his own letters:
11.1 \xa0 As soon as his power was firmly established, he considered it of foremost importance to obliterate the memory of the two days when men had thought of changing the form of government. Accordingly he made a decree that all that had been done and said during that period should be pardoned and forever forgotten; he kept his word too, save only that a\xa0few of the tribunes and centurions who had conspired against Gaius were put to death, both to make an example of them and because he knew that they had also demanded his own death. 11.2 \xa0Then turning to the duties of family loyalty, he adopted as his most sacred and frequent oath "By Augustus." He had divine honours voted his grandmother Livia and a chariot drawn by elephants in the procession at the Circus, like that of Augustus; also public offerings to the shades of his parents and in addition annual games in the Circus on his father\'s birthday and for his mother a carriage to bear her image through the Circus and the surname of Augusta, which she had declined during her lifetime. In memory of his brother, whom he took every opportunity of honouring, he brought out a Greek comedy in the contest at Naples and awarded it the crown in accordance with the decision of the judges.
25.3 \xa0He forbade men of foreign birth to use the Roman names so far as those of the clans were concerned. Those who usurped the privileges of Roman citizenship he executed in the Esquiline field. He restored to the senate the provinces of Achaia and Macedonia, which Tiberius had taken into his own charge. He deprived the Lycians of their independence because of deadly intestine feuds, and restored theirs to the Rhodians, since they had given up their former faults. He allowed the people of Ilium perpetual exemption from tribute, on the ground that they were the founders of the Roman race, reading an ancient letter of the senate and people of Rome written in Greek to king Seleucus, in which they promised him their friendship and alliance only on condition that he should keep their kinsfolk of Ilium free from every burden. 25.4 \xa0Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from Rome. He allowed the envoys of the Germans to sit in the orchestra, led by their naïve self-confidence; for when they had been taken to the seats occupied by the common people and saw the Parthian and Armenian envoys sitting with the senate, they moved of their own accord to the same part of the theatre, protesting that their merits and rank were no whit inferior.
29.1 \xa0Wholly under the control of these and of his wives, as I\xa0have said, he played the part, not of a prince, but of a servant lavishing honours, the command of armies, pardons or punishments, according to the interests of each of them, or even their wish or whim; and that too for the most part in ignorance and blindly. Not to go into details about less important matters (such as revoking his grants, rescinding his decisions, substituting false letters patent, or even openly changing those which he had issued), he put to death his father-inâ\x80\x91law Appius Silanus and the two Julias, daughters of Drusus and Germanicus, on an unsupported charge and giving them no opportunity for defence; also Gnaeus Pompeius, the husband of his elder daughter, and Lucius Silanus who was betrothed to his younger one.' "
35.1 \xa0But there was nothing for which he was so notorious as timidity and suspicion. Although in the early days of his reign, as we have said, he made a display of simplicity, he never ventured to go to a banquet without being surrounded by guards with lances and having his soldiers wait upon him in place of the servants; and he never visited a man who was ill without having the patient's room examined beforehand and his pillows and bed-clothing felt over and shaken out. Afterwards he even subjected those who came to pay their morning calls to search, sparing none the strictest examination." 41.2 \xa0Even while he was emperor he wrote a good deal and gave constant recitals through a professional reader. He began his history with the death of the dictator Caesar, but passed to a later period and took a fresh start at the end of the civil war, realising that he was not allowed to give a frank or true account of the earlier times, since he was often taken to task both by his mother and his grandmother. He left two books of the earlier history, but forty-one of the later.' ' None |
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69. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2, 30.1, 31.1, 39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius, Emperor • Claudius, Temple of the Deified • Claudius, his treatment of the Jews in Rome • Emperors, Claudius • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 69; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 104; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 485; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 202; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 152, 181, 208, 209; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 239; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 174; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 82
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16.2 During his reign many abuses were severely punished and put down, and no fewer new laws were made: a\xa0limit was set to expenditures; the public banquets were confined to a distribution of food; the sale of any kind of cooked viands in the taverns was forbidden, with the exception of pulse and vegetables, whereas before every sort of dainty was exposed for sale. Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition. He put an end to the diversions of the chariot drivers, who from immunity of long standing claimed the right of ranging at large and amusing themselves by cheating and robbing the people. The pantomimic actors and their partisans were banished from the city.
31.1 There was nothing however in which he was more ruinously prodigal than in building. He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a\xa0hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a\xa0mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals.' ' None |
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70. Suetonius, Otho, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160
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7.1 \xa0Next, as the day was drawing to its close, he entered the senate and after giving a brief account of himself, alleging that he had been carried off in the streets and forced to undertake the rule, which he would exercise in accordance with the general will, he went to the Palace. When in the midst of the other adulations of those who congratulated and flattered him, he was hailed by the common herd as Nero, he made no sign of dissent; on the contrary, according to some writers, he even made use of that surname in his commissions and his first letters to some of the governors of the provinces. Certain it is that he suffered Nero's busts and statues to be set up again, and reinstated his procurators and freedmen in their former posts, while the first grant that he signed as emperor was one of fifty million sesterces for finishing the Golden House."" None |
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71. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Claudius • Claudius, T. Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 205, 206; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155
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16.1 \xa0The only thing for which he can fairly be censured was his love of money. For not content with reviving the imposts which had been repealed under Galba, he added new and heavy burdens, increasing the amount of tribute paid by the provinces, in some cases actually doubling it, and quite openly carrying on traffic which would be shameful even for a man in private life; for he would buy up certain commodities merely in order to distribute them at a profit.'' None |
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72. Tacitus, Annals, 1.1.2-1.1.3, 1.16, 1.33-1.49, 1.79, 2.33, 2.37-2.38, 2.44.1, 2.55.6, 2.78.1, 2.85, 3.4, 3.33-3.34, 3.33.3, 3.71, 3.71.3, 4.1.1, 4.12, 4.38, 4.53, 4.55.3, 4.56.1, 4.62, 6.6.2, 6.22.1-6.22.3, 6.28, 6.45.1, 11.5.1, 11.15, 11.23-11.28, 11.30-11.31, 11.31.2, 11.34-11.35, 11.37, 12.1-12.7, 12.25, 12.26.2, 12.43, 12.43.1, 12.53, 12.58, 12.60-12.61, 12.64.1, 12.66, 12.68, 12.69.2, 13.2-13.5, 13.11, 13.20, 13.24.2, 13.32-13.33, 13.42, 13.50, 13.58, 14.3-14.10, 14.12-14.13, 14.12.1, 14.22.4, 14.41, 14.49, 14.53-14.56, 14.61, 15.22, 15.34, 15.42, 15.42.1, 15.44, 15.44.1-15.44.5, 15.47.1-15.47.2, 16.11, 16.13.1-16.13.2, 16.21-16.22, 16.22.1, 16.24, 16.27-16.28, 16.30-16.32, 16.34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelian (Claudius Aelianus) • Agrippina the Younger, and Claudius • Appius Claudius Caecus • Appius Claudius Pulcher • Augustus, and Claudius • Claudius • Claudius (Emperor) • Claudius (Germanicus) • Claudius (Roman emperor) • Claudius (Ti. Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus), remarriage of • Claudius (emperor) • Claudius Atticus Herodes, Ti. (Younger) • Claudius Gordianus of Tyana, senator • Claudius Marcellus, M. • Claudius Marcellus, M., consul vitio creatus • Claudius Marcellus, M., consulship, abdication of • Claudius Pulcher, App. • Claudius Quadrigarius • Claudius Sabinus, App. • Claudius Senecio • Claudius Timarchus • Claudius, Emperor • Claudius, Emperor, • Claudius, Letter to the Alexandrians • Claudius, Roman Emperor, expulsion of Jews from Rome by • Claudius, T. Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Claudius, Temple of the Deified • Claudius, against exclusion of foreigners • Claudius, and Agrippina the Younger • Claudius, and Caligula • Claudius, and Messalina • Claudius, and Octavia • Claudius, and Octavian • Claudius, and domus Augusta • Claudius, antiquarianism of • Claudius, censorship of • Claudius, death of • Claudius, deification of • Claudius, edict of • Claudius, emperor • Claudius, emperor (A.D. . • Claudius, fate and • Claudius, for integration of the Empire • Claudius, his speech in Lyons • Claudius, his treatment of the Jews in Rome • Claudius, murder of • Claudius, naval battle staged by • Claudius, priesthoods of • Claudius, weakness of • Claudius, wives of • Claudius, worship or worshipful treatment of • Claudius,, and senators admits non-members to sessions • Claudius,, honors • Claudius,, jurisdiction • Claudius,, legislation under • Claudius,, measures • Claudius,, puts proposals • Claudius,, recruits • Claudius,, relationship • Claudius,, requires oath • Claudius,, speaks • Claudius,, summons • Clodius • Clodius Eprius Marcellus, T. • Clodius Quirinalis, P. Palpellius • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, Nero's role • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, Thrasea's role • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, at trial of Claudius Timarchus • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, charges • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, curtness • Clodius Thrasea Paetus, P., in senate absence,, opposes Syracusan request • Drusus (Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus) • Drusus the Younger (Nero Claudius Drusus, later Drusus Iulius Caesar), death of • Drusus the Younger (Nero Claudius Drusus, later Drusus Iulius Caesar), debate with Caecina Severus • Emperors and Egypt, Claudius • Iunius Silanus, M. (consul under Claudius or Nero) • Marcus Claudius Marcellus • Narcissus (freedman of Claudius) • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Nero adoption by Claudius • Nero, Claudius Caesar • Octavia (daughter of Claudius) • P. Clodius Thrasea Paetus • Proculus, Tiberius Claudius • Romanization, by Claudius • Rome, people of and Augustus as pater patriae, and Claudius • Saecular Games, of Claudius • Senate, and Claudius • Senate, and Claudius and Messalina • T. Clodius Eprius Marcellus • Tacitus, on Claudius • Tiberius (Ti. Claudius Nero, later Ti. Caesar Augustus), M. Hortalus and • Tiberius (Ti. Claudius Nero, later Ti. Caesar Augustus), and Agrippina the Elder • Tiberius (Ti. Claudius Nero, later Ti. Caesar Augustus), and dynastic succession • Tiberius, Divus Claudius • Tiberius, and Claudius • Vitellius (co-censor of Claudius) • Xenophon (doctor of Claudius) • aristocracy, and Claudius • domus Augusta (imperial family), and Claudius • imperial adoption of Nero by Claudius • prodigies, under Claudius • soldiers and Cato the Younger, and Claudius and Messalina
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 27; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 243; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 132; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 198, 206; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 305; Bowersock (1997), Fiction as History: Nero to Julian, 119; Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 302, 307; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 199; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 172, 205, 216; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 90, 162; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 144; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 165, 166; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 296, 328, 512; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 69, 180; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 50; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 73; Hachlili (2005), Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 185; Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 204; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 23, 24, 25, 26, 94, 199, 200, 201; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 418, 419, 420, 485; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36, 47, 157; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 32, 71, 75, 76; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 356; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 271; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013), Disabilities in Roman Antiquity: Disparate Bodies, 166; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 13, 43, 196; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 422, 473; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 17; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 77; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 188; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 181; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 78, 79; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 9, 15, 169, 170, 172, 174, 178, 179, 183; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 132, 169, 211, 215, 216, 217; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69, 138, 213; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 152; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 298; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 95; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 26; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 21, 47, 139, 233, 240, 242, 243, 249, 254, 260, 264, 266, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 279, 281, 290, 307, 343; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 174; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 36, 37, 42, 44, 46, 49, 50, 53; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 15, 49, 51, 118, 135, 136, 157, 172, 177, 178, 201, 218, 255, 259, 263, 265, 270, 279, 309, 330, 349, 371, 413, 414, 441, 442, 468, 470, 482, 483, 484, 508; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 18; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 627; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 130, 155, 156, 157, 164, 167, 182; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 362
3.33 Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent.' "6.6 Insigne visum est earum Caesaris litterarum initium; nam his verbis exorsus est: 'quid scribam vobis, patres conscripti, aut quo modo scribam aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, di me deaeque peius perdant quam perire me cotidie sentio, si scio.' adeo facinora atque flagitia sua ipsi quoque in supplicium verterant. neque frustra praestantissimus sapientiae firmare solitus est, si recludantur tyrannorum mentes, posse aspici laniatus et ictus, quando ut corpora verberibus, ita saevitia, libidine, malis consultis animus dilaceretur. quippe Tiberium non fortuna, non solitudines protegebant quin tormenta pectoris suasque ipse poenas fateretur." '11.31 Tum potissimum quemque amicorum vocat, primumque rei frumentariae praefectum Turranium, post Lusium Getam praetorianis impositum percontatur. quis fatentibus certatim ceteri circumstrepunt, iret in castra, firmaret praetorias cohortis, securitati ante quam vindictae consuleret. satis constat eo pavore offusum Claudium ut identidem interrogaret an ipse imperii potens, an Silius privatus esset. at Messalina non alias solutior luxu, adulto autumno simulacrum vindemiae per domum celebrabat. urgeri prela, fluere lacus; et feminae pellibus accinctae adsultabant ut sacrificantes vel insanientes Bacchae; ipsa crine fluxo thyrsum quatiens, iuxtaque Silius hedera vinctus, gerere cothurnos, iacere caput, strepente circum procaci choro. ferunt Vettium Valentem lascivia in praealtam arborem conisum, interrogantibus quid aspiceret, respondisse tempestatem ab Ostia atrocem, sive coeperat ea species, seu forte lapsa vox in praesagium vertit.1.16 Hic rerum urbanarum status erat, cum Pannonicas legiones seditio incessit, nullis novis causis nisi quod mutatus princeps licentiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem praemiorum ostendebat. castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur, praesidente Iunio Blaeso, qui fine Augusti et initiis Tiberii auditis ob iustitium aut gaudium intermiserat solita munia. eo principio lascivire miles, discordare, pessimi cuiusque sermonibus praebere auris, denique luxum et otium cupere, disciplinam et laborem aspernari. erat in castris Percennius quidam, dux olim theatralium operarum, dein gregarius miles, procax lingua et miscere coetus histrionali studio doctus. is imperitos animos et quaenam post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentis inpellere paulatim nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die et dilapsis melioribus deterrimum quemque congregare.
1.33 Interea Germanico per Gallias, ut diximus, census accipienti excessisse Augustum adfertur. neptem eius Agrippinam in matrimonio pluresque ex ea liberos habebat, ipse Druso fratre Tiberii genitus, Augustae nepos, set anxius occultis in se patrui aviaeque odiis quorum causae acriores quia iniquae. quippe Drusi magna apud populum Romanum memoria, credebaturque, si rerum potitus foret, libertatem redditurus; unde in Germanicum favor et spes eadem. nam iuveni civile ingenium, mira comitas et diversa ab Tiberii sermone vultu, adrogantibus et obscuris. accedebant muliebres offensiones novercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore quamvis indomitum animum in bonum vertebat. 1.34 Sed Germanicus quanto summae spei propior, tanto impensius pro Tiberio niti. Sequanos proximos et Belgarum civitates in verba eius adigit. dehinc audito legionum tumultu raptim profectus obvias extra castra habuit, deiectis in terram oculis velut paenitentia. postquam vallum iniit dissoni questus audiri coepere. et quidam prensa manu eius per speciem exosculandi inseruerunt digitos ut vacua dentibus ora contingeret; alii curvata senio membra ostendebant. adsistentem contionem, quia permixta videbatur, discedere in manipulos iubet: sic melius audituros responsum; vexilla praeferri ut id saltem discerneret cohortis: tarde obtemperavere. tunc a veneratione Augusti orsus flexit ad victorias triumphosque Tiberii, praecipuis laudibus celebrans quae apud Germanias illis cum legionibus pulcherrima fecisset. Italiae inde consensum, Galliarum fidem extollit; nil usquam turbidum aut discors. silentio haec vel murmure modico audita sunt. 1.35 Vt seditionem attigit, ubi modestia militaris, ubi veteris disciplinae decus, quonam tribunos, quo centuriones exegissent, rogitans, nudant universi corpora, cicatrices ex vulneribus, verberum notas exprobrant; mox indiscretis vocibus pretia vacationum, angustias stipendii, duritiam operum ac propriis nominibus incusant vallum, fossas, pabuli materiae lignorum adgestus, et si qua alia ex necessitate aut adversus otium castrorum quaeruntur. atrocissimus veteranorum clamor oriebatur, qui tricena aut supra stipendia numerantes, mederetur fessis, neu mortem in isdem laboribus, sed finem tam exercitae militiae neque inopem requiem orabant. fuere etiam qui legatam a divo Augusto pecuniam reposcerent, faustis in Germanicum ominibus; et si vellet imperium promptos ostentavere. tum vero, quasi scelere contaminaretur, praeceps tribunali desiluit. opposuerunt abeunti arma, minitantes, ni regrederetur; at ille moriturum potius quam fidem exueret clamitans, ferrum a latere diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus, ni proximi prensam dextram vi attinuissent. extrema et conglobata inter se pars contionis ac, vix credibile dictu, quidam singuli propius incedentes feriret hortabantur; et miles nomine Calusidius strictum obtulit gladium, addito acutiorem esse. saevum id malique moris etiam furentibus visum, ac spatium fuit quo Caesar ab amicis in tabernaculum raperetur. 1.36 Consultatum ibi de remedio; etenim nuntiabatur parari legatos qui superiorem exercitum ad causam eandem traherent; destinatum excidio Vbiorum oppidum, imbutasque praeda manus in direptionem Galliarum erupturas. augebat metum gnarus Romanae seditionis et, si omitteretur ripa, invasurus hostis: at si auxilia et socii adversum abscedentis legiones armarentur, civile bellum suscipi. periculosa severitas, flagitiosa largitio: seu nihil militi sive omnia concedentur in ancipiti res publica. igitur volutatis inter se rationibus placitum ut epistulae nomine principis scriberentur: missionem dari vicena stipendia meritis, exauctorari qui sena dena fecissent ac retineri sub vexillo ceterorum inmunes nisi propulsandi hostis, legata quae petiverant exsolvi duplicarique. 1.37 Sensit miles in tempus conficta statimque flagitavit. missio per tribunos maturatur, largitio differebatur in hiberna cuiusque. non abscessere quintani unetvicesimanique donec isdem in aestivis contracta ex viatico amicorum ipsiusque Caesaris pecunia persolveretur. primam ac vicesimam legiones Caecina legatus in civitatem Vbiorum reduxit turpi agmine cum fisci de imperatore rapti inter signa interque aquilas veherentur. Germanicus superiorem ad exercitum profectus secundam et tertiam decumam et sextam decumam legiones nihil cunctatas sacramento adigit. quartadecumani paulum dubitaverant: pecunia et missio quamvis non flagitantibus oblata est.' "1.38 At in Chaucis coeptavere seditionem praesidium agitantes vexillarii discordium legionum et praesenti duorum militum supplicio paulum repressi sunt. iusserat id M'. Ennius castrorum praefectus, bono magis exemplo quam concesso iure. deinde intumescente motu profugus repertusque, postquam intutae latebrae, praesidium ab audacia mutuatur: non praefectum ab iis, sed Germanicum ducem, sed Tiberium imperatorem violari. simul exterritis qui obstiterant, raptum vexillum ad ripam vertit, et si quis agmine decessisset, pro desertore fore clamitans, reduxit in hiberna turbidos et nihil ausos." '1.39 Interea legati ab senatu regressum iam apud aram Vbiorum Germanicum adeunt. duae ibi legiones, prima atque vicesima, veteranique nuper missi sub vexillo hiemabant. pavidos et conscientia vaecordes intrat metus venisse patrum iussu qui inrita facerent quae per seditionem expresserant. utque mos vulgo quamvis falsis reum subdere, Munatium Plancum consulatu functum, principem legationis, auctorem senatus consulti incusant; et nocte concubia vexillum in domo Germanici situm flagitare occipiunt, concursuque ad ianuam facto moliuntur foris, extra- ctum cubili Caesarem tradere vexillum intento mortis metu subigunt. mox vagi per vias obvios habuere legatos, audita consternatione ad Germanicum tendentis. ingerunt contumelias, caedem parant, Planco maxime, quem dignitas fuga impediverat; neque aliud periclitanti subsidium quam castra primae legionis. illic signa et aquilam amplexus religione sese tutabatur, ac ni aquilifer Calpurnius vim extremam arcuisset, rarum etiam inter hostis, legatus populi Romani Romanis in castris sanguine suo altaria deum commaculavisset. luce demum, postquam dux et miles et facta noscebantur, ingressus castra Germanicus perduci ad se Plancum imperat recepitque in tribunal. tum fatalem increpans rabiem, neque militum sed deum ira resurgere, cur venerint legati aperit; ius legationis atque ipsius Planci gravem et immeritum casum, simul quantum dedecoris adierit legio, facunde miseratur, attonitaque magis quam quieta contione legatos praesidio auxiliarium equitum dimittit. 1.41 Non florentis Caesaris neque suis in castris, sed velut in urbe victa facies gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum auris oraque advertere: progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis sonus? quod tam triste? feminas inlustris, non centurionem ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus soliti: pergere ad Treviros et externae fidei. pudor inde et miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit quam invidia in Treviros: orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. isque ut erat recens dolore et ira apud circumfusos ita coepit. 1.42 Non mihi uxor aut filius patre et re publica cariores sunt, sed illum quidem sua maiestas, imperium Romanum ceteri exercitus defendent. coniugem et liberos meos, quos pro gloria vestra libens ad exitium offerrem, nunc procul a furentibus summoveo, ut quidquid istud sceleris imminet, meo tantum sanguine pietur, neve occisus Augusti pronepos, interfecta Tiberii nurus nocentiores vos faciant. quid enim per hos dies inausum intemeratumve vobis? quod nomen huic coetui dabo? militesne appellem, qui filium imperatoris vestri vallo et armis circumsedistis? an civis, quibus tam proiecta senatus auctoritas? hostium quoque ius et sacra legationis et fas gentium rupistis. divus Iulius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit, Quirites vocando qui sacramentum eius detrectabant: divus Augustus vultu et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit: nos ut nondum eosdem, ita ex illis ortos si Hispaniae Syriaeve miles aspernaretur, tamen mirum et indignum erat. primane et vicesima legiones, illa signis a Tiberio acceptis, tu tot proeliorum socia, tot praemiis aucta, egregiam duci vestro gratiam refertis? hunc ego nuntium patri laeta omnia aliis e provinciis audienti feram? ipsius tirones, ipsius veteranos non missione, non pecunia satiatos: hic tantum interfici centuriones, eici tribunos, includi legatos, infecta sanguine castra, flumina, meque precariam animam inter infensos trahere.' "1.43 Cur enim primo contionis die ferrum illud, quod pectori meo infigere parabam, detraxistis, o inprovidi amici? melius et amantius ille qui gladium offerebat. cecidissem certe nondum tot flagitiorum exercitu meo conscius; legissetis ducem, qui meam quidem mortem inpunitam sineret, Vari tamen et trium legionum ulcisceretur. neque enim di sit ut Belgarum quamquam offerentium decus istud et claritudo sit subvenisse Romano nomini, compressisse Germaniae populos. tua, dive Auguste, caelo recepta mens, tua, pater Druse, imago, tui memoria isdem istis cum militibus, quos iam pudor et gloria intrat, eluant hanc maculam irasque civilis in exitium hostibus vertant. vos quoque, quorum alia nunc ora, alia pectora contueor, si legatos senatui, obsequium imperatori, si mihi coniugem et filium redditis, discedite a contactu ac dividite turbidos: id stabile ad paenitentiam, id fidei vinculum erit.'" '1.44 Supplices ad haec et vera exprobrari fatentes orabant puniret noxios, ignosceret lapsis et duceret in hostem: revocaretur coniunx, rediret legionum alumnus neve obses Gallis traderetur. reditum Agrippinae excusavit ob inminentem partum et hiemem: venturum filium: cetera ipsi exsequerentur. discurrunt mutati et seditiosissimum quemque vinctos trahunt ad legatum legionis primae C. Caetronium, qui iudicium et poenas de singulis in hunc modum exercuit. stabant pro contione legiones destrictis gladiis: reus in suggestu per tribunum ostendebatur: si nocentem adclamaverant, praeceps datus trucidabatur. et gaudebat caedibus miles tamquam semet absolveret; nec Caesar arcebat, quando nullo ipsius iussu penes eosdem saevitia facti et invidia erat. secuti exemplum veterani haud multo post in Raetiam mittuntur, specie defendendae provinciae ob imminentis Suebos ceterum ut avellerentur castris trucibus adhuc non minus asperitate remedii quam sceleris memoria. centurionatum inde egit. citatus ab imperatore nomen, ordinem, patriam, numerum stipendiorum, quae strenue in proeliis fecisset, et cui erant, dona militaria edebat. si tribuni, si legio industriam innocentiamque adprobaverant, retinebat ordinem: ubi avaritiam aut crudelitatem consensu obiectavissent, solvebatur militia. 1.45 Sic compositis praesentibus haud minor moles supererat ob ferociam quintae et unetvicesimae legionum, sexagesimum apud lapidem (loco Vetera nomen est) hibertium. nam primi seditionem coeptaverant: atrocissimum quodque facinus horum manibus patratum; nec poena commilitonum exterriti nec paenitentia conversi iras retinebant. igitur Caesar arma classem socios demittere Rheno parat, si imperium detrectetur, bello certaturus. 1.46 At Romae nondum cognito qui fuisset exitus in Illyrico, et legionum Germanicarum motu audito, trepida civitas incusare Tiberium quod, dum patres et plebem, invalida et inermia, cunctatione ficta ludificetur, dissideat interim miles neque duorum adulescentium nondum adulta auctoritate comprimi queat. ire ipsum et opponere maiestatem imperatoriam debuisse cessuris ubi principem longa experientia eundemque severitatis et munificentiae summum vidissent. an Augustum fessa aetate totiens in Ger- manias commeare potuisse: Tiberium vigentem annis sedere in senatu, verba patrum cavillantem? satis prospectum urbanae servituti: militaribus animis adhibenda fomenta ut ferre pacem velint. 1.47 Immotum adversus eos sermones fixumque Tiberio fuit non omittere caput rerum neque se remque publicam in casum dare. multa quippe et diversa angebant: validior per Germaniam exercitus, propior apud Pannoniam; ille Galliarum opibus subnixus, hic Italiae inminens: quos igitur anteferret? ac ne postpositi contumelia incenderentur. at per filios pariter adiri maiestate salva, cui maior e longinquo reverentia. simul adulescentibus excusatum quaedam ad patrem reicere, resistentisque Germanico aut Druso posse a se mitigari vel infringi: quod aliud subsidium si imperatorem sprevissent? ceterum ut iam iamque iturus legit comites, conquisivit impedimenta, adornavit navis: mox hiemem aut negotia varie causatus primo prudentis, dein vulgum, diutissime provincias fefellit. 1.48 At Germanicus, quamquam contracto exercitu et parata in defectores ultione, dandum adhuc spatium ratus, si recenti exemplo sibi ipsi consulerent, praemittit litteras ad Caecinam, venire se valida manu ac, ni supplicium in malos praesumant, usurum promisca caede. eas Caecina aquiliferis signiferisque et quod maxime castrorum sincerum erat occulte recitat, utque cunctos infamiae, se ipsos morti eximant hortatur: nam in pace causas et merita spectari, ubi bellum ingruat innocentis ac noxios iuxta cadere. illi temptatis quos idoneos rebantur, postquam maiorem legionum partem in officio vident, de sententia legati statuunt tempus, quo foedissimum quemque et seditioni promptum ferro invadant. tunc signo inter se dato inrumpunt contubernia, trucidant ignaros, nullo nisi consciis noscente quod caedis initium, quis finis. 1.49 Diversa omnium, quae umquam accidere, civilium armorum facies. non proelio, non adversis e castris, sed isdem e cubilibus, quos simul vescentis dies, simul quietos nox habuerat, discedunt in partis, ingerunt tela. clamor vulnera sanguis palam, causa in occulto; cetera fors regit. et quidam bonorum caesi, postquam intellecto in quos saeviretur pessimi quoque arma rapuerant. neque legatus aut tribunus moderator adfuit: permissa vulgo licentia atque ultio et satietas. mox ingressus castra Germanicus, non medicinam illud plurimis cum lacrimis sed cladem appellans, cremari corpora iubet. Truces etiam tum animos cupido involat eundi in hostem, piaculum furoris; nec aliter posse placari commilitonum manis quam si pectoribus impiis honesta vulnera accepissent. sequitur ardorem militum Caesar iunctoque ponte tramittit duodecim milia e legionibus, sex et viginti socias cohortis, octo equitum alas, quarum ea seditione intemerata modestia fuit.
1.79 Actum deinde in senatu ab Arruntio et Ateio an ob moderandas Tiberis exundationes verterentur flumina et lacus, per quos augescit; auditaeque municipiorum et coloniarum legationes, orantibus Florentinis ne Clanis solito alveo demotus in amnem Arnum transferretur idque ipsis perniciem adferret. congruentia his Interamnates disseruere: pessum ituros fecundissimos Italiae campos, si amnis Nar (id enim parabatur) in rivos diductus superstagnavisset. nec Reatini silebant, Velinum lacum, qua in Narem effunditur, obstrui recusantes, quippe in adiacentia erupturum; optume rebus mortalium consuluisse naturam, quae sua ora fluminibus, suos cursus utque originem, ita finis dederit; spectandas etiam religiones sociorum, qui sacra et lucos et aras patriis amnibus dicaverint: quin ipsum Tiberim nolle prorsus accolis fluviis orbatum minore gloria fluere. seu preces coloniarum seu difficultas operum sive superstitio valuit, ut in sententiam Pisonis concederetur, qui nil mutandum censuerat.
2.33 Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem.' "
2.37 Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.'" "2.38 Inclinatio senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit quo promptius adversaretur, his ferme verbis usus: 'si quantum pauperum est venire huc et liberis suis petere pecunias coeperint, singuli numquam exsatiabuntur, res publica deficiet. nec sane ideo a maioribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem et quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre, ut privata negotia et res familiaris nostras hic augeamus, cum invidia senatus et principum, sive indulserint largitionem sive abnuerint. non enim preces sunt istud, sed efflagitatio, intempestiva quidem et inprovisa, cum aliis de rebus convenerint patres, consurgere et numero atque aetate liberum suorum urgere modestiam senatus, eandem vim in me transmittere ac velut perfringere aerarium, quod si ambitione exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum erit. dedit tibi, Hortale, divus Augustus pecuniam, sed non conpellatus nec ea lege ut semper daretur. languescet alioqui industria, intendetur socordia, si nullus ex se metus aut spes, et securi omnes aliena subsidia expectabunt, sibi ignavi, nobis graves.' haec atque talia, quamquam cum adsensu audita ab iis quibus omnia principum, honesta atque inhonesta, laudare mos est, plures per silentium aut occultum murmur excepere. sensitque Tiberius; et cum paulum reticuisset, Hortalo se respondisse ait: ceterum si patribus videretur, daturum liberis eius ducena sestertia singulis, qui sexus virilis essent. egere alii grates: siluit Hortalus, pavore an avitae nobilitatis etiam inter angustias fortunae retinens. neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamvis domus Hortensii pudendam ad inopiam delaberetur." 2.85 Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent.
3.4 Dies quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies; plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Martis faces. illic miles cum armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius apertiusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur.
3.4 Eodem anno Galliarum civitates ob magnitudinem aeris alieni rebellionem coeptavere, cuius extimulator acerrimus inter Treviros Iulius Florus, apud Aeduos Iulius Sacrovir. nobilitas ambobus et maiorum bona facta eoque Romana civitas olim data, cum id rarum nec nisi virtuti pretium esset. ii secretis conloquiis, ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo, componunt Florus Belgas, Sacrovir propiores Gallos concire. igitur per conciliabula et coetus seditiosa disserebant de continuatione tributorum, gravitate faenoris, saevitia ac superbia praesidentium, et discordare militem audito Germanici exitio. egregium resumendae libertati tempus, si ipsi florentes quam inops Italia, quam inbellis urbana plebes, nihil validum in exercitibus nisi quod externum, cogitarent.
3.33 Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.
3.71 Incessit dein religio quonam in templo locandum foret donum quod pro valetudine Augustae equites Romani voverant equestri Fortunae: nam etsi delubra eius deae multa in urbe, nullum tamen tali cognomento erat. repertum est aedem esse apud Antium quae sic nuncuparetur, cunctasque caerimonias Italicis in oppidis templaque et numinum effigies iuris atque imperii Romani esse. ita donum apud Antium statuitur. et quoniam de religionibus tractabatur, dilatum nuper responsum adversus Servium Maluginensem flaminem Dialem prompsit Caesar recitavitque decretum pontificum, quotiens valetudo adversa flaminem Dialem incessisset, ut pontificis maximi arbitrio plus quam binoctium abesset, dum ne diebus publici sacrificii neu saepius quam bis eundem in annum; quae principe Augusto constituta satis ostendebant annuam absentiam et provinciarum administrationem Dialibus non concedi. memorabaturque L. Metelli pontificis maximi exemplum qui Aulum Postumium flaminem attinuisset. ita sors Asiae in eum qui consularium Maluginensi proximus erat conlata.
4.12 Ceterum laudante filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus populusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occulti laetabantur. quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. nam Seianus ubi videt mortem Drusi inultam interfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, ferox scelerum et, quia prima provenerant, volutare secum quonam modo Germanici liberos perverteret, quorum non dubia successio. neque spargi venenum in tres poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia Agrippinae impenetrabili. igitur contumaciam eius insectari, vetus Augustae odium, recentem Liviae conscientiam exagitare, ut superbam fecunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis criminatoribus, inter quos delegerat Iulium Postumum, per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida anum suapte natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare.' "
4.38 Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse et hominum officia fungi satisque habere si locum principem impleam et vos testor et meminisse posteros volo; qui satis superque memoriae meae tribuent, ut maioribus meis dignum, rerum vestrarum providum, constantem in periculis, offensionum pro utilitate publica non pavidum credant. haec mihi in animis vestris templa, hae pulcherrimae effigies et mansurae. nam quae saxo struuntur, si iudicium posterorum in odium vertit, pro sepulchris spernuntur. proinde socios civis et deos ipsos precor, hos ut mihi ad finem usque vitae quietam et intellegentem humani divinique iuris mentem duint, illos ut, quandoque concessero, cum laude et bonis recordationibus facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur.' perstititque posthac secretis etiam sermonibus aspernari talem sui cultum. quod alii modestiam, multi, quia diffideret, quidam ut degeneris animi interpretabantur. optumos quippe mortalium altissima cupere: sic Herculem et Liberum apud Graecos, Quirinum apud nos deum numero additos: melius Augustum, qui speraverit. cetera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam; nam contemptu famae contemni virtutes." 4.62 M. Licinio L. Calpurnio consulibus ingentium bellorum cladem aequavit malum improvisum: eius initium simul et finis extitit. nam coepto apud Fidenam amphitheatro Atilius quidam libertini generis, quo spectaculum gladiatorum celebraret, neque fundamenta per solidum subdidit neque firmis nexibus ligneam compagem superstruxit, ut qui non abundantia pecuniae nec municipali ambitione sed in sordidam mercedem id negotium quaesivisset. adfluxere avidi talium, imperitante Tiberio procul voluptatibus habiti, virile ac muliebre secus, omnis aetas, ob propinquitatem loci effusius; unde gravior pestis fuit, conferta mole, dein convulsa, dum ruit intus aut in exteriora effunditur immensamque vim mortalium, spectaculo intentos aut qui circum adstabant, praeceps trahit atque operit. et illi quidem quos principium stragis in mortem adflixerat, ut tali sorte, cruciatum effugere: miserandi magis quos abrupta parte corporis nondum vita deseruerat; qui per diem visu, per noctem ululatibus et gemitu coniuges aut liberos noscebant. iam ceteri fama exciti, hic fratrem, propinquum ille, alius parentes lamentari. etiam quorum diversa de causa amici aut necessarii aberant, pavere tamen; nequedum comperto quos illa vis perculisset, latior ex incerto metus.
6.28 Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside domitibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur.
11.23 A. Vitellio L. Vipstano consulibus cum de supplendo senatu agitaretur primoresque Galliae, quae Comata appellatur, foedera et civitatem Romanam pridem adsecuti, ius adipiscendorum in urbe honorum expeterent, multus ea super re variusque rumor. et studiis diversis apud principem certabatur adseverantium non adeo aegram Italiam ut senatum suppeditare urbi suae nequiret. suffecisse olim indigenas consanguineis populis nec paenitere veteris rei publicae. quin adhuc memorari exempla quae priscis moribus ad virtutem et gloriam Romana indoles prodiderit. an parum quod Veneti et Insubres curiam inruperint, nisi coetus alienigenarum velut captivitas inferatur? quem ultra honorem residuis nobilium, aut si quis pauper e Latio senator foret? oppleturos omnia divites illos, quorum avi proavique hostilium nationum duces exercitus nostros ferro vique ceciderint, divum Iulium apud Alesiam obsederint. recentia haec: quid si memoria eorum moreretur qui sub Capitolio et arce Romana manibus eorundem perissent satis: fruerentur sane vocabulo civitatis: insignia patrum, decora magistratuum ne vulgarent.' "11.24 His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" '11.25 Orationem principis secuto patrum consulto primi Aedui senatorum in urbe ius adepti sunt. datum id foederi antiquo et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis nomen cum populo Romano usurpant. Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant, paucis iam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum et L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverant, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere; laetaque haec in rem publicam munia multo gaudio censoris inibantur. famosos probris quonam modo senatu depelleret anxius, mitem et recens repertam quam ex severitate prisca rationem adhibuit, monendo secum quisque de se consultaret peteretque ius exuendi ordinis: facilem eius rei veniam; et motos senatu excusatosque simul propositurum ut iudicium censorum ac pudor sponte cedentium permixta ignominiam mollirent. ob ea Vipstanus consul rettulit patrem senatus appellandum esse Claudium: quippe promiscum patris patriae cognomentum; nova in rem publicam merita non usitatis vocabulis honoranda: sed ipse cohibuit consulem ut nimium adsentantem. condiditque lustrum quo censa sunt civium quinquagies novies centena octoginta quattuor milia septuaginta duo. isque illi finis inscitiae erga domum suam fuit: haud multo post flagitia uxoris noscere ac punire adactus est ut deinde ardesceret in nuptias incestas. 11.26 Iam Messalina facilitate adulteriorum in fastidium versa ad incognitas libidines profluebat, cum abrumpi dissimulationem etiam Silius, sive fatali vaecordia an imminentium periculorum remedium ipsa pericula ratus, urgebat: quippe non eo ventum ut senectam principis opperirentur. insontibus innoxia consilia, flagitiis manifestis subsidium ab audacia petendum. adesse conscios paria metuentis. se caelibem, orbum, nuptiis et adoptando Britannico paratum. mansuram eandem Messalinae potentiam, addita securitate, si praevenirent Claudium, ut insidiis incautum, ita irae properum. segniter eae voces acceptae, non amore in maritum, sed ne Silius summa adeptus sperneret adulteram scelusque inter ancipitia probatum veris mox pretiis aestimaret. nomen tamen matrimonii concupivit ob magnitudinem infamiae cuius apud prodigos novissima voluptas est. nec ultra expectato quam dum sacrificii gratia Claudius Ostiam proficisceretur, cuncta nuptiarum sollemnia celebrat. 11.27 Haud sum ignarus fabulosum visum iri tantum ullis mortalium securitatis fuisse in civitate omnium gnara et nihil reticente, nedum consulem designatum cum uxore principis, praedicta die, adhibitis qui obsignarent, velut suscipiendorum liberorum causa convenisse, atque illam audisse auspicum verba, subisse, sacrificasse apud deos; discubitum inter convivas, oscula complexus, noctem denique actam licentia coniugali. sed nihil compositum miraculi causa, verum audita scriptaque senioribus tradam. 11.28 Igitur domus principis inhorruerat, maximeque quos penes potentia et, si res verterentur, formido, non iam secretis conloquiis, sed aperte fremere, dum histrio cubiculum principis insultaverit, dedecus quidem inlatum, sed excidium procul afuisse: nunc iuvenem nobilem dignitate formae, vi mentis ac propinquo consulatu maiorem ad spem accingi; nec enim occultum quid post tale matrimonium superesset. subibat sine dubio metus reputantis hebetem Claudium et uxori devinctum multasque mortes iussu Messalinae patratas: rursus ipsa facilitas imperatoris fiduciam dabat, si atrocitate criminis praevaluissent, posse opprimi damnatam ante quam ream; sed in eo discrimen verti, si defensio audiretur, utque clausae aures etiam confitenti forent. 11.31 Tum potissimum quemque amicorum vocat, primumque rei frumentariae praefectum Turranium, post Lusium Getam praetorianis impositum percontatur. quis fatentibus certatim ceteri circumstrepunt, iret in castra, firmaret praetorias cohortis, securitati ante quam vindictae consuleret. satis constat eo pavore offusum Claudium ut identidem interrogaret an ipse imperii potens, an Silius privatus esset. at Messalina non alias solutior luxu, adulto autumno simulacrum vindemiae per domum celebrabat. urgeri prela, fluere lacus; et feminae pellibus accinctae adsultabant ut sacrificantes vel insanientes Bacchae; ipsa crine fluxo thyrsum quatiens, iuxtaque Silius hedera vinctus, gerere cothurnos, iacere caput, strepente circum procaci choro. ferunt Vettium Valentem lascivia in praealtam arborem conisum, interrogantibus quid aspiceret, respondisse tempestatem ab Ostia atrocem, sive coeperat ea species, seu forte lapsa vox in praesagium vertit.' "
11.34 Crebra post haec fama fuit, inter diversas principis voces, cum modo incusaret flagitia uxoris, aliquando ad memoriam coniugii et infantiam liberorum revolveretur, non aliud prolocutum Vitellium quam 'o facinus! o scelus!' instabat quidem Narcissus aperire ambages et veri copiam facere: sed non ideo pervicit quin suspensa et quo ducerentur inclinatura responderet exemploque eius Largus Caecina uteretur. et iam erat in aspectu Messalina clamitabatque audiret Octaviae et Britannici matrem, cum obstrepere accusator, Silium et nuptias referens; simul codicillos libidinum indices tradidit, quis visus Caesaris averteret. nec multo post urbem ingredienti offerebantur communes liberi, nisi Narcissus amoveri eos iussisset. Vibidiam depellere nequivit quin multa cum invidia flagitaret ne indefensa coniunx exitio daretur. igitur auditurum principem et fore diluendi criminis facultatem respondit: iret interim virgo et sacra capesseret." '11.35 Mirum inter haec silentium Claudi, Vitellius ignaro propior: omnia liberto oboediebant. patefieri domum adulteri atque illuc deduci imperatorem iubet. ac primum in vestibulo effigiem patris Silii consulto senatus abolitam demonstrat, tum quidquid avitum Neronibus et Drusis in pretium probri cessisse. incensumque et ad minas erumpentem castris infert, parata contione militum; apud quos praemonente Narcisso pauca verba fecit: nam etsi iustum dolorem pudor impediebat. continuus dehinc cohortium clamor nomina reorum et poenas flagitantium; admotusque Silius tribunali non defensionem, non moras temptavit, precatus ut mors acceleraretur. eadem constantia et inlustres equites Romani cupido maturae necis fuit. et Titium Proculum, custodem a Silio Messalinae datum et indicium offerentem, Vettium Valentem confessum et Pompeium Vrbicum ac Saufeium Trogum ex consciis tradi ad supplicium iubet. Decrius quoque Calpurnianus vigilum praefectus, Sulpicius Rufus ludi procurator, Iuncus Vergilianus senator eadem poena adfecti.
11.37 Interim Messalina Lucullianis in hortis prolatare vitam, componere preces, non nulla spe et aliquando ira: tantum inter extrema superbiae gerebat. ac ni caedem eius Narcissus properavisset, verterat pernicies in accusatorem. nam Claudius domum regressus et tempestivis epulis delenitus, ubi vino incaluit, iri iubet nuntiarique miserae (hoc enim verbo usum ferunt) dicendam ad causam postera die adesset. quod ubi auditum et languescere ira, redire amor ac, si cunctarentur, propinqua nox et uxorii cubiculi memoria timebantur, prorumpit Narcissus denuntiatque centurionibus et tribuno, qui aderat, exequi caedem: ita imperatorem iubere. custos et exactor e libertis Euodus datur; isque raptim in hortos praegressus repperit fusam humi, adsidente matre Lepida, quae florenti filiae haud concors supremis eius necessitatibus ad miserationem evicta erat suadebatque ne percussorem opperiretur: transisse vitam neque aliud quam morti decus quaerendum. sed animo per libidines corrupto nihil honestum inerat; lacrimaeque et questus inriti ducebantur, cum impetu venientium pulsae fores adstititque tribunus per silentium, at libertus increpans multis et servilibus probris.
12.1 Caede Messalinae convulsa principis domus, orto apud libertos certamine, quis deligeret uxorem Claudio, caelibis vitae intoleranti et coniugum imperiis obnoxio. nec minore ambitu feminae exarserant: suam quaeque nobilitatem formam opes contendere ac digna tanto matrimonio ostentare. sed maxime ambigebatur inter Lolliam Paulinam M. Lollii consularis et Iuliam Agrippinam Germanico genitam: huic Pallas, illi Callistus fautores aderant; at Aelia Paetina e familia Tuberonum Narcisso fovebatur. ipse huc modo, modo illuc, ut quemque suadentium audierat, promptus, discordantis in consilium vocat ac promere sententiam et adicere rationes iubet.
12.1 Per idem tempus legati Parthorum ad expetendum, ut rettuli, Meherdaten missi senatum ingrediuntur mandataque in hunc modum incipiunt: non se foederis ignaros nec defectione a familia Arsacidarum venire, set filium Vononis, nepotem Phraatis accersere adversus dominationem Gotarzis nobilitati plebique iuxta intolerandam. iam fratres, iam propinquos, iam longius sitos caedibus exhaustos; adici coniuges gravidas, liberos parvos, dum socors domi, bellis infaustus ignaviam saevitia tegat. veterem sibi ac publice coeptam nobiscum amicitiam, et subveniendum sociis virium aemulis cedentibusque per reverentiam. ideo regum obsides liberos dari ut, si domestici imperii taedeat, sit regressus ad principem patresque, quorum moribus adsuefactus rex melior adscisceretur. 12.3 Praevaluere haec adiuta Agrippinae inlecebris: ad eum per speciem necessitudinis crebro ventitando pellicit patruum ut praelata ceteris et nondum uxor potentia uxoria iam uteretur. nam ubi sui matrimonii certa fuit, struere maiora nuptiasque Domitii, quem ex Cn. Ahenobarbo genuerat, et Octaviae Caesaris filiae moliri; quod sine scelere perpetrari non poterat, quia L. Silano desponderat Octaviam Caesar iuvenemque et alia clarum insigni triumphalium et gladiatorii muneris magnificentia protulerat ad studia vulgi. sed nihil arduum videbatur in animo principis, cui non iudicium, non odium erat nisi indita et iussa. 12.3 Sed Iazuges obsidionis impatientes et proximos per campos vagi necessitudinem pugnae attulere, quia Lugius Hermundurusque illic ingruerant. igitur degressus castellis Vannius funditur proelio, quamquam rebus adversis laudatus quod et pugnam manu capessiit et corpore adverso vulnera excepit. ceterum ad classem in Danuvio opperientem perfugit; secuti mox clientes et acceptis agris in Pannonia locati sunt. regnum Vangio ac Sido inter se partivere, egregia adversus nos fide, subiectis, suone an servitii ingenio, dum adipiscerentur dominationes, multa caritate, et maiore odio, postquam adepti sunt. 12.4 At Caesar cognita morte legati, ne provincia sine rectore foret, A. Didium suffecit. is propere vectus non tamen integras res invenit, adversa interim legionis pugna, cui Manlius Valens praeerat; auctaque et apud hostis eius rei fama, quo venientem ducem exterrerent, atque illo augente audita, ut maior laus compositis et, si duravissent, venia iustior tribueretur. Silures id quoque damnum intulerant lateque persultabant, donec adcursu Didii pellerentur. sed post captum Caratacum praecipuus scientia rei militaris Venutius, e Brigantum civitate, ut supra memoravi, fidusque diu et Romanis armis defensus, cum Cartimanduam reginam matrimonio teneret; mox orto discidio et statim bello etiam adversus nos hostilia induerat. sed primo tantum inter ipsos certabatur, callidisque Cartimandua artibus fratrem ac propinquos Venutii intercepit. inde accensi hostes, stimulante ignominia, ne feminae imperio subderentur, valida et lecta armis iuventus regnum eius invadunt. quod nobis praevisum, et missae auxilio cohortes acre proelium fecere, cuius initio ambiguo finis laetior fuit. neque dispari eventu pugnatum a legione, cui Caesius Nasica praeerat; nam Didius senectute gravis et multa copia honorum per ministros agere et arcere hostem satis habebat. haec, quamquam a duobus pro praetoribus pluris per annos gesta, coniunxi ne divisa haud perinde ad memoriam sui valerent: ad temporum ordinem redeo. 12.4 Igitur Vitellius, nomine censoris servilis fallacias obtegens ingruentiumque dominationum provisor, quo gratiam Agrippinae pararet, consiliis eius implicari, ferre crimina in Silanum, cuius sane decora et procax soror, Iunia Calvina, haud multum ante Vitellii nurus fuerat. hinc initium accusationis; fratrumque non incestum, sed incustoditum amorem ad infamiam traxit. et praebebat Caesar auris, accipiendis adversus generum suspicionibus caritate filiae promptior. at Silanus insidiarum nescius ac forte eo anno praetor, repente per edictum Vitellii ordine senatorio movetur, quamquam lecto pridem senatu lustroque condito. simul adfinitatem Claudius diremit, adactusque Silanus eiurare magistratum, et reliquus praeturae dies in Eprium Marcellum conlatus est. 12.5 C. Pompeio Q. Veranio consulibus pactum inter Claudium et Agrippinam matrimonium iam fama, iam amore inlicito firmabatur; necdum celebrare sollemnia nuptiarum audebant, nullo exemplo deductae in domum patrui fratris filiae: quin et incestum ac, si sperneretur, ne in malum publicum erumperet metuebatur. nec ante omissa cunctatio quam Vitellius suis artibus id perpetrandum sumpsit. percontatusque Caesarem an iussis populi, an auctoritati senatus cederet, ubi ille unum se civium et consensui imparem respondit, opperiri intra palatium iubet. ipse curiam ingreditur, summamque rem publicam agi obtestans veniam dicendi ante alios exposcit orditurque: gravissimos principis labores, quis orbem terrae capessat, egere adminiculis ut domestica cura vacuus in commune consulat. quod porro honestius censoriae mentis levamentum quam adsumere coniugem, prosperis dubiisque sociam, cui cogitationes intimas, cui parvos liberos tradat, non luxui aut voluptatibus adsuefactus, sed qui prima ab iuventa legibus obtemperavisset. 12.5 Nam Vologeses casum invadendae Armeniae obvenisse ratus, quam a maioribus suis possessam externus rex flagitio obtineret, contrahit copias fratremque Tiridaten deducere in regnum parat, ne qua pars domus sine imperio ageret. incessu Parthorum sine acie pulsi Hiberi, urbesque Armeniorum Artaxata et Tigranocerta iugum accepere. deinde atrox hiems et parum provisi commeatus et orta ex utroque tabes perpellunt Vologesen omittere praesentia. vacuamque rursus Armeniam Radamistus invasit, truculentior quam antea, tamquam adversus defectores et in tempore rebellaturos. atque illi quamvis servitio sueti patientiam abrumpunt armisque regiam circumveniunt. 12.6 Eodem anno saepius audita vox principis, parem vim rerum habendam a procuratoribus suis iudicatarum ac si ipse statuisset. ac ne fortuito prolapsus videretur, senatus quoque consulto cautum plenius quam antea et uberius. nam divus Augustus apud equestris qui Aegypto praesiderent lege agi decretaque eorum proinde haberi iusserat ac si magistratus Romani constituissent; mox alias per provincias et in urbe pleraque concessa sunt quae olim a praetoribus noscebantur: Claudius omne ius tradidit, de quo toties seditione aut armis certatum, cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione iudiciorum locaretur, aut rursum Serviliae leges senatui iudicia redderent, Mariusque et Sulla olim de eo vel praecipue bellarent. sed tunc ordinum diversa studia, et quae vicerant publice valebant. C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. Matios posthac et Vedios et cetera equitum Romanorum praevalida nomina referre nihil attinuerit, cum Claudius libertos quos rei familiari praefecerat sibique et legibus adaequaverit. 12.6 Postquam haec favorabili oratione praemisit multaque patrum adsentatio sequebatur, capto rursus initio, quando maritandum principem cuncti suaderent, deligi oportere feminam nobilitate puerperiis sanctimonia insignem. nec diu anquirendum quin Agrippina claritudine generis anteiret: datum ab ea fecunditatis experimentum et congruere artes honestas. id vero egregium, quod provisu deum vidua iungeretur principi sua tantum matrimonia experto. audivisse a parentibus, vidisse ipsos abripi coniuges ad libita Caesarum: procul id a praesenti modestia. statueretur immo documentum, quo uxorem imperator acciperet. at enim nova nobis in fratrum filias coniugia: sed aliis gentibus sollemnia, neque lege ulla prohibita; et sobrinarum diu ignorata tempore addito percrebuisse. morem accommodari prout conducat, et fore hoc quoque in iis quae mox usurpentur. 12.7 Haud defuere qui certatim, si cunctaretur Caesar, vi acturos testificantes erumperent curia. conglobatur promisca multitudo populumque Romanum eadem orare clamitat. nec Claudius ultra expectato obvius apud forum praebet se gratantibus, senatumque ingressus decretum postulat quo iustae inter patruos fratrumque filias nuptiae etiam in posterum statuerentur. nec tamen repertus est nisi unus talis matrimonii cupitor, Alledius Severus eques Romanus, quem plerique Agrippinae gratia impulsum ferebant. versa ex eo civitas et cuncta feminae oboediebant, non per lasciviam, ut Messalina, rebus Romanis inludenti. adductum et quasi virile servitium: palam severitas ac saepius superbia; nihil domi impudicum, nisi dominationi expediret. cupido auri immensa obtentum habebat, quasi subsidium regno pararetur.
12.25 C. Antistio M. Suillio consulibus adoptio in Domitium auctoritate Pallantis festinatur, qui obstrictus Agrippinae ut conciliator nuptiarum et mox stupro eius inligatus, stimulabat Claudium consuleret rei publicae, Britannici pueritiam robore circumdaret: sic apud divum Augustum, quamquam nepotibus subnixum, viguisse privignos; a Tiberio super propriam stirpem Germanicum adsumptum: se quoque accingeret iuvene partem curarum capessituro. his evictus triennio maiorem natu Domitium filio anteponit, habita apud senatum oratione eundem in quem a liberto acceperat modum. adnotabant periti nullam antehac adoptionem inter patricios Claudios reperiri, eosque ab Atto Clauso continuos duravisse.
12.43 Multa eo anno prodigia evenere. insessum diris avibus Capitolium, crebris terrae motibus prorutae domus, ac dum latius metuitur, trepidatione vulgi invalidus quisque obtriti; frugum quoque egestas et orta ex eo fames in prodigium accipiebatur. nec occulti tantum questus, sed iura reddentem Claudium circumvasere clamoribus turbidis, pulsumque in extremam fori partem vi urgebant, donec militum globo infensos perrupit. quindecim dierum alimenta urbi, non amplius superfuisse constitit, magnaque deum benignitate et modestia hiemis rebus extremis subventum. at hercule olim Italia legionibus longinquas in provincias commeatus portabat, nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Aegyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani permissa est.
12.53 Inter quae refert ad patres de poena feminarum quae servis coniungerentur; statuiturque ut ignaro domino ad id prolapsae in servitute, sin consensisset, pro libertis haberentur. Pallanti, quem repertorem eius relationis ediderat Caesar, praetoria insignia et centies quinquagies sestertium censuit consul designatus Barea Soranus. additum a Scipione Cornelio grates publice agendas, quod regibus Arcadiae ortus veterrimam nobilitatem usui publico postponeret seque inter ministros principis haberi sineret. adseveravit Claudius contentum honore Pallantem intra priorem paupertatem subsistere. et fixum est aere publico senatus consultum quo libertinus sestertii ter milies possessor antiquae parsimoniae laudibus cumulabatur.
12.58 D. Iunio Q. Haterio consulibus sedecim annos natus Nero Octaviam Caesaris filiam in matrimonium accepit. utque studiis honestis et eloquentiae gloria enitesceret, causa Iliensium suscepta Romanum Troia demissum et Iuliae stirpis auctorem Aeneam aliaque haud procul fabulis vetera facunde executus perpetrat, ut Ilienses omni publico munere solverentur. eodem oratore Bononiensi coloniae igni haustae subventum centies sestertii largitione. reddita Rhodiis libertas, adempta saepe aut firmata, prout bellis externis meruerant aut domi seditione deliquerant; tributumque Apamensibus terrae motu convulsis in quinquennium remissum. 12.61 Rettulit dein de immunitate Cois tribuenda multaque super antiquitate eorum memoravit: Argivos vel Coeum Latonae parentem vetustissimos insulae cultores; mox adventu Aesculapii artem medendi inlatam maximeque inter posteros eius celebrem fuisse, nomina singulorum referens et quibus quisque aetatibus viguissent. quin etiam dixit Xenophontem, cuius scientia ipse uteretur, eadem familia ortum, precibusque eius dandum ut omni tributo vacui in posterum Coi sacram et tantum dei ministram insulam colerent. neque dubium habetur multa eorundem in populum Romanum merita sociasque victorias potuisse tradi: set Claudius facilitate solita quod uni concesserat nullis extrinsecus adiumentis velavit.
12.66 In tanta mole curarum valetudine adversa corripitur, refovendisque viribus mollitia caeli et salubritate aquarum Sinuessam pergit. tum Agrippina, sceleris olim certa et oblatae occasionis propera nec ministrorum egens, de genere veneni consultavit, ne repentino et praecipiti facinus proderetur; si lentum et tabidum delegisset, ne admotus supremis Claudius et dolo intellecto ad amorem filii rediret. exquisitum aliquid placebat, quod turbaret mentem et mortem differret. deligitur artifex talium vocabulo Locusta, nuper veneficii damnata et diu inter instrumenta regni habita. eius mulieris ingenio paratum virus, cuius minister e spadonibus fuit Halotus, inferre epulas et explorare gustu solitus.
12.68 Vocabatur interim senatus votaque pro incolumitate principis consules et sacerdotes nuncupabant, cum iam exanimis vestibus et fomentis obtegeretur, dum quae res forent firmando Neronis imperio componuntur. iam primum Agrippina, velut dolore victa et solacia conquirens, tenere amplexu Britannicum, veram paterni oris effigiem appellare ac variis artibus demorari ne cubiculo egrederetur. Antoniam quoque et Octaviam sorores eius attinuit, et cunctos aditus custodiis clauserat, crebroque vulgabat ire in melius valetudinem principis, quo miles bona in spe ageret tempusque prosperum ex monitis Chaldaeorum adventaret.
13.2 Ibaturque in caedes, nisi Afranius Burrus et Annaeus Seneca obviam issent. hi rectores imperatoriae iuventae et (rarum in societate potentiae) concordes, diversa arte ex aequo pollebant, Burrus militaribus curis et severitate morum, Seneca praeceptis eloquentiae et comitate honesta, iuvantes in vicem, quo facilius lubricam principis aetatem, si virtutem aspernaretur, voluptatibus concessis retinerent. certamen utrique unum erat contra ferociam Agrippinae, quae cunctis malae dominationis cupidinibus flagrans habebat in partibus Pallantem, quo auctore Claudius nuptiis incestis et adoptione exitiosa semet perverterat. sed neque Neroni infra servos ingenium, et Pallas tristi adrogantia modum liberti egressus taedium sui moverat. propalam tamen omnes in eam honores cumulabantur, signumque more militiae petenti tribuno dedit Optimae matris. decreti et a senatu duo lictores, flamonium Claudiale, simul Claudio censorium funus et mox consecratio.
13.2 Provecta nox erat et Neroni per vinolentiam trahebatur, cum ingreditur Paris, solitus alioquin id temporis luxus principis intendere, sed tunc compositus ad maestitiam, expositoque indicii ordine ita audientem exterret ut non tantum matrem Plautumque interficere, sed Burrum etiam demovere praefectura destinaret tamquam Agrippinae gratia provectum et vicem reddentem. Fabius Rusticus auctor est scriptos esse ad Caecinam Tuscum codicillos, mandata ei praetoriarum cohortium cura, sed ope Senecae dignationem Burro retentam: Plinius et Cluvius nihil dubitatum de fide praefecti referunt; sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae, cuius amicitia floruit. nos consensum auctorum secuturi, quae diversa prodiderint sub nominibus ipsorum trademus. Nero trepidus et interficiendae matris avidus non prius differri potuit quam Burrus necem eius promitteret, si facinoris coargueretur: sed cuicumque, nedum parenti defensionem tribuendam; nec accusatores adesse, sed vocem unius ex inimica domo adferri: reputaret tenebras et vigilatam convivio noctem omniaque temeritati et inscitiae propiora. 13.3 Damnatus isdem consulibus Vipsanius Laenas ob Sardiniam provinciam avare habitam. absolutus Cestius Proculus repetundarum, Cretensibus accusantibus. Clodius Quirinalis, quod praefectus remigum, qui Ravennae haberentur, velut infimam nationum Italiam luxuria saevitiaque adflictavisset, veneno damnationem anteiit. Caninius Rebilus, ex primoribus peritia legum et pecuniae magnitudine, cruciatus aegrae senectae misso per venas sanguine effugit, haud creditus sufficere ad constantiam sumendae mortis ob libidines muliebriter infamis. at L. Volusius egregia fama concessit, cui tres et nonaginta anni spatium vivendi praecipuaeque opes bonis artibus, inoffensa tot imperatorum amicitia fuit. 13.3 Die funeris laudationem eius princeps exorsus est, dum antiquitatem generis, consulatus ac triumphos maiorum enumerabat, intentus ipse et ceteri; liberalium quoque artium commemoratio et nihil regente eo triste rei publicae ab externis accidisse pronis animis audita: postquam ad providentiam sapientiamque flexit, nemo risui temperare, quamquam oratio a Seneca composita multum cultus praeferret, ut fuit illi viro ingenium amoenum et temporis eius auribus accommodatum. adnotabant seniores, quibus otiosum est vetera et praesentia contendere, primum ex iis qui rerum potiti essent Neronem alienae facundiae eguisse. nam dictator Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus; et Augusto prompta ac profluens, quae deceret principem, eloquentia fuit. Tiberius artem quoque callebat qua verba expenderet, tum validus sensibus aut consulto ambiguus. etiam G. Caesaris turbata mens vim dicendi non corrupit. nec in Claudio, quoties meditata dissereret, elegantiam requireres. Nero puerilibus statim annis vividum animum in alia detorsit: caelare, pingere, cantus aut regimen equorum exercere; et aliquando carminibus pangendis inesse sibi elementa doctrinae ostendebat. 1
3.4 At Tiridates pudore et metu, ne, si concessisset obsidioni, nihil opis in ipso videretur, si prohiberet, impeditis locis seque et equestris copias inligaret, statuit postremo ostendere aciem et dato die proelium incipere vel simulatione fugae locum fraudi parare. igitur repente agmen Romanum circumfundit, non ignaro duce nostro, qui viae pariter et pugnae composuerat exercitum. latere dextro tertia legio, sinistro sexta incedebat, mediis decimanorum delectis; recepta inter ordines impedimenta, et tergum mille equites tuebantur, quibus iusserat ut instantibus comminus resisterent, refugos non sequerentur. in cornibus pedes sagittarius et cetera manus equitum ibat, productiore cornu sinistro per ima collium, ut, si hostis intravisset, fronte simul et sinu exciperetur. adsultare ex diverso Tiridates, non usque ad ictum teli, sed tum minitans, tum specie trepidantis, si laxare ordines et diversos consectari posset. ubi nihil temeritate solutum, nec amplius quam decurio equitum audentius progressus et sagittis confixus ceteros ad obsequium exemplo firmaverat, propinquis iam tenebris abscessit. 1
3.4 Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi egregie imperii memora- vit, neque iuventam armis civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam; nulla odia, nullas iniurias nec cupidinem ultionis adferre. tum formam futuri principatus praescripsit, ea maxime declis quorum recens flagrabat invidia. non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut clausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis paucorum potentia grassaretur; nihil in penatibus suis venale aut ambitioni pervium; discretam domum et rem publicam. teneret antiqua munia senatus, consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent: illi patrum aditum praeberent, se mandatis exercitibus consulturum. 13.5 Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanorum arguentis dubitavit Nero an cuncta vectigalia omitti iuberet idque pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium daret. sed impetum eius, multum prius laudata magnitudine animi, attinuere senatores, dissolutionem imperii docendo, si fructus quibus res publica sustineretur deminuerentur: quippe sublatis portoriis sequens ut tributorum abolitio expostularetur. plerasque vectigalium societates a consulibus et tribunis plebei constitutas acri etiam tum populi Romani libertate; reliqua mox ita provisa ut ratio quaestuum et necessitas erogationum inter se congrueret. temperandas plane publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot annos sine querela tolerata novis acerbitatibus ad invidiam verterent. 13.5 Nec defuit fides, multaque arbitrio senatus constituta sunt: ne quis ad causam orandam mercede aut donis emeretur, ne designatis quaestoribus edendi gladiatores necessitas esset. quod quidem adversante Agrippina, tamquam acta Claudii subverterentur, obtinuere patres, qui in Palatium ob id vocabantur ut adstaret additis a tergo foribus velo discreta, quod visum arceret, auditus non adimeret. quin et legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore defixis Seneca admonuisset venienti matri occurreret. ita specie pietatis obviam itum dedecori.
13.11 Claudio Nerone L. Antistio consulibus cum in acta principum iurarent magistratus, in sua acta collegam Antistium iurare prohibuit, magnis patrum laudibus, ut iuvenilis animus levium quoque rerum gloria sublatus maiores continuaret. secutaque lenitas in Plautium Lateranum quem ob adulterium Messalinae ordine demotum reddidit senatui, clementiam suam obstringens crebris orationibus quas Seneca, testificando quam honesta praeciperet vel iactandi ingenii, voce principis vulgabat.
13.32 Factum et senatus consultum ultioni iuxta et securitati, ut si quis a suis servis interfectus esset, ii quoque qui testamento manu missi sub eodem tecto mansissent inter servos supplicia penderent. redditur ordini Lurius Varus consularis, avaritiae criminibus olim perculsus. et Pomponia Graecina insignis femina, A. Plautio, quem ovasse de Britannis rettuli, nupta ac superstitionis externae rea, mariti iudicio permissa; isque prisco instituto propinquis coram de capite famaque coniugis cognovit et insontem nuntiavit. longa huic Pomponiae aetas et continua tristitia fuit: nam post Iuliam Drusi filiam dolo Messalinae interfectam per quadraginta annos non cultu nisi lugubri, non animo nisi maesto egit; idque illi imperitante Claudio impune, mox ad gloriam vertit. 1
3.33 Idem annus pluris reos habuit, quorum P. Celerem accusante Asia, quia absolvere nequibat Caesar, traxit, senecta donec mortem obiret; nam Celer interfecto, ut memoravi, Silano pro consule magnitudine sceleris cetera flagitia obtegebat. Cossutianum Capitonem Cilices detulerant maculosum foedumque et idem ius audaciae in provincia ratum quod in urbe exercuerat; sed pervicaci accusatione conflictatus postremo defensionem omisit ac lege repetundarum damnatus est. pro Eprio Marcello, a quo Lycii res repetebant, eo usque ambitus praevaluit ut quidam accusatorum eius exilio multarentur, tamquam insonti periculum fecissent.
1
3.42 Variis deinde casibus iactatus et multorum odia meritus reus haud tamen sine invidia Senecae damnatur. is fuit P. Suillius, imperitante Claudio terribilis ac venalis et mutatione temporum non quantum inimici cuperent demissus quique se nocentem videri quam supplicem mallet. eius opprimendi gratia repetitum credebatur senatus consultum poenaque Cinciae legis adversum eos qui pretio causas oravissent. nec Suillius questu aut exprobratione abstinebat, praeter ferociam animi extrema senecta liber et Senecam increpans infensum amicis Claudii, sub quo iustissimum exilium pertulisset. simul studiis inertibus et iuvenum imperitiae suetum livere iis qui vividam et incorruptam eloquentiam tuendis civibus exercerent. se quaestorem Germanici, illum domus eius adulterum fuisse. an gravius aestimandum sponte litigatoris praemium honestae operae adsequi quam corrumpere cubicula principum feminarum? qua sapientia, quibus philosophorum praeceptis intra quadriennium regiae amicitiae ter milies sestertium paravisset? Romae testamenta et orbos velut indagine eius capi, Italiam et provincias immenso faenore hauriri: at sibi labore quaesitam et modicam pecuniam esse. crimen, periculum, omnia potius toleraturum, quam veterem ac domi partam dignationem subitae felicitati submitteret.
13.58 Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comitio, quae octingentos et triginta ante annos Remi Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et arescente trunco deminutam prodigii loco habitum est, donec in novos fetus revivesceret.
14.3 Igitur Nero vitare secretos eius congressus, abscedentem in hortos aut Tusculanum vel Antiatem in agrum laudare quod otium capesseret. postremo, ubicumque haberetur, praegravem ratus interficere constituit, hactenus consultans, veneno an ferro vel qua alia vi. placuitque primo venenum. sed inter epulas principis si daretur, referri ad casum non poterat tali iam Britannici exitio; et ministros temptare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae; atque ipsa praesumendo remedia munierat corpus. ferrum et caedes quonam modo occultaretur nemo reperiebat; et ne quis illi tanto facinori delectus iussa sperneret metuebat. obtulit ingenium Anicetus libertus, classi apud Misenum praefectus et pueritiae Neronis educator ac mutuis odiis Agrippinae invisus. ergo navem posse componi docet cuius pars ipso in mari per artem soluta effunderet ignaram: nihil tam capax fortuitorum quam mare; et si naufragio intercepta sit, quem adeo iniquum ut sceleri adsignet quod venti et fluctus deliquerint? additurum principem defunctae templum et aras et cetera ostentandae pietati.
14.3 Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus feminis; in modum Furiarum veste ferali, crinibus deiectis faces praeferebant; Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad caelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem ut quasi haerentibus membris immobile corpus vulneribus praeberent. dein cohortationibus ducis et se ipsi stimulantes ne muliebre et fanaticum agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa sternuntque obvios et igni suo involvunt. praesidium posthac impositum victis excisique luci saevis superstitionibus sacri: nam cruore captivo adolere aras et hominum fibris consulere deos fas habebant. haec agenti Suetonio repentina defectio provinciae nuntiatur. 14.4 Eodem anno Romae insignia scelera, alterum senatoris, servili alterum audacia, admissa sunt. Domitius Balbus erat praetorius, simul longa senecta, simul orbitate et pecunia insidiis obnoxius. ei propinquus Valerius Fabianus, capessendis honoribus destinatus, subdidit testamentum adscitis Vinicio Rufino et Terentio Lentino equitibus Romanis. illi Antonium Primum et Asinium Marcellum sociaverant. Antonius audacia promptus, Marcellus Asinio Pollione proavo clarus neque morum spernendus habebatur nisi quod paupertatem praecipuum malorum credebat. igitur Fabianus tabulas sociis quos memoravi et aliis minus inlustribus obsignat. quod apud patres convictum et Fabianus Antoniusque cum Rufino et Terentio lege Cornelia damtur. Marcellum memoria maiorum et preces Caesaris poenae magis quam infamiae exemere. 14.4 Placuit sollertia, tempore etiam iuta, quando Quinquatruum festos dies apud Baias frequentabat. illuc matrem elicit, ferendas parentium iracundias et placandum animum dictitans quo rumorem reconciliationis efficeret acciperetque Agrippina facili feminarum credulitate ad gaudia. venientem dehinc obvius in litora (nam Antio adventabat) excepit manu et complexu ducitque Baulos. id villae nomen est quae promunturium Misenum inter et Baianum lacum flexo mari adluitur. stabat inter alias navis ornatior, tamquam id quoque honori matris daretur: quippe sueverat triremi et classiariorum remigio vehi. ac tum invitata ad epulas erat ut occultando facinori nox adhiberetur. satis constitit extitisse proditorem et Agrippinam auditis insidiis, an crederet ambiguam, gestamine sellae Baias pervectam. ibi blandimentum sublevavit metum: comiter excepta superque ipsum conlocata. iam pluribus sermonibus modo familiaritate iuvenili Nero et rursus adductus, quasi seria consociaret, tracto in longum convictu, prosequitur abeuntem, artius oculis et pectori haerens, sive explenda simulatione, seu periturae matris supremus aspectus quamvis ferum animum retinebat. 14.5 Haud dispari crimine Fabricius Veiento conflictatus est, quod multa et probrosa in patres et sacerdotes compo- suisset iis libris quibus nomen codicillorum dederat. adiciebat Tullius Geminus accusator venditata ab eo munera principis et adipiscendorum honorum ius. quae causa Neroni fuit suscipiendi iudicii, convictumque Veientonem Italia depulit et libros exuri iussit, conquisitos lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur: mox licentia habendi oblivionem attulit. 14.5 Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam quasi convincendum ad scelus dii praebuere. nec multum erat progressa navis, duobus e numero familiarium Agrippinam comitantibus, ex quis Crepereius Gallus haud procul gubernaculis adstabat, Acerronia super pedes cubitantis reclinis paenitentiam filii et reciperatam matris gratiam per gaudium memorabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo grave, pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est: Agrippina et Acerronia eminentibus lecti parietibus ac forte validioribus quam ut oneri cederent protectae sunt. nec dissolutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. visum dehinc remigibus unum in latus inclinare atque ita navem submergere: sed neque ipsis promptus in rem subitam consensus, et alii contra nitentes dedere facultatem lenioris in mare iactus. verum Acerronia, imprudentia dum se Agrippinam esse utque subveniretur matri principis clamitat, contis et remis et quae fors obtulerat navalibus telis conficitur: Agrippina silens eoque minus adgnita (unum tamen vulnus umero excepit) do, deinde occursu lenunculorum Lucrinum in lacum vecta villae suae infertur. 14.6 Igitur accepto patrum consulto, postquam cuncta scelerum suorum pro egregiis accipi videt, exturbat Octaviam, sterilem dictitans; exim Poppaeae coniungitur. ea diu paelex et adulteri Neronis, mox mariti potens, quendam ex ministris Octaviae impulit servilem ei amorem obicere. destinaturque reus cognomento Eucaerus, natione Alexandrinus, canere tibiis doctus. actae ob id de ancillis quaestiones et vi tormentorum victis quibusdam ut falsa adnuerent, plures perstitere sanctitatem dominae tueri; ex quibus una instanti Tigellino castiora esse muliebria Octaviae respondit quam os eius. movetur tamen primo civilis discidii specie domumque Burri, praedia Plauti, infausta dona accipit: mox in Campaniam pulsa est addita militari custodia. inde crebri questus nec occulti per vulgum, cui minor sapientia et ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt. his tamquam Nero paenitentia flagitii coniugem revocarit Octaviam. 14.6 Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam et honore praecipuo habitam, quodque litus iuxta non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset; observans etiam Acerroniae necem, simul suum vulnus aspiciens, solum insidiarum remedium esse, si non intellegerentur; misitque libertum Agerinum qui nuntiaret filio benignitate deum et fortuna eius evasisse gravem casum; orare ut quamvis periculo matris exterritus visendi curam differret; sibi ad praesens quiete opus. atque interim securitate simulata medicamina vulneri et fomenta corpori adhibet; testamentum Acerroniae requiri bonaque obsignari iubet, id tantum non per simulationem. 14.7 At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret.' "14.8 Interim vulgato Agrippinae periculo, quasi casu evenisset, ut quisque acceperat, decurrere ad litus. hi molium obiectus, hi proximas scaphas scandere; alii quantum corpus sinebat vadere in mare; quidam manus protendere; questibus, votis, clamore diversa rogitantium aut incerta respondentium omnis ora compleri; adfluere ingens multitudo cum luminibus, atque ubi incolumem esse pernotuit, ut ad gratandum sese expedire, donec aspectu armati et minitantis agminis disiecti sunt. Anicetus villam statione circumdat refractaque ianua obvios servorum abripit, donec ad foris cubiculi veniret; cui pauci adstabant, ceteris terrore inrumpentium exterritis. cubiculo modicum lumen inerat et ancillarum una, magis ac magis anxia Agrippina quod nemo a filio ac ne Agerinus quidem: aliam fore laetae rei faciem; nunc solitudinem ac repentinos strepitus et extremi mali indicia. abeunte dehinc ancilla 'tu quoque me deseris' prolocuta respicit Anicetum trierarcho Herculeio et Obarito centurione classiario comitatum: ac, si ad visendum venisset, refotam nuntiaret, sin facinus patraturus, nihil se de filio credere; non imperatum parricidium. circumsistunt lectum percussores et prior trierarchus fusti caput eius adflixit. iam in mortem centurioni ferrum destringenti protendens uterum 'ventrem feri' exclamavit multisque vulneribus confecta est." "14.9 Haec consensu produntur. aspexeritne matrem exanimem Nero et formam corporis eius laudaverit, sunt qui tradiderint, sunt qui abnuant. cremata est nocte eadem convivali lecto et exequiis vilibus; neque, dum Nero rerum potiebatur, congesta aut clausa humus. mox domesticorum cura levem tumulum accepit, viam Miseni propter et villam Caesaris dictatoris quae subiectos sinus editissima prospectat. accenso rogo libertus eius cognomento Mnester se ipse ferro transegit, incertum caritate in patronam an metu exitii. hunc sui finem multos ante annos crediderat Agrippina contempseratque. nam consulenti super Nerone responderunt Chaldaei fore ut imperaret matremque occideret; atque illa 'occidat' inquit, 'dum imperet.'" 1
4.12 Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata. 14.13 Tamen cunctari in oppidis Campaniae, quonam modo urbem ingrederetur, an obsequium senatus, an studia plebis reperiret anxius: contra deterrimus quisque, quorum non alia regia fecundior extitit, invisum Agrippinae nomen et morte eius accensum populi favorem disserunt: iret intrepidus et venerationem sui coram experiretur; simul praegredi exposcunt. et promptiora quam promiserant inveniunt, obvias tribus, festo cultu senatum, coniugum ac liberorum agmina per sexum et aetatem disposita, extructos, qua incederet, spectaculorum gradus, quo modo triumphi visuntur. hinc superbus ac publici servitii victor Capitolium adiit, grates exolvit seque in omnis libidines effudit quas male coercitas qualiscumque matris reverentia tardaverat.
14.41 Perculit is dies Pompeium quoque Aelianum, iuvenem quaestorium, tamquam flagitiorum Fabiani gnarum, eique Italia et Hispania in qua ortus erat interdictum est. pari ignominia Valerius Ponticus adficitur quod reos ne apud praefectum urbis arguerentur ad praetorem detulisset, interim specie legum, mox praevaricando ultionem elusurus. additur senatus consulto, qui talem operam emptitasset vendidissetve perinde poena teneretur ac publico iudicio calumniae condemnatus.
14.49 Libertas Thraseae servitium aliorum rupit et postquam discessionem consul permiserat, pedibus in sententiam eius iere, paucis exceptis, in quibus adulatione promptissimus fuit A. Vitellius, optimum quemque iurgio lacessens et respondenti reticens, ut pavida ingenia solent. at consules perficere decretum senatus non ausi de consensu scripsere Caesari. ille inter pudorem et iram cunctatus, postremo rescripsit nulla iniuria provocatum Antistium gravissimas in principem contumelias dixisse; earum ultionem a patribus postulatam et pro magnitudine delicti poenam statui par fuisse. ceterum se, qui severitatem decernentium impediturus fuerit, moderationem non prohibere: statuerent ut vellent, datam et absolvendi licentiam. his atque talibus recitatis et offensione manifesta, non ideo aut consules mutavere relationem aut Thrasea decessit sententia ceterive quae probaverant deseruere, pars, ne principem obiecisse invidiae viderentur, plures numero tuti, Thrasea sueta firmitudine animi et ne gloria intercideret.' "
1
4.53 At Seneca crimitium non ignarus, prodentibus iis quibus aliqua honesti cura et familiaritatem eius magis asperte Caesare, tempus sermoni orat et accepto ita incipit: 'quartus decimus annus est, Caesar, ex quo spei tuae admotus sum, octavus ut imperium obtines: medio temporis tantum honorum atque opum in me cumulasti ut nihil felicitati meae desit nisi moderatio eius. utar magnis exemplis nec meae fortunae sed tuae. abavus tuus Augustus Marco Agrippae Mytilenense secretum, C. Maecenati urbe in ipsa velut peregrinum otium permisit; quorum alter bellorum socius, alter Romae pluribus laboribus iactatus ampla quidem sed pro ingentibus meritis praemia acceperant. ego quid aliud munificentiae tuae adhibere potui quam studia, ut sic dixerim, in umbra educata, et quibus claritudo venit, quod iuventae tuae rudimentis adfuisse videor, grande huius rei pretium. at tu gratiam immensam, innumeram pecuniam circumdedisti adeo ut plerumque intra me ipse volvam: egone equestri et provinciali loco ortus proceribus civitatis adnumeror? inter nobilis et longa decora praeferentis novitas mea enituit? ubi est animus ille modicis contentus? talis hortos extruit et per haec suburbana incedit et tantis agrorum spatiis, tam lato faenore exuberat? una defensio occurrit quod muneribus tuis obniti non debui." "14.55 Ad quae Nero sic ferme respondit: 'quod meditatae orationi tuae statim occurram id primum tui muneris habeo, qui me non tantum praevisa sed subita expedire docuisti. abavus meus Augustus Agrippae et Maecenati usurpare otium post labores concessit, sed in ea ipse aetate cuius auctoritas tueretur quidquid illud et qualecumque tribuisset; ac tamen neutrum datis a se praemiis exuit. bello et periculis meruerant; in iis enim iuventa Augusti versata est: nec mihi tela et manus tuae defuissent in armis agenti; sed quod praesens condicio poscebat, ratione consilio praeceptis pueritiam, dein iuventam meam fovisti. et tua quidem erga me munera, dum vita suppetet, aeterna erunt: quae a me habes, horti et faenus et villae, casibus obnoxia sunt. ac licet multa videantur, plerique haudquaquam artibus tuis pares plura tenuerunt. pudet referre libertinos qui ditiores spectantur: unde etiam mihi rubori est quod praecipuus caritate nondum omnis fortuna antecellis." "14.56 Verum et tibi valida aetas rebusque et fructui rerum sufficiens, et nos prima imperii spatia ingredimur, nisi forte aut te Vitellio ter consuli aut me Claudio postponis et quantum Volusio longa parsimonia quaesivit, tantum in te mea liberalitas explere non potest. quin, si qua in parte lubricum adulescentiae nostrae declinat, revocas ornatumque robur subsidio impensius regis? non tua moderatio, si reddideris pecuniam, nec quies, si reliqueris principem, sed mea avaritia, meae crudelitatis metus in ore omnium versabitur. quod si maxime continentia tua laudetur, non tamen sapienti viro decorum fuerit unde amico infamiam paret inde gloriam sibi recipere.' his adicit complexum et oscula, factus natura et consuetudine exercitus velare odium fallacibus blanditiis. Seneca, qui finis omnium cum domite sermonum, grates agit: sed instituta prioris potentiae commutat, prohibet coetus salutantium, vitat comitantis, rarus per urbem, quasi valetudine infensa aut sapientiae studiis domi attineretur." 14.61 Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos.
15.22 Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est.
15.34 Illic, plerique ut arbitrabantur, triste, ut ipse, providum potius et secundis numinibus evenit: nam egresso qui adfuerat populo vacuum et sine ullius noxa theatrum conlapsum est. ergo per compositos cantus grates dis atque ipsam recentis casus fortunam celebrans petiturusque maris Hadriae traiectus apud Beneventum interim consedit, ubi gladiatorium munus a Vatinio celebre edebatur. Vatinius inter foedissima eius aulae ostenta fuit, sutrinae tabernae alumnus, corpore detorto, facetiis scurrilibus; primo in contumelias adsumptus, dehinc optimi cuiusque criminatione eo usque valuit ut gratia pecunia vi nocendi etiam malos praemineret.
15.42 Ceterum Nero usus est patriae ruinis extruxitque domum in qua haud proinde gemmae et aurum miraculo essent, solita pridem et luxu vulgata, quam arva et stagna et in modum solitudinum hinc silvae inde aperta spatia et prospectus, magistris et machinatoribus Severo et Celere, quibus ingenium et audacia erat etiam quae natura denegavisset per artem temptare et viribus principis inludere. namque ab lacu Averno navigabilem fossam usque ad ostia Tiberina depressuros promiserant squalenti litore aut per montis adversos. neque enim aliud umidum gignendis aquis occurrit quam Pomptinae paludes: cetera abrupta aut arentia ac, si perrumpi possent, intolerandus labor nec satis causae. Nero tamen, ut erat incredibilium cupitor, effodere proxima Averno iuga conisus est; manentque vestigia inritae spei.
15.44 Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur.
16.11 Ergo nuntiat patri abicere spem et uti necessitate: simul adfertur parari cognitionem senatus et trucem sententiam. nec defuere qui monerent magna ex parte heredem Caesarem nuncupare atque ita nepotibus de reliquo consu- lere. quod aspernatus, ne vitam proxime libertatem actam novissimo servitio foedaret, largitur in servos quantum aderat pecuniae; et si qua asportari possent, sibi quemque deducere, tres modo lectulos ad suprema retineri iubet. tunc eodem in cubiculo, eodem ferro abscindunt venas, properique et singulis vestibus ad verecundiam velati balineis inferuntur, pater filiam, avia neptem, illa utrosque intuens, et certatim precantes labenti animae celerem exitum, ut relinquerent suos superstites et morituros. servavitque ordinem fortuna, ac seniores prius, tum cui prima aetas extinguuntur. accusati post sepulturam decretumque ut more maiorum punirentur, et Nero intercessit, mortem sine arbitro permittens: ea caedibus peractis ludibria adiciebantur.
16.21 Trucidatis tot insignibus viris ad postremum Nero virtutem ipsam excindere concupivit interfecto Thrasea Paeto et Barea Sorano, olim utrisque infensus et accedentibus causis in Thraseam, quod senatu egressus est cum de Agrippina referretur, ut memoravi, quodque Iuvenalium ludicro parum spectabilem operam praebuerat; eaque offensio altius penetrabat, quia idem Thrasea Patavi, unde ortus erat, ludis †cetastis† a Troiano Antenore institutis habitu tragico cecinerat. die quoque quo praetor Antistius ob probra in Neronem composita ad mortem damnabatur, mitiora censuit obtinuitque; et cum deum honores Poppaeae decernuntur sponte absens, funeri non interfuerat. quae oblitterari non sinebat Capito Cossutianus, praeter animum ad flagitia praecipitem iniquus Thraseae quod auctoritate eius concidisset, iuvantis Cilicum legatos dum Capitonem repetundarum interrogant.' "16.22 Quin et illa obiectabat, principio anni vitare Thraseam sollemne ius iurandum; nuncupationibus votorum non adesse, quamvis quindecimvirali sacerdotio praeditum; numquam pro salute principis aut caelesti voce immolavisse; adsiduum olim et indefessum, qui vulgaribus quoque patrum consultis semet fautorem aut adversarium ostenderet, triennio non introisse curiam; nuperrimeque, cum ad coercendos Silanum et Veterem certatim concurreretur, privatis potius clientium negotiis vacavisse. secessionem iam id et partis et, si idem multi audeant, bellum esse. 'ut quondam C. Caesarem' inquit 'et M. Catonem, ita nunc te, Nero, et Thraseam avida discordiarum civitas loquitur. et habet sectatores vel potius satellites, qui nondum contumaciam sententiarum, sed habitum vultumque eius sectantur, rigidi et tristes, quo tibi lasciviam exprobrent. huic uni incolumitas tua sine cura, artes sine honore. prospera principis respuit: etiamne luctibus et doloribus non satiatur? eiusdem animi est Poppaeam divam non credere, cuius in acta divi Augusti et divi Iuli non iurare. spernit religiones, abrogat leges. diurna populi Romani per provincias, per exercitus curatius leguntur, ut noscatur quid Thrasea non fecerit. aut transeamus ad illa instituta, si potiora sunt, aut nova cupientibus auferatur dux et auctor. ista secta Tuberones et Favonios, veteri quoque rei publicae ingrata nomina, genuit. ut imperium evertant libertatem praeferunt: si perverterint, libertatem ipsam adgredientur. frustra Cassium amovisti, si gliscere et vigere Brutorum aemulos passurus es. denique nihil ipse de Thrasea scripseris: disceptatorem senatum nobis relinque.' extollit ira promptum Cossutiani animum Nero adicitque Marcellum Eprium acri eloquentia." 16.24 Igitur omni civitate ad excipiendum principem spectandumque regem effusa, Thrasea occursu prohibitus non demisit animum, sed codicillos ad Neronem composuit, requirens obiecta et expurgaturum adseverans, si notitiam criminum et copiam diluendi habuisset. eos codicillos Nero properanter accepit, spe exterritum Thraseam scripsisse, per quae claritudinem principis extolleret suamque famam dehonestaret. quod ubi non evenit vultumque et spiritus et libertatem insontis ultro extimuit, vocari patres iubet.
16.27 At postera luce duae praetoriae cohortes armatae templum Genetricis Veneris insedere; aditum senatus globus togatorum obsederat non occultis gladiis, dispersique per fora ac basilicas cunei militares. inter quorum aspectus et minas ingressi curiam senatores, et oratio principis per quaestorem eius audita est: nemine nominatim compellato patres arguebat quod publica munia desererent eorumque exemplo equites Romani ad segnitiam verterentur: etenim quid mirum e longinquis provinciis haud veniri, cum plerique adepti consulatum et sacerdotia hortorum potius amoenitati inservirent. quod velut telum corripuere accusatores. 1
6.28 Et initium faciente Cossutiano, maiore vi Marcellus summam rem publicam agi clamitabat; contumacia inferiorum lenitatem imperitantis deminui. nimium mitis ad eam diem patres, qui Thraseam desciscentem, qui generum eius Helvidium Priscum in isdem furoribus, simul Paconium Agrippinum, paterni in principes odii heredem, et Curtium Montanum detestanda carmina factitantem eludere impune sinerent. requirere se in senatu consularem, in votis sacerdotem, in iure iurando civem, nisi contra instituta et caerimonias maiorum proditorem palam et hostem Thrasea induisset. denique agere senatorem et principis obtrectatores protegere solitus veniret, censeret quid corrigi aut mutari vellet: facilius perlaturos singula increpantem quam nunc silentium perferrent omnia damtis. pacem illi per orbem terrae, an victorias sine damno exercituum displicere? ne hominem bonis publicis maestum, et qui fora theatra templa pro solitudine haberet, qui minitaretur exilium suum, ambitionis pravae compotem facerent. non illi consulta haec, non magistratus aut Romanam urbem videri. abrumperet vitam ab ea civitate cuius caritatem olim, nunc et aspectum exuisset.' "16.31 Tum interrogante accusatore an cultus dotalis, an detractum cervici monile venum dedisset, quo pecuniam faciendis magicis sacris contraheret, primum strata humi longoque fletu et silentio, post altaria et aram complexa 'nullos' inquit 'impios deos, nullas devotiones, nec aliud infelicibus precibus invocavi quam ut hunc optimum patrem tu, Caesar, vos, patres, servaretis incolumem. sic gemmas et vestis et dignitatis insignia dedi, quo modo si sanguinem et vitam poposcissent. viderint isti, antehac mihi ignoti, quo nomine sint, quas artes exerceant: nulla mihi principis mentio nisi inter numina fuit. nescit tamen miserrimus pater et, si crimen est, sola deliqui.'" '16.32 Loquentis adhuc verba excipit Soranus proclamatque non illam in provinciam secum profectam, non Plauto per aetatem nosci potuisse, non criminibus mariti conexam: nimiae tantum pietatis ream separarent, atque ipse quamcumque sortem subiret. simul in amplexus occurrentis filiae ruebat, nisi interiecti lictores utrisque obstitissent. mox datus testibus locus; et quantum misericordiae saevitia accusationis permoverat, tantum irae P. Egnatius testis concivit. cliens hic Sorani et tunc emptus ad opprimendum amicum auctoritatem Stoicae sectae praeferebat, habitu et ore ad exprimendam imaginem honesti exercitus, ceterum animo perfidiosus, subdolus, avaritiam ac libidinem occultans; quae postquam pecunia reclusa sunt, dedit exemplum praecavendi, quo modo fraudibus involutos aut flagitiis commaculatos, sic specie bonarum artium falsos et amicitiae fallacis.
16.34 Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere. ' None | 6.6 \xa0The beginning of this letter from the Caesar was considered notable; for he opened with the following words:â\x80\x94 If\xa0I\xa0know what to write to you, Conscript Fathers, or how to write it, or what not to write at all at this time, may gods and goddesses destroy me more wretchedly than I\xa0feel myself to be perishing every day! So surely had his crimes and his infamies turned to the torment even of himself; nor was it in vain that the first of sages was accustomed to affirm that, could the souls of tyrants be laid open, lacerations and wounds would meet the view; since, as the body is torn by the lash, so is the spirit of man by cruelty and lust and evil purposes. For not his station nor his solitudes could save Tiberius from himself confessing the rack within his breast and his own punishments. < 11.31 \xa0The Caesar now summoned his principal friends; and, in the first place, examined Turranius, head of the corn-department; then the praetorian commander Lusius Geta. They admitted the truth; and from the rest of the circle came a din of voices:â\x80\x94 "He must visit the camp, assure the fidelity of the guards, consult his security before his vengeance." Claudius, the fact is certain, was so bewildered by his terror that he inquired intermittently if he was himself emperor â\x80\x94 if Silius was a private citizen. But Messalina had never given voluptuousness a freer rein. Autumn was at the full, and she was celebrating a mimic vintage through the grounds of the house. Presses were being trodden, vats flowed; while, beside them, skin-girt women were bounding like Bacchanals excited by sacrifice or delirium. She herself was there with dishevelled tresses and waving thyrsus; at her side, Silius with an ivy crown, wearing the buskins and tossing his head, while around him rose the din of a wanton chorus. The tale runs that Vettius Valens, in some freak of humour, clambered into a tall tree, and to the question, "What did he spy?" answered: "A\xa0frightful storm over Ostia" â\x80\x94 whether something of the kind was actually taking shape, or a chance-dropped word developed into a prophecy. <1.1.2 \xa0Rome at the outset was a city state under the government of kings: liberty and the consulate were institutions of Lucius Brutus. Dictatorships were always a temporary expedient: the decemviral office was dead within two years, nor was the consular authority of the military tribunes long-lived. Neither Cinna nor Sulla created a lasting despotism: Pompey and Crassus quickly forfeited their power to Caesar, and Lepidus and Antony their swords to Augustus, who, under the style of "Prince," gathered beneath his empire a world outworn by civil broils. But, while the glories and disasters of the old Roman commonwealth have been chronicled by famous pens, and intellects of distinction were not lacking to tell the tale of the Augustan age, until the rising tide of sycophancy deterred them, the histories of Tiberius and Caligula, of Claudius and Nero, were falsified through cowardice while they flourished, and composed, when they fell, under the influence of still rankling hatreds. Hence my design, to treat a small part (the concluding one) of Augustus\' reign, then the principate of Tiberius and its sequel, without anger and without partiality, from the motives of which I\xa0stand sufficiently removed. <
1.16 \xa0So much for the state of affairs in the capital: now came an outbreak of mutiny among the Pannonian legions. There were no fresh grievances; only the change of sovereigns had excited a vision of licensed anarchy and a hope of the emoluments of civil war. Three legions were stationed together in summer-quarters under the command of Junius Blaesus. News had come of the end of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius; and Blaesus, to allow the proper interval for mourning or festivity, had suspended the normal round of duty. With this the mischief began. The ranks grew insubordinate and quarrelsome â\x80\x94 gave a hearing to any glib agitator â\x80\x94 became eager, in short, for luxury and ease, disdainful of discipline and work. In the camp there was a man by the name of Percennius, in his early days the leader of a claque at the theatres, then a private soldier with an abusive tongue, whose experience of stage rivalries had taught him the art of inflaming an audience. Step by step, by conversations at night or in the gathering twilight, he began to play on those simple minds, now troubled by a doubt how the passing of Augustus would affect the conditions of service, and to collect about him the off-scourings of the army when the better elements had dispersed. <' "
1.33 \xa0In the meantime, Germanicus, as we have stated, was traversing the Gallic provinces and assessing their tribute, when the message came that Augustus was no more. Married to the late emperor's granddaughter Agrippina, who had borne him several children, and himself a grandchild of the dowager (he was the son of Tiberius' brother Drusus), he was tormented none the less by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother â\x80\x94 hatred springing from motives the more potent because iniquitous. For Drusus was still a living memory to the nation, and it was believed that, had he succeeded, he would have restored the age of liberty; whence the same affection and hopes centred on the young Germanicus with his unassuming disposition and his exceptional courtesy, so far removed from the inscrutable arrogance of word and look which characterized Tiberius. Feminine animosities increased the tension as Livia had a stepmother's irritable dislike of Agrippina, whose own temper was not without a hint of fire, though purity of mind and wifely devotion kept her rebellious spirit on the side of righteousness. <" '1.34 \xa0But the nearer Germanicus stood to the supreme ambition, the more energy he threw into the cause of Tiberius. He administered the oath of fealty to himself, his subordinates, and the Belgic cities. Then came the news that the legions were out of hand. He set out in hot haste, and found them drawn up to meet him outside the camp, their eyes fixed on the ground in affected penitence. As soon as he entered the lines, a jangle of complaints began to assail his ears. Some of the men kissed his hand, and with a pretence of kissing it pushed the fingers between their lips, so that he should touch their toothless gums; others showed him limbs bent and bowed with old age. When at last they stood ready to listen, as there appeared to be no sort of order, Germanicus commanded them to divide into companies: they told him they would hear better as they were. At least, he insisted, bring the ensigns forward; there must be something to distinguish the cohorts: they obeyed, but slowly. Then, beginning with a pious tribute to the memory of Augustus, he changed to the victories and the triumphs of Tiberius, keeping his liveliest praise for the laurels he had won in the Germanies at the head of those very legions. Next he enlarged on the uimity of Italy and the loyalty of the Gallic provinces, the absence everywhere of turbulence or disaffection. < 1.35 \xa0All this was listened to in silence or with suppressed murmurs. But when he touched on the mutiny and asked where was their soldierly obedience? where the discipline, once their glory? whither had they driven their tribunes â\x80\x94 their centurions? with one impulse they tore off their tunics and reproachfully exhibited the scars of battle and the imprints of the lash. Then, in one undistinguished uproar, they taunted him with the fees for exemption from duty, the miserly rate of pay, and the severity of the work, â\x80\x94 parapet-making, entrenching, and the collection of forage, building material and fuel were specifically mentioned, along with the other camp drudgeries imposed sometimes from necessity, sometimes as a precaution against leisure. The most appalling outcry arose from the veterans, who, enumerating their thirty or more campaigns, begged him to give relief to outworn men and not to leave them to end their days in the old wretchedness, but fix a term to this grinding service and allow them a little rest secured from beggary. There were some even who claimed the money bequeathed to them by the deified Augustus, with happy auguries for Germanicus; and, should he desire the throne, they made it manifest that they were ready. On this he leapt straight from the platform as if he was being infected with their guilt. They barred his way with their weapons, threatening to use them unless he returned: but he, exclaiming that he would sooner die than turn traitor, snatched the sword from his side, raised it, and would have buried it in his breast, if the bystanders had not caught his arm and held it by force. The remoter and closely packed part of the assembly, and â\x80\x94 though the statement passes belief â\x80\x94 certain individual soldiers, advancing close to him, urged him to strike home. One private, by the name of Calusidius, drew his own blade and offered it with the commendation that "it was sharper." Even to that crowd of madmen the act seemed brutal and ill-conditioned, and there followed a pause long enough for the Caesar\'s friends to hurry him into his tent. < 1.36 \xa0There the question of remedies was debated. For reports were coming in that a mission was being organized to bring the upper army into line, that the Ubian capital had been marked down for destruction, and that after this preliminary experiment in pillage the mutineers proposed to break out and loot the Gallic provinces. To add to the alarm, the enemy was cognizant of the disaffection in the Roman ranks, and invasion was certain if the Rhine bank was abandoned. Yet to arm the auxiliaries native and foreign against the seceding legions was nothing less than an act of civil war. Severity was dangerous, indulgence criminal: to concede the soldiery all or nothing was equally to hazard the existence of the empire. Therefore, after the arguments had been revolved and balanced, it was decided to have letters written in the name of the emperor, directing that all men who had served twenty years should be finally discharged; that any who had served sixteen should be released from duty and kept with the colours under no obligation beyond that of assisting to repel an enemy; and that the legacies claimed should be paid and doubled. <' "1.37 \xa0The troops saw that all this was invented for the occasion, and demanded immediate action. The discharges were expedited at once by the tribunes: the monetary grant was held back till the men should have reached their proper quarters for the winter. The fifth and twenty-first legions declined to move until the sum was made up and paid where they stood, in the summer camp, out of the travelling-chests of the Caesar's suite and of the prince himself. The legate Caecina led the first and twentieth legions back to the Ubian capital: a disgraceful march, with the general's plundered coffers borne flanked by ensigns and by eagles. Germanicus set out for the upper army, and induced the second, thirteenth, and sixteenth legions to take the oath of fidelity without demur; the fourteenth had shown some little hesitation. The money and discharges, though not demanded, were voluntarily conceded. <" '1.38 \xa0Among the Chauci, however, a detachment, drawn from the disaffected legions, which was serving on garrison duty, made a fresh attempt at mutiny, and was repressed for the moment by the summary execution of a\xa0couple of soldiers. The order had been given by Manius Ennius, the camp-marshal, and was more a wholesome example than a legal exercise of authority. Then as the wave of disorder began to swell, he fled, was discovered, and as his hiding offered no security, resolved to owe salvation to audacity:â\x80\x94 "It was no camp-marshal," he cried, "whom they were affronting; it was Germanicus, their general â\x80\x94 Tiberius, their emperor." At the same time, overawing resistance, he snatched up the standard, turned it towards the Rhine, and, proclaiming that anyone falling out of the ranks would be regarded as a deserter, led his men back to winter-quarters, mutinous enough but with training ventured. < 1.39 \xa0Meanwhile the deputation from the senate found Germanicus, who had returned by then, at the Altar of the Ubians. Two legions were wintering there, the first and twentieth; also the veterans recently discharged and now with their colours. Nervous as they were and distraught with the consciousness of guilt, the fear came over them that a senatorial commission had arrived to revoke all the concessions extorted by their rebellion. With the common propensity of crowds to find a victim, however false the charge, they accused Munatius Plancus, an ex-consul who was at the head of the deputation, of initiating the decree. Before the night was far advanced, they began to shout for the colours kept in Germanicus\' quarters. There was a rush to the gate; they forced the door, and, dragging the prince from bed, compelled him on pain of death to hand over the ensign. A\xa0little later, while roving the streets, they lit on the envoys themselves, who had heard the disturbance and were hurrying to Germanicus. They loaded them with insults, and contemplated murder; especially in the case of Plancus, whose dignity had debarred him from flight. Nor in his extremity had he any refuge but the quarters of the first legion. There, clasping the standards and the eagle, he lay in sanctuary; and had not the eagle-bearer Calpurnius shielded him from the crowning violence, then â\x80\x94 by a crime almost unknown even between enemies â\x80\x94 an ambassador of the Roman people would in a Roman camp have defiled with his blood the altars of heaven. At last, when the dawn came and officer and private and the doings of the night were recognized for what they were, Germanicus entered the camp, ordered Plancus to be brought to him, and took him on to the tribunal. Then, rebuking the "fatal madness, rekindled not so much by their own anger as by that of heaven," he gave the reasons for the deputies\' arrival. He was plaintively eloquent upon the rights of ambassadors and the serious and undeserved outrage to Plancus, as also upon the deep disgrace contracted by the legion. Then, after reducing his hearers to stupor, if not to peace, he dismissed the deputies under a guard of auxiliary cavalry. < 1.40 \xa0During these alarms, Germanicus was universally blamed for not proceeding to the upper army, where he could count on obedience and on help against the rebels:â\x80\x94 "Discharges, donations, and soft-hearted measures had done more than enough mischief. Or, if he held his own life cheap, why keep an infant son and a pregt wife among madmen who trampled on all laws, human or divine? These at any rate he ought to restore to their grandfather and the commonwealth." He was long undecided, and Agrippina met the proposal with disdain, protesting that she was a descendant of the deified Augustus, and danger would not find her degenerate. At last, bursting into tears, he embraced their common child, together with herself and the babe to be, and so induced her to depart. Feminine and pitiable the procession began to move â\x80\x94 the commander\'s wife in flight with his infant son borne on her breast, and round her the tearful wives of his friends, dragged like herself from their husbands. Nor were those who remained less woe-begone. < 1.41 \xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94 < 1.42 \xa0"Neither my wife nor my son is dearer to me than my father and my country; but his own majesty will protect my father, and its other armies the empire. My wife and children I\xa0would cheerfully devote to death in the cause of your glory; as it is, I\xa0am removing them from your madness. Whatever this impending villainy of yours may prove to be, I\xa0prefer that it should be expiated by my own blood only, and that you should not treble your guilt by butchering the great-grandson of Augustus and murdering the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Tiberius. For what in these latter days have you left unventured or unviolated? What name am\xa0I to give a gathering like this? Shall\xa0I call you soldiers â\x80\x94 who have besieged the son of your emperor with your earthworks and your arms? Or citizens â\x80\x94 who have treated the authority of the senate as a thing so abject? You have outraged the privileges due even to an enemy, the sanctity of ambassadors, the law of nations. The deified Julius crushed the insurrection of an army by one word: they refused the soldiers\' oath, and he addressed them as Quirites. A\xa0look, a glance, from the deified Augustus, and the legions of Actium quailed. I\xa0myself am not yet as they, but I\xa0spring of their line, and if the garrisons of Spain or Syria were to flout me, it would still be a wonder and an infamy. And is it the first and twentieth legions, â\x80\x94 the men who took their standards from Tiberius, and you who have shared his many fields and thriven on his many bounties, â\x80\x94 that make this generous return to their leader? Is this the news I\xa0must carry to my father, while he hears from other provinces that all is well â\x80\x94 that his own recruits, his own veterans, are not sated yet with money and dismissals; that here only centurions are murdered, tribunes ejected, generals imprisoned; that camp and river are red with blood, while I\xa0myself linger out a precarious life among men that seek to take it away? < 1.43 \xa0"For why, in the first day\'s meeting, my short-sighted friends, did you wrench away the steel I\xa0was preparing to plunge in my breast? Better and more lovingly the man who offered me his sword! At least I\xa0should have fallen with not all my army\'s guilt upon my soul. You would have chosen a general, who, while leaving my own death unpunished, would have avenged that of Varus and his three legions. For, though the Belgians offer their services, God forbid that theirs should be the honour and glory of vindicating the Roman name and quelling the nations of Germany! May thy spirit, Augustus, now received with thyself into heaven, â\x80\x94 may thy image, my father Drusus, and the memory of thee, be with these same soldiers of yours, whose hearts are already opening to the sense of shame and of glory, to cancel this stain and convert our civil broils to the destruction of our enemies! And you yourselves â\x80\x94 for now I\xa0am looking into changed faces and changed minds â\x80\x94 if you are willing to restore to the senate its deputies, to the emperor your obedience, and to me my wife and children, then stand clear of the infection and set the maligts apart: that will be a security of repentance â\x80\x94 that a guarantee of loyalty!" < 1.44 \xa0His words converted them into suppliants; they owned the justice of the charges and begged him to punish the guilty, forgive the erring, and lead them against the enemy. Let him recall his wife; let the nursling of the legions return: he must not be given in hostage to Gauls! His wife, he answered, must be excused: she could hardly return with winter and her confinement impending. His son, however, should come back to them: what was still to be done they could do themselves. â\x80\x94 They were changed men now; and, rushing in all directions, they threw the most prominent of the mutineers into chains and dragged them to Gaius Caetronius, legate of the first legion, who dealt out justice â\x80\x94 and punishment â\x80\x94 to them one by one by the following method. The legions were stationed in front with drawn swords; the accused was displayed on the platform by a tribune; if they cried "Guilty," he was thrown down and hacked to death. The troops revelled in the butchery, which they took as an act of purification; nor was Germanicus inclined to restrain them â\x80\x94 the orders had been none of his, and the perpetrators of the cruelty would have to bear its odium. The veterans followed the example, and shortly afterwards were ordered to Raetia; nominally to defend the province against a threatened Suevian invasion, actually to remove them from a camp grim even yet with remembered crimes and the equal horror of their purging. Then came a revision of the list of centurions. Each, on citation by the commander-inâ\x80\x91chief, gave his name, company, and country; the number of his campaigns, his distinctions in battle and his military decorations, if any. If the tribunes and his legion bore testimony to his energy and integrity, he kept his post; if they agreed in charging him with rapacity or cruelty, he was dismissed from the service. < 1.45 \xa0This brought the immediate troubles to a standstill; but there remained an obstacle of equal difficulty in the defiant attitude of the fifth and twenty-first legions, which were wintering some sixty miles away at the post known as the Old Camp. They had been the first to break into mutiny; the worst atrocities had been their handiwork; and now they persisted in their fury, undaunted by the punishment and indifferent to the repentance of their comrades. The Caesar, therefore, arranged for the dispatch of arms, vessels, and auxiliaries down the Rhine, determined, if his authority were rejected, to try conclusions with the sword. < 1.46 \xa0Before the upshot of events in Illyricum was known at Rome, word came that the German legions had broken out. The panic-stricken capital turned on Tiberius:â\x80\x94 "While with his hypocritical hesitation he was befooling the senate and commons, two powerless and unarmed bodies, meantime the troops were rising and could not be checked by the unripe authority of a pair of boys. He ought to have gone in person and confronted the rebels with the majesty of the empire: they would have yielded at sight of a prince, old in experience, and supreme at once to punish or reward. Could Augustus, in his declining years, make so many excursions into the Germanies? and was Tiberius, in the prime of life, to sit idle in the senate, cavilling at the Conscript Fathers\' words? Ample provision had been made for the servitude of Rome: it was time to administer some sedative to the passions of the soldiers, and so reconcile them to peace." < 1.47 \xa0To all this criticism Tiberius opposed an immutable and rooted determination not to endanger himself and the empire by leaving the centre of affairs. He had, indeed, difficulties enough of one sort or another to harass him. The German army was the stronger; that of Pannonia the nearer: the one was backed by the resources of the Gallic provinces; the other threatened Italy. Which, then, should come first? And what if those postponed should take fire at the slight? But in the persons of his sons he could approach both at once, without hazarding the imperial majesty, always most venerable from a distance. Further, it was excusable in the young princes to refer certain questions to their father, and it was in his power to pacify or crush resistance offered to Germanicus or Drusus; but let the emperor be scorned, and what resource was left? â\x80\x94 However, as though any moment might see his departure, he chose his escort, provided the equipage, and fitted out vessels. Then with a variety of pleas, based on the wintry season or the pressure of affairs, he deceived at first the shrewdest; the populace, longer; the provinces, longest of all. < 1.48 \xa0Meanwhile Germanicus had collected his force and stood prepared to exact reckoning from the mutineers. Thinking it best, however, to allow them a further respite, in case they should consult their own safety by following the late precedent, he forwarded a letter to Caecina, saying that he was coming in strength, and, unless they forestalled him by executing the culprits, would put them impartially to the sword. Caecina read it privately to the eagle-bearers, the ensigns, and the most trustworthy men in the camp, urging them to save all from disgrace, and themselves from death. "For in peace," he said, "cases are judged on their merits; when war threatens, the innocent and the guilty fall side by side." Accordingly they tested the men whom they considered suitable, and, finding that in the main the legions were still dutiful, with the general\'s assent they fixed the date for an armed attack upon the most objectionable and active of the incendiaries. Then, passing the signal to one another, they broke into the tents and struck down their unsuspecting victims; while no one, apart from those in the secret, knew how the massacre had begun or where it was to end. < 1.49 \xa0No civil war of any period has presented the features of this. Not in battle, not from opposing camps, but comrades from the same bed â\x80\x94 men who had eaten together by day and rested together at dark â\x80\x94 they took their sides and hurled their missiles. The yells, the wounds, and the blood were plain enough; the cause, invisible: chance ruled supreme. A\xa0number of the loyal troops perished as well: for, once it was clear who were the objects of attack, the malcontents also had caught up arms. No general or tribune was there to restrain: licence was granted to the mob, and it might glut its vengeance to the full. Before long, Germanicus marched into the camp. "This is not a cure, but a calamity," he said, with a burst of tears, and ordered the bodies to be cremated. Even yet the temper of the soldiers remained savage and a sudden desire came over them to advance against the enemy: it would be the expiation of their madness; nor could the ghosts of their companions be appeased till their own impious breasts had been marked with honourable wounds. Falling in with the enthusiasm of his troops, the Caesar laid a bridge over the Rhine, and threw across twelve thousand legionaries, with twenty-six cohorts of auxiliaries and eight divisions of cavalry, whose discipline had not been affected by the late mutiny. <
1.79 \xa0Next, a discussion was opened in the senate by Arruntius and Ateius, whether the invasions of the Tiber should be checked by altering the course of the rivers and lakes swelling its volume. Deputations from the municipalities and colonies were heard. The Florentines pleaded that the Clanis should not be deflected from its old bed into the Arno, to bring ruin upon themselves. The Interamnates\' case was similar:â\x80\x94 "The most generous fields of Italy were doomed, if the Nar should overflow after this scheme had split it into rivulets." Nor were the Reatines silent:â\x80\x94 "They must protest against the Veline Lake being dammed at its outlet into the Nar, as it would simply break a road into the surrounding country. Nature had made the best provision for the interests of humanity, when she assigned to rivers their proper mouths â\x80\x94 their proper courses â\x80\x94 their limits as well as their origins. Consideration, too, should be paid to the faith of their fathers, who had hallowed rituals and groves and altars to their country streams. Besides, they were reluctant that Tiber himself, bereft of his tributary streams, should flow with diminished majesty." Whatever the deciding factor â\x80\x94 the prayers of the colonies, the difficulty of the work, or superstition â\x80\x94 the motion of Piso, "that nothing was to be changed," was agreed to. <
2.33 \xa0At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â\x80\x94 "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â\x80\x94 unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â\x80\x94 With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. <
2.37 \xa0In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a\xa0million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, â\x80\x94 not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, â\x80\x94 to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I\xa0took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I\xa0say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!" < 2.38 \xa0The senate\'s inclination to agree incited Tiberius to a more instant opposition. His speech in effect ran thus:â\x80\x94 "If all the poor of the earth begin coming here and soliciting money for their children, we shall never satisfy individuals, but we shall exhaust the state. And certainly, if our predecessors ruled that a member, in his turn to speak, might occasionally go beyond the terms of the motion and bring forward a point in the public interest, it was not in order that we should sit here to promote our private concerns and personal fortunes, while rendering the position of the senate and its head equally invidious whether they bestow or withhold their bounty. For this is no petition, but a demand â\x80\x94 an unseasonable and unexpected demand, when a member rises in a session convened for other purposes, puts pressure on the kindly feeling of the senate by a catalogue of the ages and number of his children, brings the same compulsion to bear indirectly upon myself, and, so to say, carries the Treasury by storm though, if we drain it by favouritism, we shall have to refill it by crime. The deified Augustus gave you money, Hortalus; but not under pressure, nor with a proviso that it should be given always. Otherwise, if a man is to have nothing to hope or fear from himself, industry will languish, indolence thrive, and we shall have the whole population waiting, without a care in the world, for outside relief, incompetent to help itself, and an incubus to us." These sentences and the like, though heard with approval by the habitual eulogists of all imperial actions honourable or dishonourable, were by most received with silence or a suppressed murmur. Tiberius felt the chill, and, after a short pause, observed that Hortalus had had his answer; but, if the senate thought it proper, he would present each of his male children with two hundred thousand sesterces. Others expressed their thanks; Hortalus held his peace: either his nerve failed him, or even in these straits of fortune he clung to the traditions of his race. Nor in the future did Tiberius repeat his charity, though the Hortensian house kept sinking deeper into ignominious poverty. <
2.55.6 \xa0Meanwhile Gnaeus Piso, in haste to embark upon his schemes, first alarmed the community of Athens by a tempestuous entry, then assailed them in a virulent speech, which included an indirect attack on Germanicus for "compromising the dignity of the Roman name by his exaggerated civilities, not to the Athenians (whose repeated disasters had extinguished the breed) but to the present cosmopolitan rabble. For these were the men who had leagued themselves with Mithridates against Sulla, with Antony against the deified Augustus!" He upbraided them even with their ancient history; their ill-starred outbreaks against Macedon and their violence towards their own countrymen. Private resentment, also, embittered him against the town, as the authorities refused to give up at his request a certain Theophilus, whom the verdict of the Areopagus had declared guilty of forgery. After this, quick sailing by a short route through the Cyclades brought him up with Germanicus at Rhodes. The prince was aware of the invectives with which he had been assailed; yet he behaved with such mildness that, when a rising storm swept Piso toward the rock-bound coast, and the destruction of his foe could have been referred to misadventure, he sent warships to help in extricating him from his predicament. Even so, Piso was not mollified; and, after reluctantly submitting to the loss of a single day, he left Germanicus and completed the journey first. Then, the moment he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties and by bribery, by attentions to the humblest private, by dismissals of the veteran centurions and the stricter commanding officers, whom he replaced by dependants of his own or by men of the worst character, by permitting indolence in the camp, licence in the towns, and in the country a vagrant and riotous soldiery, he carried corruption to such a pitch that in the language of the rabble he was known as the Father of the Legions. Nor could Plancina contain herself within the limits of female decorum: she attended cavalry exercises and infantry manoeuvres; she flung her gibes at Agrippina or Germanicus; some even of the loyal troops being ready to yield her a disloyal obedience; for a whispered rumour was gaining ground that these doings were not unacceptable to the emperor. The state of affairs was known to Germanicus, but his more immediate anxiety was to reach Armenia first. <
2.85 \xa0In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles\' list â\x80\x94 the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife\'s manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. â\x80\x94 Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. <
3.4 \xa0The day on which the remains were consigned to the mausoleum of Augustus was alternately a desolation of silence and a turmoil of laments. The city-streets were full, the Campus Martius alight with torches. There the soldier in harness, the magistrate lacking his insignia, the burgher in his tribe, iterated the cry that "the commonwealth had fallen and hope was dead" too freely and too openly for it to be credible that they remembered their governors. Nothing, however, sank deeper into Tiberius\' breast than the kindling of men\'s enthusiasm for Agrippina â\x80\x94 "the glory of her country, the last scion of Augustus, the peerless pattern of ancient virtue." So they styled her; and, turning to heaven and the gods, prayed for the continuance of her issue â\x80\x94 "and might they survive their persecutors!" <
3.33 \xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." < 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <' "
3.71.3 \xa0A\xa0problem in religion now presented itself: in what temple were the knights to lodge the offering vowed, in connection with Augusta's illness, to Equestrian Fortune? For though shrines to Fortune were plentiful in the city, none carried the epithet in question. It was found that there was a temple of the name at Antium, and that all sacred rites in the country towns of Italy, with all places of worship and divine images, were subject to the jurisdiction and authority of Rome. At Antium, accordingly, the gift was placed. And since points of religion were under consideration, the Caesar produced his recently deferred answer to the Flamen Dialis, Servius Maluginensis; and read a pontifical decree, according to which the Flamen, whenever attacked by illness, might at the discretion of the supreme pontiff absent himself for more than two nights, so long as it was not on days of public sacrifice nor oftener than twice in one year. The ruling thus laid down in the principate of Augustus showed that a\xa0year's absence and a provincial governorship were not for the flamens of Jupiter. Attention was also called to a precedent set by the supreme pontiff, Lucius Metellus; who had vetoed the departure of the Flamen, Aulus Postumius. Asia, therefore, was allotted to the consular next in seniority to Maluginensis. <" 3.71 \xa0A\xa0problem in religion now presented itself: in what temple were the knights to lodge the offering vowed, in connection with Augusta's illness, to Equestrian Fortune? For though shrines to Fortune were plentiful in the city, none carried the epithet in question. It was found that there was a temple of the name at Antium, and that all sacred rites in the country towns of Italy, with all places of worship and divine images, were subject to the jurisdiction and authority of Rome. At Antium, accordingly, the gift was placed. And since points of religion were under consideration, the Caesar produced his recently deferred answer to the Flamen Dialis, Servius Maluginensis; and read a pontifical decree, according to which the Flamen, whenever attacked by illness, might at the discretion of the supreme pontiff absent himself for more than two nights, so long as it was not on days of public sacrifice nor oftener than twice in one year. The ruling thus laid down in the principate of Augustus showed that a\xa0year's absence and a provincial governorship were not for the flamens of Jupiter. Attention was also called to a precedent set by the supreme pontiff, Lucius Metellus; who had vetoed the departure of the Flamen, Aulus Postumius. Asia, therefore, was allotted to the consular next in seniority to Maluginensis. <" "
4.1.1 \xa0The consulate of Gaius Asinius and Gaius Antistius was to Tiberius the ninth year of public order and of domestic felicity (for he counted the death of Germanicus among his blessings), when suddenly fortune disturbed the peace and he became either a tyrant himself or the source of power to the tyrannous. The starting-point and the cause were to be found in Aelius Sejanus, prefect of the praetorian cohorts. of his influence I\xa0spoke above: now I\xa0shall unfold his origin, his character, and the crime by which he strove to seize on empire. Born at Vulsinii to the Roman knight Seius Strabo, he became in early youth a follower of Gaius Caesar, grandson of the deified Augustus; not without a rumour that he had disposed of his virtue at a price to Apicius, a rich man and a prodigal. Before long, by his multifarious arts, he bound Tiberius fast: so much so that a man inscrutable to others became to Sejanus alone unguarded and unreserved; and the less by subtlety (in fact, he was beaten in the end by the selfsame arts) than by the anger of Heaven against that Roman realm for whose equal damnation he flourished and fell. He was a man hardy by constitution, fearless by temperament; skilled to conceal himself and to incriminate his neighbour; cringing at once and insolent; orderly and modest to outward view, at heart possessed by a towering ambition, which impelled him at whiles to lavishness and luxury, but oftener to industry and vigilance â\x80\x94 qualities not less noxious when assumed for the winning of a throne.' "
4.12 \xa0However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators â\x80\x94 one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta â\x80\x94 kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip. <" 4.38 \xa0"As for myself, Conscript Fathers, that I\xa0am mortal, that my functions are the functions of men, and that I\xa0hold it enough if I\xa0fill the foremost place among them â\x80\x94 this I\xa0call upon you to witness, and I\xa0desire those who shall follow us to bear it in mind. For they will do justice, and more, to my memory, if they pronounce me worthy of my ancestry, provident of your interests, firm in dangers, not fearful of offences in the cause of the national welfare. These are my temples in your breasts, these my fairest and abiding effigies: for those that are reared of stone, should the judgement of the future turn to hatred, are scorned as sepulchres! And so my prayer to allies and citizens and to Heaven itself is this: to Heaven, that to the end of my life it may endow me with a quiet mind, gifted with understanding of law human and divine; and to my fellow-men, that, whenever I\xa0shall depart, their praise and kindly thoughts may still attend my deeds and the memories attached to my name." And, in fact, from now onward, even in his private conversations, he\xa0persisted in a contemptuous rejection of these divine honours to himself: an attitude by some interpreted as modesty, by many as self-distrust, by a\xa0few as degeneracy of soul:â\x80\x94 "The best of men," they argued, "desired the greatest heights: so Hercules and Liber among the Greeks, and among ourselves Quirinus, had been added to the number of the gods. The better way had been that of Augustus â\x80\x94 who hoped! To princes all other gratifications came instantly: for one they must toil and never know satiety â\x80\x94 the favourable opinion of the future. For in the scorn of fame was implied the scorn of virtue!" <
4.55.3 \xa0To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. <
4.56.1 \xa0The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town â\x80\x94 whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons â\x80\x94 passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out.
4.62 \xa0In the consulate of Marcus Licinius and Lucius Calpurnius, the casualties of some great wars were equalled by an unexpected disaster. It began and ended in a moment. A\xa0certain Atilius, of the freedman class, who had begun an amphitheatre at Fidena, in order to give a gladiatorial show, failed both to lay the foundation in solid ground and to secure the fastenings of the wooden structure above; the reason being that he had embarked on the enterprise, not from a superabundance of wealth nor to court the favours of his townsmen, but with an eye to sordid gain. The amateurs of such amusements, debarred from their pleasures under the reign of Tiberius, poured to the place, men and women, old and young, the stream swollen because the town lay near. This increased the gravity of the catastrophe, as the unwieldy fabric was packed when it collapsed, breaking inward or sagging outward, and precipitating and burying a vast crowd of human beings, intent on the spectacle or standing around. Those, indeed, whom the first moment of havoc had dashed to death, escaped torture, so far as was possible in such a fate: more to be pitied were those whose mutilated bodies life had not yet abandoned, who by day recognized their wives or their children by sight, and at night by their shrieks and moans. The news brought the absent to the scene â\x80\x94 one lamenting a brother, one a kinsman, another his parents. Even those whose friends or relatives had left home for a different reason still felt the alarm, and, as it was not yet known whom the catastrophe had destroyed, the uncertainty gave wider range for fear. <' "
6.22.1 \xa0For myself, when I\xa0listen to this and similar narratives, my judgement wavers. Is the revolution of human things governed by fate and changeless necessity, or by accident? You will find the wisest of the ancients, and the disciplines attached to their tenets, at complete variance; in many of them a fixed belief that Heaven concerns itself neither with our origins, nor with our ending, nor, in fine, with mankind, and that so adversity continually assails the good, while prosperity dwells among the evil. Others hold, on the contrary, that, though there is certainly a fate in harmony with events, it does not emanate from wandering stars, but must be sought in the principles and processes of natural causation. Still, they leave us free to choose our life: that choice made, however, the order of the future is certain. Nor, they maintain, are evil and good what the crowd imagines: many who appear to be the sport of adverse circumstances are happy; numbers are wholly wretched though in the midst of great possessions â\x80\x94 provided only that the former endure the strokes of fortune with firmness, while the latter employ her favours with unwisdom. With most men, however, the faith is ineradicable that the future of an individual is ordained at the moment of his entry into life; but at times a prophecy is falsified by the event, through the dishonesty of the prophet who speaks he knows not what; and thus is debased the credit of an art, of which the most striking evidences have been furnished both in the ancient world and in our own. For the forecast of Nero's reign, made by the son of this very Thrasyllus, shall be related at its fitting place: at present I\xa0do not care to stray too far from my theme." "6.22.2 \xa0For myself, when I\xa0listen to this and similar narratives, my judgement wavers. Is the revolution of human things governed by fate and changeless necessity, or by accident? You will find the wisest of the ancients, and the disciplines attached to their tenets, at complete variance; in many of them a fixed belief that Heaven concerns itself neither with our origins, nor with our ending, nor, in fine, with mankind, and that so adversity continually assails the good, while prosperity dwells among the evil. Others hold, on the contrary, that, though there is certainly a fate in harmony with events, it does not emanate from wandering stars, but must be sought in the principles and processes of natural causation. Still, they leave us free to choose our life: that choice made, however, the order of the future is certain. Nor, they maintain, are evil and good what the crowd imagines: many who appear to be the sport of adverse circumstances are happy; numbers are wholly wretched though in the midst of great possessions â\x80\x94 provided only that the former endure the strokes of fortune with firmness, while the latter employ her favours with unwisdom. With most men, however, the faith is ineradicable that the future of an individual is ordained at the moment of his entry into life; but at times a prophecy is falsified by the event, through the dishonesty of the prophet who speaks he knows not what; and thus is debased the credit of an art, of which the most striking evidences have been furnished both in the ancient world and in our own. For the forecast of Nero's reign, made by the son of this very Thrasyllus, shall be related at its fitting place: at present I\xa0do not care to stray too far from my theme. <" "
6.28 \xa0In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I\xa0propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of\xa01461\xa0years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were |
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