Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       

Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.

97 results for "classical"
1. Homer, Odyssey, 1.58 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 158
2. Homer, Iliad, 8.19, 24.527-24.528 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 233; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 385
8.19. / far, far away, where is the deepest gulf beneath the earth, the gates whereof are of iron and the threshold of bronze, as far beneath Hades as heaven is above earth: then shall ye know how far the mightiest am I of all gods. Nay, come, make trial, ye gods, that ye all may know. Make ye fast from heaven a chain of gold, 24.527. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.528. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot,
3. Sappho, Fragments, 58, 55 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
4. Sappho, Fragments, 55, 58 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
5. Anacreon, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
6. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 6.48 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •lyric, in the classical period Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
7. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
8. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1201-1212, 1200 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
1200. πόντου πέραν τραφεῖσαν ἀλλόθρουν πόλιν 1200. — That thou, beyond sea reared, a strange-tongued city
9. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, 93 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 214
10. Isocrates, Orations, 4.50, 15.294 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 157, 211
11. Herodotus, Histories, 1.46-1.54 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 214
1.46. After the loss of his son, Croesus remained in deep sorrow for two years. After this time, the destruction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sovereignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth of the power of the Persians, distracted Croesus from his mourning; and he determined, if he could, to forestall the increase of the Persian power before they became great. ,Having thus determined, he at once made inquiries of the Greek and Libyan oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi , to Abae in Phocia, and to Dodona , while others were despatched to Amphiaraus and Trophonius, and others to Branchidae in the Milesian country. ,These are the Greek oracles to which Croesus sent for divination: and he told others to go inquire of Ammon in Libya . His intent in sending was to test the knowledge of the oracles, so that, if they were found to know the truth, he might send again and ask if he should undertake an expedition against the Persians. 1.47. And when he sent to test these shrines he gave the Lydians these instructions: they were to keep track of the time from the day they left Sardis , and on the hundredth day inquire of the oracles what Croesus, king of Lydia , son of Alyattes, was doing then; then they were to write down whatever the oracles answered and bring the reports back to him. ,Now none relate what answer was given by the rest of the oracles. But at Delphi , no sooner had the Lydians entered the hall to inquire of the god and asked the question with which they were entrusted, than the Pythian priestess uttered the following hexameter verses: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" “I know the number of the grains of sand and the extent of the sea, /l l And understand the mute and hear the voiceless. /l l The smell has come to my senses of a strong-shelled tortoise /l l Boiling in a cauldron together with a lamb's flesh, /l l Under which is bronze and over which is bronze.” /l /quote 1.48. Having written down this inspired utterance of the Pythian priestess, the Lydians went back to Sardis . When the others as well who had been sent to various places came bringing their oracles, Croesus then unfolded and examined all the writings. Some of them in no way satisfied him. But when he read the Delphian message, he acknowledged it with worship and welcome, considering Delphi as the only true place of divination, because it had discovered what he himself had done. ,For after sending his envoys to the oracles, he had thought up something which no conjecture could discover, and carried it out on the appointed day: namely, he had cut up a tortoise and a lamb, and then boiled them in a cauldron of bronze covered with a lid of the same. 1.49. Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer. 1.50. After this, he tried to win the favor of the Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up three thousand beasts from all the kinds fit for sacrifice, and on a great pyre burnt couches covered with gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded that every Lydian sacrifice what he could. ,When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast store of gold and made ingots of it, the longer sides of which were of six and the shorter of three palms' length, and the height was one palm. There were a hundred and seventeen of these. Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with silver alloy, each of two talents' weight. ,He also had a figure of a lion made of refined gold, weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were the base on which it stood; and now it is in the treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and a half talents. 1.51. When these offerings were ready, Croesus sent them to Delphi , with other gifts besides: namely, two very large bowls, one of gold and one of silver. The golden bowl stood to the right, the silver to the left of the temple entrance. ,These too were removed about the time of the temple's burning, and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight and a half talents and twelve minae, is in the treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of the Divine Appearance. ,It is said by the Delphians to be the work of Theodorus of Samos , and I agree with them, for it seems to me to be of no common workmanship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription “Given by the Lacedaemonians,” who claim it as their offering. But they are wrong, ,for this, too, is Croesus' gift. The inscription was made by a certain Delphian, whose name I know but do not mention, out of his desire to please the Lacedaemonians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift; but they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. ,Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other offerings of no great distinction, certain round basins of silver, and a female figure five feet high, which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the woman who was Croesus' baker. Moreover, he dedicated his own wife's necklaces and girdles. 1.52. Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi . To Amphiaraus, of whose courage and fate he had heard, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both of these were until my time at Thebes , in the Theban temple of Ismenian Apollo. 1.53. The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to the temples were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the oracles whether he was to send an army against the Persians and whether he was to add an army of allies. ,When the Lydians came to the places where they were sent, they presented the offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, believing that here are the only true places of divination among men, endows you with such gifts as your wisdom deserves. And now he asks you whether he is to send an army against the Persians, and whether he is to add an army of allies.” ,Such was their inquiry; and the judgment given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the same: namely, that if he should send an army against the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And they advised him to discover the mightiest of the Greeks and make them his friends. 1.54. When the divine answers had been brought back and Croesus learned of them, he was very pleased with the oracles. So, altogether expecting that he would destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent once again to Pytho and endowed the Delphians, whose number he had learned, with two gold staters apiece. ,The Delphians, in return, gave Croesus and all Lydians the right of first consulting the oracle, exemption from all charges, the chief seats at festivals, and perpetual right of Delphian citizenship to whoever should wish it.
12. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.34-2.46, 2.41.1, 4.113.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 156, 159, 211; Wilding (2022) 67
2.41.1. ‘ξυνελών τε λέγω τήν τε πᾶσαν πόλιν τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευσιν εἶναι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ’ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν εἴδη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλιστ’ ἂν εὐτραπέλως τὸ σῶμα αὔταρκες παρέχεσθαι. 4.113.1. τῶν δὲ Τορωναίων γιγνομένης τῆς ἁλώσεως τὸ μὲν πολὺ οὐδὲν εἰδὸς ἐθορυβεῖτο, οἱ δὲ πράσσοντες καὶ οἷς ταῦτα ἤρεσκε μετὰ τῶν ἐσελθόντων εὐθὺς ἦσαν. 2.41.1. In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas ; while I doubt if the world can produce a man, who where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility as the Athenian. 4.113.1. The capture of the town was effected before the great body of the Toronaeans had recovered from their surprise and confusion;
13. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
14. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 157
15. Dinarchus, Or., 11 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
16. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
17. Aeschines, Letters, 3.184-3.185 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 70
18. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1-5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 156
5.1. Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.2. tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.3. Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4. Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto. 5.5. Tum Piso: Quoniam igitur aliquid omnes, quid Lucius noster? inquit. an eum locum libenter libenter diligenter R invisit, ubi Demosthenes et Aeschines inter se decertare soliti sunt? suo enim quisque enim unus quisque BE studio maxime ducitur. Et ille, cum erubuisset: Noli, inquit, ex me quaerere, qui in Phalericum etiam descenderim, quo in loco ad fluctum aiunt declamare solitum Demosthenem, ut fremitum assuesceret voce vincere. modo etiam paulum ad dexteram dextram RN de via declinavi, ut ad Pericli ad Pericli Gz. apicii R ad pericii BE ad peridis ( corr. in periclis) N ad periculis V sepulcrum sepulchrum BEV accederem. quamquam id quidem infinitum est in hac urbe; quacumque enim ingredimur, in aliqua historia vestigium ponimus. 5.6. Tum Piso: Atqui, Cicero, inquit, ista studia, si ad imitandos summos viros spectant, ingeniosorum sunt; sin tantum modo ad indicia veteris memoriae cognoscenda, curiosorum. te autem hortamur omnes, currentem quidem, ut spero, ut eos, quos novisse vis, imitari etiam velis. Hic ego: Etsi facit hic quidem, inquam, Piso, ut vides, ea, quae praecipis, tamen mihi grata hortatio tua est. Tum ille amicissime, ut solebat: Nos vero, inquit, omnes omnia ad huius adolescentiam conferamus, in primisque ut aliquid suorum studiorum philosophiae quoque impertiat, vel ut te imitetur, quem amat, vel ut illud ipsum, quod studet, facere possit ornatius. sed utrum hortandus es nobis, Luci, inquit, an etiam tua sponte propensus es? mihi quidem Antiochum, quem audis, satis belle videris attendere. Tum ille timide vel potius verecunde: Facio, inquit, equidem, sed audistine modo de Carneade? rapior illuc, revocat autem Antiochus, nec est praeterea, quem audiamus. 5.1.  My dear Brutus, — Once I had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. 5.2.  Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.3.  "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' — a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." 5.4.  "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." 5.5.  "Well, then," said Piso, "as we all have some association that appeals to us, what is it that interests our young friend Lucius? Does he enjoy visiting the spot where Demosthenes and Aeschines used to fight their battles? For we are all specially influenced by our own favourite study." "Pray don't ask me," answer Lucius with a blush; "I have actually made a pilgrimage down to the Bay of Phalerum, where they say Demosthenes used to practise declaiming on the beach, to learn to pitch his voice so as to overcome an uproar. Also only just now I turned off the road a little way on the right, to visit the tomb of Pericles. Though in fact there is no end to it in this city; wherever we go we tread historic ground." 5.6.  "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you — though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed — to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to."
19. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.1-5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 156
5.1.  My dear Brutus, — Once I had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. 5.2.  Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.3.  "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' — a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." 5.4.  "As for our friend Pomponius," I interposed, "I believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I fancy I see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." 5.5.  "Well, then," said Piso, "as we all have some association that appeals to us, what is it that interests our young friend Lucius? Does he enjoy visiting the spot where Demosthenes and Aeschines used to fight their battles? For we are all specially influenced by our own favourite study." "Pray don't ask me," answer Lucius with a blush; "I have actually made a pilgrimage down to the Bay of Phalerum, where they say Demosthenes used to practise declaiming on the beach, to learn to pitch his voice so as to overcome an uproar. Also only just now I turned off the road a little way on the right, to visit the tomb of Pericles. Though in fact there is no end to it in this city; wherever we go we tread historic ground." 5.6.  "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you — though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed — to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to."
20. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 163
4. nos in causa auctoritatem eo minorem habemus, quod tibi debemus, gratiam autem nostram exstinguit hominum suspicio, quod Pompeio se gratificari putant. ut in rebus multo ante, quam profectus es, ab ipso rege et ab intimis ac domesticis Pompei clam exulceratis, deinde palam a consularibus exagitatis et in summam invidiam adductis ita versamur. nostram fidem omnes, amorem tui absentis praesentes tui cognoscent. si esset in iis fides, in quibus summa esse debebat, non laboraremus. Scr. Romae a. d. xvi Kal. Febr. a. 698 (56). M. CICERO S.D. P. LENTVLO PROCOS. 4. haec scripsi a. d. xvi K. Februarias ante lucem; eo die senatus erat futurus. nos in senatu, quem ad modum spero, dignitatem nostram, ut potest in tanta hominum perfidia et iniquitate, retinebimus; quod ad popularem rationem attinet, hoc videmur esse consecuti, ut ne quid agi cum populo aut salvis auspiciis aut salvis legibus aut denique sine vi posset. de his rebus pridie, quam haec scripsi, senatus auctoritas gravissima intercessit, cui quom Cato et Caninius intercessissent, tamen est perscripta; eam ad te missam esse arbitror. de ceteris rebus quicquid erit actum, scribam ad te et, ut quam rectissime agantur omnia mea cura, opera, diligentia, gratia providebo. Scr. Romae medio mense Ian. a. 698 (56) . M. CICERO S.D. P. LENTVLO PROCOS. 4. tuae sapientiae magnitudinisque animi est omnem amplitudinem et dignitatem tuam in virtute atque in rebus gestis tuis atque in tua gravitate positam existimare; si quid ex iis rebus, quas tibi fortuna largita est, non nullorum hominum perfidia detraxerit, id maiori illis fraudi quam tibi futurum. A me nullum tempus praetermittitur de tuis rebus et agendi et cogitandi; utor ad omnia Q. Selicio, neque enim prudentiorem quemquam ex tuis neque fide maiore esse iudico neque amantiorem tui Scr. Romae paulo post vi Id. Febr. a. 698 (56). M. CICERO S.D. P. LENTVLO PROCOS. 4. qua re ea, quae suam, sic habeto, me cum illo re saepe communicata de illius ad te sententia atque auctoritate scribere: quoniam senatus consultum nullum exstat, quo reductio regis Alexandrini tibi adempta sit, eaque, quae de ea scripta est auctoritas, cui scis intercessum esse, ut ne quis omnino regem reduceret, tantam vim habet, ut magis iratorum hominum studium quam constantis senatus consilium esse videatur, te perspicere posse, qui Ciliciam Cyprumque teneas, quid efficere et quid consequi possis, et, si res facultatem habitura videatur, ut Alexandream atque Aegyptum tenere possis, esse et tuae et nostri imperi dignitatis Ptolomaide aut aliquo propinquo eloco rege conlocato te cum classe atque exercitu proficisci Alexandriam, ut, eam cum pace praesidiisque firmaris, Ptolomaeus redeat in regnum; ita fore ut et per te restituatur, quem ad modum senatus initio censuit, et sine multitudine reducatur, quem ad modum homines religiosi Sibyllae placere dixerunt. 4. haec ego ad te ob eam causam maxime scribo, ut iam de tua quoque ratione meditere. commutata tota ratio est senatus, iudiciorum, rei totius publicae; otium nobis exoptandum est, quod ii, qui potiuntur rerum, praestaturi videntur, si quidam homines patientius eorum potentiam ferre potuerint; dignitatem quidem illam consularem fortis et constantis senatoris nihil est quod cogitemus; amissa culpa est eorum, qui a senatu et ordinem coniunctissimum et hominem clarissimum abalienarunt. 4. certiorem te per litteras scribis esse factum me cum Caesare et cum Appio esse in gratia teque id non reprehendere adscribis; Vatinium autem scire te velle ostendis quibus rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim. quod tibi ut planius exponam, altius paulo rationem consiliorum meorum repetam necesse est. ego me, Lentule, initio rerum atque actionum tuarum non solum meis sed etiam rei publicae restitutum putabam et, quoniam tibi incredibilem quendam amorem et omnia in te ipsum summa ac singularia studia deberem, rei publicae, quae te in me restituendo multum adiuvisset, eum certe me animum merito ipsius debere arbitrabar, quem antea tantum modo communi officio civium, non aliquo erga me singulari beneficio debitum praestitissem. hac me mente fuisse et senatus ex me te consule audivit et tu in nostris sermonibus conlocutionibusque ipse vidisti. 4. dux nobis et auctor opus est et eorum ventorum, quos proposui, moderator quidam et quasi gubernator. qui si ex omnibus unus optandus esset, quem tecum conferre possemus non haberemus. quam ob rem, si me memorem, si gratum, si bonum virum vel ex hoc ipso, quod tam vehementer de Milone laborem, existimare potes, si dignum denique tuis beneficiis iudicas, hoc a te peto, ut subvenias huic meae sollicitudini et huic meae laudi vel, ut verius dicam, prope saluti tuum studium dices. de ipso T. Annio tantum tibi polliceor, te maioris animi, gravitatis, constantiae benevolentiaeque erga te, si complecti hominem volueris, habiturum esse neminem; mihi vero tantum decoris, tantum dignitatis adiunxeris ut eundem te facile adgnoscam fuisse in laude mea, qui fueris in salute. ego ni te videre scirem, qua mente haec scriberem, quantum offici sustinerem, quanto opere mihi esset in hac petitione Milonis omni non modo contentione, sed etiam dimicatione elaborandum, plura scriberem; nunc tibi omnem rem atque causam meque totum commendo atque trado. unum hoc sic habeto, si a te hanc rem impetraro, me paene plus tibi quam ipsi Miloni debiturum; non enim mihi tam mea salus cara fuit, in qua praecipue sum ab illo adiutus, quam pietas erit in referenda gratia iucunda; eam autem unius tuo studio me adsequi posse confido. Scr. in castris ad Pindenessum a d. xiv K. Ianuar. a. 703 (51). M. CICERO IMP. S. D. C. CVRIONI TR. PL. 4. te, mi Curio, pro tua incredibili in me benevolentia meaque item in te singulari rogo atque oro, ne patiare quicquam mihi ad hanc provincialem molestiam temporis prorogari. praesens tecum egi, cum te tr. pl. isto anno fore non putarem, itemque petivi saepe per litteras, sed tum quasi a †senatuore, nobilissimo tamen adulescente et gratiosissimo, nunc a tr. pl. et a Curione tribuno, non ut decernatur aliquid novi, quod solet esse difficilius, sed ut ne quid novi decernatur, ut et senati consultum et leges defendas, eaque mihi condicio maneat, qua profectus sum. hoc te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. Scr. Athenis prid. Non. Quint. 0.703 (51). M. CICERO PROCOS. S. D. M. CAELIO. 4. quod si, ut spero, cepero, tum vero litteras publice mittam; haec ad te in praesenti scripsi, ut sperares te adsequi id, quod optasses. sed ut redeam ad Parthos, haec aestas habuit hunc exitum satis felicem; ea, quae sequitur, magno est in timore. qua re, mi Rufe, vigila, primum ut mihi succedatur ; sin id erit, ut scribis et ut ego arbitror, spissius, illud, quod facile est, ne quid mihi temporis prorogetur. de re publica ex tuis litteris, ut antea tibi scripsi, cum praesentia tum etiam futura magis exspecto. qua re, ut ad me omnia quam diligentissime perscribas, te vehementer rogo. Scr. Laudiceae prid. Non. Apr. a. 704 (50). M. CICERO IMP. D. M. CAELIO AEDILI CVRVLI 4. ego de provincia decedens quaestorem Coelium praeposui provinciae. ' puerum ?' inquis. at quaestorem, at nobilem adulescentem, at omnium fere exemplo. neque erat superiore honore usus, quem praeficerem. Pomptinus multo ante discesserat; a Quinto fratre impetrari non poterat; quem tamen si reliquissem, dicerent iniqui non me plane post annum, ut senatus voluisset, de provincia decessisse, quoniam alterum me reliquissem. fortasse etiam illud adderent, senatum eos voluisse provinciis praeesse, qui antea non praefuissent, fratrem meum triennium Asiae praefuisse. denique nunc sollicitus non sum; si fratrem reliquissem, omnia timerem. postremo non tam mea sponte quam potentissimorum duorum exemplo, qui omnis Cassios Antoniosque complexi sunt, hominem adulescentem non tam allicere volui quam alienare nolui. hoc tu meum consilium laudes necessest, mutari enim non potest. de Ocella parum ad me plane scripseras et in actis non erat. tuae res gestae ita notae sunt, ut trans montem Taurum etiam de Matrinio sit auditum. ego, nisi quid me etesiae morabuntur, celeriter, ut spero, vos videbo. Scr. in Cumano iv Non. Mai. a. 705 (49). M. CICERO IMP. S. D. M. CAELIO. 4. nec me ista terrent, quae mihi a te ad timorem fidissime atque amantissime proponuntur. nulla est enim acerbitas, quae non omnibus hac orbis terrarum perturbatione impendere videatur; quam quidem ego a re publica meis privatis et domesticis incommodis libentissime vel istis ipsis, quae tu me mones ut caveam, redemissem. 4. rationes mei quaestoris nec verum fuit me tibi mittere, nec tamen erant confectae; eas nos Apameae deponere cogitabamus. de praeda mea praeter quaestores urbanos, id est populum Romanum, terruncium nec attigit nec tacturus est quisquam. Laudiceae me praedes accepturum arbitror omnis pecuniae publicae, ut et mihi et populo cautum sit sine vecturae periculo. quod scribis ad me de drachmum ccciↃↃↃ, nihil est quod in isto genere cuiquam possim commodare; omnis enim pecunia ita tractatur, ut praeda a praefectis, quae autem mihi attributa est, a quaestore curetur. 4. nunc quid fieri possit, tu facillime statues; ego tibi meum consilium exponam: Pr. K. Sextilis puto me Laudiceae fore. perpaucos dies, dum pecunia accipitur, quae mihi ex publica permutatione debetur, commorabor. deinde iter faciam ad exercitum, ut circiter id . Sext. putem me ad Iconium fore. sed, si quid nunc me fallit in scribendo (procul enim aberam ab. re ipsa et a locis), simul ac progredi coepero, quam celerrime potero et quam creberrimis litteris faciam ut tibi nota sit omnis ratio dierum atque itinerum meorum. oneris tibi imponere nec audeo quicquam nec debeo; sed, quod commodo tuo fieri possit, utriusque nostrum magni interest ut te videam ante quam decedas. quam facultatem si quis casus eripuerit, mea tamen in te omnia officia constabunt non secus ac si te vidissem; tibi de nostris rebus nihil sum ante mandaturus per litteras quam desperaro coram me tecum agere posse. 4. ac mihi tamen, ante quam in provinciam veni, redditae sunt a te litterae, quibus etsi te Tarsum proficisci demonstrabas, tamen mihi non dubiam spem mei conveniendi adferebas, cum interea, credo equidem, malevoli homines (late enim patet hoc vitium et est in multis), sed tamen probabilem materiem nacti sermonis ignari meae constantiae conabantur alienare a te voluntatem meam; qui te forum Tarsi agere, statuere multa, decernere, iudicare dicerent, cum posses iam suspicari tibi esse successum, quae ne ab iis quidem fieri solerent, qui brevi tempore sibi succedi putarent. 4. A Pausania, Lentuli liberto, accenso meo, audivi, cum diceret te secum esse questum, quod tibi obviam non prodissem. scilicet contempsi te, nec potest fieri me quicquam superbius! Cum puer tuus ad me secunda fere vigilia venisset isque te ante lucem Iconium mihi venturum nuntiasset, incertumque, utra via, cum essent duae, altera Varronem, tuum familiarissimum, altera Q. Leptam, praefectum fabrum meum, tibi obviam misi. mandavi utrique eorum, ut tante ad me excurrerent, ut tibi obviam prodire possem. currens Lepta venit mihique nuntiavit te iam castra praetergressum esse. confestim Iconium veni. cetera iam tibi nota sunt. an ego tibi obviam non prodirem, primum Ap. Claudio, deinde imperatori, deinde more maiorum, deinde, quod caput est, amico, cum in isto genere multo etiam ambitiosius facere soleam, quam honos meus et dignitas postulat? sed haec hactenus. 4. Romae composui edictum; nihil addidi, nisi quod publicani me rogarunt, cum Samum ad me venissent, ut de tuo edicto totidem verbis transferrem in meum. diligentissime scriptum caput est, quod pertinet ad minuendos sumptus civitatum. quo in capite sunt quaedam nova salutaria civitatibus, quibus ego magno opere delector; hoc vero, ex quo suspicio nata est me exquisisse aliquid in quo te offenderem, tralaticium est. neque enim eram tam desipiens, ut privatae rei causa legari putarem, qui et tibi non privato et pro re non privata sua, sed publica, non in privato, sed in publico orbis terrae consilio, id est in senatu, ut gratias agerent, mittebantur; neque, cum edixi ne quis iniussu meo proficisceretur, exclusi eos, qui me in castra et qui trans Taurum persequi non possent. nam id est maxime in tuis litteris inridendum. quid enim erat, quod me persequerentur in castra Taurumve transirent, cum ego Laudicea usque ad Iconium iter ita fecerim, ut me omnium illarum dioecesium, quae eis Taurum sunt, omniumque carum civitatum magistratus legationesque convenirent? 4. verum haec videbimus. illud, quod polliceris, velim pro tua fide diligentiaque et pro nostra non instituta, sed iam inveterata amicitia cures, enitare, ut supplicatio nobis quam honorificentissime quam primumque decernatur. omnino serius misi litteras quam vellem (in quo cum difficultas navigandi fuit odiosa, tum in ipsum discessum senatus incidisse credo meas litteras), sed id feci adductus auctoritate et consilio tuo idque a me recte factum puto, quod non statim, ut appellatus imperator sim, sed aliis rebus additis aestivisque confectis litteras miserim. haec igitur tibi erunt curae, quem ad modum ostendis, meque totum et mea et meos commendatos habebis. Scr. Laudiceae m. April a. 704 (50) . CICERO APPIO PVLCHRO S. 4. quae de hominum atque ordinum omnium erga te studiis scribis ad me, minime mihi miranda et maxime iucunda acciderunt, eademque ad me perscripta sunt a familiaribus meis. itaque capio magnam voluptatem, cum tibi, cuius mihi amicitia non solum ampla sed etiam iucunda est, ea tribui, quae debeantur, tum vero remanere etiam nunc in civitate nostra studia prope omnium consensu erga fortis et industrios viros, quae mihi ipsi una semper tributa merces est laborum et vigiliarum mearum. 4. nunc ad alteram epistulam venio. quod ad me quasi formam communium temporum et totius rei publicae misisti expressam, prudentia litterarum tuarum valde mihi est grata; video enim et pericula leviora, quam timebam, et maiora praesidia, siquidem, ut scribis, omnes vires civitatis se ad Pompei ductum applicaverunt; tuumque simul promptum animum et alacrem perspexi ad defendendam rem publicam mirificamque cepi voluptatem ex hac tua diligentia, quod in summis tuis occupationibus mihi tamen rei publicae statum per te notum esse voluisti. nam auguralis libros ad commune utriusque nostrum otium serva. ego enim, a te cum tua promissa per litteras flagitabam, ad urbem te otiosissimum esse arbitrabar; nunc tamen, ut ipse polliceris, pro auguralibus libris orationes tuas confectas omnis exspectabo. 4. decedenti mihi et iam imperio annuo terminato ante 4 d. III Nonas Sext., cum ad Sidam navi accederem et mecum Q. Servilius esset, litterae a meis sunt redditae. dixi statim Servilio (etenim videbatur esse commotus), ut omnia a me maiora exspectaret. quid multa? benevolentior tibi quam fui nilo sum factus, diligentior ad declarandam benevolentiam multo. nam, ut vetus nostra simultas antea stimulabat me ut caverem ne cui suspicionem ficte reconciliatae gratiae darem, sic adfinitas nova curam mihi adfert cavendi ne quid de summo meo erga te amore detractum esse videatur. Scr. Rhodi circ. iv Id. Sext. a. 704 (50). CICERO APPIO PVLCHRO S. 4. restat, ut discedendum putem; in quo reliqua videtur esse deliberatio, quod consilium in discessu, quae loca sequamur. omnino cum miserior res numquam accidit tum ne deliberatio quidem difficilior; nihil enim constitui potest, quod non incurrat in magnam aliquam difficultatem. tu, si videbitur, ita censeo facias, ut, si habes iam statutum, quid tibi agendum putes, in quo non sit coniunctum consilium tuum cum meo, supersedeas hoc labore itineris. sin autem est quod mecum communicare velis, ego te exspectabo; tu, quod tuo commodo fiat, quam primum velim venias, sicut intellexi et Servio et Postumiae placere. vale . Scr. Romae ante vi K. intercal. priores a. 708 (46) . M. CICERO S. D. SER. SVLPICIO. 4. tantum dicam, quod te spero approbaturum, me, postea quam illi arti, cui studueram, nihil esse loci neque in curia neque in foro viderem, omnem meam curam atque operam ad philosophiam contulisse. tuae scientiae excellenti ac singulari non multo plus quam nostrae relictum est loci. qua re non equidem te moneo, sed mihi ita persuasi, te quoque in isdem versari rebus, quae etiam si minus prodessent, animum tamen a sollicitudine abducerent. Servius quidem tuus in omnibus ingenuis artibus in primisque in hac, in qua ego me scripsi adquiescere, ita versatur, ut excellat; a me vero sic diligitur, ut tibi, uni concedam, praeterea nemini; mihique ab eo gratia refertur, in quo ille existimat, quod facile appareat, cum me colat et observet, tibi quoque in eo se facere gratissimum. Scr. Romae ex. m. Sept. aut in. Oct. a. 708 (46) . M. CICERO S. D. SER. SVLPICIO. 4. itaque, cum omnes ante me rogati gratias Caesari egissent praeter Volcacium (is enim, si eo loco esset, negavit se facturum fuisse), ego rogatus mutavi meum consilium. nam statueram non me hercule inertia, sed desiderio pristinae dignitatis in perpetuum tacere. fregit hoc meum consilium et Caesaris magnitudo animi et senatus officium; itaque pluribus verbis egi Caesari gratias, meque metuo ne etiam in ceteris rebus honesto otio privarim, quod erat unum solacium in malis. sed tamen, quoniam effugi eius offensionem, qui fortasse arbitraretur me hanc rem publicam non putare, si perpetuo tacerem, modice hoc faciam aut etiam intra modum, ut et illius voluntati et meis studiis serviam. nam, etsi a prima aetate me omnis ars et doctrina liberalis et maxime philosophia delectavit, tamen hoc studium cotidie ingravescit, credo, et aetatis maturitate ad prudentiam et iis temporum vitiis, ut nulla res alia levare animum molestiis possit. 4. quae res mihi non mediocrem consolationem attulit, volo tibi commemorare, si forte eadem res tibi dolorem minuere possit. ex Asia rediens cum ab Aegina Megaram versus navigarem coepi regiones circumcirca prospicere. post me erat Aegina, ante me Megara, dextra Piraeus, sinistra Corinthus, quae oppida quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nunc prostrata et diruta ante oculos iacent. coepi egomet mecum sic cogitare: ' hem ! nos homunculi indignamur, si quis nostrum interiit aut occisus est, quorum vita brevior esse debet, cum uno loco tot oppidum cadavera proiecta iacent? visne ' tu te, Servi, cohibere et meminisse hominem te esse natum?' crede mihi cogitatione ea non mediocriter sum confirmatus. hoc idem, si tibi videtur, fac ante oculos tibi proponas. modo uno tempore tot viri clarissimi interierunt, de imperio populi Romani tanta deminutio facta est, omnes provinciae conquassatae sunt in unius mulierculae animula si iactura facta est, tanto opere commoveris? quae si hoc tempore non diei suum obisset, paucis post annis tamen ei moriendum fuit, quoniam homo nata fuerat. 4. sed tamen, si iam ita constituisses, ut abesse perpetuo malles quam ea, quae nolles, videre, tamen id cogitare deberes, ubicumque esses, te fore in eius ipsius, quem fugeres, potestate. qui si facile passurus esset te carentem patria et fortunis tuis quiete et libere vivere, cogitandum tibi tamen esset Romaene et domi tuae, cuicuimodi res esset, an Mitylenis aut Rhodi malles vivere. sed cum ita late pateat eius potestas, quem veremur, ut terrarum orbem complexa sit, nonne mavis sine periculo tuae domi esse quam cum periculo alienae? equidem, etiam si oppetenda mors esset, domi atque in patria mallem quam in externis atque alienis locis. hoc idem omnes, qui te diligunt, sentiunt ; quorum est magna pro tuis maximis clarissimisque virtutibus multitudo. 4. denique, si fuit magni animi non esse supplicem victori, vide ne superbi sit aspernari eiusdem liberalitatem et, si sapientis est carere patria, duri non desiderare; et, si re publica non possis frui, stultum est nolle privata. caput illud est, ut, si ista vita tibi commodior esse videatur, cogitandum tamen sit, ne tutior non sit. Magna gladiorum est licentia, sed in externis locis minor etiam ad facinus verecundia. mihi salus tua tantae cura est, ut Marcello, fratri tuo, aut par aut certe proximus sini; tuum est consulere temporibus et incolumitati et vitae et fortunis tuis Scr. Romae in m. Nov. a. 708 (46) . CICERO MARCELLO S. 4. reliquum est, ut consoler et adferam rationes, quibus te a molestiis coner abducere. at ea quidem facultas vel tui vel alterius consolandi in te summa est, si umquam in ullo fuit. itaque eam partem, quae ab exquisita quadam ratione et doctrina proficiscitur, non attingam, tibi totam relinquam. quid sit forti et sapienti homine dignum, quid gravitas, quid altitudo animi, quid acta tua vita, quid studia, quid artes, quibus a pueritia floruisti, a te flagitent, tu videbis; ego, quod intellegere et sentire, quia sum Romae et quia curo attendoque, possum, id tibi adfirmo, te in istis molestiis, in quibus es hoc tempore, non diutius futurum, in iis autem, in quibus etiam nos sumus, fortasse semper fore. 4. de tuis velim ut eo sis animo, quo debes esse, id est ut ne quid tibi praecipue timendum putes. si enim status erit aliquis civitatis, quicumque erit, te omnium periculorum video expertem fore; nam alteros tibi iam placatos' esse intellego, alteros numquam iratos fuisse. de mea autem in ite voluntate sic velim iudices, me, quibuscumque rebus opus esse intellegam, quamquam videam, qui sini hoc tempore et quid possim, opera tamen et consilio, studio quidem certe rei, famae, saluti tuae praesto futurum. tu velim, et quid agas et quid acturum te putes, facias me quam diligentissime certiorem. vale . Scr. Romae paulo post ep. xiv a. 708 (46) . M. CICERO S. D. CN. PLANCIO. 4. iam illud senatus consultum, quod eo die factum est, ea praescriptione est, ut, dum id exstabit, officium meum in te obscurum esse non possit. postea vero quam profectus es, velim recordere quae ego de te in senatu egerim, quae in contionibus dixerim, quas ad te litteras miserim. quae cum omnia conlegeris, tu ipse velim iudices, satisne videatur his omnibus rebus tuus adventus, cum proxime Romam venisti, mutue respondisse. 4. quam ob rem tu, quantum tuo indicio tribuendum esse nobis putes, statues ipse et, ut spero, statues ex nostra dignitate; ego vero tibi profiteor atque polliceor eximium et singulare meum studium in omni genere offici, quod ad honestatem et gloriam tuam spectet. in quo etiam si multi mecum contendent, tamen cum reliquis omnibus tum Crassis tuis iudicibus omnis facile superabo; quos quidem ego ambo unice diligo, sed in Marcum benevolentia pari hoc magis sum Publio deditus, quod me, quamquam a pueritia sua semper, tamen hoc tempore maxime sicut alterum parentem et observat et diligit. 4. A principio enim coniurationis usque ad reditum nostrum videtur mihi modicum quoddam corpus confici posse, in quo et illa poteris uti civilium commutationum scientia vel in explicandis causis rerum novarum vel in remediis incommodorum, cum et reprehendes ea, quae vituperanda duces, et quae placebunt exponendis rationibus comprobabis et, si liberius, ut consuesti, agendum putabis, multorum in nos perfidiam, insidias, proditionem notabis. multam etiam casus nostri varietatem tibi in scribendo suppeditabunt plenam cuiusdam voluptatis, quae vehementer animos hominum in legendo te scriptore tenere possit. nihil est enim aptius ad delectationem lectoris quam temporum varietates fortunaeque vicissitudines. quae etsi nobis optabiles in experiendo non fuerunt, in legendo tamen erunt iucundae; habet enim praeteriti doloris secura recordatio delectationem; 4. ergo et domestica feremus, ut censes, et publica paulo etiam fortius fortasse quam tu ipse, qui praecipis. te enim aliqua spes consolatur, ut scribis, nos erimus etiam in omnium desperatione fortes, ut tu tamen idem et hortaris et praecipis. das enim mihi iucundas recordationes conscientiae nostrae rerumque earum, quas te in primis auctore gessimus; praestitimus enim patriae non minus certe quam debuimus, plus profecto quam est ab animo cuiusquam aut consilio hominis postulatum. 4. hic tu me abesse urbe miraris, in qua domus nihil delectare possit, summum sit odium temporum, hominum, fori, curiae? itaque sic litteris utor, in quibus consumo omne tempus, non ut ab iis medicinam perpetuam, sed ut exiguam oblivionem doloris petam. 4. quod si tuum te desiderium movet, aut si tuarum rerum cogitatione maeres, non facile exhauriri tibi istum dolorem posse universum puto; sin illa te res cruciat, quae magis amoris est, ut eorum, qui occiderunt, miserias lugeas, ut ea non dicam, quae saepissime et legi et audivi, nihil mali esse in morte, ex qua si resideat sensus, immortalitas illa potius quam mors ducenda sit, sin sit amissus, nulla videri miseria debeat quae non sentiatur, hoc tamen non dubitans confirmare possum, ea misceri, parari, impendere rei p., quae qui reliquerit nullo modo mihi quidem deceptus esse videatur. quid est enim iam non modo pudori, probitati, virtuti, rectis studiis, bonis artibus, sed omnino libertati ac saluti loci? non me hercule quemquam audivi hoc gravissimo et pestilentissimo anno adulescentulum aut puerum mortuum, qui mihi non a dis immortalibus ereptus ex his miseriis atque ex iniquissima condicione vitae videretur. 4. de tuo autem filio, vereor ne, si nihil ad te scripserim, debitum eius virtuti videar testimonium non dedisse, sin autem omnia, quae sentio, perscripserim, ne refricem meis litteris desiderium ac dolorem tuum. sed tamen prudentissime facies, si illius pietatem, virtutem, industriam, ubicumque eris, tuam esse, tecum esse duces; nec enim minus nostra sunt quae animo complectimur quam quae oculis intuemur. 4. sed sic me et liberalitatis fructu privas et diligentiae et, quod minime tamen laboro, mediocris etiam prudentiae: liberalitatis, quod mavis scribae mei beneficio quam meo legatum meum praefectumque Q. Leptam maxima calamitate levatos, cum praesertim non deberent esse obligati; diligentiae, quod existimas de tanto officio meo, tanto etiam periculo, nec scisse me quicquam nec cogitavisse, scribam, quicquid voluisset, cum id mihi ne recitavisset quidem, rettulisse; prudentiae, †cum rem a me non insipienter excogitatam quidem putas. nam et Volusi liberandi meum fuit consilium, et, ut multa tam gravis Valerianis praedibus ipsique T. Mario depelleretur, a me inita ratio est; quam quidem omnes non solum probant, sed etiam laudant, et, si verum scire vis, hoc uni scribae meo intellexi non nimium placere. sed ego putavi esse viri boni, cum populus suum servaret, consulere fortunis tot vel amicorum vel civium. 4. sed, ut illa secunda moderate tulimus, sic hanc non solum adversam sed funditus eversam fortunam fortiter ferre debemus, ut hoc saltem in maximis malis boni consequamur, ut mortem, quam etiam beati contemnere debebamus, propterea quod nullum sensum esset habitura, nunc sic adfecti non modo contemnere debeamus sed etiam optare. 4. esset victoria. qua re, si id evenit, quod ingredientibus nobis in causam propositum fuit accidere posse, non debemus ita cadere animis, quasi aliquid evenerit, quod fieri posse numquam putarimus. simus igitur ea mente, quam ratio et veritas praescribit, ut nihil in vita nobis praestandum praeter culpam putemus, eaque cum careamus, omnia humana placate et moderate feramus. atque haec eo pertinet oratio, ut perditis rebus omnibus tamen ipsa virtus se sustentare posse videatur. sed, si est spes aliqua rebus communibus, ea tu, quicumque status est futurus, carere non debes. 4. ego tibi hoc confirmo, etsi levis est consolatio ex miseriis aliorum, nihilo te nunc maiore in discrimine esse quam quemvis †aut eorum, qui discesserint; alteri dimicant, alteri victorem timent. sed haec consolatio levis est; illa gravior, qua te uti spero, ego certe utor; nec enim, dum ero, angar ulla re, cum omni vacem culpa, et, si non ero, sensu omnino carebo. sed rursus glau=k' ei)s *)aqh/nas, qui ad te haec. mihi tu, tui, tua omnia maximae curae sunt et, dum vivam, erunt. vale . Scr. Romae ante med. m. Ian. a. 709 (45) . M. CICERO S. D. A. TORQVATO. 4. quanto fuerim dolore meministi. in quo prima illa consolatio est, vidisse me plus quam ceteros, cum cupiebam quamvis iniqua condicione pacem; quod etsi casu, non divinatione mea factum est, tamen in hac mani prudentiae laude delector. deinde, quod mihi ad consolationem commune tecum est, si iam vocer ad exitum vitae, non ab ea re p. avellar, qua carendum esse doleam, praesertim cum id sine ullo sensu futurum sit. adiuvat etiam aetas et acta iam vita, quae cum cursu suo bene confecto delectat tum vetat in eo vim timere, quo nos iam natura ipsa paene perduxerit. postremo is vir vel etiam ii viri hoc bello occiderunt, ut impudentia videatur eandem fortunam, si res cogat, recusare. equidem mihi omnia propono, nec ullum est tantum malum quod non putem impendere. sed, cum plus in metuendo mali sit quam in ipso illo, quod timetur, desino, praesertim cum id impendeat, in quo non modo dolor nullus, verum finis etiam doloris futurus sit. sed haec satis multa, vel plura potius quam necesse fuit; facit autem non loquacitas mea, sed benevolentia longiores epistulas. 4. quapropter primum fac animo forti atque magno sis (ita enim natus, ita educatus, ita doctus es, ita etiam cognitus, ut tibi id faciendum sit), deinde spem quoque habeas firmissimam propter eas causas, quas scripsi. A me vero tibi omnia liberisque tuis paratissima esse confidas velim; id enim et vetustas nostri amoris et mea consuetudo in meos et tua multa erga me officia postulant. Scr. Romae circ. K. Oct. a. 708 (46) . M. CICERO S. D. A. CAECINAE. 4. cui quidem divinationi hoc plus confidimus, quod ea nos nihil in his tam obscuris rebus tamque perturbatis umquam omnino fefellit. dicerem, quae ante futura dixissem, ni vererer ne ex eventis fingere viderer. sed tamen plurimi sunt testes me et initio, ne coniungeret se cum Caesare, monuisse Pompeium et postea, ne seiungeret. coniunctione frangi senatus opes, diiunctione civile bellum excitari videbam. atque utebar familiarissime Caesare, Pompeium faciebam plurimi, sed erat meum consilium cum fidele Pompeio tum salutare utrique. 4. Cum vero ad ipsius Caesaris nomen veni, toto corpore contremesco non poenae metu, sed illius iudici. totum enim Caesarem non novi. quem putas animum esse, ubi secum loquitur? ' hoc probabit, hoc verbum suspiciosum est. quid, si hoc muto? at vereor ne peius sit. age vero, laudo aliquem; non offendo? Cum porro reprendo aliquem, quid, si non vult? armati stilum persequitur; victi et nondum restituti quid faciet?' auges etiam tu mihi timorem, qui in Oratore tuo caves tibi per Brutum et ad excusationem socium quaeris. Ubi hoc omnium patronus facit, quid me, veterem tuum, nunc omnium clientem, sentire oportet? in hac igitur calumnia timoris et caecae suspicionis tormento, cum plurima ad alieni sensus coniecturam, non ad suum iudicium scribantur, quam difficile sit evadere, si minus expertus es, quod te ad omnia summum atque excellens ingenium armavit, nos sentimus. sed tamen ego filio dixeram, librum tibi legeret et auferret aut ea condicione daret, si reciperes te correcturum, hoc est si totum alium faceres. 4. antea misissem ad te litteras si genus scribendi invenirem; tali enim tempore aut consolari amicorum est aut polliceri. consolatione non utebar, quod ex multis audiebam quam fortiter sapienterque ferres iniuriam temporum quamque te vehementer consolaretur conscientia factorum et consiliorum tuorum. quod quidem si facis, magnum fructum studiorum optimorum capis, in quibus te semper scio esse versatum, idque ut facias etiam atque etiam te hortor. 4. scis me antea sic solitum esse scribere ad te, magis ut consolarer fortem virum atque sapientem quam ut exploratam spem salutis ostenderem nisi eam, quam ab ipsa re p., cum hic ardor restinctus esset, sperari oportere censerem. recordare tuas litteras, quibus et magnum animum mihi semper ostendisti et ad omnis casus ferendos constantem ac paratum. quod ego non mirabar, cum recordarer te et a primis temporibus. aetatis in re p. esse versatum et tuos magistratus in ipsa discrimina incidisse salutis fortunarumque communium et in hoc ipsum bellum esse ingressum, non solum ut victor beatus sed etiam ut, si ita accidisset, victus sapiens esses. 4. quoniam quid sentirem exposui, quid velim tua causa re potius declarabo quam oratione. si tantum possem quantum in ea re p., de qua ita sum meritus ut tu existimas, posse debebam, ne tu quidem in istis incommodis esses; eadem enim causa opes meas fregit quae tuam salutem in discrimen adduxit. sed tamen, quicquid imago veteris meae dignitatis, quicquid reliquiae gratiae valebunt, studium, consilium, opera, gratia, fides mea nullo loco deerit tuis is optimis fratribus. 4. ' oratorem ' meum tanto opere a te probari vehementer gaudeo. mihi quidem sic persuadeo me, quicquid habuerim I iudici de dicendo, in illum librum contulisse. qui si est talis qualem tibi videri scribis, ego quoque aliquid sum ; sin aliter, non recuso quin, quantum de illo libro, tantundem de mei iudici fama detrahatur. Leptam nostrum cupio delectari iam talibus scriptis. etsi abest maturitas aetatis, tamen personare auris eius huius modi vocibus non est inutile. 4. his ego tamen diebus ludis scaenicis, ne forte videar tibi non modo beatus sed liber omnino fuisse, dirupi me paene in iudicio Galli Canini, familiaris tui. quod si tam facilem populum haberem quam Aesopus habuit, libenter me hercule artem desinerem tecumque et cum similibus nostri viverem. nam me cum antea taedebat, cum et aetas et ambitio me hortabatur, et licebat denique, quem nolebam, non defendere, tum vero hoc tempore vita nulla est. neque enim fructum ullum laboris exspecto et cogor non numquam homines non optime de me meritos rogatu eorum, qui bene meriti sunt defendere. 4. nos hic in multitudine et celebritate iudiciorum et novis legibus ita distinemur ut cotidie vota faciamus ne intercaletur, ut quam primum te videre possimus. Scr. Romae ante K. Sept. a. 708 (56) . M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO. 4. veni domum, non quo optima vivendi condicio esset, sed tamen, si esset aliqua forma rei p. tamquam in patria ut essem, si nulla, tamquam in exsilio. mortem mihi cur consciscerem causa non visa est, cur optarem multae causae. vetus est enim, ubi non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis vivere. sed tamen vacare culpa magnum est solacium, praesertim cum habeam duas res quibus me sustentem, optimarum artium scientiam et maximarum rerum gloriam; quarum altera mihi vivo numquam eripietur, altera ne mortuo quidem. 4. sic enim tibi persuadeas velim, unum mihi esse solacium qua re facilius possim pati te esse sine nobis, si tibi esse id emolumento sciam; sin autem id non est, nihil duobus nobis est 'stultius, me, qui te non Romam attraham, te, qui non huc advoles. una me hercule nostra vel severa vel iocosa congressio pluris erit quam non modo hostes, sed etiam fratres nostri Haedui. qua re omnibus de rebus fac ut quam primum sciam. aut consolando aut consilio aut re iuvero. Scr. fort. in Tusculano (?) m. Ian. a. 701 (53) . CICERO TREBATIO. 4. epistulam tuam, quam accepi ab L. Arruntio, conscidi innocentem; nihil enim habebat quod non vel in contione recte legi posset. sed et Arruntius ita te mandasse aiebat et tu adscripseras. verum illud esto; nihil te ad me postea scripsisse demiror, praesertim tam novis rebus. Scr. Reg iv K. Sext. u. 710 (44). CICERO TREBATIO S. 4. quod ad me de domo scribis iterum, iam id ego proficiscens mandabam meae Tulliae; ea enim ipsa hora acceperam tuas litteras. egeram etiam cum tuo Nicia, quod is utitur, ut scis, familiariter Cassio. ut redii autem prius quam tuas legi has proximas litteras, quaesivi de mea Tullia quid egisset. per Liciniam se egisse dicebat (sed opinor Cassium uti non ita multum sorore); eam porro negare se audere, cum vir abesset (est enim profectus in Hispaniam Dexius), illo et absente et insciente migrare. est mihi gratissimum tanti a te aestimatam consuetudinem vitae victusque nostri, primum ut eam domum sumeres, ut non modo prope me sed plane mecum habitare posses, deinde ut migrare tanto opere festines. sed ne vivam, si tibi concedo ut eius rei tu cupidior sis quam ego sum. itaque omnia experiar; video enim quid mea intersit, quid utriusque nostrum. si quid egero, faciam ut scias. tu et ad omnia rescribes et quando te exspectem facies me, si tibi videtur, certiorem. Scr. in Tusculano circa xiii K. Sept a. 709 (45). M. CICERO S. D. M. FADIO GALLO. 4. quod ad Caesarem, crebri et non belli de eo rumores, sed susurratores dumtaxat, veniunt. Alius equitem perdidisse, quod, opinor, certe factum est, alius septimam legionem vapulasse, ipsum apud Bellovacos circumsederi interclusum ab reliquo exercitu; neque adhuc certi quicquam est, neque haec incerta tamen vulgo iactantur, sed inter paucos quos tu nosti palam secreto narrantur at Domitius, cum manus ad os apposuit. te a. d. viiii K. Iun. subrostrani (quod illorum capiti sit!) dissiparant perisse. urbe ac foro toto maximus rumor fuit te a Q. Pompeio in itinere occisum. ego qui scirem Q. Pompeium Baulis embaeneticam facere et usque eo ut ego misererer eius esurire, non sum commotus et hoc mendacio, si qua pericula tibi impenderent, ut defungeremur optavi. Plancus quidem tuus Ravennae est et magno congiario donatus a Caesare nec beatus nec bene instructus est. tui politici libri omnibus vigent. . Scr. Romae m. lusi. a. 703 (51) . CAELIVS CICERONI S. 4. de re p. iam novi quicquam exspectare desieramus; sed cum senatus habitus esset ad Apollinis a. d. xi K. Sext. et referretur de stipendio Cn. Pompei, mentio facta est de legione ea, quam expensam tulit C. Caesari Pompeius, quo numero esset, quoad pateretur eam Pompeius esse in Gallia. coactus est dicere Pompeius se legionem abducturum, sed non statim sub mentionem et convicium obtrectatorum; inde interrogatus de successione C. Caesaris; de qua, hoc est de provinciis, placitum est ut quam primum ad urbem reverteretur Cn. Pompeius, ut coram eo de successione provinciarum ageretur; nam Ariminum ad exercitum Pompeius erat iturus et statim iit. puto Idibus Sext. de ea re actum iri. profecto aut transigetur aliquid aut turpiter interce.detur; nam in disputando coiecit illam vocem Cn. Pompeius, omnis oportere senatui dicto audientis esse. ego tamen sic nihil exspecto quo modo Paulum, cos. designatum, primum sententiam dicentem. 4. sed dici non potest quo modo hic omnia iaceant. Nisi ego cum tabernariis et aquariis pugnarem, veternus civitatem occupasset. si Parthi vos nihil calficiunt, nos nihil frigore frigescimus. tamen, quoquo modo potuit, sine Parthis Bibulus in Amano nescio quid cohorticularum amisit. hoc sic nuntiatum est. 4. quod ad rem publicam pertinet, omnino multis diebus exspectatione Galliarum actum nihil est; aliquando tamen saepe re dilata et graviter acta et plane perspecta Cn. Pompei voluntate in eam partem ut eum decedere post K. Martias placeret, senatus consultum, quod tibi misi, factum est auctoritatesque perscriptae. 4. M. Feridium, eq. R., amici mei filium, bonum et strenuum adulescentem, qui ad suum negotium istoc venit, tibi commendo et te rogo ut eum in tuorum numero habeas. agros, quos fructuarios habent civitates, vult tuo beneficio, quod tibi facile et honestum factu est, immunis esse. gratos et bonos viros tibi obligaris. 4. haec novi ; alia quae possunt accidere non cerno. multa tempus adferre et praeparata mutare scio ; sed intra finis hos quaecumque acciderint vertentur. illud addo ad actiones C. Curionis, de agro Campano ; de quo negant Caesarem laborare, sed Pompeium valde nolle, ne vacuus advenienti Caesari pateat. quod ad tuum decessum attinet, illud tibi non possum polliceri, me curaturum ut tibi succedatur ; illud certe praestabo ne amplius prorogetur. tui consili est, si tempus, si senatus coget, si honeste a nobis recusari non poterit, velisne perseverare ; mei offici est meminisse qua obtestatione discedens mihi ne paterer fieri mandaris. Scr. Romae ex. m. Apr. aut in. Mai. a. 704 (50) . CAELIVS CICERONI S. 4. Scr. Romae circ. xii K. Oct. a. 704 (50) . CAELIVS CICERONI S. 4. conturbat me mora servi huius qui tibi litteras attulit ; nam acceptis prioribus litteris amplius dies quadraginta mansit. quid tibi scribam nescio. scis Domitio comitiorum diem timori esse. te exspecto valde et quam primum videre cupio. A te peto ut meas iniurias proinde doleas, ut me existimas et dolere et ulcisci tuas solere. Scr. Romae ex. m. Mai. aut in. Iun. a. 704 (50) . CAELIVS CICERONI S. 4. prope oblitus sum quod maxime fuit scribendum. scis Appium censorem hic ostenta facere, de signis et tabulis, de agri modo, de acre alieno acerrime agere? persuasum est ei censuram lomentum aut nitrum esse. errare mihi videtur ; nam sordis eluere vult, venas sibi omnis et viscera aperit. curre, per deos atque homines! et quam primum haec risum veni, legis Scantiniae iudicium apud Drusum fieri, Appium de tabulis et signis agere ; crede mihi, est monerandum. Curio noster sapienter id, quod remisit de stipendio Pompei, fecisse existimatur. ad summam, quaeris quid putem futurum. si alter uter eorum ad Parthicum bellum non eat, video magnas impendere discordias, quas ferrum et vis iudicabit ; uterque et animo et copiis est paratus. si sine summo periculo fieri posset, magnum et iucundum tibi Fortuna spectaculum parabat. Scr. circ. vii Id. Mart. a. 705 (49). CAELIV5 CICERONI S. 4. hoc quod tu non dicendo mihi significasti Caesar audierat ac, simul atque 'have' mihi dixit, statim quid de te audisset exposuit. negavi me scire, sed tamen ab eo petii ut ad te litteras mitteret, quibus maxime ad remanendum commoveri posses. me secum in Hispaniam ducit ; nam nisi ita faceret, ego, prius quam ad urbem accederem, ubicumque esses, ad te percucurrissem et hoc a te praesens contendissem atque omni vi te retinuissem. 4. tibi igitur hoc censeo, latendum tantisper ibidem, dum effervescit haec gratulatio et simul dum audiamus quem ad modum negotium confectum sit; confectum enim esse existimo. Magni autem intererit qui fuerit victoris animus, qui exitus rerum; quamquam quo me coniectura ducat habeo, sed exspecto tamen. 4. si non optima, at aliqua tamen vivere. at in perturbata re p. vivimus. quis negat? sed hoc viderint ii, qui nulla sibi subsidia ad omnis vitae status paraverunt ; huc enim ut venirem, superior longius quam volui fluxit oratio. Cum enim te semper magnum hominem duxi, tum quod his tempestatibus es prope solus in portu fructusque doctrinae percipis eos qui maximi sunt, ut ea consideres eaque tractes, quorum et usus et delectatio est omnibus istorum et actis et voluptatibus anteponenda. equidem hos tuos Tusculanensis dies instar esse vitae puto libenterque omnibus omnis opes concesserim, ut mihi liceat vi nulla interpellante isto modo vivere ; 4. quod dicturus sum, puto equidem non valde ad rem pertinere, sed tamen nihil obest dicere: res familiaris alteri eorum valde exigua est, a eri vix equestris. quapropter, quoniam iis Caesar vitam sua liberalitate concessit nec est quod iis praeterea magno opere possit adimi, reditum, si me tantum amas quantum certe amas, hominibus confice ; in quo nihil est praeter viam longam, quam idcirco non fugiunt, ut et vivant cum suis et moriantur domi. quod ut enitare contendasque vel potius ut perficias (posse enim te mihi persuasi), vehementer te etiam atque etiam rogo. Scr. in Pompeiano v Non. Mai. a. 710 (44). CICERO DOLABELLAE CONSVLI SVO S. 4. A te autem peto ut me hanc quasi falsam hereditatem alienae gloriae sinas cernere meque aliqua ex parte in societatem tuarum laudum venire patiare. quamquam, mi Dolabella (haec enim iocatus sum) libentius omnis meas, si modo sunt aliquae meae laudes, ad te transfuderim quam aliquam partem exhauserim ex tuis. nam cum te semper tantum dilexerim, quantum tu intellegere potuisti, tum his tuis factis sic incensus sum, ut nihil umquam in amore fuerit ardentius. nihil est enim, mihi crede, virtute formosius, nihil pulchrius, nihil amabilius. 4. an minus multa s. c. futura putas, si ego sim Neapoli? Romae cum sum et urgeo forum, s. c. scribuntur apud amatorem tuum, familiarem meum ; et quidem, cum in mentem venit, ponor ad scribendum et ante audio s. c. in Armeniam et Syriam esse perlatum, quod in meam sententiam factum esse dicatur, quam omnino mentionem ullam de ea re esse factam. atque hoc nolim me iocari putes ; nam mihi scito iam a regibus ultimis adlatas esse litteras, quibus mihi gratias agant, quod se mea sententia reges appellaverim, quos ego non modo reges appellatos, sed omnino natos nesciebam. 4. sed tamen ipse Caesar habet peracre iudicium, et, ut Servius, frater tuus, quem litteratissimum fuisse iudico, facile diceret: ' hic versus Plauti non est, hic est,' quod tritas auris haberet notandis generibus poetarum et consuetudine legendi, sic audio Caesarem, cum volumina iam confecerit a)pofqegma/twn, si quod adferatur ad eum pro meo quod meum non sit reicere solere ; quod eo nunc magis facit, quia vivunt mecum fere cotidie illius familiares. incidunt autem in sermone vario multa, quae fortasse illis, cum dixi, nec inlitterata nec insulsa esse videantur ; haec ad illum cum reliquis actis perferuntur ; ita enim ipse mandavit. sic fit ut, si quid praeterea de me audiat, non audiendum putet. quam ob rem Oenomao tuo nihil utor ; etsi posuisti loco versus Accianos. 4. si aestimationes tuas vendere non potes neque ollam denariorum implere, Romam tibi remigrandum est ; satius est hic cruditate quam istic fame. video te bona perdidisse ; spero idem istuc familiaris tuos. actum igitur de te est, nisi provides. potes mulo isto, quem tibi reliquum dicis esse, quoniam cantherium comedisti, Romam pervehi. sella tibi erit in ludo tamquam hypodidascalo proxima ; eam pulvinus sequetur. Scr. Romae post Id. Sext. a. 708 (46) . CICERO S. D. LL. PAPIRIO PAETO. 4. igitur in verbis honestis obscena ponimus. quid enim? non honestum verbum est 'divisio'? at inest obscenum, cui respondet 'intercapedo.' num haec ergo obscena sunt? nos autem ridicule: si dicimus ' ille patrem strangulavit,' honorem non praefamur ; sin de Aurelia aliquid aut Lollia, honos praefandus est. et quidem iam etiam non obscena verba pro obscenis sunt. '"Batuit," inquit, impudenter, "depsit" multo impudentius.' atqui neutrum est obscenum. stultorum plena sunt omnia. ' testes ' verbum honestissimum in iudicio, alio loco non nimis ; et honesti 'colei Lanuvini,' 'Cliternini' non honesti. quid ? ipsa res modo honesta, modo turpis ; suppedit, flagitium est ; iam erit nudus in balneo, non reprehendes. 4. sed cave, si me amas, existimes me, quod iocosius scribam, abiecisse curam rei p. sic tibi, mi Paete, persuade, me dies et noctes nihil aliud agere, nihil curare, nisi ut mei cives salvi liberique sint. nullum locum praetermitto monendi, agendi, providendi ; hoc denique animo sum ut, si in hac cura atque administratione vita mihi ponenda sit, praeclare actum mecum putem. etiam atque etiam vale. Scr. Laudiceae post iii Id. Febi ; a. 704 Qo). CICERO IMR PAETO. 4. Furnium nostrum tanti a te fieri, quantum ipsius humanitas et dignitas postulat, nec miror et gaudeo teque hoc existimare volo, quicquid in eum iudici officique contuleris, id it a me accipere, ut in me ipsum te putem contulisse. Scr. Romae inter xiii K. et iii Non. Oct. a. 710 (44). CICERO PLANCO S. 4. haec amore magis impulsus scribenda ad te putavi quam quo te arbitrarer monitis et praeceptis egere ; sciebam enim ex iisdem te haec haurire fontibus, ex quibus ipse hauseram. qua re modum faciam. nunc tantum significandum putavi, ut potius amorem tibi ostenderem meum quam ostentarem prudentiam. interea quae ad dignitatem tuam pertinere arbitrabor studiose diligenterque curabo. Scr. in Gallia Transalpina ex. m. Dec. a. 710 (44) . PLANCVS CICERONI 4. sum in exspectatione omnium rerum, quid in Gallia citeriore, quid in urbe mense Ianuario geratur, ut sciam. interim maximam hic sollicitudinem curamque sustineo, ne inter aliena vitia hae gentes nostra mala suam putent occasionem. quod si proinde ut ipse mereor mihi successerit, certe et tibi, cui maxime cupio, et omnibus viris bonis satis faciam. fac valeas meque mutuo diligas. . Scr. Romae med. m. Dec. a. 710 (44) . CICERO PLANCO S. 4. muniendi vero nosmet ipsi fuimus aucto exercitu auxiliisque multiplicatis ut, cum praeferremus sensus aperte, tum etiam invitis quibusdam sciri quid defensuri essemus non esset periculosum. ita numquam diffitebor multa me, ut ad effectum horum consiliorum pervenirem, et simulasse invitum et dissimulasse cum dolore, quod praematura denuntiatio boni civis imparati quam periculosa esset ex casu conlegae videbam. 4. venit paratus Servilius Iovi ipsi iniquus, cuius in templo res agebatur. hunc quem ad modum fregerim quantaque contentione Titium intercessorem abiecerim, ex aliorum te litteris malo cognoscere ; unum hoc ex meis : senatus gravior, constantior, amicior tuis laudibus esse non potuit quam tum fuit, nec vero tibi senatus amicior quam cuncta civitas ; mirabiliter enim populus R. universus et omnium generum ordinumque consensus ad liberandam rem p. conspiravit. 4. si nos mediocris modo fortuna rei p. adiuverit, et audaciae perditorum et nostrae sollicitudinis hic finem reperiemus. quod si latro praecognito nostro adventu rursus in Italiam se recipere coeperit, Bruti erit officium occurrere ei ; cui scio nec consilium nec animum defuturum. ego tamen, si id acciderit, fratrem cum equitatu mittam qui sequatur Italiamque a vastatione defendat. fac valeas meque mutuo diligas. Scr. Romae ctrc. ex. m. Mai. a. 711 (43) . CICERO PLANCO. 4. itaque a. d. xv K. Iun. ab Isara castra movi ; pontem tamen, quem in Isara feceram, castellis duobus ad capita positis reliqui praesidiaque ibi firma posui, ut venienti Bruto exercituique eius sine mora transitus esset paratus. ipse, ut spero, diebus viii, quibus has litteras dabam, cum Lepidi copiis me coniungam. Scr. Romae circ. vii K. Iun. a. 711 (43). CICERO PLANCO. 4. accessit eo ut milites eius, cum Lepidus contionaretur, improbi per se, corrupti etiam per eos qui praesunt, Canidios Rufrenosque et ceteros quos cum opus erit scietis, conclamarent viri boni pacem se velle neque esse cum ullis pugnaturos duobus iam consulibus singularibus occisis, tot civibus pro patria amissis, hostibus denique omnibus iudicatis bonisque publicatis ; neque hoc aut vindicarat Lepidus aut sanarat. 4. Laterensis nostri et fidem et animum singularem in re p. semper fatebor ; sed certe nimia eius indulgentia in Lepidum ad haec pericula perspicienda fecit eum minus sagacem. qui quidem cum in fraudem se deductum videret, manus, quas iustius in Lepidi perniciem armasset, sibi adferre conatus est ; in quo casu tamen interpellatus et adhuc vivit et dicitur victurus ; sed tamen de hoc parum mihi certum est. 4. ad hoc robur nostrorum exercituum sive Africanus exercitus, qui est veteranus, sive Caesaris accessisset, aequo animo summam rem p. in discrimen deduceremus ; aliquanto autem propius esse, quod ad Caesarem attinet, videbamus. nihil destiti eum litteris hortari, neque ille intermisit adfirmare se sine mora venire, cum interim aversum illum ab hac cogitatione ad alia consilia video se contulisse. ego tamen ad eum Furnium nostrum cum mandatis litterisque misi, si quid forte proficere posset. 4. in ipsa Aemilia, ubi cohors Caesaris praetoria erat, diu pugnatum est. cornu sinisterius, quod erat infirmius, ubi Martiae legionis duae cohortes erant et to cohors praetoria, pedem referre coeperunt, quod ab equitatu circumibantur, quo vel plurimum valet Antonius. Cum omnes se recepissent nostri ordines, recipere me novissimus coepi ad castra. Antonius tamquam victor castra putavit se posse capere. quo cum venit, compluris ibi amisit nec egit quicquam. audita re Hirtius cum cohortibus xx veteranis redeunti Antonio in sua castra occurrit copiasque eius omnis delevit, fugavit eodemque loco, ubi erat pugnatum, ad forum Gallorum ; Antonius cum equitibus hora noctis quarta se in castra sua ad Mutinam recepit ; 4. sed consules neque senatus consulto neque litteris suis praeceperant mihi quid facerem ; unas enim post Idus Mart. demum a Pansa litteras accepi, in quibus hortatur me ut senatu scribam me et exercitum in potestate eius futurum. quod, cum Lepidus contionaretur atque omnibus scriberet se consentire cum Antonio, maxime contrarium fuit ; nam quibus commeatibus invito illo per illius provinciam legiones ducerem? aut si cetera transissem, num etiam Alpis poteram transvolare, quae praesidio illius tenentur? adde huc quod perferri litterae nulla condicione potuerunt ; sescentis enim locis excutiuntur, deinde etiam retinentur ab Lepido tabellarii. 4. sed de illo plura coram nunc, quod praestat, quid me velitis facere constituite. tris legiones firmas habeo, quarum unam, xxviii, cum ad se initio belli arcessisset Antonius hac pollicitatione, quo die in castra venisset, denarios quingenos singulis militibus daturum, in victoria vero eadem praemia quae suis legionibus (quorum quis ullam finem aut modum futurum putabit ?) incitatissimam is retinui aegre me hercules, nec retinuissem si uno loco habuissem, utpote cum singulae quaedam cohortes seditionem fecerint. reliquas quoque legiones non destitit litteris atque infinitis pollicitationibus incitare. nec vero minus Lepidus ursit me et suis et Antoni litteris ut legionem xxx mitterem sibi. 4. nunc haec mihi scribuntur ex Gallia Lepidi et nuntiantur, Pansae exercitum concisum esse, Pansam ex vulneribus mortuum, eodem proelio Martiam legionem interisse et L. Fabatum et C. Peducaeum et D. Carfulenum ; † Hirtino is autem proelio et quartam legionem et omnis peraeque Antoni caesas, item Hirti, quartam vero, cum castra quoque Antoni cepisset, a quinta legione concisam esse ; ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pontium Aquilam ; dici etiam Octavianum cecidisse (quae si, quod di prohibeant! vera sunt, non mediocriter doleo); Antonium turpiter Mutinae obsessionem reliquisse sed habere equitum v legiones sub signis armatas tris et P. Bagienni unam, inermis bene multos ; Ventidium quoque se cum legione vii, viii, viiii coniunxisse ; si nihil in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et non modo nationes sed etiam servitia concitaturum ; Parmam direptam ; L. Antonium Alpis occupasse. 4. abs te, mi Cicero, magno opere peto, si meam vitam, studium diligentissime superioribus temporibus in re p. administranda, quae Lepido digna sunt, perspecta habes, ut paria aut eo ampliora reliquo tempore exspectes et proinde tua auctoritate me tuendum existimes, quo tibi plura tuo merito debeo. vale . D. xi K. Iun. ex castris ex Ponte Argenteo. Scr. in Ponte Argenteo iii K. Iun. a. 711 (43). M. LEPIDVS IMP. ITER. PONT. MAX. S. D. PR. TR. PL. SENATVI POPVLO PLEBIQVE ROMANAE 4. succurret fortasse hoc loco alicui vestrum cur novissimum tempus exspectemus potius quam nunc aliquid moliamur. quia ubi consistamus non habemus praeter Sex. Pompeium et Bassum Caecilium ; qui mihi videntur hoc nuntio de Caesare adlato firmiores futuri. satis tempore ad eos accedemus, ubi quid valeant scierimus. pro Cassio et te si quid me velitis recipere recipiam ; postulat enim hoc Hirtius ut faciam. 4. nos in hac sententia sumus, ut te cupiamus in libera re p. magnum atque honestum esse, vocemus te ad nullas inimicitias, sed tamen pluris nostram libertatem quam tuam amicitiam aestimemus. tu etiam atque etiam vide quid suscipias, quid sustinere possis, neque quam diu vixerit Caesar sed quam non diu regnarit fac cogites. deos quaesumus consilia tua rei p. salutaria sint ac tibi ; si minus, ut salva atque honesta re p. tibi quam minimum noceant optamus. Pr. non . Sext. Scr. in Gallia citeriore inter med. m. Oct. et ex Nov. a. 710 (44) . D. BRVTVS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D. CICERONI 4. consilia Antoni haec sint necesse est, aut ad Lepidum ut se conferat, si recipitur, aut Appennino Alpibusque se teneat et decursionibus per equites, quos habet multos, vastet ea loca in quae incurrerit, aut rusus se in Etruriam referat, quod ea pars Italiae sine exercitu est. quod si me Caesar audisset atque Appenninum transisset, in tantas angustias Antonium compulissem, ut inopia potius quam ferro conficeretur. sed neque Caesari imperari potest nec Caesar exercitui suo, quod utrumque pessimum est Cum haec talia sint, quo minus, quod ad me pertinebit, homines interpellent, ut supra scripsi, non impedio. haec quem ad modum explicari possint aut, a te cum explicabuntur, ne impediantur timeo. 4. hac re mihi nuntiata statim quinque cohortis Pollentiam praemisi meumque iter eo contuli. Hora ante praesidium meum Pollentiam venit quam Trebellius cum equitibus. sane quam sum gavisus ; in hoc enim victoriam puto consistere Scr. Cularone in Allobrogibus circ. iv Id. Iun. a. 711 (43). PLANCVS ET D. BRVTVS SENA TVI POPVLO PLEBIQVE ROMANAE 4. in spem venerant, quod neque Planci quattuor legiones omnibus suis copiis paris arbitrabantur neque ex Italia tam celeriter exercitum traici posse credebant. quos ipsi adhuc satis adroganter Allobroges equitatusque omnis, qui eo praemissus erat a nobis, sustinebant, nostroque adventu sustineri facilius posse confidimus. tamen si quo etiam casu Isaram se traiecerint, ne quod detrimentum rei p. iniungant summa a nobis dabitur opera. 4. haec me tibi scribere non prudentia mea hortatur sed amor in te et cupiditas oti, quod sine te consistere non potest. ego, nisi valde necesse fuerit, ex Italia non excedam. legiones armo, paro. spero me non pessimum exercitum habiturum ad omnis casus et impetus hominum. de exercitu quem Pansa habuit legionem mihi Caesar non remittit. ad has litteras statim mihi rescribe tuorumque aliquem mitte, si quid reconditum magis erit meque scire opus esse putaris. viiii K. Iun. Eporedia. Scr. Romae prid. Non. Iun. a. 711 (43). M. CICERO S. D. D. BRVTO IMR COS. DESIG. 4. quod mihi praecipis ut caveam ne timendo magis timere cogar, et sapienter et amicissime praecipis ; sed velim tibi persuadeas, cum te constet excellere hoc genere virtutis ut numquam extimescas, numquam perturbere, me huic tuae virtuti proxime accedere. quam ob rem nec metuo quicquam et cavebo omnia. sed vide ne tua iam, mi Brute, culpa futura sit, si ego quicquam timeam. tuis enim opibus et consulatu tuo, etiam si timidi essemus, tamen omnem timorem abiceremus, praesertim cum persuasum omnibus esset mihique maxime a te nos unice diligi. consiliis tuis, quae scribis de quattuor legionibus deque agris adsigdis ab utroque vestrum, vehementer adsentior. itaque cum quidam de conlegis nostris agrariam curationem ligurrirent, disturbavi rem totamque nobis integram reservavi. si quid erit occultius et, ut scribis, 'reconditum,' meorum aliquem mittam, quo fidelius ad te litterae perferantur. Pr. non . Iun. Scr. Romae cire. prid. Id. Quint. a. 711 (43). M. CICERO S. D. D. BRVTO. 4. secutum illud tempus est, cum me ad Pompeium proficisci sive pudor meus coegit sive officium sive fortuna. quod officium tuum, quod studium vel in absentem me vel in praesentis meos defuit? quem porro omnes mei et mihi et sibi te amiciorem iudicaverunt? veni Brundisium. oblitumne me putas qua celeritate, ut primum audieris, ad me Tarento advolaris, quae tua fuerit adsessio, oratio, confirmatio animi mei fracti communium miseriarum metu? 4. sed nihil agunt ; nullius umquam periculi terroribus ab officio aut ab humanitate desciscam ; numquam enim honestam mortem fugiendam, saepe etiam oppetendam putavi. sed quid mihi suscensent, si id opto ut paeniteat eos sui facti? cupio enim Caesaris mortem omnibus esse acerbam. ' at debeo pro civili parte rem p. velle salvam.' id quidem me cupere, nisi et ante acta vita et reliqua mea spes tacente me probat, dicendo vincere non postulo. 4. persuade tibi igitur in te et in Bruto tuo esse omnia, vos exspectari, Brutum quidem iam iamque. quod si, ut spero, victis hostibus nostris veneritis, tamen auctoritate vestra res p. exsurget et in aliquo statu tolerabili consistet; sunt enim permulta quibus erit medendum, etiam si res p. satis esse videbitur sceleribus hostium liberata. vale . Scr. in castris Tadolicis Non. Mart. a. 711 (43) . C. CASSIVS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI 4. crede mihi hunc exercitum quem habeo senatus atque optimi cuiusque esse maximeque tuum, de cuius voluntate adsidue audiendo mirifice te diligit carumque habet. qui si intellexerit commoda sua curae tibi esse, debere etiam se tibi omnia putabit. 4. Dolabellam ut Tarsenses, pessimi socii, ita Laudiceni multo amentiores ultro arcessierunt; ex quibus utrisque civitatibus Graecorum militum numero speciem exercitus effecit. castra habet ante oppidum Laudiceam posita et partem muri demolitus est et castra oppido coniunxit. Cassius noster cum decem legionibus et cohortibus xx auxiliariis et quattuor milium equitatu a milibus passuum xx castra habet posita *pa/ltw| et existimat se sine proelio posse vincere ; nam iam ternis tetrachmis triticum apud Dolabellam est. Nisi quid navibus Laudicenorum supportarit, cito fame pereat necesse est ; ne supportare possit et Cassi classis bene magna cui praeest Sextilius Rufus et tres quas nos adduximus, ego, Turullius, Patiscus, facile praestabunt. te volo bene sperare et rem p., ut vos istic expedistis, ita pro nostra parte celeriter nobis expediri posse confidere. vale . D. Idib. Iun. Cypro a Crommyuacride. Scr. Pergae iiii K. Iun. a. 711 (43). LENTVLVS CICERONI SV0 S. P. D. 4. de nostra dignitate velim tibi ut semper curae sit et,quocumque tempore occasionem habueris, et in senatu et ceteris rebus laudi nostrae suffragere. quoniam consulibus decreta est Asia et permissum est iis ut, dum ipsi venirent, darent negotium qui Asiam optineant, rogo te petas ab iis ut hanc dignitatem potissimum nobis tribuant et mihi dent negotium ut Asiam obtineam, dum ipsorum alter uter venit ; nam quod hoc properent in magistratu venire aut exercitum mittere causam non habent. Dolabella enim in Syria est et, ut tu divina tua mente prospexisti et praedicasti, dum isti veniunt, Cassius eum opprimet ; exclusus enim ab Antiochia Dolabella et in oppugdo male acceptus nulla alia confisus urbe Laudiceam, quae est in Syria, ad mare se contulit. ibi spero celeriter eum poenas daturum ; nam neque quo refugiat habet neque diutius ibi poterit tantum exercitum Cassi sustinere. spero etiam confectum esse iam et oppressum Dolabellam. 4. qua mente etiam ante nostrum adventum post Treboni indignissimam caedem ceteraque tot tamque nefaria facinora binae profectae erant ad Dolabellam legationes eorum, et quidem novo exemplo, contra leges ipsorum, prohibentibus iis qui tum magistratus gerebant. † haec sive timore, ut dictitant, de agris quos in continenti habent sive furore sive patientia paucorum, qui et antea pari contumelia viros clarissimos adfecerant et nunc maximos magistratus gerentes nullo exemplo neque nostra ex parte neque nostro praesentium neque imminenti Italiae urbique nostrae periculo, si ille parricida cum suis latronibus navibus ex Asia Syriaque expulsus Italiam petisset, mederi, cum facile possent, noluerunt†. 4. tu sicut mihi pollicitus es, adiunges me quam primum ad tuos sermones ; namque illud non dubito quin, si quid de interitu Caesaris scribas, non patiaris me minimam partem et rei et amoris tui ferre. vale et matrem meosque tibi commendatos habe. D. viii K. Iun. Athenis. Scr. Romae circ. med. in Sept. a. 708 (46) . CICERO S. D. CORNIFICIO CONLEGAE. 4. vere tecum agam, ut necessitudo nostra postulat in Sempronio, si meis litteris obtemperasses, maximam ab omnibus laudem adeptus esses. sed illud et praeteriit et levius est, haec magna res est : fac ut provinciam retineas in potestate rei p. plura scripsissem, nisi tui festinarent. itaque Chaerippo nostro me velim excuses. Scr. Romae paulo post vii id. Oct. a. 710 (44) . CICERO CORNIFICIO S. 4. equidem et haec et omnia quae homini accidere possunt sic fero ut philosophiae magnam habeam gratiam, quae me non modo ab sollicitudine abducit sed etiam contra omnis fortunae impetus armat, tibique idem censeo faciendum nec a quo culpa absit quicquam in malis numerandum. sed haec tu melius. Tratorium nostrum cum semper probassem, tum maxime in tuis rebus summam eius fidem, diligentiam prudentiamque cognovi. da operam ut valeas ; hoc mihi gratius facere nihil potes. Scr. Romae circ. ix K. Febr. a. 711 (43). CICERO CORNIFICIO S. 4. sic sum in Antonium invectus ut ille non ferret omnemque suum vinulentum furorem in me unum effunderet meque tum elicere vellet ad caedis causam tum temptaret insidiis. quem ego ructantem et nauseantem conieci in Caesaris Octaviani plagas. puer enim egregius praesidium sibi primum et nobis, deinde summae rei p. comparavit. qui nisi fuisset, Antoni reditus a Brundisio pestis patriae fuisset. quae deinceps acta sint scire te arbitror. sed redeamus illuc unde devertimus. accipio excusationem tuam de Sempronio ; neque enim statuti quid in tanta perturbatione habere potuisti. nunc hic dies aliam vitam defert, alios mores postulat, ut ait Terentius. quam ob rem, mi Quinte, conscende nobiscum et quidem ad puppim. una navis est iam bonorum omnium, quam quidem nos damus operam ut rectam teneamus, utinam prospero cursu! sed, quicumque venti erunt, ars nostra certe non aberit. quid enim prae stare aliud virtus potest? tu fac ut magno animo sis et excelso cogitesque omnem dignitatem tuam cum re p. coniunctam esse debere. Scr. Romae cire. In. m. Mai. a. 711 (43) . CICERO CORNIFICIO S. 4. de sumptu, quem te in rem militarem facere et fecisse dicis, nihil sane possum tibi opitulari, propterea quod et orbus senatus consulibus amissis et incredibiles angustiae pecuniae publicae ; quae conquiritur undique, ut optime meritis militibus promissa solvantur ; quod quidem fieri sine tributo posse non arbitror. 4. quod si ita est et si iam tua plane nihil interest, velim, si qua offensiuncula facta est animi tui perversitate aliquorum (novi enim gentem illam), des te ad lenitatem vel propter summam tuam humanitatem vel etiam honoris mei causa. equidem, si quid ipse sentiam quaeris, nec cur ille tanto opere contendat video, nec cur tu repugnes, nisi tamen multo minus tibi concedi potest quam illi laborare sine causa. quamquam Patronis et orationem et causam tibi cognitam esse certo scio ; honorem, officium, testamentorum ius, Epicuri auctoritatem, Phaedri obtestationem, sedem, domicilium, vestigia summorum hominum sibi tuenda esse dicit. totam hominis vitam rationemque quam sequitur in philosophia, derideamus licet, si hanc eius contentionem volumus reprehendere ; sed me hercules, quoniam illi ceterisque, quos illa delectant, non valde inimici sumus nescio an ignoscendum sit huic, si tanto opere laborat; in quo etiam si peccat, magis ineptiis quam improbitate peccat. 4. si pro meis pristinis opibus facultatem mihi res hoc tempore daret ut ita defendere possem Volaterranos quem ad modum consuevi tueri meos, nullum officium, nullum denique certamen, in quo illis prodesse possem, praetermitterem ; sed quoniam apud te nihilo minus hoc tempore valere me confido quam valuerim semper apud omnis, pro nostra summa necessitudine parique inter nos et mutua benevolentia abs te peto ut ita de Volaterranis mereare, ut existiment eum quasi divino consilio isti negotio praepositum esse, apud quem unum nos eorum perpetui defensores plurimum valere possemus. Scr. Romae non ante med. m. Oct. a. 709 (45) . CICERO S. D. Q. VALERIO LEG. PROPR. 4. id quoniam adsequi non possum, tu re velim efficias ut ille genere mearum litterarum incredibile quiddam perfectum arbitretur. id facies, si omne genus liberalitatis, quod et ab humanitate et potestate tua proficisci poterit, non modo re sed etiam verbis, vultu denique exprompseris ; quae quantum in provincia valeant vellem expertus esse, sed tamen suspicor. ipsum hominem, quem tibi commendo, perdignum esse tua amicitia, non solum quia mihi Cuspius dicit, credo, tametsi id satis esse debebat, sed quia novi eius iudicium in hominibus et amicis deligendis. 4. quod etsi nihilo minus a te peterem, si nihil audivissem te tale fecisse, tamen maiorem spem impetrandi nactus sum, postea quam mihi dictum est hoc idem a te Regiensis impetravisse ; qui etsi te aliqua necessitudine attingunt, tamen tuus amor in me sperare me cogit te, quod tuis necessariis tribueris, idem esse tributurum meis, praesertim cum ego pro his unis petam, habeam autem qui simili causa laborent compluris necessarios. hoc me non sine causa facere neque aliqua levi ambitione commotum a te contendere etsi te existimare arbitror, tamen mihi adfirmanti credas velim me huic municipio debere plurimum ; nullum umquam fuisse tempus neque honorum nec laborum meorum, in quo non huius municipi studium in me exstiterit singulare. 4. neque ego haec polliceri debeo, quae tibi ipsi, cum bene cognoris, iudicanda sunt ; sed tamen in omnibus novis coniunctionibus interest qualis primus aditus sit et qua commendatione quasi amicitiae fores aperiantur ; quod ego his litteris efficere volui ; etsi id ipsa per se necessitudo quaesturae effecisse debet ; sed tamen nihilo infirmius illud hoc addito. cura igitur, si me tanti facis quanti et Varro existimat et ipse sentio, ut quam primum intellegam hanc meam commendationem tantum illi utilitatis attulisse quantum et ipse sperarit nec ego dubitarim. Scr. Romae paulo post ep. x. CICERO BRVTO S. 4. doctum igitur hominem cognovi et studiis optimis deditum, idque a puero ; nam domi meae cum Diodoto Stoico, homine meo iudicio eruditissimo, multum a puero fuit. nunc autem incensus studio rerum tuarum eas litteris Graecis mandare cupiebat. posse arbitror ; valet ingenio, habet usum, iam pridem in eo genere studi litterarumque versatur, satis facere immortalitati laudum tuarum mirabiliter cupit. habes opinionis meae testimonium, sed tu hoc facilius multo pro tua singulari prudentia iudicabis. et tamen, quod negaveram, commendo tibi eum. quicquid ei coin-modaveris, erit id mihi maiorem in modum gratum. Scr. Romae, ut videtur, a. 708 (46) . CICERO S. D. SER. 5VLPICIO. 4. scriberem quam id beneficium bene apud Mescinium positurus esses, nisi et te scire confiderem et mihi peterem. sic enim velim existimes, non minus me de illius re laborare quam ipsum de sua. sed cum illum studeo quam facillime ad suum pervenire tum illud laboro ut non minimum hac mea commendatibne se consecutum arbitretur. Scr. Romae, ut videtur, a. 708 (46) . CICERO SERVIO S. 4. ego cum tuo Servio iucundissime et coniunctissime vivo magnamque cum ex ingenio eius singularique studio tum ex virtute et probitate voluptatem capio. Scr. Romae, ut videtur, a. 708 (46) . CICERO SERVIO S. 4. Cum signaretur argentum Apolloniae, non possum dicere eum praefuisse neque possum negare adfuisse, sed non plus duobus aut tribus mensibus. deinde afuit a castris ; fugit omne negotium. hoc mihi ut testi velim credas ; meam enim ille maestitiam in illo bello videbat, mecum omnia communicabat. itaque abdidit se in intimam Macedoniam, quo potuit longissime a castris, non modo ut non praeesset ulli negotio sed etiam ut ne interesset quidem. is post proelium se ad hominem necessarium, A. Plautium, in Bithyniam contulit. ibi eum Caesar cum vidisset, nihil aspere, nihil acerbe dixit, Romam iussit venire. ille in morbum continuo incidit, ex quo non convaluit. aeger Corcyram venit ibi est mortuus. testamento, quod Romae Paulo et Marcello consulibus fecerat, heres ex parte dimidia et tertia est Capito ; in sextante sunt ii quorum pars sine ulla cuiusquam querela publica potest esse ea est ad HS X X X . sed de hoc Caesar viderit.
21. Cicero, On Divination, 1.38, 1.79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
1.38. Idem iam diu non facit. Ut igitur nunc in minore gloria est, quia minus oraculorum veritas excellit, sic tum nisi summa veritate in tanta gloria non fuisset. Potest autem vis illa terrae, quae mentem Pythiae divino adflatu concitabat, evanuisse vetustate, ut quosdam evanuisse et exaruisse amnes aut in alium cursum contortos et deflexos videmus. Sed, ut vis, acciderit; magna enim quaestio est; modo maneat id, quod negari non potest, nisi omnem historiam perverterimus, multis saeclis verax fuisse id oraculum. 1.79. Quid? amores ac deliciae tuae, Roscius, num aut ipse aut pro eo Lanuvium totum mentiebatur? Qui cum esset in cunabulis educareturque in Solonio, qui est campus agri Lanuvini, noctu lumine apposito experrecta nutrix animadvertit puerum dormientem circumplicatum serpentis amplexu. Quo aspectu exterrita clamorem sustulit. Pater autem Roscii ad haruspices rettulit, qui responderunt nihil illo puero clarius, nihil nobilius fore. Atque hanc speciem Pasiteles caelavit argento et noster expressit Archias versibus. Quid igitur expectamus? an dum in foro nobiscum di immortales, dum in viis versentur, dum domi? qui quidem ipsi se nobis non offerunt, vim autem suam longe lateque diffundunt, quam tum terrae cavernis includunt, tum hominum naturis implicant. Nam terrae vis Pythiam Delphis incitabat, naturae Sibyllam. Quid enim? non videmus, quam sint varia terrarum genera? ex quibus et mortifera quaedam pars est, ut et Ampsancti in Hirpinis et in Asia Plutonia, quae vidimus, et sunt partes agrorum aliae pestilentes, aliae salubres, aliae, quae acuta ingenia gigt, aliae, quae retunsa; quae omnia fiunt et ex caeli varietate et ex disparili adspiratione terrarum. 1.38. Therefore, as at present its glory has waned because it is no longer noted for the truth of its prophecies, so formerly it would not have enjoyed so exalted a reputation if it had not been trustworthy in the highest degree. Possibly, too, those subterraneous exhalations which used to kindle the soul of the Pythian priestess with divine inspiration have gradually vanished in the long lapse of time; just as within our own knowledge some rivers have dried up and disappeared, while others, by winding and twisting, have changed their course into other channels. But explain the decadence of the oracle as you wish, since it offers a wide field for discussion, provided you grant what cannot be denied without distorting the entire record of history, that the oracle at Delphi made true prophecies for many hundreds of years. [20] 1.79. And what about your beloved and charming friend Roscius? Did he lie or did the whole of Lanuvium lie for him in telling the following incident: In his cradle days, while he was being reared in Solonium, a plain in the Lanuvian district, his nurse suddenly awoke during the night and by the light of a lamp observed the child asleep with a snake coiled about him. She was greatly frightened at the sight and gave an alarm. His father referred the occurrence to the soothsayers, who replied that the boy would attain unrivalled eminence and glory. Indeed, Pasiteles has engraved the scene in silver and our friend Archias has described it in verse.Then what do we expect? Do we wait for the immortal gods to converse with us in the forum, on the street, and in our homes? While they do not, of course, present themselves in person, they do diffuse their power far and wide — sometimes enclosing it in caverns of the earth and sometimes imparting it to human beings. The Pythian priestess at Delphi was inspired by the power of the earth and the Sibyl by that of nature. Why need you marvel at this? Do we not see how the soils of the earth vary in kind? Some are deadly, like that about Lake Ampsanctus in the country of the Hirpini and that of Plutonia in Asia, both of which I have seen. Even in the same neighbourhood, some parts are salubrious and some are not; some produce men of keen wit, others produce fools. These diverse effects are all the result of differences in climate and differences in the earths exhalations.
22. Cicero, De Oratore, 3.43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 163
3.43. Athenis iam diu doctrina ipsorum Atheniensium interiit, domicilium tantum in illa urbe remanet studiorum, quibus vacant cives, peregrini fruuntur capti quodam modo nomine urbis et auctoritate; tamen eruditissimos homines Asiaticos quivis Atheniensis indoctus non verbis, sed sono vocis nec tam bene quam suaviter loquendo facile superabit. Nostri minus student litteris quam Latini; tamen ex istis, quos nostis, urbanis, in quibus minimum est litterarum, nemo est quin litteratissimum togatorum omnium, Q. Valerium Soranum, lenitate vocis atque ipso oris pressu et sono facile vincat.
23. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 16.26, 18.56.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215; Wilding (2022) 81
16.26. 1.  Since I have mentioned the tripod, I think it not inopportune to recount the ancient story which has been handed down about it. It is said that in ancient times goats discovered the oracular shrine, on which account even to this day the Delphians use goats preferably when they consult the oracle.,2.  They say that the manner of its discovery was the following. There is a chasm at this place where now is situated what is known as the "forbidden" sanctuary, and as goats had been wont to feed about this because Delphi had not as yet been settled, invariably any goat that approached the chasm and peered into it would leap about in an extraordinary fashion and utter a sound quite different from what it was formerly wont to emit.,3.  The herdsman in charge of the goats marvelled at the strange phenomenon and having approached had the same experience as the goats, for the goats began to act like beings possessed and the goatherd began to foretell future events. After this as the report was bruited among the people of the vicinity concerning the experience of those who approached the chasm, an increasing number of persons visited the place and, as they all tested it because of its miraculous character, whosoever approached to spot became inspired. For these reasons the oracle came to be regarded as a marvel and to be considered the prophecy-giving shrine of Earth.,4.  For some time all who wished to obtain a prophecy approached the chasm and made their prophetic replies to one another; but later, since many were leaping down into the chasm under the influence of their frenzy and all disappeared, it seemed best to the dwellers in that region, in order to eliminate the risk, to station one woman there as a single prophetess for all and to have the oracles told through her. And for her a contrivance was devised which she could safely mount, then become inspired and give prophecies to those who so desired.,5.  And this contrivance has three supports and hence was called a tripod, and, I dare say, all the bronze tripods which are constructed even to this day are made in imitation of this contrivance. In what manner, then, the oracle was discovered and for what reasons the tripod was devised I think I have told at sufficient length.,6.  It is said that in ancient times virgins delivered the oracles because virgins have their natural innocence intact and are in the same case as Artemis; for indeed virgins were alleged to be well suited to guard the secrecy of disclosures made by oracles. In more recent times, however, people say that Echecrates the Thessalian, having arrived at the shrine and beheld the virgin who uttered the oracle, became enamoured of her because of her beauty, carried her away with him and violated her; and that the Delphians because of this deplorable occurrence passed a law that in future a virgin should no longer prophesy but that an elderly woman of fifty should declare the oracles and that she should be dressed in the costume of a virgin, as a sort of reminder of the prophetess of olden times. Such are the details of the legend regarding the discovery of the oracle; and now we shall turn to the activities of olden times. 18.56.6.  If in any case Philip or Alexander published regulations that are inconsistent with each other, let the cities concerned present themselves before us so that, after bringing the provisions into harmony, they may follow a course of action advantageous both to us and to themselves. The Athenians shall possess everything as at the time of Philip and Alexander, save that Oropus shall belong to its own people as at present.
24. Horace, Odes, 1.9.9, 1.11.8, 1.36.13-1.36.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •lyric, in the classical period Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
25. Longinus, On The Sublime, 1.13.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
26. Plutarch, Sayings of Kings And Commanders, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 194
27. Plutarch, Pericles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 194
28. Plutarch, On Praising Oneself Inoffensively, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 194
543c. His friends, we are told, lamented as he lay dying and were disconsolate, recalling his commands and power and the many trophies, victories, and cities he had won and left to Athens. Rallying a moment he rebuked them for extolling what many others had done as well and what was in part the work of fortune rather than of merit, while they passed over the noblest and greatest encomium and his alone, that no Athenian for any act of his had put on mourning. This precedent allows the orator, if meritorious,
29. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 214
30. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
31. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.208 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
32. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.267-2.268 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
2.267. Nor need we at all wonder that they thus treated such considerable men, when they did not spare even women also; for they very lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having been forbidden so to do by one of their laws; and a capital punishment had been decreed to such as introduced a strange god; 2.268. it being manifest, that they who make use of such a law do not believe those of other nations to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the advantage of more gods than they already had;
33. Lucan, Pharsalia, 5.86-5.224 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
34. Harpocration, Lexicon of The Ten Orators, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
35. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.18.6-1.18.9, 1.34.3, 1.37.1, 8.27.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 53, 262; Wilding (2022) 70
1.18.6. πρὶν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἰέναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου —Ἀδριανὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τόν τε ναὸν ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θέας ἄξιον, οὗ μεγέθει μέν, ὅτι μὴ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις εἰσὶν οἱ κολοσσοί, τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγάλματα ὁμοίως ἀπολείπεται, πεποίηται δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἔχει τέχνης εὖ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος ὁρῶσιν—, ἐνταῦθα εἰκόνες Ἀδριανοῦ δύο μέν εἰσι Θασίου λίθου, δύο δὲ Αἰγυπτίου· χαλκαῖ δὲ ἑστᾶσι πρὸ τῶν κιόνων ἃς Ἀθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν ἀποίκους πόλεις. ὁ μὲν δὴ πᾶς περίβολος σταδίων μάλιστα τεσσάρων ἐστίν, ἀνδριάντων δὲ πλήρης· ἀπὸ γὰρ πόλεως ἑκάστης εἰκὼν Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνάκειται, καὶ σφᾶς ὑπερεβάλοντο Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν κολοσσὸν ἀναθέντες ὄπισθε τοῦ ναοῦ θέας ἄξιον. 1.18.7. ἔστι δὲ ἀρχαῖα ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ ναὸς Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας καὶ τέμενος Γῆς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν Ὀλυμπίας. ἐνταῦθα ὅσον ἐς πῆχυν τὸ ἔδαφος διέστηκε, καὶ λέγουσι μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τὴν ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος συμβᾶσαν ὑπορρυῆναι ταύτῃ τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐσβάλλουσί τε ἐς αὐτὸ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἄλφιτα πυρῶν μέλιτι μίξαντες. 1.18.8. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ κίονος Ἰσοκράτους ἀνδριάς, ὃς ἐς μνήμην τρία ὑπελίπετο, ἐπιπονώτατον μὲν ὅτι οἱ βιώσαντι ἔτη δυοῖν δέοντα ἑκατὸν οὔποτε κατελύθη μαθητὰς ἔχειν, σωφρονέστατον δὲ ὅτι πολιτείας ἀπεχόμενος διέμεινε καὶ τὰ κοινὰ οὐ πολυπραγμονῶν, ἐλευθερώτατον δὲ ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀλγήσας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐθελοντής. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ λίθου Φρυγίου Πέρσαι χαλκοῦν τρίποδα ἀνέχοντες, θέας ἄξιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ τρίπους. τοῦ δὲ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς Δευκαλίωνα οἰκοδομῆσαι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἱερόν, σημεῖον ἀποφαίνοντες ὡς Δευκαλίων Ἀθήνῃσιν ᾤκησε τάφον τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ νῦν οὐ πολὺ ἀφεστηκότα. 1.18.9. Ἀδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο μὲν καὶ ἄλλα Ἀθηναίοις, ναὸν Ἥρας καὶ Διὸς Πανελληνίου καὶ θεοῖς τοῖς πᾶσιν ἱερὸν κοινόν, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἑκατόν εἰσι κίονες Φρυγίου λίθου· πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ταῖς στοαῖς κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ οἱ τοῖχοι. καὶ οἰκήματα ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ὀρόφῳ τε ἐπιχρύσῳ καὶ ἀλαβάστρῳ λίθῳ, πρὸς δὲ ἀγάλμασι κεκοσμημένα καὶ γραφαῖς· κατάκειται δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ βιβλία. καὶ γυμνάσιόν ἐστιν ἐπώνυμον Ἀδριανοῦ· κίονες δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἑκατὸν λιθοτομίας τῆς Λιβύων. 1.34.3. παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη· τὸ μὲν Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Ἀμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων Ἀμφιλόχου· Ἀλκμαίων δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς Ἐριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν Ἀμφιαράου τινά, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη δέ ἐστι τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς καὶ Ὑγείας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Παιωνίας· πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς Ἀχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ δὲ Ἀμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῷ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. 1.37.1. μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Κηφισοδώρου τὸ μνῆμα τέθαπται μὲν Ἡλιόδωρος Ἅλις· τούτου γραφὴν ἰδεῖν ἔστι καὶ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ μεγάλῳ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς· τέθαπται δὲ Θεμιστοκλῆς Πολιάρχου, τρίτος ἀπόγονος Θεμιστοκλέους τοῦ Ξέρξῃ καὶ Μήδοις ἐναντία ναυμαχήσαντος. τοὺς δὲ κατωτέρω τοῦ γένους πλὴν Ἀκεστίου παρήσω τοὺς ἄλλους· Ἀκεστίῳ δὲ τῇ Ξενοκλέους τοῦ Σοφοκλέους τοῦ Λέοντος τούτους τε ἐς τὸν τέταρτον πρόγονον Λέοντα δᾳδούχους πάντας ὑπῆρξε γενέσθαι καὶ παρὰ τὸν βίον τὸν αὑτῆς πρῶτον μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν Σοφοκλέα εἶδε δᾳδουχοῦντα, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὸν ἄνδρα Θεμιστοκλέα, τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου Θεόφραστον τὸν παῖδα. 8.27.1. ἡ δὲ Μεγάλη πόλις νεωτάτη πόλεών ἐστιν οὐ τῶν Ἀρκαδικῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλὴν ὅσων κατὰ συμφορὰν ἀρχῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων μεταβεβήκασιν οἰκήτορες· συνῆλθον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἰσχύος ἐς αὐτὴν οἱ Ἀρκάδες, ἅτε καὶ Ἀργείους ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ μὲν ἔτι παλαιότερα μόνον οὐ κατὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην κινδυνεύοντας ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων παραστῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει τὸ Ἄργος ἐπηύξησαν καταλύσαντες Τίρυνθα καὶ Ὑσιάς τε καὶ Ὀρνεὰς καὶ Μυκήνας καὶ Μίδειαν καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο πόλισμα οὐκ ἀξιόλογον ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι ἦν, τά τε ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδεέστερα τοῖς Ἀργείοις ὑπάρξαντα καὶ ἅμα ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ἰσχὺν γενομένην αὐτοῖς. 1.18.6. Before the entrance to the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus—Hadrian the Roman emperor dedicated the temple and the statue, one worth seeing, which in size exceeds all other statues save the colossi at Rhodes and Rome , and is made of ivory and gold with an artistic skill which is remarkable when the size is taken into account—before the entrance, I say, stand statues of Hadrian, two of Thasian stone, two of Egyptian. Before the pillars stand bronze statues which the Athenians call “colonies.” The whole circumference of the precincts is about four stades, and they are full of statues; for every city has dedicated a likeness of the emperor Hadrian, and the Athenians have surpassed them in dedicating, behind the temple, the remarkable colossus. 1.18.7. Within the precincts are antiquities: a bronze Zeus, a temple of Cronus and Rhea and an enclosure of Earth surnamed Olympian. Here the floor opens to the width of a cubit, and they say that along this bed flowed off the water after the deluge that occurred in the time of Deucalion, and into it they cast every year wheat meal mixed with honey. 1.18.8. On a pillar is a statue of Isocrates, whose memory is remarkable for three things: his diligence in continuing to teach to the end of his ninety-eight years, his self-restraint in keeping aloof from politics and from interfering with public affairs, and his love of liberty in dying a voluntary death, distressed at the news of the battle at Chaeronea 338 B.C. . There are also statues in Phrygian marble of Persians supporting a bronze tripod; both the figures and the tripod are worth seeing. The ancient sanctuary of Olympian Zeus the Athenians say was built by Deucalion, and they cite as evidence that Deucalion lived at Athens a grave which is not far from the present temple. 1.18.9. Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hera and Zeus Panellenios (Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries. 1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 1.37.1. After the tomb of Cephisodorus is the grave of Heliodorus Halis. Nothing more is known of this man. A portrait of this man is also to be seen in the great temple of Athena. Here too is the grave of Themistocles, son of Poliarchus, and grandson of the Themistocles who fought the sea fight against Xerxes and the Persians. of the later descendants I shall mention none except Acestium. She, her father Xenocles, his father Sophocles, and his father Leon , all of them up to her great-grandfather Leon won the honor of being torch-bearer, and in her own lifetime she saw as torch-bearers, first her brother Sophocles, after him her husband Themistocles, and after his death her son Theophrastus. Such was the fortune, they say, that happened to her. 8.27.1. Megalopolis is the youngest city, not of Arcadia only, but of Greece , with the exception of those whose inhabitants have been removed by the accident of the Roman domination. The Arcadians united into it to gain strength, realizing that the Argives also were in earlier times in almost daily danger of being subjected by war to the Lacedaemonians, but when they had increased the population of Argos by reducing Tiryns , Hysiae, Orneae, Mycenae , Mideia, along with other towns of little importance in Argolis , the Argives had less to fear from the Lacedaemonians, while they were in a stronger position to deal with their vassal neighbors.
36. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.17-4.22 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 163
4.17. τοιαῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς νεώς, ἐς δὲ τὸν Πειραιᾶ ἐσπλεύσας περὶ μυστηρίων ὥραν, ὅτε ̓Αθηναῖοι πολυανθρωπότατα ̔Ελλήνων πράττουσιν, ἀνῄει ξυντείνας ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, προιὼν δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν φιλοσοφούντων ἐνετύγχανε Φάληράδε κατιοῦσιν, ὧν οἱ μὲν γυμνοὶ ἐθέροντο, καὶ γὰρ τὸ μετόπωρον εὐήλιον τοῖς ̓Αθηναίοις, οἱ δὲ ἐκ βιβλίων ἐσπούδαζον, οἱ δ' ἀπὸ στόματος ἠσκοῦντο, οἱ δὲ ἤριζον. παρῄει δὲ οὐδεὶς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τεκμηράμενοι πάντες, ὡς εἴη ̓Απολλώνιος, ξυνανεστρέφοντό τε καὶ ἠσπάζοντο χαίροντες, νεανίσκοι δὲ ὁμοῦ δέκα περιτυχόντες αὐτῷ “νὴ τὴν ̓Αθηνᾶν ἐκείνην,” ἔφασαν ἀνατείναντες τὰς χεῖρας ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, “ἡμεῖς ἄρτι ἐς Πειραιᾶ ἐβαδίζομεν πλευσόμενοι ἐς ̓Ιωνίαν παρὰ σέ.” ὁ δὲ ἀπεδέχετο αὐτῶν καὶ ξυγχαίρειν ἔφη φιλοσοφοῦσιν. 4.18. ἦν μὲν δὴ ̓Επιδαυρίων ἡμέρα. τὰ δὲ ̓Επιδαύρια μετὰ πρόρρησίν τε καὶ ἱερεῖα δεῦρο μυεῖν ̓Αθηναίοις πάτριον ἐπὶ θυσίᾳ δευτέρᾳ, τουτὶ δὲ ἐνόμισαν ̓Ασκληπιοῦ ἕνεκα, ὅτι δὴ ἐμύησαν αὐτὸν ἥκοντα ̓Επιδαυρόθεν ὀψὲ μυστηρίων. ἀμελήσαντες δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ τοῦ μυεῖσθαι περὶ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον εἶχον καὶ τοῦτ' ἐσπούδαζον μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ ἀπελθεῖν τετελεσμένοι, ὁ δὲ ξυνέσεσθαι μὲν αὐτοῖς αὖθις ἔλεγεν, ἐκέλευσε δὲ πρὸς τοῖς ἱεροῖς τότε γίγνεσθαι, καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μυεῖσθαι. ὁ δὲ ἱεροφάντης οὐκ ἐβούλετο παρέχειν τὰ ἱερά, μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε μυῆσαι γόητα, μηδὲ τὴν ̓Ελευσῖνα ἀνοῖξαι ἀνθρώπῳ μὴ καθαρῷ τὰ δαιμόνια. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τούτων ἥττων αὑτοῦ γενόμενος “οὔπω” ἔφη “τὸ μέγιστον, ὧν ἐγὼ ἐγκληθείην ἄν, εἴρηκας, ὅτι περὶ τῆς τελετῆς πλείω ἢ σὺ γιγνώσκων ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς παρὰ σοφώτερον ἐμαυτοῦ μυησόμενος ἦλθον.” ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ τῶν παρόντων, ὡς ἐρρωμένως καὶ παραπλησίως αὑτῷ ἀπεκρίνατο, ὁ μὲν ἱεροφάντης, ἐπειδὴ ἐξείργων αὐτὸν οὐ φίλα τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐδόκει πράττειν, μετέβαλε τοῦ τόνου καὶ “μυοῦ”, ἔφη “σοφὸς γάρ τις ἥκειν ἔοικας”, ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “μυήσομαι” ἔφη “αὖθις, μυήσει δέ με ὁ δεῖνα” προγνώσει χρώμενος ἐς τὸν μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἱεροφάντην, ὃς μετὰ τέτταρα ἔτη τοῦ ἱεροῦ προὔστη. 4.19. τὰς δὲ ̓Αθήνησι διατριβὰς πλείστας μὲν ὁ Δάμις γενέσθαι φησὶ τῷ ἀνδρί, γράψαι δὲ οὐ πάσας, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἀναγκαίας τε καὶ περὶ μεγάλων σπουδασθείσας. τὴν μὲν δὴ πρώτην διάλεξιν, ἐπειδὴ φιλοθύτας τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους εἶδεν, ὑπὲρ ἱερῶν διελέξατο, καὶ ὡς ἄν τις ἐς τὸ ἑκάστῳ τῶν θεῶν οἰκεῖον καὶ πηνίκα δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς ἢ θύοι ἢ σπένδοι ἢ εὔχοιτο, καὶ βιβλίῳ ̓Απολλωνίου προστυχεῖν ἐστιν, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα τῇ ἑαυτοῦ φωνῇ ἐκδιδάσκει. διῆλθε δὲ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησι πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ σοφίας αὑτοῦ τε κἀκείνων, εἶτ' ἐλέγχων τὸν ἱεροφάντην δι' ἃ βλασφήμως τε καὶ ἀμαθῶς εἶπε: τίς γὰρ ἔτι ᾠήθη τὰ δαιμόνια μὴ καθαρὸν εἶναι τὸν φιλοσοφοῦντα, ὅπως οἱ θεοὶ θεραπευτέοι; 4.20. διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τοῦ σπένδειν παρέτυχε μὲν τῷ λόγῳ μειράκιον τῶν ἁβρῶν οὕτως ἀσελγὲς νομιζόμενον, ὡς γενέσθαι ποτὲ καὶ ἁμαξῶν ᾆσμα, πατρὶς δὲ αὐτῷ Κέρκυρα ἦν καὶ ἐς ̓Αλκίνουν ἀνέφερε τὸν ξένον τοῦ ̓Οδυσσέως τὸν Φαίακα, καὶ διῄει μὲν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος περὶ τοῦ σπένδειν, ἐκέλευε δὲ μὴ πίνειν τοῦ ποτηρίου τούτου, φυλάττειν δὲ αὐτὸ τοῖς θεοῖς ἄχραντόν τε καὶ ἄποτον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ὦτα ἐκέλευσε τῷ ποτηρίῳ ποιεῖσθαι καὶ σπένδειν κατὰ τὸ οὖς, ἀφ' οὗ μέρους ἥκιστα πίνουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τὸ μειράκιον κατεσκέδασε τοῦ λόγου πλατύν τε καὶ ἀσελγῆ γέλωτα: ὁ δὲ ἀναβλέψας ἐς αὐτὸ “οὐ σὺ” ἔφη “ταῦτα ὑβρίζεις, ἀλλ' ὁ δαίμων, ὃς ἐλαύνει σε οὐκ εἰδότα.” ἐλελήθει δὲ ἄρα δαιμονῶν τὸ μειράκιον: ἐγέλα τε γὰρ ἐφ' οἷς οὐδεὶς ἕτερος καὶ μετέβαλλεν ἐς τὸ κλάειν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχον, διελέγετό τε πρὸς ἑαυτὸν καὶ ᾖδε. καὶ οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τὴν νεότητα σκιρτῶσαν ᾤοντο ἐκφέρειν αὐτὸ ἐς ταῦτα, ὁ δ' ὑπεκρίνετο ἄρα τῷ δαίμονι καὶ ἐδόκει παροινεῖν, ἃ ἐπαρῴνει τότε, ὁρῶντός τε ἐς αὐτὸ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου, δεδοικότως τε καὶ ὀργίλως φωνὰς ἠφίει τὸ εἴδωλον, ὁπόσαι καομένων τε καὶ στρεβλουμένων εἰσίν, ἀφεξεσθαί τε τοῦ μειρακίου ὤμνυ καὶ μηδενὶ ἀνθρώπων ἐμπεσεῖσθαι. τοῦ δὲ οἷον δεσπότου πρὸς ἀνδράποδον ποικίλον πανοῦργόν τε καὶ ἀναιδὲς καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ξὺν ὀργῇ λέγοντος καὶ κελεύοντος αὐτῷ ξὺν τεκμηρίῳ ἀπαλλάττεσθαι “τὸν δεῖνα” ἔφη “καταβαλῶ ἀνδριάντα” δείξας τινὰ τῶν περὶ τὴν Βασίλειον στοάν, πρὸς ᾗ ταῦτα ἐπράττετο: ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ἀνδριὰς ὑπεκινήθη πρῶτον, εἶτα ἔπεσε, τὸν μὲν θόρυβον τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ ὡς ἐκρότησαν ὑπὸ θαύματος τί ἄν τις γράφοι; τὸ δὲ μειράκιον, ὥσπερ ἀφυπνίσαν τούς τε ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔτριψε καὶ πρὸς τὰς αὐγὰς τοῦ ἡλίου εἶδεν αἰδῶ τε ἐπεσπάσατο πάντων ἐς αὐτὸ ἐστραμμένων ἀσελγές τε οὐκέτι ἐφαίνετο, οὐδὲ ἄτακτον βλέπον, ἀλλ' ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν μεῖον οὐδὲν ἢ εἰ φαρμακοποσίᾳ ἐκέχρητο, μεταβαλόν τε τῶν χλανιδίων καὶ λῃδίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης συβάριδος ἐς ἔρωτα ἦλθεν αὐχμοῦ καὶ τρίβωνος καὶ ἐς τὰ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου ἤθη ἀπεδύσατο. 4.21. ἐπιπλῆξαι δὲ λέγεται περὶ Διονυσίων ̓Αθηναίοις, ἃ ποιεῖταί σφισιν ἐν ὥρᾳ τοῦ ἀνθεστηριῶνος: ὁ μὲν γὰρ μονῳδίας ἀκροασομένους καὶ μελοποιίας παραβάσεών τε καὶ ῥυθμῶν, ὁπόσοι κωμῳδίας τε καὶ τραγῳδίας εἰσίν, ἐς τὸ θέατρον ξυμφοιτᾶν ᾤετο, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσεν, ὅτι αὐλοῦ ὑποσημήναντος λυγισμοὺς ὀρχοῦνται καὶ μεταξὺ τῆς ̓Ορφέως ἐποποιίας τε καὶ θεολογίας τὰ μὲν ὡς ̔͂Ωραι, τὰ δὲ ὡς Νύμφαι, τὰ δὲ ὡς Βάκχαι πράττουσιν, ἐς ἐπίπληξιν τούτου κατέστη καὶ “παύσασθε” εἶπεν “ἐξορχούμενοι τοὺς Σαλαμινίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἑτέρους κειμένους ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, εἰ μὲν γὰρ Λακωνικὴ ταῦτα ὄρχησις, εὖγε οἱ στρατιῶται, γυμνάζεσθε γὰρ πολέμῳ καὶ ξυνορχήσομαι, εἰ δὲ ἁπαλὴ καὶ ἐς τὸ θῆλυ σπεύδουσα, τί φῶ περὶ τῶν τροπαίων; οὐ γὰρ κατὰ Μήδων ταῦτα ἢ Περσῶν, καθ' ὑμῶν δὲ ἑστήξει, τῶν ἀναθέντων αὐτὰ εἰ λίποισθε. κροκωτοὶ δὲ ὑμῖν καὶ ἁλουργία καὶ κοκκοβαφία τοιαύτη πόθεν; οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ ̓Αχαρναί γε ὧδε ἐστέλλοντο, οὐδὲ ὁ Κολωνὸς ὧδε ἵππευε. καὶ τί λέγω ταῦτα; γυνὴ ναύαρχος ἐκ Καρίας ἐφ' ὑμᾶς ἔπλευσε μετὰ Ξέρξου, καὶ ἦν αὐτῇ γυναικεῖον οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ἀνδρὸς στολὴ καὶ ὅπλα, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἁβρότεροι τῶν Ξέρξου γυναικῶν ἐφ' ἑαυτοὺς στέλλεσθε οἱ γέροντες οἱ νέοι τὸ ἐφηβικόν, οἳ πάλαι μὲν ὤμνυσαν ἐς ̓Αγραύλου φοιτῶντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀποθανεῖσθαι καὶ ὅπλα θήσεσθαι, νῦν δὲ ἴσως ὀμοῦνται ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος βακχεύσειν καὶ θύρσον λήψεσθαι κόρυν μὲν οὐδεμίαν φέρον, γυναικομίμῳ δὲ μορφώματι, κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην, αἰσχρῶς διαπρέπον. ἀκούω δὲ ὑμᾶς καὶ ἀνέμους γίγνεσθαι καὶ λῄδια ἀνασείειν λέγεσθε ἔπιπλα μετεώρως αὐτὰ κολποῦντες. ἔδει δὲ ἀλλὰ τούτους γε αἰδεῖσθαι, ξυμμάχους ὄντας καὶ πνεύσαντας ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν μέγα, μηδὲ τὸν Βορέαν κηδεστήν γε ὄντα καὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀνέμους ἄρσενα ποιεῖσθαι θῆλυν, οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς ̓Ωρειθυίας ἐραστὴς ἄν ποτε ὁ Βορέας ἐγένετο, εἰ κἀκείνην ὀρχουμένην εἶδε.” 4.22. διωρθοῦτο δὲ κἀκεῖνο ̓Αθήνησιν: οἱ ̓Αθηναῖοι ξυνιόντες ἐς θέατρον τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει προσεῖχον σφαγαῖς ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐσπουδάζετο ταῦτα ἐκεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν Κορίνθῳ νῦν, χρημάτων τε μεγάλων ἐωνημένοι ἤγοντο μοιχοὶ καὶ πόρνοι καὶ τοιχωρύχοι καὶ βαλαντιοτόμοι καὶ ἀνδραποδισταὶ καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἔθνη, οἱ δ' ὥπλιζον αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐκέλευον ξυμπίπτειν. ἐλάβετο δὲ καὶ τούτων ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος καὶ καλούντων αὐτὸν ἐς ἐκκλησίαν ̓Αθηναίων οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρελθεῖν ἐς χωρίον ἀκάθαρτον καὶ λύθρου μεστόν. ἔλεγε δὲ ταῦτα ἐν ἐπιστολῇ. καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔλεγεν “ὅπως ἡ θεὸς οὐ καὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἤδη ἐκλείπει τοιοῦτον αἷμα ὑμῶν ἐκχεόντων αὐτῇ. δοκεῖτε γάρ μοι προιόντες, ἐπειδὰν τὰ Παναθήναια πέμπητε, μηδὲ βοῦς ἔτι, ἀλλ' ἑκατόμβας ἀνθρώπων καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ. σὺ δέ, Διόνυσε, μετὰ τοιοῦτον αἷμα ἐς τὸ θέατρον φοιτᾷς; κἀκεῖ σοι σπένδουσιν οἱ σοφοὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι; μετάστηθι καὶ σύ, Διόνυσε: Κιθαιρὼν καθαρώτερος.” τοιάδε εὗρον τὰ σπουδαιότατα τῶν φιλοσοφηθέντων ̓Αθήνησιν αὐτῷ τότε. 4.17. So much for the conversation on board; but having sailed into the Piraeus at the season of the mysteries, when the Athenians keep the most crowded of Hellenic festivals, he went post haste up from the ship into the city; but as he went forward, he fell in with quite a number of students of philosophy on their way down to Phaleron. Some of them were stripped and enjoying the heat, for in autumn the sun is hot upon the Athenians; and others were studying books, and some were rehearsing their speeches, and others were disputing. But no one passed him by, for they all guessed that it was Apollonius, and they turned and thronged around him and welcomed him warmly; and ten youths in a body met him and holding up their hands to the Acropolis, they cried: By Athena yonder, we were on the point of going down to the Piraeus there to take ship to Ionia in order to visit you. And he welcomed them and said how much he congratulated them on their study of philosophy. 4.18. It was then the day of the Epidaurian festival, at which it is still customary for the Athenians to hold the initiation at a second sacrifice after both proclamation and victims have been offered; and this custom was instituted in honor of Asclepius, because they still initiated him when on one occasion he arrived from Epidaurus too late for the mysteries. Now most people neglected the initiation and hung around Apollonius, and thought more of doing that than of being perfected in their religion before they went home; but Apollonius said that he would join them later on, and urged them to attend at once to the rites of the religion, for that he himself would be initiated. But the hierophant was not disposed to admit him to the rites, for he said that he would never initiate a wizard and charlatan, nor open the Eleusinian rite to a man who dabbled in impure rites. Thereupon Apollonius, fully equal to the occasion, said: You have not yet mentioned the chief of my offense, which is that knowing, as I do, more about the initiatory rite than you do yourself, I have nevertheless come for initiation to you, as if you were wiser than I am. The bystanders applauded these words, and deemed that he had answered with vigor and like himself; and thereupon the hierophant, since he saw that his exclusion of Apollonius was not by any means popular with the crowd, changed his tone and said: Be thou initiated, for thou seemest to be some wise man who has come here. But Apollonius replied: I will be initiated at another time, and it is so and so, mentioning a name, who will initiate me. Herein he showed his gift of prevision, for he glanced at the hierophant who succeeded the one he addressed, and presided over the sanctuary four years later. 4.19. Many were the discourses which according to Damis the sage delivered at Athens; though he did not write down all of them, but only the more indispensable ones in which he handled great subjects. He took for the topic of his first discourse the matter of rite and ceremonies, and this because he saw that the Athenians were much addicted to sacrifices; and in it he explained how a religious man could best adapt his sacrifice, his libations, or prayers to any particular divinity, and at what hours of day and night he ought to offer them. And it is possible to obtain a book of Apollonius, in which he gives instructions in his own words. But Athens he discussed these topics with a view to improving his own wisdom and that of others in the first place, and in the second of convincing the hierophant of blasphemy and ignorance in the remarks he had made; for who could continue to regard as one impure in his religion a man who taught philosophically how the worship of the gods is to be conducted? 4.20. Now while he was discussing the question of libations, there chanced to be present in his audience a young dandy who bore so evil a reputation for licentiousness that his conduct had long been the subject of coarse street-corner songs. His home was Corcyra, and he traced his pedigree to Alcinous the Phaeacian who entertained Odysseus. Apollonius then was talking about libations, and was urging them not to drink out of a particular cup, but to reserve it for the gods, without ever touching it or drinking out of it. But when he also urged them to have handles on the cup, and to pour the libation over the handle, because that is the part at which men are least likely to drink, the youth burst out into loud and coarse laughter, and quite drowned his voice. Then Apollonius looked up and said: It is not yourself that perpetrates this insult, but the demon, who drives you without your knowing it. And in fact the youth was, without knowing it, possessed by a devil; for he would laugh at things that no one else laughed at, and then would fall to weeping for no reason at all, and he would talk and sing to himself. Now most people thought that it was boisterous humor of youth which led him into excesses; but he was really the mouthpiece of a devil, though it only seemed a drunken frolic in which on that occasion he was indulging. Now, when Apollonius gazed on him, the ghost in him began to utter cries of fear and rage, such as one hears from people who are being branded or racked; and the ghost swore that he would leave the you man alone and never take possession of any man again. But Apollonius addressed him with anger, as a master might a shifty, rascally, and shameless slave and so on, and he ordered him to quit the young man and show by a visible sign that he had done so. I will throw down yonder statue, said the devil, and pointed to one of the images which were there in the Royal Stoa, for there it was that the scene took place. But when the statue began by moving gently, and then fell down, it would defy anyone to describe the hubbub which arose thereat and the way they clapped their hand with wonder. But the young man rubbed his eyes as if he had just woke up, and he looked towards the rays of the sun, and assumed a modest aspect, as all had their attention concentrated on him; for he no longer showed himself licentious, nor did he stare madly about, but he had returned to his own self, as thoroughly as if he had been treated with drugs; and he gave up his dainty dress and summery garments and the rest of his sybaritic way of life, and he fell in love with the austerity of philosophers, and donned their cloak, and stripping off his old self modeled his life and future upon that of Apollonius. 4.21. And he is said to have rebuked the Athenians for their conduct of the festival of Dionysus, which they hold at the season of the month Anthesterion. For when he saw them flocking to the theater he imagined that the were going to listen to solos and compositions in the way of processional and rhythmic hymns, such as are sung in comedies and tragedies; but when he heard them dancing lascivious jigs to the rondos of a pipe, and in the midst of the sacred epic of Orpheus striking attitudes as the Hours, or as nymphs, or as bacchants, he set himself to rebuke their proceedings and said: Stop dancing away the reputations of the victors of Salamis as well as of many other good men deported this life. For if indeed this were a Lacedaemonian form of dance, I would say, “Bravo, soldiers; for you are training yourselves for war, and I will join in your dance'; but as it is a soft dance and one of effeminate tendency, what am I to say of your national trophies? Not as monuments of shame to the Medians or Persians, but to your own shame they will have been raised, should you degenerate so much from those who set them up. And what do you mean by your saffron robes and your purple and scarlet raiment? For surely the Acharnians never dressed themselves up in this way, nor ever the knights of Colonus rode in such garb. A woman commanded a ship from Caria and sailed against you with Xerxes, and about her there was nothing womanly, but she wore the garb and armor of a man; but you are softer than the women of Xerxes' day, and you are dressing yourselves up to your own despite, old and young and striplings alike, all those who of old flocked to the shrine of Agraulus in order to swear to die in battle on behalf of the fatherland. And now it seems that the same people are ready to swear to become bacchants and don the thyrsus in behalf of their country; and no one bears a helmet, but disguised as female harlequins, to use the phrase of Euripides, they shine in shame alone. Nay more, I hear that you turn yourselves into winds, and wave your skirts, and pretend that you are ships bellying their sails aloft. But surely you might at least have some respect for the winds that were your allies and once blew mightily to protect you, instead of turning Boreas who was your patron, and who of all the winds is the most masculine, into a woman; for Boreas would never have become the lover of Oreithya, if he had seen her executing, like you, a skirt dance. 4.22. He also corrected the following abuse at Athens. The Athenians ran in crowds to the theater beneath the Acropolis to witness human slaughter, and the passion for such sports was stronger there than it is in Corinth today; for they would buy for large sums adulterers and fornicators and burglars and cut-purses and kidnappers and such-like rabble, and then they took them and armed them and set them to fight with one another. Apollonius then attacked these practices, and when the Athenians invited him to attend their assembly, he refused to enter a place so impure and reeking with gore. And this he said in an epistle to them; he said that he was surprised that the goddess had not already quitted the Acropolis, when you shed such blood under her eyes. For I suspect that presently, when you are conducting the pan-Athenaic procession, you will no longer be content with bull, but will be sacrificing hecatombs of men to the goddess. And thou, O Dionysus, dost thou after such bloodshed frequent their theater? And do the wise among the Athenians pour libations to thee there? Nay do thou depart, O Dionysus. Holier and purer is thy Cithaeron.Such were the more serious of the subjects which I have found he treated of at that time in Athens in his philosophical discourses.
37. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 628 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 262
38. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 39.61.1-39.61.3, 39.63.3, 69.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 49, 55
39.61.1.  Meantime the Tiber, either because excessive rains had occurred somewhere up the stream above the city, or because a violent wind from the sea had driven back its outgoing tide, or still more probably, as was surmised, by the act of some divinity, suddenly rose so high as to inundate all the lower levels in the city and to overwhelm many even of the higher portions. 39.61.2.  The houses, therefore, being constructed of brick, became soaked through and collapsed, while all the animals perished in the flood. And of the people all who did not take refuge in time on the highest points were caught, either in their dwellings, or in the streets, and lost their lives. The remaining houses, too, became weakened, since the mischief lasted for many days, and they caused injuries to many, either at the time or later. 39.61.3.  The Romans, distressed at these calamities and expecting others yet worse, because, as they thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the restoration of Ptolemy, were in haste to put Gabinius to death even while absent, believing that they would be harmed less if they should destroy him before his return. 39.63.3.  For Pompey had been away from the city to provide for a supply of corn, since much had been ruined by the river, but hastened back to be present at the first trial (for he was in Italy); and when he missed that, he did not retire from the suburbs until the other also was finished. 69.4. 2.  The reason assigned was that he had been guilty of some misdemeanour; but the true reason was that once when Trajan was consulting him on some point about the buildings he had said to Hadrian, who had interrupted with some remark: "Be off, and draw your gourds. You don't understand any of these matters." (It chanced that Hadrian at the time was pluming himself upon some such drawing.),3.  When he became emperor, therefore, he remembered this slight and would not endure the man's freedom of speech. He sent him the plan of the temple of Venus and Roma by way of showing him that a great work could be accomplished without his aid, and asked Apollodorus whether the proposed structure was satisfactory.,4.  The architect in his reply stated, first, in regard to the temple, that it ought to have been built on high ground and that the earth should have been excavated beneath it, so that it might have stood out more conspicuously on the Sacred Way from its higher position, and might also have accommodated the machines in its basement, so that they could be put together unobserved and brought into the theatre without anyone's being aware of them beforehand. Secondly, in regard to the statues, he said that they had been made too tall for the height of the cella.,5.  "For now," he said, "if the goddesses wish to get up and go out, they will be unable to do so." When he wrote this so bluntly to Hadrian, the emperor was both vexed and exceedingly grieved because he had fallen into a mistake that could not be righted, and he restrained neither his anger nor his grief, but slew the man.,6.  Indeed, his nature was such that he was jealous not only of the living, but also of the dead; at any rate he abolished Homer and introduced in his stead Antimachus, whose very name had previously been unknown to many.  Other traits for which people found fault with him were his great strictness, his curiosity and his meddlesomeness. Yet he balanced and atoned for these defects by his careful oversight, his prudence, his munificence and his skill; furthermore, he did not stir up any war, and he terminated those already in progress; and he deprived no one of money unjustly, while upon many — communities and private citizens, senators and knights — he bestowed large sums.
39. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 361.20 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Borg (2008) 44
40. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 1.5, 10.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 211, 262
41. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 4.850-4.929, 7.348-7.358, 15.1-15.53 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 214
42. Philostratus, Pictures, 1.15 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 158
43. Origen, Against Celsus, 7.3-7.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
7.3. Celsus goes on to say of us: They set no value on the oracles of the Pythian priestess, of the priests of Dodona, of Clarus, of Branchid , of Jupiter Ammon, and of a multitude of others; although under their guidance we may say that colonies were sent forth, and the whole world peopled. But those sayings which were uttered or not uttered in Judea, after the manner of that country, as indeed they are still delivered among the people of Phœnicia and Palestine - these they look upon as marvellous sayings, and unchangeably true. In regard to the oracles here enumerated, we reply that it would be possible for us to gather from the writings of Aristotle and the Peripatetic school not a few things to overthrow the authority of the Pythian and the other oracles. From Epicurus also, and his followers, we could quote passages to show that even among the Greeks themselves there were some who utterly discredited the oracles which were recognised and admired throughout the whole of Greece. But let it be granted that the responses delivered by the Pythian and other oracles were not the utterances of false men who pretended to a divine inspiration; and let us see if, after all, we cannot convince any sincere inquirers that there is no necessity to attribute these oracular responses to any divinities, but that, on the other hand, they may be traced to wicked demons- to spirits which are at enmity with the human race, and which in this way wish to hinder the soul from rising upwards, from following the path of virtue, and from returning to God in sincere piety. It is said of the Pythian priestess, whose oracle seems to have been the most celebrated, that when she sat down at the mouth of the Castalian cave, the prophetic Spirit of Apollo entered her private parts; and when she was filled with it, she gave utterance to responses which are regarded with awe as divine truths. Judge by this whether that spirit does not show its profane and impure nature, by choosing to enter the soul of the prophetess not through the more becoming medium of the bodily pores which are both open and invisible, but by means of what no modest man would ever see or speak of. And this occurs not once or twice, which would be more permissible, but as often as she was believed to receive inspiration from Apollo. Moreover, it is not the part of a divine spirit to drive the prophetess into such a state of ecstasy and madness that she loses control of herself. For he who is under the influence of the Divine Spirit ought to be the first to receive the beneficial effects; and these ought not to be first enjoyed by the persons who consult the oracle about the concerns of natural or civil life, or for purposes of temporal gain or interest; and, moreover, that should be the time of clearest perception, when a person is in close intercourse with the Deity. 7.4. Accordingly, we can show from an examination of the sacred Scriptures, that the Jewish prophets, who were enlightened as far as was necessary for their prophetic work by the Spirit of God, were the first to enjoy the benefit of the inspiration; and by the contact - if I may so say - of the Holy Spirit they became clearer in mind, and their souls were filled with a brighter light. And the body no longer served as a hindrance to a virtuous life; for to that which we call the lust of the flesh it was deadened. For we are persuaded that the Divine Spirit mortifies the deeds of the body, and destroys that enmity against God which the carnal passions serve to excite. If, then, the Pythian priestess is beside herself when she prophesies, what spirit must that be which fills her mind and clouds her judgment with darkness, unless it be of the same order with those demons which many Christians cast out of persons possessed with them? And this, we may observe, they do without the use of any curious arts of magic, or incantations, but merely by prayer and simple adjurations which the plainest person can use. Because for the most part it is unlettered persons who perform this work; thus making manifest the grace which is in the word of Christ, and the despicable weakness of demons, which, in order to be overcome and driven out of the bodies and souls of men, do not require the power and wisdom of those who are mighty in argument, and most learned in matters of faith.
44. Julian (Emperor), Misopogon (Sc.), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 162
45. Libanius, Orations, 1.11, 1.16-1.22, 1.17.23, 1.53, 11.128, 11.163-11.168, 11.171, 11.182-11.185, 13.18, 18.27 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Borg (2008) 44; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 157, 158, 159, 162, 163, 184, 282
46. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 10-31, 33-37, 32 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 173, 282
47. Gregory of Nazianzus, Epigrams, 80, 8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 214
48. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, 4.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 220
49. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 1 Corinthians, 29.12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 215
50. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 188-189 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 214
51. Libanius, Letters, 742.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 184
52. Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Moralia, 2.1.11121-2.1.11209 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 173
53. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 136 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 165
54. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 136 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 165
55. Himerius, Orations, 6.7, 30.2-30.13, 30.18-30.20, 39.4, 39.8, 39.12, 41.2, 41.12, 54.3, 59.15-59.17, 64.35-64.37, 68.10-68.12, 69.7-69.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 158, 159, 161, 162, 164, 282
56. Libanius, Declamationes, 13.26 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 162
57. Aenas of Gaza, Theophrastus Sive De Animarum Immortalitate Et Corporum Resurrectione Dialogus, 4.9-4.12 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 167
58. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 1.152.7-153.20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 385
59. Proclus, Hymni, 1.18, 2.1, 2.18, 7.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 385
60. Akathistos Hymnos, Stanza, 17  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 220
61. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 1.10, 16.65  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 260, 272
62. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, 93  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 214
63. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, 9.11-12.17  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 211
64. Bacchylides, Odes, 3.78-3.84  Tagged with subjects: •lyric, in the classical period Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
65. Epigraphy, Syll. , 3.985  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 380
66. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 2342, 2958, 3546, 3688, 3814  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 262
67. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 448, 290  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 49
68. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 280, 298, 300, 334-335, 339, 347, 344  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 68, 69
69. Strabo, Geography, 8.3  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 55
8.3. 1. Eleia At the present time the whole of the seaboard that lies between the countries of the Achaeans and the Messenians, and extends inland to the Arcadian districts of Pholoe, of the Azanes, and of the Parrhasians, is called the Eleian country. But in early times this country was divided into several domains; and afterwards into two — that of the Epeians and that under the rule of Nestor the son of Neleus; just as Homer, too, states, when he calls the land of the Epeians by the name of Elis (and passed goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway ), and the land under the rule of Nestor, Pylus, through which, he says, the Alpheius flows (of the Alpheius, that floweth in wide stream through the land of the Pylians). of course Homer also knew of Pylus as a city (and they reached Pylus, the well-built city of Nestor), but the Alpheius does not flow through the city, nor past it either; in fact, another river flows past it, a river which some call Pamisus and others Amathus (whence, apparently, the epithet Emathoeis which has been applied to this Pylus), but the Alpheius flows through the Pylian country.,2. What is now the city of Elis had not yet been founded in Homer's time; in fact, the people of the country lived only in villages. And the country was called Coele Elis from the fact in the case, for the most and best of it was Coele. It was only relatively late, after the Persian wars, that people came together from many communities into what is now the city of Elis. And I might almost say that, with only a few exceptions, the other Peloponnesian places named by the poet were also named by him, not as cities, but as countries, each country being composed of several communities, from which in later times the well-known cities were settled. For instance, in Arcadia, Mantineia was settled by Argive colonists from five communities; and Tegea from nine; and also Heraea from nine, either by Cleombrotus or by Cleonymus. And in the same way the city Aegium was made up of seven or eight communities; the city Patrae of seven; and the city Dyme of eight. And in this way the city Elis was also made up of the communities of the surrounding country (one of these . . . the Agriades). The Peneius River flows through the city past the gymnasium. And the Eleians did not make this gymnasium until a long time after the districts that were under Nestor had passed into their possession.,3. These districts were Pisatis (of which Olympia was a part), Triphylia, and the country of the Cauconians. The Triphylians were so called from the fact that three tribes of people had come together in that country — that of the Epeians, who were there at the outset, and that of the Minyans, who later settled there, and that of the Eleians, who last dominated the country. But some name the Arcadians in the place of the Minyans, since the Arcadians had often disputed the possession of the country; and hence the same Pylus was called both Arcadian Pylus and Triphylian Pylus. Homer calls this whole country as far as Messene Pylus, giving it the same name as the city. But Coele Elis was distinct from the places subject to Nestor, as is shown in the Catalogue of Ships by the names of the chieftains and of their abodes. I say this because I am comparing present conditions with those described by Homer; for we must needs institute this comparison because of the fame of the poet and because of our familiarity with him from our childhood, since all of us believe that we have not successfully treated any subject which we may have in hand until there remains in our treatment nothing that conflicts with what the poet says on the same subject, such confidence do we have in his words. Accordingly, I must give conditions as they now are, and then, citing the words of the poet, in so far as they bear on the matter, take them also into consideration.,4. In the Eleian country, on the north, is a cape, Araxus, sixty stadia distant from Dyme, an Achaean city. This cape, then, I put down as the beginning of the seaboard of the Eleians. After this cape, as one proceeds towards the west, one comes to the naval station of the Eleians, Cyllene, from which there is a road leading inland to the present city Elis, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Homer, too, mentions this Cyllene when he says, Otus, a Cyllenian, a chief of the Epeians, for he would not have represented a chieftain of the Epeians as being from the Arcadian mountain. Cyllene is a village of moderate size; and it has the Asclepius made by Colotes — an ivory image that is wonderful to behold. After Cyllene one comes to the promontory Chelonatas, the most westerly point of the Peloponnesus. off Chelonatas lies an isle, and also some shallows that are on the common boundary between Coele Elis and the country of the Pisatae; and from here the voyage to Cephallenia is not more than eighty stadia. Somewhere in this neighborhood, on the aforesaid boundary line, there also flows the River Elison or Elisa.,5. It is between Chelonatas and Cyllene that the River Peneius empties; as also the River Selleeis, which is mentioned by the poet and flows out of Pholoe. On the Selleeis is situated a city Ephyra, which is to be distinguished from the Thesprotian, Thessalian, and Corinthian Ephyras; it is a fourth Ephyra, and is situated on the road that leads to Lasion, being either the same city as Boenoa (for thus Oinoe is usually called), or else near that city, at a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia from the city of the Eleians. This, apparently, is the Ephyra which Homer calls the home of the mother of Tlepolemus the son of Heracles (for the expeditions of Heracles were in this region rather than in any of the other three) when he says, whom he had brought out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeis . and there is no River Selleeis near the other Ephyras. Again, he says of the corselet of Meges: this corselet Phyleus once brought out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeis. And thirdly, the man-slaying drugs: for Homer says that Odysseus came to Ephyra in search of a man-slaying drug, that he might have wherewithal to smear his arrows; and in speaking of Telemachus the wooers say: or else he means to go to the fertile soil of Ephyra, that from there he may bring deadly drugs; for Nestor, in his narrative of his war against the Epeians, introduces the daughter of Augeas, the king of the Epeians, as a mixer of drugs: I was the first that slew a man, even the spearman Mulius; he was a son-in-law of Augeias, having married his eldest daughter, and she knew all drugs that are nourished by the wide earth. But there is another River Selleeis near Sikyon, and near the river a village Ephyra. And in the Agraean district of Aitolia there is a village Ephyra; its inhabitants are called Ephyri. And there are still other Ephyri, I mean the branch of the Perrhaebians who live near Macedonia (the Crannonians), as also those Thesprotian Ephyri of Cichyrus, which in earlier times was called Ephyra.,6. Apollodorus, in teaching us how the poet is wont to distinguish between places of the same name, says that as the poet, in the case of Orchomenus, for instance, refers to the Arcadian Orchomenus as abounding in flocks and to the Boeotian Orchomenus as Minyeian, and refers to Samos as the Thracian Samos by connecting it with a neighboring island, betwixt Samos and Imbros, in order to distinguish it from Ionian Samos — so too, Apollodorus says, the poet distinguishes the Thesprotian Ephyra both by the word distant and by the phrase from the River Selleeis. 5 In this, however, Apollodorus is not in agreement with what Demetrius of Scepsis says, from whom he borrows most of his material; for Demetrius says that there is no River Selleeis among the Thesprotians, but says that it is in the Eleian country and flows past the Ephyra there, as I have said before. In this statement, therefore, Apollodorus was in want of perception; as also in his statement concerning Oichalia, because, although Oichalia is the name of not merely one city, he says that there is only one city of Eurytus the Oichalian, namely, the Thessalian Oichalia, in reference to which Homer says: Those that held Oichalia, city of Eurytus the Oichalian. What Oichalia, pray, was it from which Thamyris had set out when, near Dorium, the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and put a stop to his singing? For Homer adds: as he was on his way from Oichalia, from Eurytus the Oichalian. For if it was the Thessalian Oichalia, Demetrius of Scepsis is wrong again when he says that it was a certain Arcadian Oichalia, which is now called Andania; but if Demetrius is right, Arcadian Oichalia was also called city of Eurytus, and therefore there was not merely one Oichalia; but Apollodorus says that there was one only.,7. It was between the outlets of the Peneius and the Selleeis, near the Scollium, that Pylus was situated; not the city of Nestor, but another Pylus which has nothing in common with the Alpheius, nor with the Pamisus (or Amathus, if we should call it that). Yet there are some who do violence to Homer's words, seeking to win for themselves the fame and noble lineage of Nestor; for, since history mentions three Pyluses in the Peloponnesus (as is stated in this verse: There is a Pylus in front of Pylus; yea, and there is still another Pylus,) the Pylus in question, the Lepreatic Pylus in Triphylia and Pisatis, and a third, the Messenian Pylus near Coryphasium, the inhabitants of each try to show that the Pylus in their own country is emathoeis and declare that it is the native place of Nestor. However, most of the more recent writers, both historians and poets, say that Nestor was a Messenian, thus adding their support to the Pylus which has been preserved down to their own times. But the writers who follow the words of Homer more closely say that the Pylus of Nestor is the Pylus through whose territory the Alpheius flows. And the Alpheius flows through Pisatis and Triphylia. However, the writers from Coele Elis have not only supported their own Pylus with a similar zeal, but have also attached to it tokens of recognition, pointing out a place called Gerenus, a river called Geron, and another river called Geranius, and then confidently asserting that Homer's epithet for Nestor, Gerenian, was derived from these. But the Messenians have done the selfsame thing, and their argument appears at least more plausible; for they say that their own Gerena is better known, and that it was once a populous place. Such, then, is the present state of affairs as regards Coele Elis.,8. But when the poet divides this country into four parts and also speaks of the leaders as four in number, his statement is not clear: And they too that inhabited both Buprasium and goodly Elis, so much thereof as is enclosed by Hyrmine and Myrsinus on the borders, and by the Olenian Rock and Aleisium, — of these men, I say, there were four leaders, and ten swift ships followed each leader, and many Epeians embarked thereon. For when he speaks of both the Buprasians and the Eleians as Epeians but without going on and calling the Buprasians Eleians, it would seem that he is not dividing the Eleian country into four parts, but rather the country of the Epeians, which he had already divided into only two parts; and thus Buprasium would not be a part of Elis but rather of the country of the Epeians. For it is clear that he calls the Buprasians Epeians; as when the Epeians were burying lord Amarynces at Buprasium. But Buprasium now appears to have been a territory of the Eleian country, having in it a settlement of the same name, which was also a part of Elis. And again, when he names the two together, saying both Buprasium and goodly Elis, and then divides the country into four parts, it seems as though he is classifying the four parts under the general designation both Buprasium and goodly Elis. It seems likely that at one time there was a considerable settlement by the name of Buprasium in the Eleian country which is no longer in existence (indeed, only that territory which is on the road that leads to Dyme from the present city of Elis is now so called); and one might suppose that at that time Buprasium had a certain preeminence as compared with Elis, just as the Epeians had in comparison with the Eleians; but later on the people were called Eleians instead of Epeians. And though Buprasium was a part of Elis, they say that Homer, by a sort of poetic figure, names the part with the whole, as for instance when he says: throughout Hellas and mid- Argos, and throughout Hellas and Phthia, and the Curetes fought and the Aitolians, and the men of Dulichium and the holy Echinades, for Dulichium is one of the Echinades. And more recent poets also use this figure; for instance, Hipponax, when he says: to those who have eaten the bread of the Cyprians and the wheaten bread of the Amathusians, for the Amathusians are also Cyprians; and Alcman, when he says: when she had left lovely Cypros and seagirt Paphos and Aeschylus, when he says: since thou dost possess the whole of Cypros and Paphos as thine allotment. But if Homer nowhere calls the Buprasians Eleians, I will say that there are many other facts also that he does not mention; yet this is no proof that they are not facts, but merely that he has not mentioned them.,9. But Hecataeus of Miletus says that the Epeians are a different people from the Eleians; that, at any rate, the Epeians joined Heracles in his expedition against Augeas and helped him to destroy both Augeas and Elis. And he says, further, that Dyme is an Epeian and an Achaean city. However, the early historians say many things that are not true, because they were accustomed to falsehoods on account of the use of myths in their writings; and on this account, too, they do not agree with one another concerning the same things. Yet it is not incredible that the Epeians, even if they were once at variance with the Eleians and belonged to a different race, later became united with the Eleians as the result of prevailing over them, and with them formed one common state; and that they prevailed even as far as Dyme. For although the poet has not named Dyme, it is not unreasonable to suppose that in his time Dyme belonged to the Epeians, and later to the Ionians, or, if not to them, at all events to the Achaeans who took possession of their country. of the four parts, inside which Buprasium is situated, only Hyrmine and Myrsinus belong to the Eleian country, whereas the remaining two are already on the frontiers of Pisatis, as some writers think.,10. Now Hyrmine was a small town. It is no longer in existence, but near Cyllene there is a mountain promontory called Hormina or Hyrmina. Myrsinus is the present Myrtuntium, a settlement that extends down to the sea, and is situated on the road which runs from Dyme into Elis, and is seventy stadia distant from the city of the Eleians. The Olenian Rock is surmised to be what is now called Scollis; for we are obliged to state what is merely probable, because both the places and the names have undergone changes, and because in many cases the poet does not make himself very clear. Scollis is a rocky mountain common to the territories of the Dymaeans, the Tritaeans, and the Eleians, and borders on another Arcadian mountain called Lampeia, which is one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Elis, one hundred from Tritaea, and the same from Dyme; the last two are Achaean cities. Aleisium is the present Alesiaion, a territory in the neighborhood of Amphidolis, in which the people of the surrounding country hold a monthly market. It is situated on the mountain road that runs from Elis to Olympia. In earlier times it was a city of Pisatis, for the boundaries have varied at different times on account of the change of rulers. The poet also calls Aleisium Hill of Aleisium, when he says: until we caused our horses to set foot on Buprasium, rich in wheat, and on the Olenian Rock, and of Aleisium where is the place called Hill (we must interpret the words as a case of hyperbaton, that is, as equivalent to and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium). Some writers point also to a river Aleisius.,11. Since certain people in Triphylia near Messenia are called Cauconians, and since Dyme also is called Cauconian by some writers, and since in the Dymaean territory between Dyme and Tritaea there is also a river which is called Caucon, in the feminine gender, writers raise the question whether there are not two different sets of Cauconians, one in the region of Triphylia, and the other in the region of Dyme, Elis, and the River Caucon. This river empties into another river which is called Teutheas, in the masculine gender; Teutheas has the same name as one of the little towns which were incorporated into Dyme, except that the name of this town, Teuthea, is in the feminine gender, and is spelled without the s and with the last syllable long. In this town is the sanctuary of the Nemydian Artemis. The Teutheas empties into the Achelous which flows by Dyme and has the same name as the Acarian river. It is also called the Peirus; by Hesiod, for instance, when he says: he dwelt on the Olenian Rock along the banks of a river, wide Peirus. Some change the reading to Pierus, wrongly. They raise that question about the Cauconians, they say, because, when Athene in the guise of Mentor, in the Odyssey says to Nestor, but in the morning I will go to the great-hearted Cauconians, where a debt is due me, in no way new or small. But do thou send this man on his way with a chariot and with thy son, since he has come to thy house, and give him horses, the poet seems to designate a certain territory in the country of the Epeians which was held by the Cauconians, these Cauconians being a different set from those in Triphylia and perhaps extending as far as the territory of Dyme. Indeed, one should not fail to inquire both into the origin of the epithet of Dyme, Cauconian, and into the origin of the name of the river Caucon, because the question who those Cauconians were to whom Athene says she is going in order to recover the debt offers a problem; for if we should interpret the poet as meaning the Cauconians in Triphylia near Lepreum, I do not see how his account can be plausible. Hence some read: where a debt is due me in goodly Elis, no small one. But this question will be investigated with clearer results when I describe the country that comes next after this, I mean Pisatis and Triphylia as far as the borders of the country of the Messenians.,12. After Chelonatas comes the long seashore of the Pisatans; and then Cape Pheia. And there was also a small town called Pheia: beside the walls of Pheia, about the streams of Iardanus, for there is also a small river nearby. According to some, Pheia is the beginning of Pisatis. off Pheia lie a little island and a harbor, from which the nearest distance from the sea to Olympia is one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes another cape, Ichthys, which, like Chelonatas, projects for a considerable distance towards the west; and from it the distance to Cephallenia is again one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes the mouth of the Alpheius, which is distant two hundred and eighty stadia from Chelonatas, and five hundred and forty five from Araxus. It flows from the same regions as the Eurotas, that is, from a place called Asea, a village in the territory of Megalopolis, where there are two springs near one another from which the rivers in question flow. They sink and flow beneath the earth for many stadia and then rise again; and then they flow down, one into Laconia and the other into Pisatis. The stream of the Eurotas reappears where the district called Bleminatis begins, and then flows past Sparta itself, traverses a long glen near Helus (a place mentioned by the poet), and empties between Gythium, the naval station of Sparta, and Acraea. But the Alpheius, after receiving the waters of the Ladon, the Erymanthus, and other rivers of less significance, flows through Phrixa, Pisatis, and Triphylia past Olympia itself to the Sicilian Sea, into which it empties between Pheia and Epitalium. Near the outlet of the river is the sacred precinct of Artemis Alpheionia or Alpheiusa (for the epithet is spelled both ways), which is about eighty stadia distant from Olympia. An annual festival is also celebrated at Olympia in honor of this goddess as well as in honor of Artemis Elaphia and Artemis Daphnia. The whole country is full of sanctuaries of Artemis, Aphrodite, and the Nymphs, being situated in sacred precincts that are generally full of flowers because of the abundance of water. And there are also numerous shrines of Hermes on the roads, and sanctuaries of Poseidon on the shores. In the sanctuary of Artemis Alpheionia are very famous paintings by two Corinthians, Cleanthes and Aregon: by Cleanthes the Capture of Troy and the Birth of Athene, and by Aregon the Artemis Borne Aloft on a Griffin.,13. Then comes the mountain of Triphylia that separates Macistia from Pisatis; then another river called Chalcis, and a spring called Cruni, and a settlement called Chalcis, and, after these, Samicum, where is the most highly revered sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon. About the sanctuary is a sacred precinct full of wild olive trees. The people of Macistum used to have charge over it; and it was they, too, who used to proclaim the armistice day called Samiac. But all the Triphylians contribute to the maintece of the sanctuary.,14. In the general neighborhood of these sanctuaries, above the sea, at a distance of thirty stadia or slightly more, is situated the Triphylian Pylus, also called the Lepreatic Pylus, which Homer calls emathoeis and transmits to posterity as the fatherland of Nestor, as one might infer from his words, whether it be that the river that flows past Pylus towards the north (now called Mamaus, or Arkadikos) was called Amathus in earlier times, so that Pylus got its epithet emathoeis from Amathus, or that this river was called Pamisus, the same as two rivers in Messenia, and that the derivation of the epithet of the city is uncertain; for it is false, they say, that either the river or the country about it is amathodes. And also the sanctuary of Athene Scilluntia at Scillus, in the neighborhood of Olympia near Phellon, is one of the famous sanctuaries. Near Pylus, towards the east, is a mountain named after Minthe, who, according to myth, became the concubine of Hades, was trampled under foot by Kore, and was transformed into garden-mint, the plant which some call Hedyosmos. Furthermore, near the mountain is a precinct sacred to Hades, which is revered by the Macistians too, and also a grove sacred to Demeter, which is situated above the Pylian plain. This plain is fertile; it borders on the sea and stretches along the whole distance between Samicum and the River Neda. But the shore of the sea is narrow and sandy, so that one could not refuse to believe that Pylus got its epithet emathoeis therefrom.,15. Towards the north, on the borders of Pylus, were two little Triphylian cities, Hypana and Tympaneae; the former of these was incorporated into Elis, whereas the latter remained as it was. And further, two rivers flow near these places, the Dalion and the Acheron, both of them emptying into the Alpheius. The Acheron has been so named by virtue of its close relation to Hades; for, as we know, not only the sanctuaries of Demeter and Kore have been held in very high honor there, but also those of Hades, perhaps because of the contrariness of the soil, to use the phrase of Demetrius of Scepsis. For while Triphylia brings forth good fruit, it breeds red-rust and produces rush; and therefore in this region it is often the case that instead of a large crop there is no crop at all.,16. To the south of Pylus is Lepreum. This city, too, was situated above the sea, at a distance of forty stadia; and between Lepreum and the Annius is the sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon, at a distance of one hundred stadia from each. This is the sanctuary at which the poet says Telemachus found the Pylians performing the sacrifice: And they came to Pylus, the well-built city of Neleus; and the people were doing sacrifice on the seashore, slaying bulls that were black all over, to the dark-haired Earth-shaker. Now it is indeed allowable for the poet even to fabricate what is not true, but when practicable he should adapt his words to what is true and preserve his narrative; but the more appropriate thing was to abstain from what was not true. The Lepreatans held a fertile territory; and that of the Cyparissians bordered on it. Both these districts were taken and held by the Cauconians; and so was the Macistus (by some called Platanistus). The name of the town is the same as that of the territory. It is said that there is a tomb of Caucon in the territory of Lepreum — whether Caucon was a progenitor of the tribe or one who for some other reason had the same name as the tribe.,17. There are several accounts of the Cauconians; for it is said that, like the Pelasgians, they were an Arcadian tribe, and, again like the Pelasgians, that they were a wandering tribe. At any rate, the poet tells us that they came to Troy as allies of the Trojans. But he does not say whence they come, though they seem to have come from Paphlagonia; for in Paphlagonia there is a people called Cauconiatae whose territory borders on that of the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. But I shall speak of them at greater length when I come to my description of that region. At present I must add the following to my account of the Cauconians in Triphylia. Some say that the whole of what is. now called Eleia, from Messenia as far as Dyme, was called Cauconia. Antimachus, at any rate, calls all the inhabitants both Epeians and Cauconians. Others, however, say that the Cauconians did not occupy the whole of Eleia, but lived there in two separate divisions, one division in Triphylia near Messenia, and the other in Buprasis and Coele Elis near Dyme. And Aristotle has knowledge of their having been established at this latter place especially. And in fact the last view agrees better with what Homer says, and furnishes a solution of the question asked above, for in this view it is assumed that Nestor lived in the Triphylian Pylus, and that the parts towards the south and east (that is, the parts that are contiguous to Messenia and the Laconian country) were subject to him; and these parts were held by the Cauconians, so that if one went by land from Pylus to Lacedemon his journey necessarily must have been made through the territory of the Cauconians; and yet the sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon and the mooring-place near it, where Telemachus landed, lie off towards the northwest. So then, if the Cauconians live only here, the account of the poet is not conserved; for instance, Athene, according to Sotades, bids Nestor to send Telemachus to Lacedemon with chariot and son to the parts that lie towards the east, and yet she says that she herself will go to the ship to spend the night, towards the west, and back the same way she came, and she goes on to say that in the morning she will go amongst the great-hearted Cauconians to collect a debt, that is, she will go forward again. How, pray? For Nestor might have said: But the Cauconians are my subjects and live near the road that people travel to Lacedemon. Why, therefore, do you not travel with Telemachus and his companions instead of going back the same way you came? And at the same time it would have been proper for one who was going to people subject to Nestor to collect a debt — no small debt, as she says — to request aid from Nestor, if there should be any unfairness (as is usually the case) in connection with the contract; but this she did not do. If, then, the Cauconians lived only there, the result would be absurd; but if some of the Cauconians had been separated from the rest and had gone to the regions near Dyme in Eleia, then Athene would be speaking of her journey thither, and there would no longer be anything incongruous either in her going down to the ship or in her withdrawing from the company of travellers, because their roads lay in opposite directions. And similarly, too, the puzzling questions raised in regard to Pylus may find an appropriate solution when, a little further on in my chorography, I reach the Messenian Pylus.,18. A part of the inhabitants of Triphylia were called Paroreatae; they occupied mountains, in the neighborhood of Lepreum and Macistum, that reach down to the sea near the Samiac Poseidium.,19. At the base of these mountains, on the seaboard, are two caves. One is the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades; the other is the scene of the stories of the daughters of Atlas and of the birth of Dardanus. And here, too, are the sacred precincts called the Ionaion and the Eurycydeium. Samicum is now only a fortress, though formerly there was also a city which was called Samos, perhaps because of its lofty situation; for they used to call lofty places Samoi. And perhaps Samicum was the acropolis of Arene, which the poet mentions in the Catalogue: And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene. For while they cannot with certainty discover Arene anywhere, they prefer to conjecture that this is its site; and the neighboring River Anigrus, formerly called Minyeius, gives no slight indication of the truth of the conjecture, for the poet says: And there is a River Minyeius which falls into the sea near Arene. For near the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades is a spring which makes the region that lies below it swampy and marshy. The greater part of the water is received by the Anigrus, a river so deep and so sluggish that it forms a marsh; and since the region is muddy, it emits an offensive odor for a distance of twenty stadia, and makes the fish unfit to eat. In the mythical accounts, however, this is attributed by some writers to the fact that certain of the Centaurs here washed off the poison they got from the Hydra, and by others to the fact that Melampus used these cleansing waters for the purification of the Proetides. The bathing-water from here cures leprosy, elephantiasis, and scabies. It is said, also, that the Alpheius was so named from its being a cure for leprosy. At any rate, since both the sluggishness of the Anigrus and the backwash from the sea give fixity rather than current to its waters, it was called the Minyeius in earlier times, so it is said, though some have perverted the name and made it Minteius instead. But the word has other sources of derivation, either from the people who went forth with Chloris, the mother of Nestor, from the Minyeian Orchomenus, or from the Minyans, who, being descendants of the Argonauts, were first driven out of Lemnos into Lacedemon, and thence into Triphylia, and took up their abode about Arene in the country which is now called Hypaesia, though it no longer has the settlements of the Minyans. Some of these Minyans sailed with Theras, the son of Autesion, who was a descendant of Polyneices, to the island which is situated between Cyrenaea and Crete (Calliste its earlier name, but Thera its later, as Callimachus says), and founded Thera, the mother-city of Cyrene, and designated the island by the same name as the city.,20. Between the Anigrus and the mountain from which it flows are to be seen the meadow and tomb of Iardanus, and also the Achaeae, which are abrupt cliffs of that same mountain above which, as I was saying, the city Samos was situated. However, Samos is not mentioned at all by the writers of the Circumnavigations — perhaps because it had long since been torn down and perhaps also because of its position; for the Poseidium is a sacred precinct, as I have said, near the sea, and above it is situated a lofty hill which is in front of the Samicum of today, on the site of which Samos once stood, and therefore Samos was not visible from the sea. Here, too, is a plain called Samicum; and from this one might get more conclusive proof that there was once a city called Samos. And further, the poem entitled Rhadine (of which Stesichorus is reputed to be the author), which begins, Come, thou clear-voiced Muse, Erato, begin thy song, voicing to the tune of thy lovely lyre the strain of the children of Samos, refers to the children of the Samos in question; for Rhadine, who had been betrothed to a tyrant of Corinth, the author says, set sail from Samos (not meaning, of course, the Ionian Samos) while the west wind was blowing, and with the same wind her brother, he adds, went to Delphi as chief of an embassy; and her cousin, who was in love with her, set out for Corinth in his chariot to visit her. And the tyrant killed them both and sent their bodies away on a chariot, but repented, recalled the chariot, and buried their bodies.,21. From this Pylus and Lepreum to the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium (a fortress situated on the sea) and to the adjacent island Sphagia, the distance is about four hundred stadia; from the Alpheius seven hundred and fifty; and from Chelonatas one thousand and thirty. In the intervening space are both the sanctuary of the Macistian Heracles and the Acidon River. The Acidon flows past the tomb of Iardanus and past Chaa — a city that was once in existence near Lepreum, where is also the Aepasian Plain. It was for the possession of this Chaa, some say, that the war between the Arcadians and Pylians, of which Homer tells us, arose in a dispute; and they think that one should write, Would that I were in the bloom of my youth, as when the Pylians and the Arcadians gathered together and fought at the swift-flowing Acidon, beside the walls of Chaa — instead of Celadon and Pheia; for this region, they say, is nearer than the other to the tomb of Iardanus and to the country of the Arcadians.,22. Cyparissia is on the Triphylian Sea, and so are Pyrgoi, and the Acidon and Neda Rivers. At the present time the stream of the Neda is the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (an impetuous stream that comes down from Lycaeus, an Arcadian mountain, out of a spring, which, according to the myth, Rhea, after she had given birth to Zeus, caused to break forth in order to have water to bathe in); and it flows past Phigalia, opposite the place where the Pyrgetans, last of the Triphylians, border on the Cyparissians, first of the Messenians; but in the early times the division between the two countries was different, so that some of the territories across the Neda were subject to Nestor — not only Cyparisseeis, but also some other parts on the far side. Just so, too, the poet prolongs the Pylian Sea as far as the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles: and all are situated near the sea of sandy Pylus; for this phrase is equivalent to near the Pylian Sea.,23. Be that as it may, next in order after sailing past Cyparisseeis towards the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium one comes to Erana, which some wrongly think was in earlier times called Arene by the same name as the Pylian Arene, and also to Cape Platamodes, from which the distance to Coryphasium and to what is now called Pylus is one hundred stadia. Here, too, is a small island, Prote, and on it a town of the same name. Perhaps I would not be examining at such length things that are ancient, and would be content merely to tell in detail how things now are, if there were not connected with these matters legends that have been taught us from boyhood; and since different men say different things, I must act as arbiter. In general, it is the most famous, the oldest, and the most experienced men who are believed; and since it is Homer who has surpassed all others in these respects, I must likewise both inquire into his words and compare them with things as they now are, as I was saying a little while ago.,24. I have already inquired into Homer's words concerning Coele Elis and Buprasium. Concerning the country that was subject to Nestor, Homer speaks as follows: And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene and Thryum, fording-place of the Alpheius, and well-built Aepy, and also those who were inhabitants of Cyparisseeis and Amphigeneia and Pteleon and Helus and Dorium, at which place the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian, and put a stop to his singing while he was on his way from Oichalia from Eurytus the Oichalian. It is Pylus, then, with which our investigation is concerned, and about it we shall make inquiry presently. About Arene I have already spoken. The city which the poet now calls Thryum he elsewhere calls Thryoessa: There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius. He calls it fording-place of the Alpheius because the river could be crossed on foot, as it seems, at this place. But it is now called Epitalium (a small place in Macistia). As for well-built Aepy, some raise the question which of the two words is the epithet and which is the city, and whether it is the Margalae of today, in Amphidolia. Now Margalae is not a natural stronghold, but another place is pointed out which is a natural stronghold, in Macistia. The man, therefore, who suspects that the latter place is meant by Homer calls the name of the city Aepy from what is actually the case in nature (compare Helus, Aegialus, and several other names of places); whereas the man who suspects that Margala is meant does the reverse perhaps. Thryum, or Thryoessa, they say, is Epitalium, because the whole of this country is full of rushes, particularly the rivers; and this is still more conspicuous at the fordable places of the stream. But perhaps, they say, Homer called the ford Thryum and called Epitalium well-built Aepy; for Epitalium is fortified by nature. And in fact he speaks of a steep hill in other places: There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius, last city of sandy Pylus.,25. Cyparisseeis is in the neighborhood of the Macistia of earlier times (when Macistia still extended across the Neda), but it is no longer inhabited, as is also the case with Macistum. But there is another, the Messenian Cyparissia; it, too, is now called by the same name as the Macistian and in like manner, namely, Cyparissia, in the singular number and in the feminine gender, whereas only the river is now called Cyparisseeis. And Amphigeneia, also, is in Macistia, in the neighborhood of the Hypsoeis River, where is the sanctuary of Leto. Pteleum was a settlement of the colony from the Thessalian Pteleum, for, as Homer tells us, there was a Pteleum in Thessaly too: and Antron, near the sea, and grassy Pteleum; but now it is a woody, uninhabited place, and is called Pteleasium. As for Helus, some call it a territory in the neighborhood of the Alpheius, while others go on to call it a city, as they do the Laconian Helus: and Helus, a city near the sea; but others call it a marsh, the marsh in the neighborhood of Alorium, where is the sanctuary of the Heleian Artemis, whose worship was under the management of the Arcadians, for this people had the priesthood. As for Dorium, some call it a mountain, while others call it a plain, but nothing is now to be seen; and yet by some the Aluris of today, or Alura, situated in what is called the Aulon of Messenia, is called Dorium. And somewhere in this region is also the Oichalia of Eurytus (the Andania of today, a small Arcadian town, with the same name as the towns in Thessaly and Euboea), whence, according to the poet, Thamyris the Thracian came to Dorium and was deprived of the art of singing.,26. From these facts, then, it is clear that the country subject to Nestor, all of which the poet calls land of the Pylians, extends on each side of the Alpheius; but the Alpheius nowhere touches either Messenia or Coele Elis. For the fatherland of Nestor is in this country which we call Triphylian, or Arcadian, or Leprean, Pylus. And the truth is that, whereas the other places called Pylus are to be seen on the sea, this Pylus is more than thirty stadia above the sea — a fact that is also clear from the verses of Homer, for, in the first place, a messenger is sent to the boat after the companions of Telemachus to invite them to an entertainment, and, secondly, Telemachus on his return from Sparta does not permit Peisistratus to drive to the city, but urges him to turn aside towards the ship, knowing that the road towards the city is not the same as that towards the place of anchorage. And thus the return voyage of Telemachus might be spoken of appropriately in these words: And they went past Cruni and fair-flowing Chalcis. And the sun set and all the ways grew dark; and the ship, rejoicing in the breeze of Zeus, drew near to Phea, and on past goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway. Thus far, then, the voyage is towards the north, but thence it bends in the direction of the east. That is, the ship abandons the voyage that was set out upon at first and that led straight to Ithaca, because there the wooers had set the ambush in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos. And thence again he steered for the islands that are thoai; but by thoai the poet means the islands that are pointed. These belong to the Echinades group and are near the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf and the outlets of the Achelous. Again, after passing by Ithaca far enough to put it south of him, Telemachus turns round towards the proper course between Acaria and Ithaca and makes his landing on the other side of the island — not at the Cephallenian strait which was being guarded by the wooers.,27. At any rate, if one should conceive the notion that the Eleian Pylus is the Pylus of Nestor, the poet could not appropriately say that the ship, after putting to sea from there, was carried past Cruni and Chalcis before sunset, then drew near to Phea by night, and then sailed past Eleia; for these places are to the south of Eleia: first, Phea, then Chalcis, then Cruni, and then the Triphylian Pylus and Samicum. This, then, would be the voyage for one who is sailing towards the south from Eleian Pylus, whereas one who is sailing towards the north, where Ithaca is, leaves all these parts behind him, and also must sail past Eleia itself — and that before sunset, though the poet says after sunset. And further, if one should go on to make a second supposition, that the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium are the beginning of the voyage from Nestor's, the distance would be considerable and would require more time. At any rate, merely the distance to Triphylian Pylus and the Samiac Poseidium is four hundred stadia; and the first part of the coasting-voyage is not past Cruni and Chalcis and Phea (names of obscure rivers, or rather creeks), but past the Neda; then past the Acidon; and then past the Alpheius and the intervening places. And on this supposition those other places should have been mentioned later, for the voyage was indeed made past them too.,28. Furthermore, the detailed account which Nestor recites to Patroclus concerning the war that took place between the Pylians and the Eleians pleads for what I have been trying to prove, if one observes the verses of the poet. For in them the poet says that, since Heracles had ravaged the Pylian country to the extent that all the youth were slain and that of all the twelve sons of Neleus only Nestor, then in his earliest youth, had been left, and since the Epeians had conceived a contempt for Neleus because of his old age and lack of defenders, they began to treat the Pylians in an arrogant and wanton manner. So, in return for this treatment, Nestor gathered together all he could of the people of his homeland, made an attack, he says, upon Eleia, and herded together very much booty, fifty herds of cattle, and as many flocks of sheep, and as many droves of swine, and also as many herds of goats, and one hundred and fifty sorrel mares, most of them with foals beneath them. And these, he says, we drove within Neleian Pylus, to the city, in the night, meaning, first, that it was in the daytime that the driving away of the booty and the rout of those who came to the rescue took place (when he says he killed Itymoneus), and, secondly, that it was in the nighttime that the return took place, so that it was night when they arrived at the city. And while the Pylians were busied with the distribution of the booty and with offering sacrifice, the Epeians, on the third day, after assembling in numbers, both footmen and horsemen, came forth in their turn against the Pylians and encamped around Thryum, which is situated on the Alpheius River. And when the Pylians learned this, they forthwith set out to the rescue; they passed the night in the neighborhood of the Minyeius River near Arene, and thence arrived at the Alpheius in open sky, that is, at midday. And after they offered sacrifice to the gods and passed the night near the river, they joined battle at early dawn; and after the rout took place, they did not stop pursuing and slaying the enemy until they set foot on Buprasium and on the Olenian Rock and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium, whence Athene turned the people back again; and a little further on the poet says: But the Achaeans drove back their swift horses from Buprasium to Pylus.,29. From all this, then, how could one suppose that either the Eleian or Messenian Pylus is meant? Not the Eleian Pylus, because, if this Pylus was being ravaged by Heracles, the country of the Epeians was being ravaged by him at the same time; but this is the Eleian country. How, pray, could a people whose country had been ravaged at the same time and were of the same stock, have acquired such arrogance and wantonness towards a people who had been wronged at the same time? And how could they overrun and plunder their own homeland? And how could both Augeas and Neleus be rulers of the same people at the same time if they were personal enemies? If to Neleus a great debt was owing in goodly Elis. Four horses, prize-winners, with their chariots, had come to win prizes and were to run for a tripod; but these Augeas, lord of men, detained there, though he sent away the driver. And if this is where Neleus lived, Nestor too must have lived there. How, pray, could the poet say of the Eleians and the Buprasians, there were four rulers of them, and ten swift ships followed each man, and many Epeians embarked? And the country, too, was divided into four parts; yet Nestor ruled over no one of these, but over them that dwelt in Pylus and in lovely Arene, and over the places that come after these as far as Messene. Again, how could the Epeians, who in their turn went forth to attack the Pylians, set out for the Alpheius and Thryum? And how, after the battle took place, after they were routed, could they flee towards Buprasium? And again, if it was the Messenian Pylus which Heracles had ravaged, how could a people so far distant as the Epeians act wantonly towards them, and how could the Epeians have been involved in numerous contracts with them and have defaulted these by cancelling them, so that the war resulted on that account? And how could Nestor, when he went forth to plunder the country, when he herded together booty consisting of both swine and cattle, none of which could travel fast or far, have accomplished a journey of more than one thousand stadia to that Pylus which is near Coryphasium? Yet on the third day they all came to Thryoessa and the River Alpeius to besiege the stronghold! And how could these places belong to those who were in power in Messenia, when they were held by Cauconians and Triphylians and Pisatans? And as for Gerena, or Gerenia (for the word is spelled both ways), perhaps some people named it that to suit a purpose, though it is also possible that the place was by chance so named. And, in general, since Messenia was classified as subject to Menelaus, as was also the Laconian country (as will be clear from what I shall say later), and since the Pamisus and the Nedon flow through Messenia, whereas the Alpheius nowhere touches it (the Alpheius that floweth in broad stream through the land of the Pylians, over which Nestor ruled), what plausibility could there be in an account which lands Nestor in a foreign realm and robs him of the cities that are attributed to him in the Catalogue, and thus makes everything subject to Menelaus?,30. It remains for me to tell about Olympia, and how everything fell into the hands of the Eleians. The sanctuary is in Pisatis, less than three hundred stadia distant from Elis. In front of the sanctuary is situated a grove of wild olive trees, and the stadium is in this grove. Past the sanctuary flows the Alpheius, which, rising in Arcadia, flows between the west and the south into the Triphylian Sea. At the outset the sanctuary got fame on account of the oracle of the Olympian Zeus; and yet, after the oracle failed to respond, the glory of the sanctuary persisted none the less, and it received all that increase of fame of which we know, on account both of the festal assembly and of the Olympian Games, in which the prize was a crown and which were regarded as sacred, the greatest games in the world. The sanctuary was adorned by its numerous offerings, which were dedicated there from all parts of Greece. Among these was the Zeus of beaten gold dedicated by Cypselus the tyrant of Corinth. But the greatest of these was the image of Zeus made by Pheidias of Athens, son of Charmides; it was made of ivory, and it was so large that, although the temple was very large, the artist is thought to have missed the proper symmetry, for he showed Zeus seated but almost touching the roof with his head, thus making the impression that if Zeus arose and stood erect he would unroof the temple. Certain writers have recorded the measurements of the image, and Callimachus has set them forth in an iambic poem. Panaenus the painter, who was the nephew and collaborator of Pheidias, helped him greatly in decorating the image, particularly the garments, with colors. And many wonderful paintings, works of Panaenus, are also to be seen round the temple. It is related of Pheidias that, when Panaenus asked him after what model he was going to make the likeness of Zeus, he replied that he was going to make it after the likeness set forth by Homer in these words: Cronion spoke, and nodded assent with his dark brows, and then the ambrosial locks flowed streaming from the lord's immortal head, and he caused great Olympus to quake. A noble description indeed, as appears not only from the brows but from the other details in the passage, because the poet provokes our imagination to conceive the picture of a mighty personage and a mighty power worthy of a Zeus, just as he does in the case of Hera, at the same time preserving what is appropriate in each; for of Hera he says, she shook herself upon the throne, and caused lofty Olympus to quake. What in her case occurred when she moved her whole body, resulted in the case of Zeus when he merely nodded with his brows, although his hair too was somewhat affected at the same time. This, too, is a graceful saying about the poet, that he alone has seen, or else he alone has shown, the likenesses of the gods. The Eleians above all others are to be credited both with the magnificence of the sanctuary and with the honor in which it was held. In the times of the Trojan war, it is true, or even before those times, they were not a prosperous people, since they had been humbled by the Pylians, and also, later on, by Heracles when Augeas their king was overthrown. The evidence is this: The Eleians sent only forty ships to Troy, whereas the Pylians and Nestor sent ninety. But later on, after the return of the Heracleidae, the contrary was the case, for the Aitolians, having returned with the Heracleidae under the leadership of Oxylus, and on the strength of ancient kinship having taken up their abode with the Epeians, enlarged Coele Elis, and not only seized much of Pisatis but also got Olympia under their power. What is more, the Olympian Games are an invention of theirs; and it was they who celebrated the first Olympiads, for one should disregard the ancient stories both of the founding of the sanctuary and of the establishment of the games — some alleging that it was Heracles, one of the Idaean Dactyli, who was the originator of both, and others, that it was Heracles the son of Alcmene and Zeus, who also was the first to contend in the games and win the victory; for such stories are told in many ways, and not much faith is to be put in them. It is nearer the truth to say that from the first Olympiad, in which the Eleian Coroebus won the stadium-race, until the twenty-sixth Olympiad, the Eleians had charge both of the sanctuary and of the games. But in the times of the Trojan War, either there were no games in which the prize was a crown or else they were not famous, neither the Olympian nor any other of those that are now famous. In the first place, Homer does not mention any of these, though he mentions another kind — funeral games. And yet some think that he mentions the Olympian Games when he says that Augeas deprived the driver of four horses, prize-winners, that had come to win prizes. And they say that the Pisatans took no part in the Trojan War because they were regarded as sacred to Zeus. But neither was the Pisatis in which Olympia is situated subject to Augeas at that time, but only the Eleian country, nor were the Olympian Games celebrated even once in Eleia, but always in Olympia. And the games which I have just cited from Homer clearly took place in Elis, where the debt was owing: for a debt was owing to him in goodly Elis, four horses, prize-winners. And these were not games in which the prize was a crown (for the horses were to run for a tripod), as was the case at Olympia. After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, when they had got back their homeland, the Pisatans themselves went to celebrating the games because they saw that these were held in high esteem. But in later times Pisatis again fell into the power of the Eleians, and thus again the direction of the games fell to them. The Lacedemonians also, after the last defeat of the Messenians, cooperated with the Eleians, who had been their allies in battle, whereas the Arcadians and the descendants of Nestor had done the opposite, having joined with the Messenians in war. And the Lacedemonians cooperated with them so effectually that the whole country as far as Messene came to be called Eleia, and the name has persisted to this day, whereas, of the Pisatans, the Triphylians, and the Cauconians, not even a name has survived. Further, the Eleians settled the inhabitants of sandy Pylus itself in Lepreum, to gratify the Lepreatans, who had been victorious in a war, and they broke up many other settlements, and also exacted tribute of as many a they saw inclined to act independently.,31. Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oinomaus, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus, too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the sanctuary at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oinomaus and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called Pisa, the equivalent of pistra, that is potistra; and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term city for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the city of Macar; so Euripides in his Ion, there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens; and in his Rhadamanthys, who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city; and Sophocles in his Mysians, The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia.,32. Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: She loved a river, the divine Enipeus. For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly Eniseus; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the sanctuary of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters. Near Olympia is Arpina, also one of the eight cities, through which flows the River Parthenias, on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of Pisatis Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the Catalogue are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river.,33. Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aitolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aitolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms, and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aitolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aitolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aitolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the sanctuary at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals) — Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia. So much for Eleia.
70. Epigraphy, Cil, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 49
71. Epigraphy, Lsam, 20.14-20.22  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 380
72. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 43.13, 43.20  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 173, 214
73. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.281, 25.79-25.80, 39.2, 40.9  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
74. Aeschines, Or., 3.184-3.185  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 70
75. Aristophanes, Amphiaraos; Fragments Collected In Kassel-Austin, None  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 68
76. Julian (Emperor), Contra Cynicos Ineruditos, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 191
77. Cicero, Ep. Ad Quintum Fratrem, 3.7  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 49
78. Plato, Hipp., None  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 70
79. Historia Augusta, Claudius Ii, 11.9  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 269
80. Epigraphy, Petrakos 1968, None  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 69
81. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3 4, 665  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 69
82. Anon., Scholiast On Demosthenes, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
83. Philochorus, Fgrh 382, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period, Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 382
84. Epigraphy, Ig Ii/Iii², 2021, 3744, 3739  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 140
85. Romanus Melodus, Cantica, 59.16  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 220
86. Bacchylides, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
87. Agatharchides of Knidos (Bnj, Bnj 86, None  Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, in the classical period Found in books: Wilding (2022) 72
88. Ion of Chios, Elegies, 26-27  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
89. Eunapius, Vitae Sophistarum Et Philosophorum, 1, 2-5, 2-5.8, 3, 4, 4-14, 6, 7, 9.1, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.7, 16.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 161, 162, 173
90. Julian (Emperor), Laus Eusebiae, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 159
91. Julian (Emperor), Ad Athenienses, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 159
92. Julian (Emperor), In Matrem Deorum, None  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 191
93. Julian (Emperor), Ad Themistium, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 184
94. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 1, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 191
95. Julian (Emperor), Ad Sallustium, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 194
96. Sappho, Brothers Poem, 9-10  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 14
97. Menander Rhetor, Imperial Oration, 82  Tagged with subjects: •classical period Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 269