|1. Homer, Iliad, 2.538, 6.448-6.449, 20.23-20.29 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Scipio’s tears • Carthage, in the Aeneid
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 89; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 280; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 179; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 256; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 205; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 280
2.538 Κήρινθόν τʼ ἔφαλον Δίου τʼ αἰπὺ πτολίεθρον,
6.448 ἔσσεται ἦμαρ ὅτʼ ἄν ποτʼ ὀλώλῃ Ἴλιος ἱρὴ 6.449 καὶ Πρίαμος καὶ λαὸς ἐϋμμελίω Πριάμοιο.
20.23 ἥμενος, ἔνθʼ ὁρόων φρένα τέρψομαι· οἳ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι 20.24 ἔρχεσθʼ ὄφρʼ ἂν ἵκησθε μετὰ Τρῶας καὶ Ἀχαιούς, 20.25 ἀμφοτέροισι δʼ ἀρήγεθʼ ὅπῃ νόος ἐστὶν ἑκάστου. 20.26 εἰ γὰρ Ἀχιλλεὺς οἶος ἐπὶ Τρώεσσι μαχεῖται 20.27 οὐδὲ μίνυνθʼ ἕξουσι ποδώκεα Πηλεΐωνα. 20.28 καὶ δέ τί μιν καὶ πρόσθεν ὑποτρομέεσκον ὁρῶντες· 20.29 νῦν δʼ ὅτε δὴ καὶ θυμὸν ἑταίρου χώεται αἰνῶς'' None
2.538 the Locrians that dwell over against sacred Euboea.And the Abantes, breathing fury, that held Euboea and Chalcis and Eretria and Histiaea, rich in vines, and Cerinthus, hard by the sea, and the steep citadel of Dios; and that held Carystus and dwelt in Styra,— ' "
6.448 always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. " "6.449 always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. " 20.23 Thou knowest, O Shaker of Earth, the purpose in my breast, for the which I gathered you hither; I have regard unto them, even though they die. Yet verily, for myself will I abide here sitting in a fold of Olympus, wherefrom I will gaze and make glad my heart; but do ye others all go forth till ye be come among the Trojans and Achaeans, and bear aid to this side or that, even as the mind of each may be. 20.25 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall. 20.29 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall. '' None
|2. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, as Ithaca • Carthage, as Thebes • Carthage, harbour • Carthage, mirror of Rome • Carthage/Carthaginians • Hera, and Carthage • Rome/Romans, and Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 87, 94, 95, 96, 97, 105, 107; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 142, 143, 145, 146; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 205; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 117; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 62; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 129, 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 184; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267
|3. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 268; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 268
|4. Euripides, Medea, 534-544 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 167; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 187
534 μείζω γε μέντοι τῆς ἐμῆς σωτηρίας'535 εἴληφας ἢ δέδωκας, ὡς ἐγὼ φράσω.' "536 πρῶτον μὲν ̔Ελλάδ' ἀντὶ βαρβάρου χθονὸς" '537 γαῖαν κατοικεῖς καὶ δίκην ἐπίστασαι 538 νόμοις τε χρῆσθαι μὴ πρὸς ἰσχύος χάριν:' "539 πάντες δέ ς' ᾔσθοντ' οὖσαν ̔́Ελληνες σοφὴν" "540 καὶ δόξαν ἔσχες: εἰ δὲ γῆς ἐπ' ἐσχάτοις" '541 ὅροισιν ᾤκεις, οὐκ ἂν ἦν λόγος σέθεν.' "542 εἴη δ' ἔμοιγε μήτε χρυσὸς ἐν δόμοις" "543 μήτ' ̓Ορφέως κάλλιον ὑμνῆσαι μέλος," "544 εἰ μὴ 'πίσημος ἡ τύχη γένοιτό μοι." '' None
534 to say that the Love-god constrained thee by his resistless shaft to save my life. However, I will not reckon this too nicely; ’twas kindly done, however thou didst serve me. Yet for my safety'535 hast thou received more than ever thou gavest, as I will show. First, thou dwellest in Hellas, instead of thy barbarian land, and hast learnt what justice means find how to live by law, not by the dictates of brute force; and all the Hellenes recognize thy cleverness, 540 and thou hast gained a name; whereas, if thou hadst dwelt upon the confines of the earth, no tongue had mentioned thee. Give me no gold within my halls; nor skill to sing a fairer strain than ever Orpheus sang, unless therewith my fame be spread abroad! ' None
|5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.181-1.182, 7.143.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Amiclas, hero of Carthage • Carthage • Carthago, Carthaginians
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 235; Torok (2014), Herodotus In Nubia, 49
1.181 τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τεῖχος θώρηξ ἐστί, ἕτερον δὲ ἔσωθεν τεῖχος περιθέει, οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἀσθενέστερον τοῦ ἑτέρου τείχεος, στεινότερον δέ. ἐν δὲ φάρσεϊ ἑκατέρῳ τῆς πόλιος ἐτετείχιστο ἐν μέσῳ ἐν τῷ μὲν τὰ βασιλήια περιβόλῳ μεγάλῳ τε καὶ ἰσχυρῷ, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ Διὸς Βήλου ἱρὸν χαλκόπυλον, καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι τοῦτο ἐόν, δύο σταδίων πάντῃ, ἐὸν τετράγωνον. ἐν μέσῳ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ πύργος στερεὸς οἰκοδόμηται, σταδίου καὶ τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὸ εὖρος, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ πύργῳ ἄλλος πύργος ἐπιβέβηκε, καὶ ἕτερος μάλα ἐπὶ τούτῳ, μέχρι οὗ ὀκτὼ πύργων. ἀνάβασις δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ πάντας τοὺς πύργους ἔχουσα πεποίηται. μεσοῦντι δέ κου τῆς ἀναβάσιος ἐστὶ καταγωγή τε καὶ θῶκοι ἀμπαυστήριοι, ἐν τοῖσι κατίζοντες ἀμπαύονται οἱ ἀναβαίνοντες. ἐν δὲ τῷ τελευταίῳ πύργῳ νηὸς ἔπεστι μέγας· ἐν δὲ τῷ νηῷ κλίνη μεγάλη κέεται εὖ ἐστρωμένη, καὶ οἱ τράπεζα παρακέεται χρυσέη. ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐκ ἔνι οὐδὲν αὐτόθι ἐνιδρυμένον, οὐδὲ νύκτα οὐδεὶς ἐναυλίζεται ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ γυνὴ μούνη τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, τὴν ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἕληται ἐκ πασέων, ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Χαλδαῖοι ἐόντες ἱρέες τούτου τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.182 φασὶ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸν φοιτᾶν τε ἐς τὸν νηὸν καὶ ἀμπαύεσθαι ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης, κατά περ ἐν Θήβῃσι τῇσι Αἰγυπτίῃσι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι· καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐκεῖθι κοιμᾶται ἐν τῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Θηβαιέος γυνή, ἀμφότεραι δὲ αὗται λέγονται ἀνδρῶν οὐδαμῶν ἐς ὁμιλίην φοιτᾶν· καὶ κατά περ ἐν Πατάροισι τῆς Λυκίης ἡ πρόμαντις τοῦ θεοῦ, ἐπεὰν γένηται· οὐ γὰρ ὦν αἰεί ἐστι χρηστήριον αὐτόθι· ἐπεὰν δὲ γένηται τότε ὦν συγκατακληίεται τὰς νύκτας ἔσω ἐν τῷ νηῷ.' ' None
1.181 These walls are the city's outer armor; within them there is another encircling wall, nearly as strong as the other, but narrower. ,In the middle of one division of the city stands the royal palace, surrounded by a high and strong wall; and in the middle of the other is still to this day the sacred enclosure of Zeus Belus, a square of four hundred and forty yards each way, with gates of bronze. ,In the center of this sacred enclosure a solid tower has been built, two hundred and twenty yards long and broad; a second tower rises from this and from it yet another, until at last there are eight. ,The way up them mounts spirally outside the height of the towers; about halfway up is a resting place, with seats for repose, where those who ascend sit down and rest. ,In the last tower there is a great shrine; and in it stands a great and well-covered couch, and a golden table nearby. But no image has been set up in the shrine, nor does any human creature lie there for the night, except one native woman, chosen from all women by the god, as the Chaldaeans say, who are priests of this god. " '1.182 These same Chaldaeans say (though I do not believe them) that the god himself is accustomed to visit the shrine and rest on the couch, as in Thebes of Egypt, as the Egyptians say ,(for there too a woman sleeps in the temple of Theban Zeus, and neither the Egyptian nor the Babylonian woman, it is said, has intercourse with men), and as does the prophetess of the god at Patara in Lycia, whenever she is appointed; for there is not always a place of divination there; but when she is appointed she is shut up in the temple during the night.
7.143.1 Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. '" None
|6. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
|575a ἀλλὰ τυραννικῶς ἐν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἔρως ἐν πάσῃ ἀναρχίᾳ καὶ ἀνομίᾳ ζῶν, ἅτε αὐτὸς ὢν μόναρχος, τὸν ἔχοντά τε αὐτὸν ὥσπερ πόλιν ἄξει ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τόλμαν, ὅθεν αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸν περὶ αὑτὸν θόρυβον θρέψει, τὸν μὲν ἔξωθεν εἰσεληλυθότα ἀπὸ κακῆς ὁμιλίας, τὸν δʼ ἔνδοθεν ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν τρόπων καὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἀνεθέντα καὶ ἐλευθερωθέντα· ἢ οὐχ οὗτος ὁ βίος τοῦ τοιούτου;' ' None||575a but the passion that dwells in him as a tyrant will live in utmost anarchy and lawlessness, and, since it is itself sole autocrat, will urge the polity, so to speak, of him in whom it dwells to dare anything and everything in order to find support for himself and the hubbub of his henchmen, in part introduced from outside by evil associations, and in part released and liberated within by the same habits of life as his. Is not this the life of such a one? It is this, he said. And if, I said, there are only a few of this kind in a city,' ' None|
|7. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 3.1.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 265
3.1.4 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ Ξενοφῶν Ἀθηναῖος, ὃς οὔτε στρατηγὸς οὔτε λοχαγὸς οὔτε στρατιώτης ὢν συνηκολούθει, ἀλλὰ Πρόξενος αὐτὸν μετεπέμψατο οἴκοθεν ξένος ὢν ἀρχαῖος· ὑπισχνεῖτο δὲ αὐτῷ, εἰ ἔλθοι, φίλον αὐτὸν Κύρῳ ποιήσειν, ὃν αὐτὸς ἔφη κρείττω ἑαυτῷ νομίζειν τῆς πατρίδος.'' None
3.1.4 There was a man in the army named Xenophon, an Athenian, who was neither general nor captain nor private, but had accompanied the expedition because Proxenus, an old friend of his, had sent him at his home an invitation to go with him; Proxenus had also promised him that, if he would go, he would make him a friend of Cyrus, whom he himself regarded, so he said, as worth more to him than was his native state. '' None
|8. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 178; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 178
|9. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage, war with Rome
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55
|10. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage/Carthaginians • Rome/Romans, and Carthage
Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 63; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 352
|11. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, and horses • Carthage, as Persia
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 280; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 141; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 104; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 280
|12. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
|13. Cicero, On Duties, 1.118, 3.104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 317; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 317
1.118 Nam quodHerculem Prodicus dicit, ut est apud Xenophontem, cum primum pubesceret, quod tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitudinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis, alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc Herculi Iovis satu edito potuit fortasse contingere, nobis non item, qui imitamur, quos cuique visum est, atque ad eorum studia institutaque impellimur; plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur; alii multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; non nulli tamen sive felicitate quadam sive bonitate naturae sine parentium disciplina rectam vitae secuti sunt viam.
3.104 Non fuit Iuppiter metuendus ne iratus noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere. Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum est. Iam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est, sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam praeclare Ennius: Ó Fides alma ápta pinnis ét ius iurandúm Iovis! Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam in Capitolio vicinam Iovis optimi maximi, ut in Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt.'' None
1.118 \xa0For we cannot all have the experience of Hercules, as we find it in the words of Prodicus in Xenophon; "When Hercules was just coming into youth\'s estate (the time which Nature has appointed unto every man for choosing the path of life on which he would enter), he went out into a desert place. And as he saw two paths, the path of Pleasure and the path of Virtue, he sat down and debated long and earnestly which one it were better for him to take." This might, perhaps, happen to a Hercules, "scion of the seed of Jove"; but it cannot well happen to us; for we copy each the model he fancies, and we are constrained to adopt their pursuits and vocations. But usually, we are so imbued with the teachings of our parents, that we fall irresistibly into their manners and customs. Others drift with the current of popular opinion and make especial choice of those callings which the majority find most attractive. Some, however, as the result either of some happy fortune or of natural ability, enter upon the right path of life, without parental guidance. <
3.104 \xa0"He need not have been afraid that Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he is not wont to be angry or hurtful." This argument, at all events, has no more weight against Regulus\'s conduct than it has against the keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath it is our duty to consider not what one may have to fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation lies: an oath is an assurance backed by religious sanctity; and a solemn promise given, as before God as one\'s witness, is to be sacredly kept. For the question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods (for there is no such thing) but the obligations of justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so admirably: "Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne; thou oath in Jupiter\'s great name!" Whoever, therefore, violates his oath violates Good Faith; and, as we find it stated in Cato\'s speech, our forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the Capitol "neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best." <'' None
|14. Polybius, Histories, 1.1.5, 1.3.1, 1.3.4, 1.4.7, 1.10, 1.65.7, 1.69.4, 3.9.8, 3.15.6, 3.22, 3.37.11, 3.38.2, 3.38.7-3.38.8, 3.39.2-3.39.5, 3.39.9-3.39.12, 3.40.1, 3.42.1, 3.50.5, 3.51.3, 5.35-5.37, 6.2.3, 6.3.5, 6.51-6.52, 6.51.1-6.51.2, 8.2.3, 10.5.8, 10.11.6-10.11.7, 10.40.6, 18.28.4, 23.10.5, 31.25.3-31.25.5, 36.9.9, 38.21-38.22, 38.21.2-38.21.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, Scipio’s tears • Carthage, expansion of power • Carthage, in the Aeneid • Carthage, war with Rome • Carthage/Carthaginians • Carthago, Carthage • New Carthage • Rome/Romans, and Carthage • destruction of\n, Carthage
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 26; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 351; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 68, 273; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 181; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 254, 255, 256; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 339; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 18, 20, 61, 63, 68, 69, 97; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 322; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55, 57, 58, 265, 267; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 55, 57, 58, 265, 267; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 17, 20, 42, 44, 86, 88, 104, 123, 125, 144, 147, 149; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 10; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127, 208, 209, 210; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 352
3.9.8 εἰ μὲν οὖν μὴ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ξένους ἐγένετο κίνημα τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, εὐθέως ἂν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ παρασκευὴν πραγμάτων, ὅσον ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ.' 3.37.11 τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξω καὶ μεγάλην προσαγορευομένην κοινὴν μὲν ὀνομασίαν οὐκ ἔχει διὰ τὸ προσφάτως κατωπτεῦσθαι, κατοικεῖται δὲ πᾶν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρώπων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν
3.38.2 τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τὸ μεταξὺ Τανάιδος καὶ Νάρβωνος εἰς τὰς ἄρκτους ἀνῆκον ἄγνωστον ἡμῖν ἕως τοῦ νῦν ἐστιν, ἐὰν μή τι μετὰ ταῦτα πολυπραγμονοῦντες ἱστορήσωμεν.
3.39.2 Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς τῆς μὲν Λιβύης ἐκυρίευον πάντων τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔσω θάλατταν νευόντων μερῶν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλαίνου βωμῶν, οἳ κεῖνται κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην Σύρτιν, ἕως ἐφʼ Ἡρακλέους στήλας. 3.39.3 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ μῆκός ἐστι τῆς παραλίας ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους σταδίους. 3.39.4 διαβάντες δὲ τὸν καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας πόρον ὁμοίως ἐκεκρατήκεισαν καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἁπάσης ἕως τῆς ῥαχίας, ὃ πέρας ἐστὶ πρὸς τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττῃ τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἃ διορίζει τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτούς. 3.39.5 ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦ καθʼ Ἡρακλείους στήλας στόματος οὗτος ὁ τόπος περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους σταδίους.
3.39.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς διαβάσεως τοῦ Ῥοδανοῦ πορευομένοις παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς πηγὰς ἕως πρὸς τὴν ἀναβολὴν τῶν Ἄλπεων τὴν εἰς Ἰταλίαν χίλιοι τετρακόσιοι. 3.39.10 λοιπαὶ δʼ αἱ τῶν Ἄλπεων ὑπερβολαί, περὶ χιλίους διακοσίους· ἃς ὑπερβαλὼν ἔμελλεν ἥξειν εἰς τὰ περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδία τῆς Ἰταλίας. 3.39.11 ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας ἐκ Καινῆς πόλεως σταδίους περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, οὓς ἔδει διελθεῖν αὐτόν. 3.39.12 τούτων δὴ τῶν τόπων κατὰ μὲν τὸ μῆκος ἤδη σχεδὸν τοὺς ἡμίσεις διεληλύθει, κατὰ δὲ τὴν δυσχέρειαν τὸ πλέον αὐτῷ μέρος ἀπελείπετο τῆς πορείας.
3.40.1 Ἀννίβας μὲν οὖν ἐνεχείρει ταῖς διεκβολαῖς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, κατάφοβος ὢν τοὺς Κελτοὺς διὰ τὰς ὀχυρότητας τῶν τόπων.
3.42.1 Ἀννίβας δὲ προσμίξας τοῖς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τόποις εὐθέως ἐνεχείρει ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάβασιν κατὰ τὴν ἁπλῆν ῥύσιν, σχεδὸν ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ὁδὸν ἀπέχων στρατοπέδῳ τῆς θαλάττης.
6.51.1 τὸ δὲ Καρχηδονίων πολίτευμα τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθέν μοι δοκεῖ καλῶς κατά γε τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς συνεστάσθαι.
6.51.2 καὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖς ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ γερόντιον εἶχε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν κύριον τῶν καθηκόντων αὐτῷ· καθόλου δὲ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἁρμογὴν εἶχε παραπλησίαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων.
8.2.3 πῶς γὰρ ἐνδέχεται ψιλῶς αὐτὰς καθʼ αὑτὰς ἀναγνόντα τὰς Σικελικὰς ἢ τὰς Ἰβηρικὰς πράξεις, γνῶναι καὶ μαθεῖν ἢ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν γεγονότων ἢ τὸ συνέχον, τίνι τρόπῳ καὶ τίνι γένει πολιτείας τὸ παραδοξότατον καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἔργον ἡ τύχη συνετέλεσε; 10.11.7 τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφη τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῷ ταύτην ὑποδεδειχέναι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα παραστάντα κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, καὶ φάναι συνεργήσειν ἐπιφανῶς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν οὕτως ὥστε παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρείαν ἐναργῆ γενέσθαι.
23.10.5 πληρῶσαι δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ βαρβάρων τὰς πόλεις, ὡς βεβαιοτέρας αὐτῷ τῆς ἐκ τούτων πίστεως ὑπαρξούσης κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις. οὗ συντελουμένου, 31.25.5 καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν.'' None
|10.5 1. \xa0and Scipio waiting until he received the white toga appeared in the forum while his mother was still asleep.,2. \xa0The people, owing to the unexpectedness of the sight and owing to his previous popularity, received him with enthusiastic surprise, and afterwards when he went on to the station appointed for candidates and stood by his brother they not only conferred the office on Publius but on his brother too for his sake, and both appeared at their house elected aediles.,4. \xa0When the news suddenly reached his mother's ears, she met them overjoyed at the door and embraced the young men with deep emotion, so that from this circumstance all who had heard of the dreams believed that Publius communed with the gods not only in his sleep, but still more in reality and by day.,6. \xa0Now it was not a matter of a dream at all, but as he was kind and munificent and agreeable in his address he reckoned on his popularity with the people,,7. \xa0and so by cleverly adapting his action to the actual sentiment of the people and of his mother he not only attained his object but was believed to have acted under a sort of divine inspiration.,8. \xa0For those who are incapable of taking an accurate view of operations, causes, and dispositions, either from lack of natural ability or from inexperience and indolence, attribute to the gods and to fortune the causes of what is accomplished by shrewdness and with calculation and foresight.,9. \xa0I\xa0have made these observations for the sake of my readers, that they may not by falsely accepting the generally received opinion of Scipio neglect to notice his finest qualities and those most worthy of respect, I\xa0mean his cleverness and laboriousness.,10. \xa0This will be still more evident from my account of his actual exploits. " "31.25 1. \xa0From that time onwards continuing in the actual conduct of life to give proof to each other of their worth, they came to regard each other with an affection like that of father and son or near relations.,2. \xa0The first direction taken by Scipio's ambition to lead a virtuous life, was to attain a reputation for temperance and excel in this respect all the other young men of the same age.,3. \xa0This is a high prize indeed and difficult to gain, but it was at this time easy to pursue at Rome owing to the vicious tendencies of most of the youths.,4. \xa0For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects.,5. \xa0So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar.,5a. \xa0This aroused the indignation of Cato, who said once in a public speech that it was the surest sign of deterioration in the republic when pretty boys fetch more than fields, and jars of caviar more than ploughmen.,6. \xa0It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed,,7. \xa0and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private.,8. \xa0Scipio, however, setting himself to pursue the opposite course of conduct, combating all his appetites and moulding his life to be in every way coherent and uniform, in about the first five years established his universal reputation for strictness and temperance.,9. \xa0In the next place he sedulously studied to distinguish himself from others in magimity and cleanhandedness in money matters.,10. \xa0In this respect the part of his life he spent with his real father was an excellent grounding for him, and he had good natural impulses towards the right; but chance too helped him much in carrying out this resolve. " "36.9 1. \xa0Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2. \xa0As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3. \xa0There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4. \xa0For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5. \xa0Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6. \xa0For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7. \xa0But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8. \xa0For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9. \xa0Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10. \xa0But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11. \xa0This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12. \xa0And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13. \xa0But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14. \xa0For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15. \xa0For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16. \xa0of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17. \xa0Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. " '|
38.21 1. \xa0Turning round to me at once and grasping my hand Scipio said, "A\xa0glorious moment, Polybius; but I\xa0have a dread foreboding that some day the same doom will be pronounced on my own country." It would be difficult to mention an utterance more statesmanlike and more profound.,2. \xa0For at the moment of our greatest triumph and of disaster to our enemies to reflect on our own situation and on the possible reversal of circumstances, and generally to bear in mind at the season of success the mutability of Fortune, is like a great and perfect man, a man in short worthy to be remembered. (From Appian, Punica, 132) 3.9.8 \xa0Had not the mutinous outbreak among the mercenaries occurred, he would very soon, as far as it lay in his power, have created some other means and other resources for resuming the contest, <
3.22 1. \xa0The first treaty between Rome and Carthage dates from the consulship of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls after the expulsion of the kings, and the founders of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.,2. \xa0This is twenty-eight years before the crossing of Xerxes to Greece.,3. \xa0I\xa0give below as accurate a rendering as I\xa0can of this treaty, but the ancient Roman language differs so much from the modern that it can only be partially made out, and that after much application, by the most intelligent men.,4. \xa0The treaty is more or less as follows: "There is to be friendship between the Romans and their allies and the Carthaginians and their allies on these terms:,5. \xa0The Romans and their allies not to sail with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory,6. \xa0unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice,,7. \xa0and he must depart within five days.,8. \xa0Men coming to trade may conclude no business except in the presence of a herald or town-clerk,,9. \xa0and the price of whatever is sold in the presence of such shall be secured to the vendor by the state, if the sale take place in Libya or Sardinia.,10. \xa0If any Roman come to the Carthaginian province in Sicily, he shall enjoy equal rights with the others.,11. \xa0The Carthaginians shall do no wrong to the peoples of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Terracina, or any other city of the Latins who are subject to Rome.,12. \xa0Touching the Latins who are not subjects, they shall keep their hands off their cities, and if they take any city shall deliver it up to the Romans undamaged.,13. \xa0They shall build no fort in the Latin territory. If they enter the land in arms, they shall not pass a night therein."
3.37.11 \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. <
3.38.2 \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future. <
3.38.7 1. \xa0Just as with regard to Asia and Africa where they meet in Aethiopia no one up to the present has been able to say with certainty whether the southern extension of them is continuous land or is bounded by a sea,,2. \xa0so that part of Europe which extends to the north between the Don and Narbo is up to now unknown to us, and will remain so unless the curiosity of explorers lead to some discoveries in the future.,3. \xa0We must pronounce that those who either by word of mouth or in writing make rash statements about these regions have no knowledge of them, and invent mere fables.,4. \xa0I\xa0have said so much in order that my narrative should not be without something to range itself under in the minds of those who are ignorant of the localities, but that they should have some notion at least of the main geographical distinctions, with which they can connect in thought and to which they can refer my statements, calculating the position of places from the quarter of the heaven under which they lie.,5. \xa0For as in the case of physical sight we are in the habit of turning our faces in the direction of any object pointed out to us, so should we mentally ever turn and shift our glance to each place to which the story calls our attention.
3.39.2 \xa0At the time of which we are speaking the Carthaginians were masters of all that part of Africa which looks towards the Mediterranean from the Altars of Philaenus on the Greater Syrtis as far as the Pillars of Hercules. < 3.39.3 \xa0The length of this coast-line is more than sixteen thousand stades. < 3.39.4 \xa0Crossing the straits at the Pillars of Hercules they had similarly subdued all Iberia as far as the point on the coast of the Mediterranean where the Pyrenees, which separate the Celts from the Iberians, end. < 3.39.5 \xa0This spot is about eight thousand stades distant from the mouth of this sea at the Pillars of Hercules, <
3.39.9 \xa0From the passage of the Rhone, following the bank of the river in the direction of its source as far as the foot of the pass across the Alps to Italy, the distance is fourteen hundred stades, < 3.39.10 \xa0and the length of the actual pass which would bring Hannibal down into the plain of the\xa0Po, about twelve hundred. < 3.39.11 \xa0So that to arrive there he had, starting from New\xa0Carthage, to march about nine thousand stades. < 3.39.12 \xa0of this, as far as distance goes, he had nearly traversed the half, but if we look to difficulty far the largest part lay before him. <
3.40.1 \xa0While Hannibal was thus attempting to cross the Pyrenees, in great fear of the Celts owing to the natural strength of the passes, <' "
3.42.1 \xa0Hannibal, on reaching the neighbourhood of the river, at once set about attempting to cross it where the stream is single at a distance of about four days' march from the sea. <" 5.35 1. \xa0Cleomenes, during the lifetime of Ptolemy Euergetes, to whom he had linked his fortunes and pledged his word, had kept quiet, in the constant belief that he would receive sufficient assistance from him to recover the throne of his ancestors.,2. \xa0But after the death of this king, as time went on, and circumstances in Greece almost called aloud for Cleomenes, Antigonus being dead, the Achaeans being engaged in war, and the Spartans now, as Cleomenes had from the first planned and purposed, sharing the hatred of the Aetolians for the Achaeans and Macedonians,,3. \xa0he was positively compelled to bestir himself and do his best to get away from Alexandria.,4. \xa0Consequently, he at first approached Ptolemy more than once with the request that he would furnish him with adequate supplies and troops for an expedition;,5. \xa0but as the king would not listen to this, he earnestly besought him to allow him to leave with his own household, for the state of affairs, he said, held out a sufficiently fair prospect of his recovering his ancestral throne.,6. \xa0The king, however, who for the reasons I\xa0stated above neither concerned himself at all with such questions, nor took any thought for the future, continued in his thoughtlessness and folly to turn a deaf ear to Cleomenes.,7. \xa0Meanwhile Sosibius, who, if anyone, was now at the head of affairs, took counsel with his friends and came to the following decision with regard to him.,8. \xa0On the one hand they judged it inadvisable to send him off on an armed expedition, as owing to the death of Antigonus they regarded foreign affairs as of no importance and thought that money they expended on them would be thrown away.,9. \xa0Besides which, now that Antigonus was no more and there was no general left who was a match for Cleomenes, they were afraid that he would have little trouble in making himself the master of Greece and thus become a serious and formidable rival to themselves, especially as he had seen behind the scenes in Egypt and had formed a poor opinion of the king, and as he was aware that many parts of the kingdom were loosely attached or dissevered by distance, thus offering plenty of opportunity for intrigue â\x80\x94,11. \xa0for they had a good many ships at Samos and a considerable military force at Ephesus.,12. \xa0These, then, were the reasons which made them dismiss the project of sending Cleomenes off with supplies for an expedition; but at the same time they thought it would by no means serve their interests to send away such an eminent man after inflicting a slight upon him, as this was sure to make him their enemy and antagonist.,13. \xa0The only course left then was to keep him back against his will, and this they all indeed rejected at once and without discussion, thinking it by no means safe for a lion to lie in the same fold as the sheep, but it was especially Sosibius who was apprehensive of the effects of such a measure for the following reason. 5.36 1. \xa0At the time when they were plotting the murder of Magas and Berenice, being in great fear of their project failing chiefly owing to the high courage of Berenice, they were compelled to conciliate the whole court, holding out hopes of favour to everyone if things fell out as they wished.,2. \xa0Sosibius on this occasion observing that Cleomenes was in need of assistance from the king, and that he was a man of judgement with a real grasp of the facts, confided the whole plot to him, picturing the high favours he might expect.,3. \xa0Cleomenes, seeing that he was in state of great alarm and in fear chiefly of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries, bade him be of good heart, promising him that the mercenaries would do him no harm, but would rather be helpful to him.,4. \xa0When Sosibius showed considerable surprise at this promise, "Don\'t you see," he said, "that nearly three thousand of them are from the Peloponnese and about a\xa0thousand are Cretans, and I\xa0need but make a sign to these men and they will all put themselves joyfully at your service.,5. \xa0Once they are united whom have you to fear? The soldiers from Syria and Caria I\xa0suppose!",6. \xa0At the time Sosibius was delighted to hear this and pursued the plot against Berenice with doubled confidence, but afterwards, when he witnessed the king\'s slackness, the words were always coming back to his mind, and the thought of Cleomenes\' daring and popularity with the mercenaries kept on haunting him.,8. \xa0It was he therefore who on this occasion was foremost in instigating the king and his friends to take Cleomenes into custody before it was too late.,9. \xa0To reinforce this advice he availed himself of the following circumstance. 5.37 1. \xa0There was a certain Messenian called Nicagoras who had been a family friend of Archidamus the king of Sparta.,2. \xa0In former times their intercourse had been of the slightest, but when Archidamus took flight from Sparta for fear of Cleomenes, and came to Messenia, Nicagoras not only gladly received him in his house and provided for his wants but ever afterwards they stood on terms of the closest intimacy and affection.,3. \xa0When therefore Cleomenes held out hopes to Archidamus of return and reconciliation, Nicagoras devoted himself to negotiating and concluding the treaty.,4. \xa0When this had been ratified, Archidamus was on his way home to Sparta, relying on the terms of the agreement brought about by Nicagoras,,5. \xa0but Cleomenes coming to meet them put Archidamus to death, sparing Nicagoras and the rest of his companions.,6. \xa0To the outside world, Nicagoras pretended to be grateful to Cleomenes for having spared his life, but in his heart he bitterly resented what had occurred, for it looked as if had been the cause of the king\'s death.,7. \xa0This Nicagoras had arrived not long ago at Alexandria with a cargo of horses and on disembarking he found Cleomenes, with Panteus and Hippitas, walking on the quay.,9. \xa0When Cleomenes saw him he came up to him and greeted him affectionately and asked him on what business he had come.,10. \xa0When he told him he had brought horses to sell, Cleomenes said, "I\xa0very much wish you had brought catamites and sackbut girls instead of the horses, for those are the wares this king is after.",11. \xa0Nicagoras at the time smiled and held his tongue, but a\xa0few days afterwards, when he had become quite familiar with Sosibius owing to the business of the horses, he told against Cleomenes the story of what he had recently said,,12. \xa0and noticing that Sosibius listened to him with pleasure, he gave him a full account of his old grievance against that prince.
6.51.1 \xa0The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points. <
6.51.2 \xa0For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta. <
6.51 1. \xa0The constitution of Carthage seems to me to have been originally well contrived as regards its most distinctive points.,2. \xa0For there were kings, and the house of Elders was an aristocratical force, and the people were supreme in matters proper to them, the entire frame of the state much resembling that of Rome and Sparta.,3. \xa0But at the time when they entered on the Hannibalic War, the Carthaginian constitution had degenerated, and that of Rome was better.,4. \xa0For as every body or state or action has its natural periods first of growth, then of prime, and finally of decay, and as everything in them is at its best when they are in their prime, it was for this reason that the difference between the two states manifested itself at this time.,5. \xa0For by as much as the power and prosperity of Carthage had been earlier than that of Rome, by so much had Carthage already begun to decline; while Rome was exactly at her prime, as far as at least as her system of government was concerned.,6. \xa0Consequently the multitude at Carthage had already acquired the chief voice in deliberations; while at Rome the senate still retained this;,7. \xa0and hence, as in one case the masses deliberated and in the other the most eminent men, the Roman decisions on public affairs were superior,,8. \xa0so that although they met with complete disaster, they were finally by the wisdom of their counsels victorious over the Carthaginians in the war. 6.52 1. \xa0But to pass to differences of detail, such as, to begin with, the conduct of war, the Carthaginians naturally are superior at sea both in efficiency and equipment, because seamanship has long been their national craft, and they busy themselves with the sea more than any other people;,2. \xa0but as regards military service on land the Romans are much more efficient.,3. \xa0They indeed devote their whole energies to this matter, whereas the Carthaginians entirely neglect their infantry, though they do pay some slight attention to their cavalry.,4. \xa0The reason of this is that the troops they employ are foreign and mercenary, whereas those of the Romans are natives of the soil and citizens.,5. \xa0So that in this respect also we must pronounce the political system of Rome to be superior to that of Carthage, the Carthaginians continuing to depend for the maintece of their freedom on the courage of a mercenary force but the Romans on their own valour and on the aid of their allies.,6. \xa0Consequently even if they happen to be worsted at the outset, the Romans redeem defeat by final success, while it is the contrary with the Carthaginians.,7. \xa0For the Romans, fighting as they are for their country and their children, never can abate their fury but continue to throw their whole hearts into the struggle until they get the better of their enemies.,8. \xa0It follows that though the Romans are, as I\xa0said, much less skilled in naval matters, they are on the whole successful at sea owing to the gallantry of their men;,9. \xa0for although skill in seamanship is of no small importance in naval battles, it is chiefly the courage of the marines that turns the scale in favour of victory.,10. \xa0Now not only do Italians in general naturally excel Phoenicians and Africans in bodily strength and personal courage, but by their institutions also they do much to foster a spirit of bravery in the young men.,11. \xa0A\xa0single instance will suffice to indicate the pains taken by the state to turn out men who will be ready to endure everything in order to gain a reputation in their country for valour.
8.2.3 \xa0For how by the bare reading of events in Sicily or in Spain can we hope to learn and understand either the magnitude of the occurrences or the thing of greatest moment, what means and what form of government Fortune has employed to accomplish the most surprising feat she has performed in our times, that is, to bring all the known parts of the world under one rule and dominion, a thing absolutely without precedent? < 10.11.7 \xa0Finally he told them that it was Neptune who had first suggested this plan to him, appearing to him in his sleep, and promising that when the time for the action came he would render such conspicuous aid that his intervention would be manifest to the whole army. <
23.10.5 \xa0whose fidelity to him would be surer in the season of danger. While this project was being executed, < 31.25.5 \xa0So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar. <
38.21 1. \xa0Turning round to me at once and grasping my hand Scipio said, "A\xa0glorious moment, Polybius; but I\xa0have a dread foreboding that some day the same doom will be pronounced on my own country." It would be difficult to mention an utterance more statesmanlike and more profound.,2. \xa0For at the moment of our greatest triumph and of disaster to our enemies to reflect on our own situation and on the possible reversal of circumstances, and generally to bear in mind at the season of success the mutability of Fortune, is like a great and perfect man, a man in short worthy to be remembered. (From Appian, Punica, 132) 38.22 1. \xa0Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. \xa0After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A\xa0day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. \xa0And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.' "' None
|15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage/Carthaginians
Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 333; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 34
|16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Punic Wars
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
|17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 317; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 317
|18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, and restoration of cultural property
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 29, 30; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62, 63, 64, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54, 55
|19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
|20. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.41.1-4.41.3, 4.43.1-4.43.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 143; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 143
4.41.1 \xa0First of all, in the vicinity of Mount Pelion he built a ship which far surpassed in its size and in its equipment in general any vessel known in those days, since the men of that time put to sea on rafts or in very small boats. Consequently those who saw the ship at the time were greatly astonished, and when the report was noised about throughout Greece both of the exploit of the enterprise of building the ship, no small number of the youths of prominence were eager to take part in the expedition. 4.41.2 \xa0Jason, then, after he had launched the ship and fitted it out in brilliant fashion with everything which would astonish the mind, picked out the most renowned chieftains from those who were eager to share his plan, with the result that the whole number of those in his company amounted to fifty-four. of these the most famous were Castor and Polydeuces, Heracles and Telamon, Orpheus and AtalantÃª the daughter of Schoeneus, and the sons of Thespius, and the leader himself who was setting out on the voyage to Colchis. 4.41.3 \xa0The vessel was called Argo after Argus, as some writers of myths record, who was the master-builder of the ship and went along on the voyage in order to repair the parts of the vessel as they were strained from time to time, but, as some say, after its exceeding great swiftness, since the ancients called what is swift Argos. Now after the chieftains had gathered together they chose Heracles to be their general, preferring him because of his courage.
4.43.1 \xa0But there came on a great storm and the chieftains had given up hope of being saved, when Orpheus, they say, who was the only one on shipboard who had ever been initiated in the mysteries of the deities of Samothrace, offered to these deities the prayers for their salvation. 4.43.2 \xa0And immediately the wind died down and two stars fell over the heads of the Dioscori, and the whole company was amazed at the marvel which had taken place and concluded that they had been rescued from their perils by an act of Providence of the gods. For this reason, the story of this reversal of fortune for the Argonauts has been handed down to succeeding generations, and sailors when caught in storms always direct their prayers to the deities of Samothrace and attribute the appearance of the two stars to the epiphany of the Dioscori. 4.43.3 \xa0At that time, however, the tale continues, when the storm had abated, the chieftains landed in Thrace on the country which was ruled by Phineus. Here they came upon two youths who by way of punishment had been shut within a burial vault where they were being subjected to continual blows of the whip; these were sons of Phineus and Cleopatra, who men said was born of OreithyÃ¯a, the daughter of Erechtheus, and Boreas, and had unjustly been subjected to such a punishment because of the unscrupulousness and lying accusations of their mother-inâ\x80\x91law. 4.43.4 \xa0For Phineus had married Idaea, the daughter of Dardanus the king of the Scythians, and yielding to her every desire out of his love for her he had believed her charge that his sons by an earlier marriage had insolently offered violence to their mother-inâ\x80\x91law out of a desire to please their mother.'' None
|21. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.73.3, 3.2-3.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 280
1.73.3 \xa0Others say that after the death of Aeneas Ascanius, having succeeded to the entire sovereignty of the Latins, divided both the country and the forces of the Latins into three parts, two of which he gave to his brothers, Romulus and Remus. He himself, they say, built Alba and some other towns; Remus built cities which he named Capuas, after Capys, his great-grandfather, Anchisa, after his grandfather Anchises, Aeneia (which was afterwards called Janiculum), after his father, and Rome, after himself. This last city was for some time deserted, but upon the arrival of another colony, which the Albans sent out under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, it received again its ancient name. So that, according to this account, there were two settlements of Rome, one a little after the Trojan war, and the other fifteen generations after the first. <
3.2 1. \xa0Many military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I\xa0shall now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban named Cluilius, who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war with each other.,2. \xa0But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a plan of the following sort: he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the constraint of fear.,3. \xa0In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just what happened.,4. \xa0For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them. 3.3 1. \xa0Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the treaty being looked upon as already broken.,2. \xa0Tullius, therefore, taking care that the Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary business, put off their audience.,3. \xa0The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the fetiales, to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between the cities.,4. \xa0But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation.,5. \xa0And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: "Well, then, I\xa0call the gods, whom we made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance to come upon you ere long with the sword.",6. \xa0Tullius, having learned of all this from the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not obtain satisfaction, he replied: "I\xa0have anticipated you in doing this, and having obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I\xa0declare against the Albans the war that is both necessary and just." ' "3.4 1. \xa0After these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches, as they are called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the Romans a little farther inside, having chosen the most convenient place for their camp.,2. \xa0When the two armies saw each other's forces neither inferior in numbers nor poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit of faultfinding against those in authority.,3. \xa0And as the time dragged on in vain (for they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their entrenchments.,4. \xa0And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy's ramparts, in case that should prove necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general's tent, attended by his usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death. " "3.5 1. \xa0This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into â\x80\x94 for no preceding illness could be alleged â\x80\x94 those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and untraceable poisons that they had discovered.,2. \xa0Still others alleged that, being overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather Nature's stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is marked out for everyone that is born.,3. \xa0Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power; he was a man without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, though he had been at first as zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable.,4. \xa0And at last he even determined to invite the enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both armies. The danger was this: " "3.6 1. \xa0The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; concerning which I\xa0have given a precise account in the preceding Book. But having enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer.,2. \xa0For a time, indeed, their intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should assemble in Fidenae, going secretly, a\xa0few at a time, so as to escape as far as possible the notice of those against whom the plot was aimed,,3. \xa0and should remain there awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants (the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined.,4. \xa0If, therefore, the Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in making their preparations were bringing their foes' plans to nought. For some of the conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others might lay information â\x80\x94 a\xa0thing which has often happened in conspiracies where there are many accomplices and the execution is long delayed â\x80\x94 or being compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery. " '3.7 1. \xa0Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation.,2. \xa0And first the Alban leader began as follows: "It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I\xa0have determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, and, as if you were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything reasonable.,3. \xa0In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed me general with absolute power, as soon as I\xa0took over the command I\xa0considered what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and kinship, I\xa0concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by the best counsels.,4. \xa0And I\xa0was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great madness that we both have shown, an once I\xa0had taken hold of affairs and began to sound out each man\'s private opinion. For I\xa0found that the Albans neither in their private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I\xa0consulted the victims concerning battle, presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, caused me great dismay and anxiety.,5. \xa0In view, therefore, of these considerations, I\xa0restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children.,6. \xa0But while we have been delaying and watching each other, to see which side should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since I\xa0learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I\xa0felt that I\xa0ought no longer to aim at appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a conflagration or a flood.,7. \xa0The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me." 3.8 1. \xa0With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued:,2. \xa0You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I\xa0have thus far been postponing armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures concerning peace. After this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted not only to revolt from you but also to attack you â\x80\x94 although they have neither suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any â\x80\x94 and, what is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and guarded against.,3. \xa0But I\xa0need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) I\xa0shall now endeavour to explain.,4. \xa0For my part, I\xa0hold that that mutual reconciliation is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to undergo such a trial as reason and law direct.,5. \xa0of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and magimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it before us too soon, and for doing so I\xa0shall be greatly obliged to you." 3.9 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: "We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;,2. \xa0yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba â\x80\x94 if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both.,3. \xa0Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain â\x80\x94 even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I\xa0shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also.,4. \xa0If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him).,5. \xa0How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims â\x80\x94 for these are small and weak assurances â\x80\x94 but by looking upon each other\'s fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own.,6. \xa0In order to accomplish this, I\xa0think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully to accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?,7. \xa0If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services to the weaker. This is what I\xa0recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I\xa0believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us." 3.10 1. \xa0Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned to the assembly and spoke as follows: "We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other.,2. \xa0Let this article, then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be removed." These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other.,3. \xa0The claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows: "As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation of all that inhabit this country. But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before.,4. \xa0This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument â\x80\x94\xa0and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity â\x80\x94 is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race.,5. \xa0And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity.,6. \xa0My last argument is this: The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many races, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse." After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said: "The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one\'s ancestors, Fufetius and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just. 3.11 2. \xa0Indeed, there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why should\xa0I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of the Lavinians.,3. \xa0If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has always remained the same while ours has been \'corrupted\' by the various admixtures of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born nor newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, you are greatly mistaken.,4. \xa0For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy.,5. \xa0And this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins disputes with us.,6. \xa0For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.,7. \xa0On the whole, I\xa0am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.,8. \xa0And as for our factional strife â\x80\x94 since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure â\x80\x94 it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.,9. \xa0In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.,10. \xa0I\xa0had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I\xa0see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I\xa0say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I\xa0will make an end of speaking. However, since I\xa0conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I\xa0shall propose this and then conclude.,11. \xa0Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms." 3.12 1. \xa0These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.,2. \xa0For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.,3. \xa0The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a\xa0few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.,4. \xa0And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp. 3.13 1. \xa0After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.,2. \xa0For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.,3. \xa0This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.,4. \xa0It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I\xa0said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows: 3.14 1. \xa0"Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come into the world on the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I\xa0say, has every appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour.,2. \xa0Why, therefore, do we not accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in any other way, will be promptly settled.,3. \xa0For I\xa0surmise that among you also, as well as among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is equally inclined toward both sides." 3.15 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general approbation (for the most important both of the Romans and Albans were with the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows: "In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be unaware â\x80\x94 a\xa0matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to fight with one another.,2. \xa0For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one another\'s blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them.",3. \xa0To this Fufetius answered: "Neither have\xa0I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the youths, nor did\xa0I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into my mind I\xa0sent for the Alban Curiatii and sounded them in private to learn whether they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I\xa0decided to disclose my plan and bring it forward for consideration. And I\xa0advise you to take the same course yourself â\x80\x94 to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition.,4. \xa0And if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the favour; but if they hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I\xa0predict, however, the same result with them as with our own youths â\x80\x94 that is, if they are such men as we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also." 3.16 1. \xa0Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them:,2. \xa0Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find â\x80\x94 the Curiatii among the Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat on behalf of all their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this honour to others.,3. \xa0I,\xa0in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not concealed from public notice, assumed that you of all others would embrace this danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest your kinship with the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I\xa0requested time for deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I\xa0came here I\xa0assembled the senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble one and worthy of you and which I\xa0myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to avoid the pollution of kindred blood â\x80\x94 for surely it would be no admission of cowardice on your part â\x80\x94 you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight obligation to you if you rate your country more highly than your kinship, deliberate carefully and well." 3.17 1. \xa0The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest on behalf of them all spoke as follows: "If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked with him.",2. \xa0Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with their own answer, they desired his advice.,3. \xa0And he answered and said: "But indeed this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated without your father upon your own affairs.",4. \xa0And the eldest answered him thus: "Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein.,5. \xa0For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than valour." Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of embraces and kisses, he said: "You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable.",6. \xa0The youths went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty. ' "3.18 1. \xa0As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no perfunctory manner, I\xa0shall endeavour, as far as I\xa0am able, to give an accurate account of every incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans' army also had marched out.,2. \xa0And when the armies had encamped near one another, leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid fashion and withal dressed like men about to die.,3. \xa0When they came near to one another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of great heartlessness, in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat. " "3.19 1. \xa0For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening.,2. \xa0For it was impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; and this situation lasted a considerable time.,3. \xa0For the champions on both sides not only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of spirit, and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than spectators.,4. \xa0At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman's groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him.,5. \xa0When the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him.,6. \xa0After Fortune had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the Romans, sunk their hopes and raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his sword down through the Roman's back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs. " 3.20 1. \xa0The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind.,2. \xa0The Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome â\x80\x94 he was still uninjured â\x80\x94 hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. He thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation.,3. \xa0For the Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,,4. \xa0and when his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the first news of his victory.
3.21 1. \xa0But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy state of being his sister\'s murderer.,2. \xa0For when he arrived near the gates he saw a multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was distressed that a virgin ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother\'s side and joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness.,3. \xa0However, it was not, after all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who called her and ran to bring her back.,4. \xa0But when she got outside the city and saw her brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and beating her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there.,5. \xa0After she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother and said: "Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. of what wild beast, then, have you the heart?",6. \xa0And he, answering her, said: "The heart of a citizen who loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be foreigners or his own people. And among such I\xa0count even you; for though you know that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same time â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean the victory of your country, which I,\xa0your brother, am bringing home with me, and the death of your brothers â\x80\x94 you neither rejoice in the public happiness of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, curse you! but before the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, not for your brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour either your father or your brothers.",7. \xa0After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action.,8. \xa0In fact, he would neither permit his daughter\'s body to be brought into the house nor allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any corpse which had none to give it proper burial.,9. \xa0Besides these instances of the father\'s severity there were still others that I\xa0shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid banquet, just as upon the greatest festivals, making less account of his private calamities than of the public advantages of his country.,10. \xa0This not only Horatius but many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I\xa0refer to their offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good fortune. of these I\xa0shall make mention in the proper places.
3.22 1. \xa0After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies.,2. \xa0The next day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the government, he led his army home.,3. \xa0After he had celebrated the triumph which the senate had decreed for him and had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman\'s blood; and being given a hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all the gods against the cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted.,4. \xa0But the father spoke in defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce in the cause.,5. \xa0For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial â\x80\x94 and that, too, for an act which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence â\x80\x94 lest by so doing he should transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in the case of his daughter.,6. \xa0Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. And the Roman people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder. Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated.,7. \xa0The pontiffs erected two altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by Horatius; and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a\xa0third to the top of them transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by those who purified Horatius.,8. \xa0The place in the city where they performed this expiation is regarded by all the Romans as sacred; it is in the street that leads down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is called in the Roman tongue "the Sister\'s Beam." This place, then, is still preserved in the city as a monument to this man\'s misfortune and honoured by the Romans with sacrifices every year.,9. \xa0Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos in the Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its name and is called pila Horatia or "the Horatian Pillar.",10. \xa0The Romans also have a law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are grown. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end.
3.23 1. \xa0The king of the Romans, after letting a\xa0year pass, during which he made the necessary preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship.,2. \xa0Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces.,3. \xa0Tullus, therefore, believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another\'s command or to be subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot.,4. \xa0He sent ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as yet wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody.,5. \xa0Tullus, as soon as he had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for the battle, he dismissed the council.,6. \xa0In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban â\x80\x94 for his treachery was still a secret to many even of his own friends â\x80\x94 calling together the most prominent centurions and tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows: "Tribunes and centurions, I\xa0am going to disclose to you important and unexpected things which I\xa0have hitherto been concealing; and I\xa0beg of you to keep them secret if you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many words, as the time is short; so I\xa0shall mention only the most essential matters.,7. \xa0I,\xa0from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life full of shame and grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, which I\xa0am now holding for the third year and may, if I\xa0should so desire, hold as long as I\xa0live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our supremacy, I\xa0took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great disaster. And although I\xa0considered many plans of every sort, the only way I\xa0could discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the neighbouring states.,8. \xa0For I\xa0assumed that when confronted by such a war they would have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I\xa0assumed that it would not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans.,9. \xa0"With these thoughts in mind I\xa0secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I\xa0have escaped the Romans\' notice as I\xa0contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course.,10. \xa0First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a double danger â\x80\x94 either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already prepared â\x80\x94 we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the only people who have resorted to these means.,11. \xa0Besides, as our own force is not strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great numbers you see before you; and I\xa0have taken the following precautions that these auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be depended on to adhere to our alliance.,12. \xa0For it will not be in our territory that the Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves be thought to be conferring one upon them.,13. \xa0And if this enterprise turns out according to our wish, as is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they themselves who had received this favour at our hands. "These are the preparations which I\xa0have made after much thought and which I\xa0regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt.,14. \xa0Now hear from me the manner in which I\xa0have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I\xa0will break ranks and begin to lead up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. When I\xa0have gained the top of the hill and am securely posted, hear in what manner I\xa0shall handle the situation after that.,15. \xa0If I\xa0find my plans turning out according to my wish, that is, if I\xa0see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than fight, I\xa0will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I\xa0shall be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed.,16. \xa0For a terrible thing in warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen terror, but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced.,17. \xa0If, however, I\xa0find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), I\xa0too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I\xa0have just proposed. For I\xa0shall lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with them the victory, pretending that I\xa0occupied the heights with the intention of surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since I\xa0shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both.,18. \xa0"I,\xa0then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods I\xa0shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received that form of government from their ancestors.,19. \xa0For we are freemen descended from freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain the fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.,20. \xa0This compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall upon them rather than upon us.,21. \xa0If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan meets with your uimous approval."
3.24 1. \xa0Those who were present having approved of this advice and promised to carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the Romans came out against them and took their positions.,2. \xa0Tullus himself and the Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied the enemy\'s right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill.,3. \xa0When the armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other\'s missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling confident that the Albans\' promises to betray the Romans were coming true before their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, carried on the struggle vigorously.,4. \xa0In the meantime a horseman rode up to those who were fighting under the king and said: "Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now left unprotected, and are going to surround us." The Romans, upon hearing this and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to fight or to stand their ground.,5. \xa0Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, and cried:,6. \xa0"Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, and show your utter contempt of them."
3.25 1. \xa0These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder.,2. \xa0The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and standing their ground.,3. \xa0And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by crossing the river.,4. \xa0Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings.,5. \xa0Tullus ordered a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the enemy who were pressing toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been unexpectedly preserved from destruction. ' "
3.26 1. \xa0When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who had become dispersed in the left.,2. \xa0Tullus, though he understood his purpose and understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban's withdrawal to the heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed about the country.,3. \xa0And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and passed the following night in making merry with his friends.,4. \xa0Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; and when he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome.,5. \xa0Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their enemies and the Fidenates. And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained â\x80\x94 how the traitors ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future.,6. \xa0That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this I\xa0shall speak presently. The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to retain their possessions." 3.27 2. \xa0After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory.,3. \xa0Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these the rest of the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up and spoke as follows:
3.28 1. \xa0"Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced.,2. \xa0It is now time, since our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all.,3. \xa0For these are much worse than open enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits.,4. \xa0For, as we are their colony, we have not wrested away any part of their dominion but have acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity no less than at their own.,5. \xa0But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?,6. \xa0Though it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and â\x80\x94 the thing that was easiest of all â\x80\x94 to disarm them, by which means we should have strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our own private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans â\x80\x94 since they themselves had honoured him with the chief magistracy â\x80\x94 to administer their affairs up to the present time.,7. \xa0"For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else.,8. \xa0And if their attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being lost in a single day.,9. \xa0But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to the goodwill of the gods (for I\xa0at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), and, second, to the stratagem I\xa0made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I\xa0made during the battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself),,10. \xa0since, I\xa0say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be the men we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the danger if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most deadly foes and our greatest enemies."
3.29 1. \xa0While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent,,2. \xa0addressed them thus:,2. \xa0"I,\xa0too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the knowledge of them; and I\xa0also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and centurions were accomplices in the conspiracy formed against us, but that the greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were compelled to act against their will.,3. \xa0Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands.,4. \xa0But against the possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, to remember their wrongs â\x80\x94 as has happened in the present instance.,5. \xa0"Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I\xa0myself having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered that your city be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except the temples;,6. \xa0that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I\xa0take charge of the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you in the expense of building;,7. \xa0that the mass of your population be incorporated with our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the Geganii, and the Metilii; and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the privilege of making a defence." 3.30 1. \xa0At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with loud acclaim the terms granted them. But those among them who were distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in answer to the charges.,2. \xa0But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords.,3. \xa0And when all were terrified, Tullus rose up again and said: "It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country.,4. \xa0For early this morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I\xa0shall punish him in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves.",5. \xa0At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body with many stripes.,6. \xa0After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite directions, was soon torn apart.,7. \xa0This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the law respecting deserters and traitors. '' None
|22. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.740 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
2.740 rend='' None
2.740 Or plough the seas, or cultivate the land,'' None
|23. Ovid, Fasti, 3.523-3.696 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 92; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 210
3.523 Idibus est Annae festum geniale Perennae 3.524 non procul a ripis, advena Thybri, tuis. 3.525 plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas 3.526 potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua. 3.527 sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt, 3.528 sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est, 3.529 pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis, 3.530 desuper extentas imposuere togas. 3.531 sole tamen vinoque calent annosque precantur, 3.532 quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt. 3.533 invenies illic, qui Nestoris ebibat annos, 3.534 quae sit per calices facta Sibylla suos. 3.535 illic et cantant, quicquid didicere theatris, 3.536 et iactant faciles ad sua verba manus 3.537 et ducunt posito duras cratere choreas, 3.538 cultaque diffusis saltat amica comis, 3.539 cum redeunt, titubant et sunt spectacula volgi, 3.540 et fortunatos obvia turba vocat. 3.541 occurrit nuper (visa est mihi digna relatu) 3.542 pompa: senem potum pota trahebat anus. 3.543 quae tamen haec dea sit, quoniam rumoribus errat, 3.544 fabula proposito nulla tegenda meo. 3.545 arserat Aeneae Dido miserabilis igne, 3.546 arserat exstructis in sua fata rogis; 3.547 compositusque cinis, tumulique in marmore carmen 3.548 hoc breve, quod moriens ipsa reliquit, erat: 3.549 “praebuit Aeneas et causam mortis et ensem. 3.550 ipsa sua Dido concidit usa manu.” 3.551 protinus invadunt Numidae sine vindice regnum, 3.552 et potitur capta Maurus Iarba domo, 3.553 seque memor spretum, Thalamis tamen inquit ‘Elissae 3.554 en ego, quem totiens reppulit illa, fruor.’ 3.555 diffugiunt Tyrii, quo quemque agit error, ut olim 3.556 amisso dubiae rege vagantur apes. 3.557 tertia nudandas acceperat area messes, 3.558 inque cavos ierant tertia musta lacus: 3.559 pellitur Anna domo lacrimansque sororia linquit 3.560 moenia: germanae iusta dat ante suae. 3.561 mixta bibunt molles lacrimis unguenta favillae, 3.562 vertice libatas accipiuntque comas; 3.563 terque vale! dixit, cineres ter ad ora relatos 3.564 pressit, et est illis visa subesse soror. 3.565 cta ratem comitesque fugae pede labitur aequo 3.566 moenia respiciens, dulce sororis opus. 3.567 fertilis est Melite sterili vicina Cosyrae 3.568 insula, quam Libyci verberat unda freti, 3.569 hanc petit hospitio regis confisa vetusto: 3.570 hospes opum dives rex ibi Battus erat. 3.571 qui postquam didicit casus utriusque sororis, 3.572 haec inquit tellus quantulacumque tua est. 3.573 et tamen hospitii servasset ad ultima munus, 3.574 sed timuit magnas Pygmalionis opes. 3.575 signa recensuerat bis sol sua, tertius ibat 3.576 annus, et exilio terra paranda nova est. 3.577 frater adest belloque petit. rex arma perosus 3.578 nos sumus inbelles, tu fuge sospes! ait. 3.579 iussa fugit ventoque ratem committit et undis: 3.580 asperior quovis aequore frater erat. 3.581 est prope piscosos lapidosi Crathidis amnes 3.582 parvus ager: Cameren incola turba vocat, 3.583 illuc cursus erat, nec longius afuit inde, 3.584 quam quantum novies mittere funda potest: 3.585 vela cadunt primo et dubia librantur ab aura. 3.586 findite remigio navita dixit aquas! 3.587 dumque parant torto subducere carbasa lino, 3.588 percutitur rapido puppis adunca noto 3.589 inque patens aequor frustra pugte magistro 3.590 fertur, et ex oculis visa refugit humus, 3.591 adsiliunt fluctus, imoque a gurgite pontus 3.592 vertitur, et canas alveus haurit aquas, 3.593 vincitur ars vento, nec iam moderator habenis 3.594 utitur; a votis is quoque poscit opem. 3.595 iactatur tumidas exul Phoenissa per undas 3.596 humidaque opposita lumina veste tegit: 3.597 tunc primum Dido felix est dicta sorori 3.598 et quaecumque aliquam corpore pressit humum 3.599 figitur ad Laurens ingenti flamine litus 3.600 puppis et expositis omnibus hausta perit. 3.601 iam pius Aeneas regno nataque Latini 3.602 auctus erat, populos miscueratque duos. 3.603 litore dotali solo comitatus Achate 3.604 secretum nudo dum pede carpit iter, 3.605 aspicit errantem nec credere sustinet Annam 3.606 esse: quid in Latios illa veniret agros? 3.607 dum secum Aeneas, Anna est! exclamat Achates: 3.608 ad nomen voltus sustulit illa suos. 3.609 heu! fugiat? quid agat? quos terrae quaerat hiatus? 3.610 ante oculos miserae fata sororis erant. 3.611 sensit et adloquitur trepidam Cythereius heros 3.612 (fiet tamen admonitu motus, Elissa, tui): 3.613 ‘Anna, per hanc iuro, quam quondam audire solebas 3.614 tellurem fato prosperiore dari, 3.615 perque deos comites, hac nuper sede locatos, 3.616 saepe meas illos increpuisse moras, 3.617 nec timui de morte tamen, metus abfuit iste. 3.618 ei mihi! credibili fortior illa fuit. 3.619 ne refer: aspexi non illo corpore digna 3.620 volnera Tartareas ausus adire domos, 3.621 at tu, seu ratio te nostris appulit oris 3.622 sive deus, regni commoda carpe mei. 3.623 multa tibi memores, nil non debemus Elissae: 3.624 nomine grata tuo, grata sororis, eris.’ 3.625 talia dicenti (neque enim spes altera restat) 3.626 credidit, errores exposuitque suos. 3.627 utque domum intravit Tyrios induta paratus, 3.628 incipit Aeneas (cetera turba silet): 3.629 ‘hanc tibi cur tradam, pia causa, Lavinia coniunx, 3.630 est mihi: consumpsi naufragus huius opes. 3.631 orta Tyro est, regnum Libyca possedit in ora; 3.632 quam precor ut carae more sororis ames.’ 3.633 omnia promittit falsumque Lavinia volnus 3.634 mente premit tacita dissimulatque fremens; 3.635 donaque cum videat praeter sua lumina ferri 3.636 multa palam, mitti clam quoque multa putat, 3.637 non habet exactum, quid agat; furialiter odit 3.638 et parat insidias et cupit ulta mori. 3.639 nox erat: ante torum visa est adstare sororis 3.640 squalenti Dido sanguinulenta coma 3.641 et fuge, ne dubita, maestum fuge dicere tectum! 3.642 sub verbum querulas impulit aura fores, 3.643 exilit et velox humili super arva fenestra 3.644 se iacit: audacem fecerat ipse timor. 3.645 quaque metu rapitur, tunica velata recincta 3.646 currit, ut auditis territa damma lupis, 3.647 corniger hanc tumidis rapuisse Numicius undis 3.648 creditur et stagnis occuluisse suis. 3.649 Sidonis interea magno clamore per agros 3.650 quaeritur: apparent signa notaeque pedum: 3.651 ventum erat ad ripas: inerant vestigia ripis. 3.652 sustinuit tacitas conscius amnis aquas. 3.653 ipsa loqui visa est ‘placidi sum nympha Numici: 3.654 amne perenne latens Anna Perenna vocor.’ 3.655 protinus erratis laeti vescuntur in agris 3.656 et celebrant largo seque diemque mero. 3.657 sunt quibus haec Luna est, quia mensibus impleat annum; 3.658 pars Themin, Inachiam pars putat esse bovem. 3.659 invenies, qui te nymphen Atlantida dicant 3.660 teque Iovi primos, Anna, dedisse cibos. 3.661 haec quoque, quam referam, nostras pervenit ad aures 3.662 fama nec a veri dissidet illa fide. 3.663 plebs vetus et nullis etiam nunc tuta tribunis 3.664 fugit et in Sacri vertice montis erat; 3.665 iam quoque, quem secum tulerant, defecerat illos 3.666 victus et humanis usibus apta Ceres, 3.667 orta suburbanis quaedam fuit Anna Bovillis, 3.668 pauper, sed multae sedulitatis anus. 3.669 illa levi mitra canos incincta capillos 3.670 Angebat tremula rustica liba manu, 3.671 atque ita per populum fumantia mane solebat 3.672 dividere: haec populo copia grata fuit. 3.673 pace domi facta signum posuere Perennae, 3.674 quod sibi defectis illa ferebat opem. 3.675 nunc mihi cur cantent superest obscena puellae 3.676 dicere; nam coeunt certaque probra canunt, 3.677 nuper erat dea facta: venit Gradivus ad Annam 3.678 et cum seducta talia verba facit: 3.679 ‘mense meo coleris, iunxi mea tempora tecum: 3.680 pendet ab officio spes mihi magna tuo. 3.681 armifer armiferae correptus amore Minervae 3.682 uror et hoc longo tempore volnus alo. 3.683 effice, di studio similes coeamus in unum: 3.684 conveniunt partes hae tibi, comis anus.’ 3.685 dixerat, illa deum promisso ludit ii 3.686 et stultam dubia spem trahit usque mora. 3.687 saepius instanti mandata peregimus, inquit 3.688 evicta est, precibus vix dedit illa manus. 3.689 credit amans thalamosque parat, deducitur illuc 3.690 Anna tegens voltus, ut nova nupta, suos. 3.691 oscula sumpturus subito Mars aspicit Annam: 3.692 nunc pudor elusum, nunc subit ira deum. 3.693 ridet amatorem carae nova diva Minervae, 3.694 nec res hac Veneri gratior ulla fuit. 3.695 inde ioci veteres obscenaque dicta canuntur, 3.696 et iuvat hanc magno verba dedisse deo.'' 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3.523 Not far from your banks, Tiber, far flowing river. 3.524 The people come and drink there, scattered on the grass, 3.525 And every man reclines there with his girl. 3.526 Some tolerate the open sky, a few pitch tents, 3.527 And some make leafy huts out of branches, 3.528 While others set reeds up, to form rigid pillars, 3.529 And hang their outspread robes from the reeds. 3.530 But they’re warmed by sun and wine, and pray 3.531 For as many years as cups, as many as they drink. 3.532 There you’ll find a man who quaffs Nestor’s years, 3.533 A woman who’d age as the Sibyl, in her cups. 3.534 There they sing whatever they’ve learnt in the theatres, 3.535 Beating time to the words with ready hands, 3.536 And setting the bowl down, dance coarsely, 3.537 The trim girl leaping about with streaming hair. 3.538 Homecoming they stagger, a sight for vulgar eyes, 3.539 And the crowd meeting them call them ‘blessed’. 3.540 I fell in with the procession lately (it seems to me worth 3.541 Saying): a tipsy old woman dragging a tipsy old man. 3.542 But since errors abound as to who this goddess is, 3.543 I’m determined not to cloak her story. 3.544 Wretched Dido burned with love for Aeneas, 3.545 She burned on the pyre built for her funeral: 3.546 Her ashes were gathered, and this brief couplet 3.547 Which she left, in dying, adorned her tomb: 3.548 AENEAS THE REASON, HIS THE BLADE EMPLOYED. 3.549 DIDO BY HER OWN HAND WAS DESTROYED. 3.550 The Numidians immediately invaded the defencele 3.551 Realm, and Iarbas the Moor captured and held the palace. 3.552 Remembering her scorn, he said: ‘See, I, whom she 3.553 So many times rejected, now enjoy Elissa’s marriage bed.’ 3.554 The Tyrians scattered, as each chanced to stray, as bee 3.555 often wander confusedly, having lost their Queen. 3.556 Anna, was driven from her home, weeping on leaving 3.557 Her sister’s city, after first paying honour to that sister. 3.558 The loose ashes drank perfume mixed with tears, 3.559 And received an offering of her shorn hair: 3.560 Three times she said: ‘Farewell!’ three times lifted 3.561 And pressed the ashes to her lips, seeing her sister there. 3.562 Finding a ship, and companions for her flight, she glided 3.563 Away, looking back at the city, her sister’s sweet work. 3.564 There’s a fertile island, Melite, near barren Cosyra, 3.565 Lashed by the waves of the Libyan sea. Trusting in 3.566 The king’s former hospitality, she headed there, 3.567 Battus was king there, and was a wealthy host. 3.568 When he had learned the fates of the two sisters, 3.569 He said: ‘This land, however small, is yours.’ 3.570 He would have been hospitable to the end, 3.571 Except that he feared Pygmalion’s great power. 3.572 The corn had been taken to be threshed a third time, 3.573 And a third time the new wine poured into empty vats. 3.574 The sun had twice circled the zodiac, and a third year 3.575 Was passing, when Anna had to find a fresh place of exile. 3.576 Her brother came seeking war. The king hated weapons, 3.577 And said: ‘We are peaceable, flee for your own safety!’ 3.578 She fled at his command, gave her ship to the wind and waves: 3.579 Her brother was crueller than any ocean. 3.580 There’s a little field by the fish-filled stream 3.581 of stony Crathis: the local people call it Camere. 3.582 There she sailed, and when she was no further away 3.583 Than the distance reached by nine slingshots, 3.584 The sails first fell and then flapped in the light breeze. 3.585 ‘Attack the water with oars!’ cried the captain. 3.586 And while they made ready to reef the sails, 3.587 The swift South Wind struck the curved stern, 3.588 And despite the captain’s efforts swept them 3.589 Into the open sea: the land was lost to sight. 3.590 The waves attacked them, and the ocean heaved 3.591 From the depths, and the hull gulped the foaming waters. 3.592 Skill is defeated by the wind, the steersman no longer 3.593 Guides the helm, but he too turns to prayer for aid. 3.594 The Phoenician exile is thrown high on swollen waves, 3.595 And hides her weeping eyes in her robe: 3.596 Then for a first time she called her sister Dido happy, 3.597 And whoever, anywhere, might be treading dry land. 3.598 A great gust drove the ship to the Laurentine shore, 3.599 And, foundering, it perished, when all had landed. 3.600 Meanwhile pious Aeneas had gained Latinus’ realm 3.601 And his daughter too, and had merged both peoples. 3.602 While he was walking barefoot along the shore 3.603 That had been his dower, accompanied only by Achates, 3.604 He saw Anna wandering, not believing it was her: 3.605 ‘Why should she be here in the fields of Latium?’ 3.606 Aeneas said to himself: ‘It’s Anna!’ shouted Achates: 3.607 At the sound of her name she raised her face. 3.608 Alas, what should she do? Flee? Wish for the ground 3.609 To swallow her? Her wretched sister’s fate was before her eyes. 3.610 The Cytherean hero felt her fear, and spoke to her, 3.611 (He still wept, moved by your memory, Elissa): 3.612 ‘Anna, I swear, by this land that you once knew 3.613 A happier fate had granted me, and by the god 3.614 My companions, who have lately found a home here, 3.615 That all of them often rebuked me for my delay. 3.616 Yet I did not fear her dying, that fear was absent. 3.617 Ah me! Her courage was beyond belief. 3.618 Don’t re-tell it: I saw shameful wounds on her body 3.619 When I dared to visit the houses of Tartarus. 3.620 But you shall enjoy the comforts of my kingdom, 3.621 Whether your will or a god brings you to our shores. 3.622 I owe you much, and owe Elissa not a little: 3.623 You are welcome for your own and your sister’s sake.’ 3.624 She accepted his words (no other hope was left) 3.625 And told him of her own wanderings. 3.626 When she entered the palace, dressed in Tyrian style, 3.627 Aeneas spoke (the rest of the throng were silent): 3.628 ‘Lavinia, my wife, I have a pious reason for entrusting 3.629 This lady to you: shipwrecked, I lived at her expense. 3.630 She’s of Tyrian birth: her kingdom’s on the Libyan shore: 3.631 I beg you to love her, as your dear sister.’ 3.632 Lavinia promised all, but hid a fancied wrong 3.633 Within her silent heart, and concealed her fears: 3.634 And though she saw many gifts given away openly, 3.635 She suspected many more were sent secretly. 3.636 She hadn’t yet decided what to do: she hated 3.637 With fury, prepared a plan, and wished to die avenged. 3.638 It was night: it seemed her sister Dido stood 3.639 Before her bed, her straggling hair stained with her blood, 3.640 Crying: ‘Flee, don’t hesitate, flee this gloomy house!’ 3.641 At the words a gust slammed the creaking door. 3.642 Anna leapt up, then jumped from a low window 3.643 To the ground: fear itself had made her daring. 3.644 With terror driving her, clothed in her loose vest, 3.645 She runs like a frightened doe that hears the wolves. 3.646 It’s thought that horned Numicius swept her away 3.647 In his swollen flood, and hid her among his pools. 3.648 Meanwhile, shouting, they searched for the Sidonian lady 3.649 Through the fields: traces and tracks were visible: 3.650 Reaching the banks, they found her footprints there. 3.651 The knowing river stemmed his silent waters. 3.652 She herself appeared, saying: ‘I’m a nymph of the calm 3.653 Numicius: hid in perennial waters, Anna Perenna’s my name.’ 3.654 Quickly they set out a feast in the fields they’d roamed, 3.655 And celebrated their deeds and the day, with copious wine. 3.656 Some think she’s the Moon, because she measures out 3.657 The year (annus): others, Themis, or the Inachian heifer. 3.658 Anna, you’ll find some to say you’re a nymph, daughter 3.659 of Azan, and gave Jupiter his first nourishment. 3.660 I’ll relate another tale that’s come to my ears, 3.661 And it’s not so far away from the truth. 3.662 The Plebs of old, not yet protected by Tribunes, 3.663 Fled, and gathered on the Sacred Mount: 3.664 The food supplies they’d brought with them failed, 3.665 Also the stores of bread fit for human consumption. 3.666 There was a certain Anna from suburban Bovillae, 3.667 A poor woman, old, but very industrious. 3.668 With her grey hair bound up in a light cap, 3.669 She used to make coarse cakes with a trembling hand, 3.670 And distribute them, still warm, among the people, 3.671 Each morning: this supply of hers pleased them all. 3.672 When peace was made at home, they set up a statue 3.673 To Perenna, because she’d helped supply their needs. 3.674 Now it’s left for me to tell why the girls sing coarse songs: 3.675 Since they gather together to sing certain infamous things. 3.676 Anna had lately been made a goddess: Gradivus came to her 3.677 And taking her aside, spoke these words: 3.678 You honour my month: I’ve joined my season to yours: 3.679 I’ve great hopes you can do me a service. 3.680 Armed, I’m captivated by armed Minerva, 3.681 I burn, and have nursed the wound for many a day. 3.682 Help us, alike in our pursuits, to become one: 3.683 The part suits you well, courteous old lady.’ 3.684 He spoke. She tricked the god with empty promises. 3.685 And led him on, in foolish hope, with false delays. 3.686 often, when he pressed her, she said: ‘I’ve done as you asked, 3.687 She’s won, she’s yielded at last to your prayers.’ 3.688 The lover believed her and prepared the marriage-chamber. 3.689 They led Anna there, a new bride, her face veiled. 3.690 About to kiss her, Mars suddenly saw it was Anna: 3.691 Shame and anger alternating stirred the hoodwinked god. 3.692 The new goddess laughed at her dear Minerva’s lover. 3.693 Nothing indeed has ever pleased Venus more. 3.694 So now they tell old jokes, and coarse songs are sung, 3.695 And they delight in how the great god was cheated. 3.696 I was about to neglect those daggers that pierced'' None
|24. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.128-1.150, 5.40, 11.56-11.60 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 273, 274, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 273, 274, 283
1.128 Protinus inrupit venae peioris in aevum 1.129 omne nefas: fugere pudor verumque fidesque; 1.130 In quorum subiere locum fraudesque dolique 1.131 insidiaeque et vis et amor sceleratus habendi. 1.132 Vela dabat ventis (nec adhuc bene noverat illos) 1.133 navita; quaeque diu steterant in montibus altis, 1.134 fluctibus ignotis insultavere carinae, 1.135 communemque prius ceu lumina solis et auras 1.136 cautus humum longo signavit limite mensor. 1.138 poscebatur humus, sed itum est in viscera terrae: 1.139 quasque recondiderat Stygiisque admoverat umbris, 1.140 effodiuntur opes, inritamenta malorum. 1.141 Iamque nocens ferrum ferroque nocentius aurum 1.142 prodierat: prodit bellum, quod pugnat utroque, 1.143 sanguineaque manu crepitantia concutit arma. 1.144 Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.145 non socer a genero; fratrum quoque gratia rara est. 1.146 Inminet exitio vir coniugis, illa mariti; 1.147 lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; 1.148 filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. 1.149 Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150 ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit.
5.40 calcitrat et positas adspergit sanguine mensas.
11.56 Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis harenis 11.57 os petit et sparsos stillanti rore capillos. 11.59 arcet et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos 11.60 congelat et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.' ' None
1.128 without a judge in peace. Descended not 1.129 the steeps, shorn from its height, the lofty pine, 1.130 cleaving the trackless waves of alien shores, 1.131 nor distant realms were known to wandering men. 1.132 The towns were not entrenched for time of war; 1.133 they had no brazen trumpets, straight, nor horn 1.134 of curving brass, nor helmets, shields nor swords. 1.135 There was no thought of martial pomp —secure 1.136 a happy multitude enjoyed repose. 1.138 a store of every fruit. The harrow touched 1.139 her not, nor did the plowshare wound 1.140 her fields. And man content with given food, 1.141 and none compelling, gathered arbute fruit 1.142 and wild strawberries on the mountain sides, 1.143 and ripe blackberries clinging to the bush, 1.144 and corners and sweet acorns on the ground, 1.145 down fallen from the spreading tree of Jove. 1.146 Eternal Spring! Soft breathing zephyrs soothed 1.147 and warmly cherished buds and blooms, produced 1.148 without a seed. The valleys though unplowed 1.149 gave many fruits; the fields though not renewed 1.150 white glistened with the heavy bearded wheat:
5.40 that she was rescued from a dreadful fate,
11.56 deserted fields—harrows and heavy rake 11.57 and their long spade 11.59 had seized upon those implements, and torn 11.60 to pieces oxen armed with threatening horns,' ' None
|25. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginians • Carthage, destruction of • Carthage/Carthaginians
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 5; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 6; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 339; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 183
|26. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 70
|27. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 274
|28. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, in the Aeneid
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 282, 284; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 276; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 205; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 282, 284
|29. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, Punic Wars • Carthage, expansion of power • Carthage, in the Aeneid • Carthage, political impotence • Carthage, war with Rome • Carthage/Carthaginians • Rome, treaty with Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 187; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279, 323; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 183, 204; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 102, 185; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 273, 274; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 339; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 52, 61; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 52, 61; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 10, 55; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279, 323
|30. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Bacchus, destruction of Carthage • Carthage, and restoration of cultural property • Carthage, in the Aeneid
Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 275; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
|31. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage and Carthaginians • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, in the Aeneid • Tertullian of Carthage, and women • Tertullian of Carthage, cosmology • Tertullian of Carthage, gladiator games • Tertullian of Carthage, men • Tertullian of Carthage, particles • Tertullian of Carthage, passivity • Tertullian of Carthage, sexual arousal, male
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 58; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 258; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 123; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 91; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
|32. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 284
|33. Lucan, Pharsalia, 7.799, 9.961-9.999, 10.109-10.333 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, in the Aeneid
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 91; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 294; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 260; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 121; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 294
7.799 When thou art present. Then upon his steed, Though fearing not the weapons at his back, Pompeius fled, his mighty soul prepared To meet his destinies. No groan nor tear, But solemn grief as for the fates of Rome, Was in his visage, and with mien unchanged He saw Pharsalia's woes, above the frowns Or smiles of Fortune; in triumphant days And in his fall, her master. The burden laid of thine impending fate, thou partest free " "
9.961 No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix " "9.970 A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " "9.979 A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " '9.980 Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. 9.990 Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall 9.999 Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall ' "
10.109 Be due, give ear. of Lagian race am I offspring illustrious; from my father's throne Cast forth to banishment; unless thy hand Restore to me the sceptre: then a Queen Falls at thy feet embracing. To our race Bright star of justice thou! Nor first shall I As woman rule the cities of the Nile; For, neither sex preferring, Pharos bows To queenly goverce. of my parted sire Read the last words, by which 'tis mine to share " "10.110 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " "10.119 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " '10.120 Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! \'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar\'s ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton\'s prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.130 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; 10.139 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; ' "10.140 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" "10.149 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" '10.150 Had drunk their juice: part feathered as with gold; Part crimson dyed, in manner as are passed Through Pharian leash the threads. There waited slaves In number as a people, some in ranks By different blood distinguished, some by age; This band with Libyan, that with auburn hair Red so that Caesar on the banks of RhineNone such had witnessed; some with features scorched By torrid suns, their locks in twisted coils Drawn from their foreheads. Eunuchs too were there, 10.160 Unhappy race; and on the other side Men of full age whose cheeks with growth of hair Were hardly darkened. Upon either hand Lay kings, and Caesar in the midst supreme. There in her fatal beauty lay the Queen Thick daubed with unguents, nor with throne content Nor with her brother spouse; laden she lay On neck and hair with all the Red Sea spoils, And faint beneath the weight of gems and gold. Her snowy breast shone through Sidonian lawn 10.170 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here 10.179 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here ' "10.180 Those ancient leaders of the simple age, Fabricius or Curius stern of soul, Or he who, Consul, left in sordid garb His Tuscan plough, could all their several hopes Have risen to such spoil. On plates of gold They piled the banquet sought in earth and air And from the deepest seas and Nilus' waves, Through all the world; in craving for display, No hunger urging. Frequent birds and beasts, Egypt's high gods, they placed upon the board: " "10.190 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " "10.199 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " '10.200 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: 10.209 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: ' "10.210 O thou devoted to all sacred rites, Loved by the gods, as proves thy length of days, Tell, if thou wilt, whence sprang the Pharian race; How lie their lands, the manners of their tribes, The form and worship of their deities. Expound the sculptures on your ancient fanes: Reveal your gods if willing to be known: If to th' Athenian sage your fathers taught Their mysteries, who worthier than I To bear in trust the secrets of the world? " "10.220 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " "10.229 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " '10.230 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control ' "10.240 The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; " "10.250 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " "10.259 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " '10.260 Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people\'s hue Burned dark by suns: and \'tis in time of spring, 10.270 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.279 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, ' "10.280 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " "10.289 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " '10.290 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes ' "10.300 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " "10.309 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " '10.310 Softening his saltness. More, if it be true That ocean feeds the sun and heavenly fires, Then Phoebus journeying by the burning Crab Sucks from its waters more than air can hold Upon his passage — this the cool of night Pours on the Nile. "If, Caesar, \'tis my part To judge such difference, \'twould seem that since Creation\'s age has passed, earth\'s veins by chance Some waters hold, and shaken cast them forth: But others took when first the globe was formed 10.320 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone 10.329 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone ' "10.330 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " "10.333 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source "" None
|34. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 4.7, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Council of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Tertullian of Carthage, Father and Son • Tertullian of Carthage, and God • Tertullian of Carthage, and women • Tertullian of Carthage, balanced opposites • Tertullian of Carthage, beards • Tertullian of Carthage, bodies • Tertullian of Carthage, cosmology • Tertullian of Carthage, hierarchy • Tertullian of Carthage, men • Tertullian of Carthage, veils
Found in books: Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 62; Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 383; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 85, 266, 287; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 122, 279
4.7 τίς γάρ σε διακρίνει; τί δὲ ἔχεις ὃ οὐκ ἔλαβες; εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔλαβες, τί καυχᾶσαι ὡς μὴ λαβών;
13.12 βλέπομεν γὰρ ἄρτι διʼ ἐσόπτρου ἐν αἰνίγματι, τότε δὲ πρόσωπον πρὸς πρόσωπον· ἄρτι γινώσκω ἐκ μέρους, τότε δὲ ἐπιγνώσομαι καθὼς καὶ ἐπεγνώσθην.'' None
4.7 For who makes you different? And what doyou have that you didn't receive? But if you did receive it, why do youboast as if you had not received it?" 13.12 For now we see in a mirror, dimly, butthen face to face. Now I know in part, but then I will know fully, evenas I was also fully known.'" None
|35. New Testament, Hebrews, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 96; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 220
6.2 βαπτισμῶν διδαχὴν ἐπιθέσεώς τε χειρῶν, ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν καὶ κρίματος αἰωνίου.'' None
6.2 of the teaching of baptisms, of laying on of hands, of resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgment. '' None
|36. New Testament, Romans, 5.12, 5.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Primate of Carthage • Carthage • Council of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 385, 609, 631; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 176; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 20, 161, 207; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 223, 279
5.12 Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-.
5.18 Ἄρα οὖν ὡς διʼ ἑνὸς παραπτώματος εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους εἰς κατάκριμα, οὕτως καὶ διʼ ἑνὸς δικαιώματος εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους εἰς δικαίωσιν ζωῆς·'' None
5.12 Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned.
5.18 So then as through one trespass, all men were condemned; even so through one act of righteousness, all men were justified to life. '' None
|37. New Testament, John, 3.5, 16.12-16.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippinus of Carthage • Anonyma (Montanist prophetess at Carthage) • Anonyma (second Montanist prophetess at Carthage) • Carthage
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 385; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1284; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 133; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 142, 159
3.5 ἀπεκρίθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ἐὰν μή τις γεννηθῇ ἐξ ὕδατος καὶ πνεύματος, οὐ δύναται εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ.
16.12 Ἔτι πολλὰ ἔχω ὑμῖν λέγειν, ἀλλʼ οὐ δύνασθε βαστάζειν ἄρτι· 16.13 ὅταν δὲ ἔλθῃ ἐκεῖνος, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, ὁδηγήσει ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν ἀλήθειαν πᾶσαν, οὐ γὰρ λαλήσει ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλʼ ὅσα ἀκούει λαλήσει, καὶ τὰ ἐρχόμενα ἀναγγελεῖ ὑμῖν.'' None
3.5 Jesus answered, "Most assuredly I tell you, unless one is born of water and spirit, he can\'t enter into the Kingdom of God!
16.12 "I have yet many things to tell you, but you can\'t bear them now. 16.13 However when he, the Spirit of truth, has come, he will guide you into all truth, for he will not speak from himself; but whatever he hears, he will speak. He will declare to you things that are coming. '' None
|38. New Testament, Luke, 14.21-14.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Primate of Carthage • Council of Carthage • Quodvultdeus of Carthage, Sermons
Found in books: Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 250, 263; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 231
14.21 καὶ παραγενόμενος ὁ δοῦλος ἀπήγγειλεν τῷ κυρίῳ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα. τότε ὀργισθεὶς ὁ οἰκοδεσπότης εἶπεν τῷ δούλῳ αὐτοῦ Ἔξελθε ταχέως εἰς τὰς πλατείας καὶ ῥύμας τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τοὺς πτωχοὺς καὶ ἀναπείρους καὶ τυφλοὺς καὶ χωλοὺς εἰσάγαγε ὧδε. 14.22 καὶ εἶπεν ὁ δοῦλος Κύριε, γέγονεν ὃ ἐπέταξας, καὶ ἔτι τόπος ἐστίν. 14.23 καὶ εἶπεν ὁ κύριος πρὸς τὸν δοῦλον Ἔξελθε εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ φραγμοὺς καὶ ἀνάγκασον εἰσελθεῖν, ἵνα γεμισθῇ μου ὁ οἶκος·'' None
14.21 "That servant came, and told his lord these things. Then the master of the house, being angry, said to his servant, \'Go out quickly into the streets and lanes of the city, and bring in the poor, maimed, blind, and lame.\ '14.22 "The servant said, \'Lord, it is done as you commanded, and there is still room.\ '14.23 "The lord said to the servant, \'Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them to come in, that my house may be filled. '' None
|39. New Testament, Matthew, 28.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippinus of Carthage • Carthage
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 95; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1284
28.19 πορευθέντες οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος,'' None
28.19 Go, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, '' None
|40. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
41.2 τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;'' None
41.2 '' None
|41. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None
|42. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None
|43. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 51.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, Virgilian
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 207; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 166
51.10 Therefore, a man occupied with such reflections should choose an austere and pure dwelling-place. The spirit is weakened by surroundings that are too pleasant, and without a doubt one's place of residence can contribute towards impairing its vigour. Animals whose hoofs are hardened on rough ground can travel any road; but when they are fattened on soft marshy meadows their hoofs are soon worn out. The bravest soldier comes from rock-ribbed regions; but the town-bred and the home-bred are sluggish in action. The hand which turns from the plough to the sword never objects to toil; but your sleek and well-dressed dandy quails at the first cloud of dust. "" None
|44. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Rome, treaty with Carthage
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 356; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148
8.5 As the city was unsightly from former fires and fallen buildings, he allowed anyone to take possession of vacant sites and build upon them, in case the owners failed to do so. He began the restoration of the Capitol in person, was the first to lend a hand in clearing away the debris, and carried some of it off on his own head. He undertook to restore the three thousand bronze tablets which were destroyed with the temple, making a thorough search for copies: priceless and most ancient records of the empire, containing the decrees of the senate and the acts of the commons almost from the foundation of the city, regarding alliances, treaties, and special privileges granted to individuals.'' None
|45. Tacitus, Annals, 4.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginians
Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 83; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 48
4.33 Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo.'' None
4.33 \xa0For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a\xa0constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâ\x80\x91day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I\xa0present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â\x80\x94 everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â\x80\x94 they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I\xa0return to my subject. <'' None
|46. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 269, 270, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 269, 270, 278
|47. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 277, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 277, 283
|48. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
|49. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage and Carthaginians • Carthage, Virgilian • Carthage, and restoration of cultural property • Carthage, political impotence
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 82, 85, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 163, 164, 169, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 294, 317, 323; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 29, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 270; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 156; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 30, 178; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 216; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 95, 105, 113, 125; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 206; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 294, 317, 323
|50. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284
|51. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 177, 178, 282, 283, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 177, 178, 282, 283, 284
|52. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Julian of Carthage
Found in books: Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 113; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 31
|53. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Bacchus, destruction of Carthage • Carthage • Carthage, Scipio’s tears • Carthage, in the Aeneid
Found in books: Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 68; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 109; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255, 264, 275; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 127; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 261
|54. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 279, 281; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 279, 281
|55. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 294; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 183; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 294
|56. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, and restoration of cultural property • Carthage, expansion of power • Juno, her temple at Carthage
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 61; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 78; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 140, 209
|57. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283, 323; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283, 323
|58. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.1.4, 3.5, 11.29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage, on dignatio
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 253, 255; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 194; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 185, 194; Rüpke and Woolf (2013), Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE. 159; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 60
11.29 Immediately afterwards I was called upon by the god Osiris and admonished to receive a third order of religion. Then I was greatly astonished, because I could not tell what this new vision signified or what the intent of the celestial god was. I began to suspect the former priests of having given me ill counsel, and I feared that they had not faithfully instructed me. While I was, as it were, incensed because of this, the god Osiris appeared to me the following night and gave me admonition, saying, “There is no reason why you should be afraid of these many orders of religion, or that something has been omitted. You should rather rejoice since as it has pleased the gods to call upon you three times, whereas most do not achieve the order even once. Wherefore you should think yourself happy because of our great benefits. And know that the initiation which you must now receive is most necessary if you mean to persevere in the worship of the goddess. You will be able to participate in solemnity on the festival day adorned in the blessed habit. This shall be a glory and source of renown for you.' ' None
|59. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 278
67.9 1. \xa0At this time, then, he feasted the populace as described; and on another occasion he entertained the foremost men among the senators and knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had made ready bare couches of the same colour resting on the uncovered floor; then he invited in his guests alone at night without their attendants.,2. \xa0And first he set beside each of them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing the guest's name and also a small lamp, such as hang in tombs. Next comely naked boys, likewise painted black, entered like phantoms, and after encircling the guests in an awe-inspiring dance took up their stations at their feet.,3. \xa0After this all the things that are commonly offered at the sacrifices to departed spirits were likewise set before the guests, all of them black and in dishes of a similar colour. Consequently, every single one of the guests feared and trembled and was kept in constant expectation of having his throat cut the next moment, the more so as on the part of everybody but Domitian there was dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the emperor himself conversed only upon topics relating to death and slaughter.,4. \xa0Finally he dismissed them; but he had first removed their slaves, who had stood in the vestibule, and now gave his guests in charge of other slaves, whom they did not know, to be conveyed either in carriages or litters, and by this procedure he filled them with far greater fear. And scarcely had each guest reached his home and was beginning to get his breath again, as one might say, when word was brought him that a messenger from the Augustus had come.,5. \xa0While they were accordingly expecting to perish this time in any case, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver, and then others in turn brought in various articles, including the dishes that had been set before them at the dinner, which were constructed of very costly material; and last of all came that particular boy who had been each guest's familiar spirit, now washed and adorned. Thus, after having passed the entire night in terror, they received the gifts.,6. \xa0Thus was the triumphal celebration, or, as the crowd put it, such was the funeral banquet that Domitian held for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at this time, too, he slew some of the foremost men. And in the case of a certain man who buried the body of one of the victims, he deprived him of his property because it was on his estate that the victim had died."" None
|60. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.17.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
9.17.3 To Genitor. I have received your letter in which you complain how offensive to you a really magnificent banquet was, owing to the fact that there were buffoons, dancers, and jesters going round from table to table. Ah ! will you never relax that severe frown of yours even a little ? For my own part, I do not provide any such entertainments like those, but I can put up with those who do. Why then do I not provide them myself? For this reason, that if any dancer makes a lewd movement, if a buffoon is impudent, or a jester makes a senseless fool of himself, it does not amuse me a whit, for I see no novelty or fun in it. I am not giving you a high moral reason, but am only telling you my individual taste. Yet think how many people there are who would regard with disfavour, as partly insipid and partly wearisome, the entertainments which charm and attract you and me. When a reader, or a musician, or a comic actor enters the banqueting-room, how many there are who call for their shoes or lie back on their couches just as completely bored as you were, when you endured what you describe as those monstrosities ! Let us then make allowances for what pleases other people, so that we may induce others to make allowances for us ! Farewell. '' None
|61. Tertullian, Apology, 39.17-39.18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Anonyma (Montanist prophetess at Carthage) • Carthage • Carthage, early Christianity • Christians, Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Tertullian, social meals in Carthage
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 199; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 320, 322, 333; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 241; Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 87; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 118; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 160
|sup>21 But having asserted that our religion is supported by the writings of the Jews, the oldest which exist, though it is generally known, and we fully admit that it dates from a comparatively recent period - no further back indeed than the reign of Tiberius- a question may perhaps be raised on this ground about its standing, as if it were hiding something of its presumption under shadow of an illustrious religion, one which has at any rate undoubted allowance of the law, or because, apart from the question of age, we neither accord with the Jews in their peculiarities in regard to food, nor in their sacred days, nor even in their well-known bodily sign, nor in the possession of a common name, which surely behooved to be the case if we did homage to the same God as they. Then, too, the common people have now some knowledge of Christ, and think of Him as but a man, one indeed such as the Jews condemned, so that some may naturally enough have taken up the idea that we are worshippers of a mere human being. But we are neither ashamed of Christ - for we rejoice to be counted His disciples, and in His name to suffer - nor do we differ from the Jews concerning God. We must make, therefore, a remark or two as to Christ's divinity. In former times the Jews enjoyed much of God's favour, when the fathers of their race were noted for their righteousness and faith. So it was that as a people they flourished greatly, and their kingdom attained to a lofty eminence; and so highly blessed were they, that for their instruction God spoke to them in special revelations, pointing out to them beforehand how they should merit His favor and avoid His displeasure. But how deeply they have sinned, puffed up to their fall with a false trust in their noble ancestors, turning from God's way into a way of sheer impiety, though they themselves should refuse to admit it, their present national ruin would afford sufficient proof. Scattered abroad, a race of wanderers, exiles from their own land and clime, they roam over the whole world without either a human or a heavenly king, not possessing even the stranger's right to set so much as a simple footstep in their native country. The sacred writers withal, in giving previous warning of these things, all with equal clearness ever declared that, in the last days of the world, God would, out of every nation, and people, and country, choose for Himself more faithful worshippers, upon whom He would bestow His grace, and that indeed in ampler measure, in keeping with the enlarged capacities of a nobler dispensation. Accordingly, He appeared among us, whose coming to renovate and illuminate man's nature was pre-announced by God- I mean Christ, that Son of God. And so the supreme Head and Master of this grace and discipline, the Enlightener and Trainer of the human race, God's own Son, was announced among us, born - but not so born as to make Him ashamed of the name of Son or of His paternal origin. It was not His lot to have as His father, by incest with a sister, or by violation of a daughter or another's wife, a god in the shape of serpent, or ox, or bird, or lover, for his vile ends transmuting himself into the gold of Danaus. They are your divinities upon whom these base deeds of Jupiter were done. But the Son of God has no mother in any sense which involves impurity; she, whom men suppose to be His mother in the ordinary way, had never entered into the marriage bond. But, first, I shall discuss His essential nature, and so the nature of His birth will be understood. We have already asserted that God made the world, and all which it contains, by His Word, and Reason, and Power. It is abundantly plain that your philosophers, too, regard the Logos- that is, the Word and Reason - as the Creator of the universe. For Zeno lays it down that he is the creator, having made all things according to a determinate plan; that his name is Fate, and God, and the soul of Jupiter, and the necessity of all things. Cleanthes ascribes all this to spirit, which he maintains pervades the universe. And we, in like manner, hold that the Word, and Reason, and Power, by which we have said God made all, have spirit as their proper and essential substratum, in which the Word has in being to give forth utterances, and reason abides to dispose and arrange, and power is over all to execute. We have been taught that He proceeds forth from God, and in that procession He is generated; so that He is the Son of God, and is called God from unity of substance with God. For God, too, is a Spirit. Even when the ray is shot from the sun, it is still part of the parent mass; the sun will still be in the ray, because it is a ray of the sun - there is no division of substance, but merely an extension. Thus Christ is Spirit of Spirit, and God of God, as light of light is kindled. The material matrix remains entire and unimpaired, though you derive from it any number of shoots possessed of its qualities; so, too, that which has come forth out of God is at once God and the Son of God, and the two are one. In this way also, as He is Spirit of Spirit and God of God, He is made a second in manner of existence- in position, not in nature; and He did not withdraw from the original source, but went forth. This ray of God, then, as it was always foretold in ancient times, descending into a certain virgin, and made flesh in her womb, is in His birth God and man united. The flesh formed by the Spirit is nourished, grows up to manhood, speaks, teaches, works, and is the Christ. Receive meanwhile this fable, if you choose to call it so - it is like some of your own - while we go on to show how Christ's claims are proved, and who the parties are with you by whom such fables have been set a going to overthrow the truth, which they resemble. The Jews, too, were well aware that Christ was coming, as those to whom the prophets spoke. Nay, even now His advent is expected by them; nor is there any other contention between them and us, than that they believe the advent has not yet occurred. For two comings of Christ having been revealed to us: a first, which has been fulfilled in the lowliness of a human lot; a second, which impends over the world, now near its close, in all the majesty of Deity unveiled; and, by misunderstanding the first, they have concluded that the second - which, as matter of more manifest prediction, they set their hopes on - is the only one. It was the merited punishment of their sin not to understand the Lord's first advent: for if they had, they would have believed; and if they had believed, they would have obtained salvation. They themselves read how it is written of them that they are deprived of wisdom and understanding - of the use of eyes and ears. Isaiah 6:10 As, then, under the force of their pre-judgment, they had convinced themselves from His lowly guise that Christ was no more than man, it followed from that, as a necessary consequence, that they should hold Him a magician from the powers which He displayed - expelling devils from men by a word, restoring vision to the blind, cleansing the leprous, reinvigorating the paralytic, summoning the dead to life again, making the very elements of nature obey Him, stilling the storms and walking on the sea; proving that He was the Logos of God, that primordial first-begotten Word, accompanied by power and reason, and based on Spirit, - that He who was now doing all things by His word, and He who had done that of old, were one and the same. But the Jews were so exasperated by His teaching, by which their rulers and chiefs were convicted of the truth, chiefly because so many turned aside to Him, that at last they brought Him before Pontius Pilate, at that time Roman governor of Syria; and, by the violence of their outcries against Him, extorted a sentence giving Him up to them to be crucified. He Himself had predicted this; which, however, would have signified little had not the prophets of old done it as well. And yet, nailed upon the cross, He exhibited many notable signs, by which His death was distinguished from all others. At His own free-will, He with a word dismissed from Him His spirit, anticipating the executioner's work. In the same hour, too, the light of day was withdrawn, when the sun at the very time was in his meridian blaze. Those who were not aware that this had been predicted about Christ, no doubt thought it an eclipse. You yourselves have the account of the world-portent still in your archives. Then, when His body was taken down from the cross and placed in a sepulchre, the Jews in their eager watchfulness surrounded it with a large military guard, lest, as He had predicted His resurrection from the dead on the third day, His disciples might remove by stealth His body, and deceive even the incredulous. But, lo, on the third day there a was a sudden shock of earthquake, and the stone which sealed the sepulchre was rolled away, and the guard fled off in terror: without a single disciple near, the grave was found empty of all but the clothes of the buried One. But nevertheless, the leaders of the Jews, whom it nearly concerned both to spread abroad a lie, and keep back a people tributary and submissive to them from the faith, gave it out that the body of Christ had been stolen by His followers. For the Lord, you see, did not go forth into the public gaze, lest the wicked should be delivered from their error; that faith also, destined to a great reward, might hold its ground in difficulty. But He spent forty days with some of His disciples down in Galilee, a region of Judea, instructing them in the doctrines they were to teach to others. Thereafter, having given them commission to preach the gospel through the world, He was encompassed with a cloud and taken up to heaven, - a fact more certain far than the assertions of your Proculi concerning Romulus. All these things Pilate did to Christ; and now in fact a Christian in his own convictions, he sent word of Him to the reigning C sar, who was at the time Tiberius. Yes, and the C sars too would have believed on Christ, if either the C sars had not been necessary for the world, or if Christians could have been C sars. His disciples also, spreading over the world, did as their Divine Master bade them; and after suffering greatly themselves from the persecutions of the Jews, and with no unwilling heart, as having faith undoubting in the truth, at last by Nero's cruel sword sowed the seed of Christian blood at Rome. Yes, and we shall prove that even your own gods are effective witnesses for Christ. It is a great matter if, to give you faith in Christians, I can bring forward the authority of the very beings on account of whom you refuse them credit. Thus far we have carried out the plan we laid down. We have set forth this origin of our sect and name, with this account of the Founder of Christianity. Let no one henceforth charge us with infamous wickedness; let no one think that it is otherwise than we have represented, for none may give a false account of his religion. For in the very fact that he says he worships another god than he really does, he is guilty of denying the object of his worship, and transferring his worship and homage to another; and, in the transference, he ceases to worship the god he has repudiated. We say, and before all men we say, and torn and bleeding under your tortures, we cry out, We worship God through Christ. Count Christ a man, if you please; by Him and in Him God would be known and be adored. If the Jews object, we answer that Moses, who was but a man, taught them their religion; against the Greeks we urge that Orpheus at Pieria, Mus us at Athens, Melampus at Argos, Trophonius in Bœotia, imposed religious rites; turning to yourselves, who exercise sway over the nations, it was the man Numa Pompilius who laid on the Romans a heavy load of costly superstitions. Surely Christ, then, had a right to reveal Deity, which was in fact His own essential possession, not with the object of bringing boors and savages by the dread of multitudinous gods, whose favour must be won into some civilization, as was the case with Numa; but as one who aimed to enlighten men already civilized, and under illusions from their very culture, that they might come to the knowledge of the truth. Search, then, and see if that divinity of Christ be true. If it be of such a nature that the acceptance of it transforms a man, and makes him truly good, there is implied in that the duty of renouncing what is opposed to it as false; especially and on every ground that which, hiding itself under the names and images of dead, the labours to convince men of its divinity by certain signs, and miracles, and oracles. "37 If we are enjoined, then, to love our enemies, as I have remarked above, whom have we to hate? If injured, we are forbidden to retaliate, lest we become as bad ourselves: who can suffer injury at our hands? In regard to this, recall your own experiences. How often you inflict gross cruelties on Christians, partly because it is your own inclination, and partly in obedience to the laws! How often, too, the hostile mob, paying no regard to you, takes the law into its own hand, and assails us with stones and flames! With the very frenzy of the Bacchanals, they do not even spare the Christian dead, but tear them, now sadly changed, no longer entire, from the rest of the tomb, from the asylum we might say of death, cutting them in pieces, rending them asunder. Yet, banded together as we are, ever so ready to sacrifice our lives, what single case of revenge for injury are you able to point to, though, if it were held right among us to repay evil by evil, a single night with a torch or two could achieve an ample vengeance? But away with the idea of a sect divine avenging itself by human fires, or shrinking from the sufferings in which it is tried. If we desired, indeed, to act the part of open enemies, not merely of secret avengers, would there be any lacking in strength, whether of numbers or resources? The Moors, the Marcomanni, the Parthians themselves, or any single people, however great, inhabiting a distinct territory, and confined within its own boundaries, surpasses, forsooth, in numbers, one spread over all the world! We are but of yesterday, and we have filled every place among you - cities, islands, fortresses, towns, market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum - we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods. For what wars should we not be fit, not eager, even with unequal forces, we who so willingly yield ourselves to the sword, if in our religion it were not counted better to be slain than to slay? Without arms even, and raising no insurrectionary banner, but simply in enmity to you, we could carry on the contest with you by an ill-willed severance alone. For if such multitudes of men were to break away from you, and betake themselves to some remote corner of the world, why, the very loss of so many citizens, whatever sort they were, would cover the empire with shame; nay, in the very forsaking, vengeance would be inflicted. Why, you would be horror-struck at the solitude in which you would find yourselves, at such an all-prevailing silence, and that stupor as of a dead world. You would have to seek subjects to govern. You would have more enemies than citizens remaining. For now it is the immense number of Christians which makes your enemies so few - almost all the inhabitants of your various cities being followers of Christ. Yet you choose to call us enemies of the human race, rather than of human error. Nay, who would deliver you from those secret foes, ever busy both destroying your souls and ruining your health? Who would save you, I mean, from the attacks of those spirits of evil, which without reward or hire we exorcise? This alone would be revenge enough for us, that you were henceforth left free to the possession of unclean spirits. But instead of taking into account what is due to us for the important protection we afford you, and though we are not merely no trouble to you, but in fact necessary to your well-being, you prefer to hold us enemies, as indeed we are, yet not of man, but rather of his error. ' "|
39.17 I shall at once go on, then, to exhibit the peculiarities of the Christian society, that, as I have refuted the evil charged against it, I may point out its positive good. We are a body knit together as such by a common religious profession, by unity of discipline, and by the bond of a common hope. We meet together as an assembly and congregation, that, offering up prayer to God as with united force, we may wrestle with Him in our supplications. This violence God delights in. We pray, too, for the emperors, for their ministers and for all in authority, for the welfare of the world, for the prevalence of peace, for the delay of the final consummation. We assemble to read our sacred writings, if any peculiarity of the times makes either forewarning or reminiscence needful. However it be in that respect, with the sacred words we nourish our faith, we animate our hope, we make our confidence more steadfast; and no less by inculcations of God's precepts we confirm good habits. In the same place also exhortations are made, rebukes and sacred censures are administered. For with a great gravity is the work of judging carried on among us, as befits those who feel assured that they are in the sight of God; and you have the most notable example of judgment to come when any one has sinned so grievously as to require his severance from us in prayer, in the congregation and in all sacred intercourse. The tried men of our elders preside over us, obtaining that honour not by purchase, but by established character. There is no buying and selling of any sort in the things of God. Though we have our treasure chest, it is not made up of purchase-money, as of a religion that has its price. On the monthly day, if he likes, each puts in a small donation; but only if it be his pleasure, and only if he be able: for there is no compulsion; all is voluntary. These gifts are, as it were, piety's deposit fund. For they are not taken thence and spent on feasts, and drinking-bouts, and eating-houses, but to support and bury poor people, to supply the wants of boys and girls destitute of means and parents, and of old persons confined now to the house; such, too, as have suffered shipwreck; and if there happen to be any in the mines, or banished to the islands, or shut up in the prisons, for nothing but their fidelity to the cause of God's Church, they become the nurslings of their confession. But it is mainly the deeds of a love so noble that lead many to put a brand upon us. See, they say, how they love one another, for themselves are animated by mutual hatred; how they are ready even to die for one another, for they themselves will sooner put to death. And they are angry with us, too, because we call each other brethren; for no other reason, as I think, than because among themselves names of consanguinity are assumed in mere pretence of affection. But we are your brethren as well, by the law of our common mother nature, though you are hardly men, because brothers so unkind. At the same time, how much more fittingly they are called and counted brothers who have been led to the knowledge of God as their common Father, who have drunk in one spirit of holiness, who from the same womb of a common ignorance have agonized into the same light of truth! But on this very account, perhaps, we are regarded as having less claim to be held true brothers, that no tragedy makes a noise about our brotherhood, or that the family possessions, which generally destroy brotherhood among you, create fraternal bonds among us. One in mind and soul, we do not hesitate to share our earthly goods with one another. All things are common among us but our wives. We give up our community where it is practised alone by others, who not only take possession of the wives of their friends, but most tolerantly also accommodate their friends with theirs, following the example, I believe, of those wise men of ancient times, the Greek Socrates and the Roman Cato, who shared with their friends the wives whom they had married, it seems for the sake of progeny both to themselves and to others; whether in this acting against their partners' wishes, I am not able to say. Why should they have any care over their chastity, when their husbands so readily bestowed it away? O noble example of Attic wisdom, of Roman gravity - the philosopher and the censor playing pimps! What wonder if that great love of Christians towards one another is desecrated by you! For you abuse also our humble feasts, on the ground that they are extravagant as well as infamously wicked. To us, it seems, applies the saying of Diogenes: The people of Megara feast as though they were going to die on the morrow; they build as though they were never to die! But one sees more readily the mote in another's eye than the beam in his own. Why, the very air is soured with the eructations of so many tribes, and curi, and decuri . The Salii cannot have their feast without going into debt; you must get the accountants to tell you what the tenths of Hercules and the sacrificial banquets cost; the choicest cook is appointed for the Apaturia, the Dionysia, the Attic mysteries; the smoke from the banquet of Serapis will call out the firemen. Yet about the modest supper-room of the Christians alone a great ado is made. Our feast explains itself by its name. The Greeks call it agapè, i.e., affection. Whatever it costs, our outlay in the name of piety is gain, since with the good things of the feast we benefit the needy; not as it is with you, do parasites aspire to the glory of satisfying their licentious propensities, selling themselves for a belly-feast to all disgraceful treatment - but as it is with God himself, a peculiar respect is shown to the lowly. If the object of our feast be good, in the light of that consider its further regulations. As it is an act of religious service, it permits no vileness or immodesty. The participants, before reclining, taste first of prayer to God. As much is eaten as satisfies the cravings of hunger; as much is drunk as befits the chaste. They say it is enough, as those who remember that even during the night they have to worship God; they talk as those who know that the Lord is one of their auditors. After manual ablution, and the bringing in of lights, each is asked to stand forth and sing, as he can, a hymn to God, either one from the holy Scriptures or one of his own composing - a proof of the measure of our drinking. As the feast commenced with prayer, so with prayer it is closed. We go from it, not like troops of mischief-doers, nor bands of vagabonds, nor to break out into licentious acts, but to have as much care of our modesty and chastity as if we had been at a school of virtue rather than a banquet. Give the congregation of the Christians its due, and hold it unlawful, if it is like assemblies of the illicit sort: by all means let it be condemned, if any complaint can be validly laid against it, such as lies against secret factions. But who has ever suffered harm from our assemblies? We are in our congregations just what we are when separated from each other; we are as a community what we are individuals; we injure nobody, we trouble nobody. When the upright, when the virtuous meet together, when the pious, when the pure assemble in congregation, you ought not to call that a faction, but a curia- i.e., the court of God. " "39.18 I shall at once go on, then, to exhibit the peculiarities of the Christian society, that, as I have refuted the evil charged against it, I may point out its positive good. We are a body knit together as such by a common religious profession, by unity of discipline, and by the bond of a common hope. We meet together as an assembly and congregation, that, offering up prayer to God as with united force, we may wrestle with Him in our supplications. This violence God delights in. We pray, too, for the emperors, for their ministers and for all in authority, for the welfare of the world, for the prevalence of peace, for the delay of the final consummation. We assemble to read our sacred writings, if any peculiarity of the times makes either forewarning or reminiscence needful. However it be in that respect, with the sacred words we nourish our faith, we animate our hope, we make our confidence more steadfast; and no less by inculcations of God's precepts we confirm good habits. In the same place also exhortations are made, rebukes and sacred censures are administered. For with a great gravity is the work of judging carried on among us, as befits those who feel assured that they are in the sight of God; and you have the most notable example of judgment to come when any one has sinned so grievously as to require his severance from us in prayer, in the congregation and in all sacred intercourse. The tried men of our elders preside over us, obtaining that honour not by purchase, but by established character. There is no buying and selling of any sort in the things of God. Though we have our treasure chest, it is not made up of purchase-money, as of a religion that has its price. On the monthly day, if he likes, each puts in a small donation; but only if it be his pleasure, and only if he be able: for there is no compulsion; all is voluntary. These gifts are, as it were, piety's deposit fund. For they are not taken thence and spent on feasts, and drinking-bouts, and eating-houses, but to support and bury poor people, to supply the wants of boys and girls destitute of means and parents, and of old persons confined now to the house; such, too, as have suffered shipwreck; and if there happen to be any in the mines, or banished to the islands, or shut up in the prisons, for nothing but their fidelity to the cause of God's Church, they become the nurslings of their confession. But it is mainly the deeds of a love so noble that lead many to put a brand upon us. See, they say, how they love one another, for themselves are animated by mutual hatred; how they are ready even to die for one another, for they themselves will sooner put to death. And they are angry with us, too, because we call each other brethren; for no other reason, as I think, than because among themselves names of consanguinity are assumed in mere pretence of affection. But we are your brethren as well, by the law of our common mother nature, though you are hardly men, because brothers so unkind. At the same time, how much more fittingly they are called and counted brothers who have been led to the knowledge of God as their common Father, who have drunk in one spirit of holiness, who from the same womb of a common ignorance have agonized into the same light of truth! But on this very account, perhaps, we are regarded as having less claim to be held true brothers, that no tragedy makes a noise about our brotherhood, or that the family possessions, which generally destroy brotherhood among you, create fraternal bonds among us. One in mind and soul, we do not hesitate to share our earthly goods with one another. All things are common among us but our wives. We give up our community where it is practised alone by others, who not only take possession of the wives of their friends, but most tolerantly also accommodate their friends with theirs, following the example, I believe, of those wise men of ancient times, the Greek Socrates and the Roman Cato, who shared with their friends the wives whom they had married, it seems for the sake of progeny both to themselves and to others; whether in this acting against their partners' wishes, I am not able to say. Why should they have any care over their chastity, when their husbands so readily bestowed it away? O noble example of Attic wisdom, of Roman gravity - the philosopher and the censor playing pimps! What wonder if that great love of Christians towards one another is desecrated by you! For you abuse also our humble feasts, on the ground that they are extravagant as well as infamously wicked. To us, it seems, applies the saying of Diogenes: The people of Megara feast as though they were going to die on the morrow; they build as though they were never to die! But one sees more readily the mote in another's eye than the beam in his own. Why, the very air is soured with the eructations of so many tribes, and curi, and decuri . The Salii cannot have their feast without going into debt; you must get the accountants to tell you what the tenths of Hercules and the sacrificial banquets cost; the choicest cook is appointed for the Apaturia, the Dionysia, the Attic mysteries; the smoke from the banquet of Serapis will call out the firemen. Yet about the modest supper-room of the Christians alone a great ado is made. Our feast explains itself by its name. The Greeks call it agapè, i.e., affection. Whatever it costs, our outlay in the name of piety is gain, since with the good things of the feast we benefit the needy; not as it is with you, do parasites aspire to the glory of satisfying their licentious propensities, selling themselves for a belly-feast to all disgraceful treatment - but as it is with God himself, a peculiar respect is shown to the lowly. If the object of our feast be good, in the light of that consider its further regulations. As it is an act of religious service, it permits no vileness or immodesty. The participants, before reclining, taste first of prayer to God. As much is eaten as satisfies the cravings of hunger; as much is drunk as befits the chaste. They say it is enough, as those who remember that even during the night they have to worship God; they talk as those who know that the Lord is one of their auditors. After manual ablution, and the bringing in of lights, each is asked to stand forth and sing, as he can, a hymn to God, either one from the holy Scriptures or one of his own composing - a proof of the measure of our drinking. As the feast commenced with prayer, so with prayer it is closed. We go from it, not like troops of mischief-doers, nor bands of vagabonds, nor to break out into licentious acts, but to have as much care of our modesty and chastity as if we had been at a school of virtue rather than a banquet. Give the congregation of the Christians its due, and hold it unlawful, if it is like assemblies of the illicit sort: by all means let it be condemned, if any complaint can be validly laid against it, such as lies against secret factions. But who has ever suffered harm from our assemblies? We are in our congregations just what we are when separated from each other; we are as a community what we are individuals; we injure nobody, we trouble nobody. When the upright, when the virtuous meet together, when the pious, when the pure assemble in congregation, you ought not to call that a faction, but a curia- i.e., the court of God. " '" None
|62. Tertullian, On Baptism, 17.5, 18.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Council of Carthage, AD 418 • Tertullian of Carthage
Found in books: Beatrice (2013), The Transmission of Sin: Augustine and the Pre-Augustinian Sources, 86; Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 22; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 2; Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece (2015), Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent : New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 211
17.5 For concluding our brief subject, it remains to put you in mind also of the due observance of giving and receiving baptism. of giving it, the chief priest (who is the bishop) has the right: in the next place, the presbyters and deacons, yet not without the bishop's authority, on account of the honour of the Church, which being preserved, peace is preserved. Beside these, even laymen have the right; for what is equally received can be equally given. Unless bishops, or priests, or deacons, be on the spot, other disciples are called i.e. to the work. The word of the Lord ought not to be hidden by any: in like manner, too, baptism, which is equally God's property, can be administered by all. But how much more is the rule of reverence and modesty incumbent on laymen- seeing that these powers belong to their superiors - lest they assume to themselves the specific function of the bishop! Emulation of the episcopal office is the mother of schisms. The most holy apostle has said, that all things are lawful, but not all expedient. Let it suffice assuredly, in cases of necessity, to avail yourself (of that rule, if at any time circumstance either of place, or of time, or of person compels you (so to do); for then the steadfast courage of the succourer, when the situation of the endangered one is urgent, is exceptionally admissible; inasmuch as he will be guilty of a human creature's loss if he shall refrain from bestowing what he had free liberty to bestow. But the woman of pertness, who has usurped the power to teach, will of course not give birth for herself likewise to a right of baptizing, unless some new beast shall arise like the former; so that, just as the one abolished baptism, so some other should in her own right confer it! But if the writings which wrongly go under Paul's name, claim Thecla's example as a licence for women's teaching and baptizing, let them know that, in Asia, the presbyter who composed that writing, as if he were augmenting Paul's fame from his own store, after being convicted, and confessing that he had done it from love of Paul, was removed from his office. For how credible would it seem, that he who has not permitted a woman even to learn with over-boldness, should give a female the power of teaching and of baptizing! Let them be silent, he says, and at home consult their own husbands. 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 " "
18.5 But they whose office it is, know that baptism is not rashly to be administered. Give to every one who begs you, has a reference of its own, appertaining especially to almsgiving. On the contrary, this precept is rather to be looked at carefully: Give not the holy thing to the dogs, nor cast your pearls before swine; Matthew 7:6 and, Lay not hands easily on any; share not other men's sins. If Philip so easily baptized the chamberlain, let us reflect that a manifest and conspicuous evidence that the Lord deemed him worthy had been interposed. Acts 8:26-40 The Spirit had enjoined Philip to proceed to that road: the eunuch himself, too, was not found idle, nor as one who was suddenly seized with an eager desire to be baptized; but, after going up to the temple for prayer's sake, being intently engaged on the divine Scripture, was thus suitably discovered - to whom God had, unasked, sent an apostle, which one, again, the Spirit bade adjoin himself to the chamberlain's chariot. The Scripture which he was reading falls in opportunely with his faith: Philip, being requested, is taken to sit beside him; the Lord is pointed out; faith lingers not; water needs no waiting for; the work is completed, and the apostle snatched away. But Paul too was, in fact, 'speedily' baptized: for Simon, his host, speedily recognized him to be an appointed vessel of election. God's approbation sends sure premonitory tokens before it; every petition may both deceive and be deceived. And so, according to the circumstances and disposition, and even age, of each individual, the delay of baptism is preferable; principally, however, in the case of little children. For why is it necessary - if (baptism itself) is not so necessary - that the sponsors likewise should be thrust into danger? Who both themselves, by reason of mortality, may fail to fulfil their promises, and may be disappointed by the development of an evil disposition, in those for whom they stood? The Lord does indeed say, Forbid them not to come unto me. Let them come, then, while they are growing up; let them come while they are learning, while they are learning whither to come; let them become Christians when they have become able to know Christ. Why does the innocent period of life hasten to the remission of sins? More caution will be exercised in worldly matters: so that one who is not trusted with earthly substance is trusted with divine! Let them know how to ask for salvation, that you may seem (at least) to have given to him that asks. For no less cause must the unwedded also be deferred - in whom the ground of temptation is prepared, alike in such as never were wedded by means of their maturity, and in the widowed by means of their freedom - until they either marry, or else be more fully strengthened for continence. If any understand the weighty import of baptism, they will fear its reception more than its delay: sound faith is secure of salvation. "" None
|63. Tertullian, On The Crown, 3.2-3.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Christians, Carthage • Council of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage, on sacrifice • Cyprian of Carthage, on use of water versus wine at Eucharist • Ferrandus of Carthage, Letters • Quodvultdeus of Carthage, Sermons • Tertullian, social meals in Carthage • sacrifice, Cyprian of Carthage on
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 178; Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 96; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 321, 333; Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 89, 90; Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 197; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 2, 297
3.2 And how long shall we draw the saw to and fro through this line, when we have an ancient practice, which by anticipation has made for us the state, i.e., of the question? If no passage of Scripture has prescribed it, assuredly custom, which without doubt flowed from tradition, has confirmed it. For how can anything come into use, if it has not first been handed down? Even in pleading tradition, written authority, you say, must be demanded. Let us inquire, therefore, whether tradition, unless it be written, should not be admitted. Certainly we shall say that it ought not to be admitted, if no cases of other practices which, without any written instrument, we maintain on the ground of tradition alone, and the countece thereafter of custom, affords us any precedent. To deal with this matter briefly, I shall begin with baptism. When we are going to enter the water, but a little before, in the presence of the congregation and under the hand of the president, we solemnly profess that we disown the devil, and his pomp, and his angels. Hereupon we are thrice immersed, making a somewhat ampler pledge than the Lord has appointed in the Gospel. Then when we are taken up (as new-born children), we taste first of all a mixture of milk and honey, and from that day we refrain from the daily bath for a whole week. We take also, in congregations before daybreak, and from the hand of none but the presidents, the sacrament of the Eucharist, which the Lord both commanded to be eaten at meal-times, and enjoined to be taken by all alike. As often as the anniversary comes round, we make offerings for the dead as birthday honours. We count fasting or kneeling in worship on the Lord's day to be unlawful. We rejoice in the same privilege also from Easter to Whitsunday. We feel pained should any wine or bread, even though our own, be cast upon the ground. At every forward step and movement, at every going in and out, when we put on our clothes and shoes, when we bathe, when we sit at table, when we light the lamps, on couch, on seat, in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we trace upon the forehead the sign. " "3 And how long shall we draw the saw to and fro through this line, when we have an ancient practice, which by anticipation has made for us the state, i.e., of the question? If no passage of Scripture has prescribed it, assuredly custom, which without doubt flowed from tradition, has confirmed it. For how can anything come into use, if it has not first been handed down? Even in pleading tradition, written authority, you say, must be demanded. Let us inquire, therefore, whether tradition, unless it be written, should not be admitted. Certainly we shall say that it ought not to be admitted, if no cases of other practices which, without any written instrument, we maintain on the ground of tradition alone, and the countece thereafter of custom, affords us any precedent. To deal with this matter briefly, I shall begin with baptism. When we are going to enter the water, but a little before, in the presence of the congregation and under the hand of the president, we solemnly profess that we disown the devil, and his pomp, and his angels. Hereupon we are thrice immersed, making a somewhat ampler pledge than the Lord has appointed in the Gospel. Then when we are taken up (as new-born children), we taste first of all a mixture of milk and honey, and from that day we refrain from the daily bath for a whole week. We take also, in congregations before daybreak, and from the hand of none but the presidents, the sacrament of the Eucharist, which the Lord both commanded to be eaten at meal-times, and enjoined to be taken by all alike. As often as the anniversary comes round, we make offerings for the dead as birthday honours. We count fasting or kneeling in worship on the Lord's day to be unlawful. We rejoice in the same privilege also from Easter to Whitsunday. We feel pained should any wine or bread, even though our own, be cast upon the ground. At every forward step and movement, at every going in and out, when we put on our clothes and shoes, when we bathe, when we sit at table, when we light the lamps, on couch, on seat, in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we trace upon the forehead the sign. "" None
|64. Tertullian, On Modesty, 1.6, 21.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippinus of Carthage • Carthage • Tertullian of Carthage, Father and Son • Tertullian of Carthage, and New Prophecy • Tertullian of Carthage, and women • Tertullian of Carthage, balanced opposites • Tertullian of Carthage, bodies • Tertullian of Carthage, cosmology • Tertullian of Carthage, hierarchy • Tertullian of Carthage, men • Tertullian of Carthage, sensory perception • Tertullian of Carthage, veils
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 271; Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 63; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 127, 141
1.6 Modesty, the flower of manners, the honour of our bodies, the grace of the sexes, the integrity of the blood, the guarantee of our race, the basis of sanctity, the pre-indication of every good disposition; rare though it is, and not easily perfected, and scarce ever retained in perpetuity, will yet up to a certain point linger in the world, if nature shall have laid the preliminary groundwork of it, discipline persuaded to it, censorial rigour curbed its excesses - on the hypothesis, that is, that every mental good quality is the result either of birth, or else of training, or else of external compulsion. But as the conquering power of things evil is on the increase - which is the characteristic of the last times - things good are now not allowed either to be born, so corrupted are the seminal principles; or to be trained, so deserted are studies; nor to be enforced, so disarmed are the laws. In fact, (the modesty) of which we are now beginning (to treat) is by this time grown so obsolete, that it is not the abjuration but the moderation of the appetites which modesty is believed to be; and he is held to be chaste enough who has not been too chaste. But let the world's modesty see to itself, together with the world itself: together with its inherent nature, if it was wont to originate in birth; its study, if in training; its servitude, if in compulsion: except that it had been even more unhappy if it had remained only to prove fruitless, in that it had not been in God's household that its activities had been exercised. I should prefer no good to a vain good: what profits it that that should exist whose existence profits not? It is our own good things whose position is now sinking; it is the system of Christian modesty which is being shaken to its foundation - (Christian modesty), which derives its all from heaven; its nature, through the laver of regeneration; its discipline, through the instrumentality of preaching; its censorial rigour, through the judgments which each Testament exhibits; and is subject to a more constant external compulsion, arising from the apprehension or the desire of the eternal fire or kingdom. In opposition to this (modesty), could I not have acted the dissembler? I hear that there has even been an edict set forth, and a peremptory one too. The Pontifex Maximus - that is, the bishop of bishops - issues an edict: I remit, to such as have discharged (the requirements of) repentance, the sins both of adultery and of fornication. O edict, on which cannot be inscribed, Good deed! And where shall this liberality be posted up? On the very spot, I suppose, on the very gates of the sensual appetites, beneath the very titles of the sensual appetites. There is the place for promulgating such repentance, where the delinquency itself shall haunt. There is the place to read the pardon, where entrance shall be made under the hope thereof. But it is in the church that this (edict) is read, and in the church that it is pronounced; and (the church) is a virgin! Far, far from Christ's betrothed be such a proclamation! She, the true, the modest, the saintly, shall be free from stain even of her ears. She has none to whom to make such a promise; and if she have had, she does not make it; since even the earthly temple of God can sooner have been called by the Lord a den of robbers, than of adulterers and fornicators. This too, therefore, shall be a count in my indictment against the Psychics; against the fellowship of sentiment also which I myself formerly maintained with them; in order that they may the more cast this in my teeth for a mark of fickleness. Repudiation of fellowship is never a pre-indication of sin. As if it were not easier to err with the majority, when it is in the company of the few that truth is loved! But, however, a profitable fickleness shall no more be a disgrace to me, than I should wish a hurtful one to be an ornament. I blush not at an error which I have ceased to hold, because I am delighted at having ceased to hold it, because I recognise myself to be better and more modest. No one blushes at his own improvement. Even in Christ, knowledge had its stages of growth; through which stages the apostle, too, passed. When I was a child, he says, as a child I spoke, as a child I understood; but when I became a man, those (things) which had been the child's I abandoned: so truly did he turn away from his early opinions: nor did he sin by becoming an emulator not of ancestral but of Christian traditions, wishing even the precision of them who advised the retention of circumcision. And would that the same fate might befall those, too, who obtruncate the pure and true integrity of the flesh; amputating not the extremest superficies, but the inmost image of modesty itself, while they promise pardon to adulterers and fornicators, in the teeth of the primary discipline of the Christian Name; a discipline to which heathendom itself bears such emphatic witness, that it strives to punish that discipline in the persons of our females rather by defilements of the flesh than tortures; wishing to wrest from them that which they hold dearer than life! But now this glory is being extinguished, and that by means of those who ought with all the more constancy to refuse concession of any pardon to defilements of this kind, that they make the fear of succumbing to adultery and fornication their reason for marrying as often as they please - since better it is to marry than to burn. No doubt it is for continence sake that incontinence is necessary - the burning will be extinguished by fires! Why, then, do they withal grant indulgence, under the name of repentance, to crimes for which they furnish remedies by their law of multinuptialism? For remedies will be idle while crimes are indulged, and crimes will remain if remedies are idle. And so, either way, they trifle with solicitude and negligence; by taking emptiest precaution against (crimes) to which they grant quarter, and granting absurdest quarter to (crimes) against which they take precaution: whereas either precaution is not to be taken where quarter is given, or quarter not given where precaution is taken; for they take precaution, as if they were unwilling that something should be committed; but grant indulgence, as if they were willing it should be committed: whereas, if they be unwilling it should be committed, they ought not to grant indulgence; if they be willing to grant indulgence, they ought not to take precaution. For, again, adultery and fornication will not be ranked at the same time among the moderate and among the greatest sins, so that each course may be equally open with regard to them - the solicitude which takes precaution, and the security which grants indulgence. But since they are such as to hold the culminating place among crimes, there is no room at once for their indulgence as if they were moderate, and for their precaution as if they were greatest. But by us precaution is thus also taken against the greatest, or, (if you will), highest (crimes, viz.,) in that it is not permitted, after believing, to know even a second marriage, differentiated though it be, to be sure, from the work of adultery and fornication by the nuptial and dotal tablets: and accordingly, with the utmost strictness, we excommunicate digamists, as bringing infamy upon the Paraclete by the irregularity of their discipline. The self-same liminal limit we fix for adulterers also and fornicators; dooming them to pour forth tears barren of peace, and to regain from the Church no ampler return than the publication of their disgrace. " "
21.7 If the apostles understood these (figurative meanings of the Law) better, of course they were more careful (with regard to them than even apostolic men). But I will descend even to this point of contest now, making a separation between the doctrine of apostles and their power. Discipline governs a man, power sets a seal upon him; apart from the fact that power is the Spirit, but the Spirit is God. What, moreover, used (the Spirit) to teach? That there must be no communicating with the works of darkness. Observe what He bids. Who, moreover, was able to forgive sins? This is His alone prerogative: for who remits sins but God alone? and, of course, (who but He can remit) mortal sins, such as have been committed against Himself, and against His temple? For, as far as you are concerned, such as are chargeable with offense against you personally, you are commanded, in the person of Peter, to forgive even seventy times sevenfold. And so, if it were agreed that even the blessed apostles had granted any such indulgence (to any crime) the pardon of which (comes) from God, not from man, it would be competent (for them) to have done so, not in the exercise of discipline, but of power. For they both raised the dead, which God alone (can do), and restored the debilitated to their integrity, which none but Christ (can do); nay, they inflicted plagues too, which Christ would not do. For it did not beseem Him to be severe who had come to suffer. Smitten were both Aias and Elymas - Aias with death, Elymas with blindness - in order that by this very fact it might be proved that Christ had had the power of doing even such (miracles). So, too, had the prophets (of old) granted to the repentant the pardon of murder, and therewith of adultery, inasmuch as they gave, at the same time, manifest proofs of severity. Exhibit therefore even now to me, apostolic sir, prophetic evidences, that I may recognise your divine virtue, and vindicate to yourself the power of remitting such sins! If, however, you have had the functions of discipline alone allotted you, and (the duty) of presiding not imperially, but ministerially; who or how great are you, that you should grant indulgence, who, by exhibiting neither the prophetic nor the apostolic character, lack that virtue whose property it is to indulge? But, you say, the Church has the power of forgiving sins. This I acknowledge and adjudge more (than you; I) who have the Paraclete Himself in the persons of the new prophets, saying, The Church has the power to forgive sins; but I will not do it, lest they commit others withal. What if a pseudo-prophetic spirit has made that declaration? Nay, but it would have been more the part of a subverter on the one hand to commend himself on the score of clemency, and on the other to influence all others to sin. Or if, again, (the pseudo-prophetic spirit) has been eager to affect this (sentiment) in accordance with the Spirit of truth, it follows that the Spirit of truth has indeed the power of indulgently granting pardon to fornicators, but wills not to do it if it involve evil to the majority. I now inquire into your opinion, (to see) from what source you usurp this right to the Church. If, because the Lord has said to Peter, Upon this rock will I build My Church, to you have I given the keys of the heavenly kingdom; or, Whatsoever you shall have bound or loosed in earth, shall be bound or loosed in the heavens, you therefore presume that the power of binding and loosing has derived to you, that is, to every Church akin to Peter, what sort of man are you, subverting and wholly changing the manifest intention of the Lord, conferring (as that intention did) this (gift) personally upon Peter? On you, He says, will I build My Church; and, I will give to you the keys, not to the Church; and, Whatsoever you shall have loosed or bound, not what they shall have loosed or bound. For so withal the result teaches. In (Peter) himself the Church was reared; that is, through (Peter) himself; (Peter) himself essayed the key; you see what (key): Men of Israel, let what I say sink into your ears: Jesus the Nazarene, a man destined by God for you, and so forth. (Peter) himself, therefore, was the first to unbar, in Christ's baptism, the entrance to the heavenly kingdom, in which (kingdom) are loosed the sins that were beforetime bound; and those which have not been loosed are bound, in accordance with true salvation; and Aias he bound with the bond of death, and the weak in his feet he absolved from his defect of health. Moreover, in that dispute about the observance or non-observance of the Law, Peter was the first of all to be endued with the Spirit, and, after making preface touching the calling of the nations, to say, And now why are you tempting the Lord, concerning the imposition upon the brethren of a yoke which neither we nor our fathers were able to support? But however, through the grace of Jesus we believe that we shall be saved in the same way as they. This sentence both loosed those parts of the law which were abandoned, and bound those which were reserved. Hence the power of loosing and of binding committed to Peter had nothing to do with the capital sins of believers; and if the Lord had given him a precept that he must grant pardon to a brother sinning against him even seventy times sevenfold, of course He would have commanded him to bind- that is, to retain - nothing subsequently, unless perchance such (sins) as one may have committed against the Lord, not against a brother. For the forgiveness of (sins) committed in the case of a man is a prejudgment against the remission of sins against God. What, now, (has this to do) with the Church, and your (church), indeed, Psychic? For, in accordance with the person of Peter, it is to spiritual men that this power will correspondently appertain, either to an apostle or else to a prophet. For the very Church itself is, properly and principally, the Spirit Himself, in whom is the Trinity of the One Divinity - Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (The Spirit) combines that Church which the Lord has made to consist in three. And thus, from that time forward, every number (of persons) who may have combined together into this faith is accounted a Church, from the Author and Consecrator (of the Church). And accordingly the Church, it is true, will forgive sins: but (it will be) the Church of the Spirit, by means of a spiritual man; not the Church which consists of a number of bishops. For the right and arbitrament is the Lord's, not the servant's; God's Himself, not the priest's. "" None
|65. Tertullian, On The Games, 1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, martyrdom of Perpetua
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 826; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 156, 174
1 You Servants of God, about to draw near to God, that you may make solemn consecration of yourselves to Him, seek well to understand the condition of faith, the reasons of the Truth, the laws of Christian Discipline, which forbid among other sins of the world, the pleasures of the public shows. You who have testified and confessed that you have done so already, review the subject, that there may be no sinning whether through real or wilful ignorance. For such is the power of earthly pleasures, that, to retain the opportunity of still partaking of them, it contrives to prolong a willing ignorance, and bribes knowledge into playing a dishonest part. To both things, perhaps, some among you are allured by the views of the heathens who in this matter are wont to press us with arguments, such as these: (
1) That the exquisite enjoyments of ear and eye we have in things external are not in the least opposed to religion in the mind and conscience; and (2) That surely no offense is offered to God, in any human enjoyment, by any of our pleasures, which it is not sinful to partake of in its own time and place, with all due honour and reverence secured to Him. But this is precisely what we are ready to prove: That these things are not consistent with true religion and true obedience to the true God. There are some who imagine that Christians, a sort of people ever ready to die, are trained into the abstinence they practise, with no other object than that of making it less difficult to despise life, the fastenings to it being severed as it were. They regard it as an art of quenching all desire for that which, so far as they are concerned, they have emptied of all that is desirable; and so it is thought to be rather a thing of human planning and foresight, than clearly laid down by divine command. It were a grievous thing, forsooth, for Christians, while continuing in the enjoyment of pleasures so great, to die for God! It is not as they say; though, if it were, even Christian obstinacy might well give all submission to a plan so suitable, to a rule so excellent. '' None
|66. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Anonyma (Montanist prophetess at Carthage) • Anonyma (second Montanist prophetess at Carthage) • Carthage • Christians, Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Tertullian of Carthage, De anima • Tertullian of Carthage, and Epicureans • Tertullian of Carthage, and God • Tertullian of Carthage, and Jesus • Tertullian of Carthage, and Skeptics • Tertullian of Carthage, and Stoics • Tertullian of Carthage, and doubt • Tertullian of Carthage, and philosophy • Tertullian of Carthage, and theology • Tertullian of Carthage, bodies • Tertullian of Carthage, illusions • Tertullian of Carthage, medium in illusions • Tertullian of Carthage, particles • Tertullian of Carthage, sensory perception • Tertullian of Carthage, theories of vision • Tertullian of Carthage, vision • Tertullian of Carthage, visual ray • Tertullian, social meals in Carthage
Found in books: Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 167; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 322; Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 62; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 136
|67. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Tertullian of Carthage, Eve • Tertullian of Carthage, Father and Son • Tertullian of Carthage, and God • Tertullian of Carthage, and women • Tertullian of Carthage, balanced opposites • Tertullian of Carthage, beards • Tertullian of Carthage, bodies • Tertullian of Carthage, cosmology • Tertullian of Carthage, hierarchy • Tertullian of Carthage, men • Tertullian of Carthage, penetration • Tertullian of Carthage, the head • Tertullian of Carthage, veils • Tertullian of Carthage, visual ray
Found in books: Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 61, 62; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 265, 270
|68. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage, Donatists’s dependence on • Cyprian of Carthage, Optatus’s dependence on
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 200; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 194
|69. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, literature
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 253, 255; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 197; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 62
|70. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 274
|71. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius of Carthage • Quodvultdeus of Carthage, Sermons • catechumenate, in Carthage • conversions, in Carthage
Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 305, 306, 307; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 123, 191
|72. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 277, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 277, 279
|73. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 6.11.6, 6.14.9, 8.6.6, 8.9.5, 10.5.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, and the beginning of the Great Persecution • Carthage, bishop of • Cyprian of Carthage • Mensurius of Carthage • martyrs, at Carthage
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 239; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 17; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 155; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 66; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 211; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 67, 174, 217
6.11.6 He indicates that he sent this epistle by Clement, writing toward its close as follows:My honored brethren, I have sent this letter to you by Clement, the blessed presbyter, a man virtuous and approved, whom you yourselves also know and will recognize. Being here, in the providence and oversight of the Master, he has strengthened and built up the Church of the Lord.
6.14.9 For we know well those blessed fathers who have trodden the way before us, with whom we shall soon be; Pantaenus, the truly blessed man and master, and the holy Clement, my master and benefactor, and if there is any other like them, through whom I became acquainted with you, the best in everything, my master and brother.
8.6.6 At this time Anthimus, who then presided over the church in Nicomedia, was beheaded for his testimony to Christ. A great multitude of martyrs were added to him, a conflagration having broken out in those very days in the palace at Nicomedia, I know not how, which through a false suspicion was laid to our people. Entire families of the pious in that place were put to death in masses at the royal command, some by the sword, and others by fire. It is reported that with a certain divine and indescribable eagerness men and women rushed into the fire. And the executioners bound a large number of others and put them on boats and threw them into the depths of the sea.
8.9.5 And we beheld the most wonderful ardor, and the truly divine energy and zeal of those who believed in the Christ of God. For as soon as sentence was pronounced against the first, one after another rushed to the judgment seat, and confessed themselves Christians. And regarding with indifference the terrible things and the multiform tortures, they declared themselves boldly and undauntedly for the religion of the God of the universe. And they received the final sentence of death with joy and laughter and cheerfulness; so that they sang and offered up hymns and thanksgivings to the God of the universe till their very last breath.
10.5.19 it has seemed good to me that Caecilianus himself, with ten of the bishops that appear to accuse him, and with ten others whom he may consider necessary for his defense, should sail to Rome, that there, in the presence of yourselves and of Retecius and Maternus and Marinus, your colleagues, whom I have commanded to hasten to Rome for this purpose, he may be heard, as you may understand to be in accordance with the most holy law.'' None
|74. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyprian of Carthage, • Cyprian of Carthage, letters, images in
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 302
|75. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, De lapsis • Cyprian of Carthage, Felicissimus and • Cyprian of Carthage, on sacrifice • Mensurius of Carthage • sacrifice, Cyprian of Carthage on
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 164, 173, 175; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 194; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 45
|76. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caecilian of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Donatum, on process of conversion • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum, summarising divine truths • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, De lapsis • Cyprian of Carthage, letters, contextual exegesis in • Cyprian of Carthage, letters, maxims in • Cyprian of Carthage, on sacrifice • Cyprian of Carthage, ordering of knowledge in • Cyprian of Carthage, rhetorical strategies • Donatus of Carthage • ordering of knowledge, epistemology in late antique world, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • sacrifice, Cyprian of Carthage on
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 156, 163, 172; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 134, 176; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 128, 129, 130, 135, 140
|77. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Fortunatum • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum, summarising divine truths • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, Optatus’s dependence on • Cyprian of Carthage, modelling Christian life on biblical figures • Cyprian of Carthage, rhetorical strategies
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 162, 163; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 135, 198
|78. Augustine, Confessions, 3.3.5, 3.4.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, student at Carthage • Aurelius of Carthage • Carthage
Found in books: Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 53, 54, 55, 56, 191; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 27, 28, 29, 30
3.3.5 5. And Your faithful mercy hovered over me afar. Upon what unseemly iniquities did I wear myself out, following a sacrilegious curiosity, that, having deserted You, it might drag me into the treacherous abyss, and to the beguiling obedience of devils, unto whom I immolated my wicked deeds, and in all which You scourged me! I dared, even while Your solemn rites were being celebrated within the walls of Your church, to desire, and to plan a business sufficient to procure me the fruits of death; for which You chastised me with grievous punishments, but nothing in comparison with my fault, O Thou my greatest mercy, my God, my refuge from those terrible hurts, among which I wandered with presumptuous neck, receding farther from You, loving my own ways, and not Yours - loving a vagrant liberty. 6. Those studies, also, which were accounted honourable, were directed towards the courts of law; to excel in which, the more crafty I was, the more I should be praised. Such is the blindness of men, that they even glory in their blindness. And now I was head in the School of Rhetoric, whereat I rejoiced proudly, and became inflated with arrogance, though more sedate, O Lord, as You know, and altogether removed from the subvertings of those subverters (for this stupid and diabolical name was held to be the very brand of gallantry) among whom I lived, with an impudent shamefacedness that I was not even as they were. And with them I was, and at times I was delighted with their friendship whose acts I ever abhorred, that is, their subverting, wherewith they insolently attacked the modesty of strangers, which they disturbed by uncalled for jeers, gratifying thereby their mischievous mirth. Nothing can more nearly resemble the actions of devils than these. By what name, therefore, could they be more truly called than subverters?- being themselves subverted first, and altogether perverted - being secretly mocked at and seduced by the deceiving spirits, in what they themselves delight to jeer at and deceive others. ' "
3.4.8 7. Among such as these, at that unstable period of my life, I studied books of eloquence, wherein I was eager to be eminent from a damnable and inflated purpose, even a delight in human vanity. In the ordinary course of study, I lighted upon a certain book of Cicero, whose language, though not his heart, almost all admire. This book of his contains an exhortation to philosophy, and is called Hortensius. This book, in truth, changed my affections, and turned my prayers to Yourself, O Lord, and made me have other hopes and desires. Worthless suddenly became every vain hope to me; and, with an incredible warmth of heart, I yearned for an immortality of wisdom, and began now to arise Luke 15:18 that I might return to You. Not, then, to improve my language - which I appeared to be purchasing with my mother's means, in that my nineteenth year, my father having died two years before - not to improve my language did I have recourse to that book; nor did it persuade me by its style, but its matter. 8. How ardent was I then, my God, how ardent to fly from earthly things to You! Nor did I know how You would deal with me. For with You is wisdom. In Greek the love of wisdom is called philosophy, with which that book inflamed me. There be some who seduce through philosophy, under a great, and alluring, and honourable name coloring and adorning their own errors. And almost all who in that and former times were such, are in that book censured and pointed out. There is also disclosed that most salutary admonition of Your Spirit, by Your good and pious servant: Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ: for in Him dwells all the fullness of the Godhead bodily. Colossians 2:8-9 And since at that time (as Thou, O Light of my heart, know) the words of the apostle were unknown to me, I was delighted with that exhortation, in so far only as I was thereby stimulated, and enkindled, and inflamed to love, seek, obtain, hold, and embrace, not this or that sect, but wisdom itself, whatever it were; and this alone checked me thus ardent, that the name of Christ was not in it. For this name, according to Your mercy, O Lord, this name of my Saviour Your Son, had my tender heart piously drunk in, deeply treasured even with my mother's milk; and whatsoever was without that name, though never so erudite, polished, and truthful, took not complete hold of me. " ' None
|79. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.42.63 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Council of Carthage in 398
Found in books: Rohmann (2016), Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity, 223; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 201
2.42.63 63. But just as poor as the store of gold and silver and garments which the people of Israel brought with them out of Egypt was in comparison with the riches which they afterwards attained at Jerusalem, and which reached their height in the reign of King Solomon, so poor is all the useful knowledge which is gathered from the books of the heathen when compared with the knowledge of Holy Scripture. For whatever man may have learned from other sources, if it is hurtful, it is there condemned; if it is useful, it is therein contained. And while every man may find there all that he has learned of useful elsewhere, he will find there in much greater abundance things that are to be found nowhere else, but can be learned only in the wonderful sublimity and wonderful simplicity of the Scriptures. When, then, the reader is possessed of the instruction here pointed out, so that unknown signs have ceased to be a hindrance to him; when he is meek and lowly of heart, subject to the easy yoke of Christ, and loaded with His light burden, rooted and grounded and built up in faith, so that knowledge cannot puff him up, let him then approach the consideration and discussion of ambiguous signs in Scripture. And about these I shall now, in a third book, endeavor to say what the Lord shall be pleased to vouchsafe. <'' None
|80. Augustine, The City of God, 1.30, 19.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius of Carthage • Carthage • Carthage/Carthaginians • Porphyry, visits Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 339; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 62; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 11
19.23 For in his book called &" None
|81. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 92; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 212
|82. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 22; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 115
|83. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, foundation of
Found in books: Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 92, 187; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 174; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 197; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 218; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 212
|84. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage/Carthaginians
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 339
|85. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Donatum • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Donatum, on process of conversion • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum, summarising divine truths • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, Pontius, Vita Cypriani • Cyprian of Carthage, life of • Cyprian of Carthage, martyrdom
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 154; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 68
|86. None, None, nan (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius of Carthage • Carthage • Carthago, Carthage • Cyprian of Carthage • cult of the martyrs, council, Carthage
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 434; Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 140, 143, 147; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 185, 194, 201; Pignot (2020), The Catechumenate in Late Antique Africa (4th–6th Centuries): Augustine of Hippo, His Contemporaries and Early Reception, 234; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 17, 18
|87. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.1, 1.4, 1.7, 1.12-1.32, 1.36-1.49, 1.82, 1.87, 1.94-1.101, 1.157-1.179, 1.183-1.188, 1.190-1.194, 1.197-1.207, 1.235, 1.254-1.296, 1.298-1.300, 1.302-1.304, 1.335-1.368, 1.370-1.371, 1.373, 1.375, 1.418-1.440, 1.446-1.493, 1.539-1.541, 1.573, 1.619-1.622, 1.626, 1.628-1.629, 1.637-1.638, 1.657, 1.661, 1.693-1.700, 1.711, 1.725-1.734, 1.740-1.747, 2.3-2.6, 2.10, 2.35-2.39, 2.54-2.56, 2.594-2.595, 2.602-2.603, 2.610-2.616, 2.622-2.623, 3.350-3.355, 3.485, 4.2, 4.39-4.40, 4.47, 4.66, 4.77, 4.86-4.89, 4.97, 4.101, 4.124, 4.143-4.150, 4.193, 4.215, 4.223-4.237, 4.259-4.280, 4.282, 4.304-4.308, 4.311-4.312, 4.338-4.339, 4.361, 4.365-4.367, 4.373-4.378, 4.420-4.422, 4.433, 4.460-4.461, 4.469-4.473, 4.554-4.570, 4.576, 4.597, 4.625-4.629, 4.669-4.671, 5.522-5.528, 6.592-6.594, 7.21-7.24, 7.81-7.101, 7.312, 7.493, 7.496, 8.643, 8.685, 8.714-8.728, 9.576, 10.143-10.145, 10.270-10.277, 12.435-12.440, 12.951
Tagged with subjects: • Aeneas and Odysseus, Carthage and Phaeacia • Aeneas, departure from Carthage • Augustus, recolonisation of Carthage • Bacchus, destruction of Carthage • Carthage • Carthage and Carthaginians • Carthage, Carthaginian • Carthage, Virgilian • Carthage, and horses • Carthage, as Persia • Carthage, as Thebes • Carthage, as Troy • Carthage, destruction of • Carthage, etymology • Carthage, foundation of • Carthage, harbour • Carthage, in Cyprus • Carthage, in the Aeneid • Carthage, mirror of Rome • Carthage, opposite Rome • Carthago Nova • Civil War, reconstruction of Carthage • Hera, and Carthage • Hera, and Carthage, and Isis • Juno, temple at Carthage • Sulpicius of Carthage • Vergil, on Juno’s temple at Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 85, 86, 89, 92, 100, 163; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 143, 177, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 294; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 8, 93, 178, 189, 190, 202, 204, 205; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 132, 133, 162; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 219, 220, 236; Cairns (1989), Virgil's Augustan Epic. 134; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 262; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 184, 185; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 14, 48, 49, 64, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 100, 102, 109, 118, 119, 128, 140, 141, 171, 172, 180, 187, 210, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 229, 265, 288; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 6, 47, 69, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 112, 113, 114, 115, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 156, 174, 200, 211, 212, 213, 226, 246, 247, 248, 249, 251, 261, 262, 264, 265, 270, 275, 277, 279; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 41, 59; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 203, 204, 205; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 120, 157; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 30, 38, 57, 58, 97, 139, 176, 178, 179, 207, 271, 285, 319; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 108, 206, 207, 266, 267, 268, 271, 311, 376; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 129, 173, 174, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 212; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 139; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 112; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 228, 233; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 261; Thorsen et al. (2021), Greek and Latin Love: The Poetic Connection, 134, 138; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 179; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 143, 177, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 294
1.1 Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris
1.4 vi superum saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram;
1.7 Albanique patres, atque altae moenia Romae.
1.12 Urbs antiqua fuit, Tyrii tenuere coloni,
1.13 Karthago, Italiam contra Tiberinaque longe
1.14 ostia, dives opum studiisque asperrima belli;
1.15 quam Iuno fertur terris magis omnibus unam
1.17 hic currus fuit; hoc regnum dea gentibus esse,
1.18 si qua fata sit, iam tum tenditque fovetque.
1.19 Progeniem sed enim Troiano a sanguine duci 1.20 audierat, Tyrias olim quae verteret arces; 1.21 hinc populum late regem belloque superbum 1.22 venturum excidio Libyae: sic volvere Parcas. 1.23 Id metuens, veterisque memor Saturnia belli, 1.24 prima quod ad Troiam pro caris gesserat Argis— 1.25 necdum etiam causae irarum saevique dolores 1.26 exciderant animo: manet alta mente repostum 1.27 iudicium Paridis spretaeque iniuria formae, 1.28 et genus invisum, et rapti Ganymedis honores. 1.29 His accensa super, iactatos aequore toto 1.30 Troas, reliquias Danaum atque immitis Achilli, 1.31 arcebat longe Latio, multosque per annos 1.32 errabant, acti fatis, maria omnia circum.
1.36 cum Iuno, aeternum servans sub pectore volnus, 1.37 haec secum: Mene incepto desistere victam, 1.38 nec posse Italia Teucrorum avertere regem? 1.39 Quippe vetor fatis. Pallasne exurere classem
1.40 Argivum atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto,
1.41 unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Oilei?
1.42 Ipsa, Iovis rapidum iaculata e nubibus ignem,
1.43 disiecitque rates evertitque aequora ventis,
1.44 illum expirantem transfixo pectore flammas
1.45 turbine corripuit scopuloque infixit acuto.
1.46 Ast ego, quae divom incedo regina, Iovisque
1.47 et soror et coniunx, una cum gente tot annos
1.48 bella gero! Et quisquam numen Iunonis adoret
1.82 impulit in latus: ac venti, velut agmine facto,
1.87 Insequitur clamorque virum stridorque rudentum.
1.94 talia voce refert: O terque quaterque beati, 1.95 quis ante ora patrum Troiae sub moenibus altis 1.96 contigit oppetere! O Danaum fortissime gentis 1.97 Tydide! Mene Iliacis occumbere campis 1.98 non potuisse, tuaque animam hanc effundere dextra, 1.99 saevus ubi Aeacidae telo iacet Hector, ubi ingens
1.100 Sarpedon, ubi tot Simois correpta sub undis
1.101 scuta virum galeasque et fortia corpora volvit?
1.157 Defessi Aeneadae, quae proxima litora, cursu
1.158 contendunt petere, et Libyae vertuntur ad oras.
1.159 Est in secessu longo locus: insula portum
1.160 efficit obiectu laterum, quibus omnis ab alto
1.161 frangitur inque sinus scindit sese unda reductos.
1.162 Hinc atque hinc vastae rupes geminique mitur
1.163 in caelum scopuli, quorum sub vertice late
1.165 desuper horrentique atrum nemus imminet umbra.
1.166 Fronte sub adversa scopulis pendentibus antrum,
1.167 intus aquae dulces vivoque sedilia saxo,
1.168 nympharum domus: hic fessas non vincula navis
1.169 ulla tenent, unco non alligat ancora morsu.
1.170 Huc septem Aeneas collectis navibus omni
1.171 ex numero subit; ac magno telluris amore
1.172 egressi optata potiuntur Troes harena,
1.173 et sale tabentis artus in litore ponunt.
1.174 Ac primum silici scintillam excudit Achates,
1.175 succepitque ignem foliis, atque arida circum
1.176 nutrimenta dedit, rapuitque in fomite flammam.
1.177 Tum Cererem corruptam undis Cerealiaque arma
1.178 expediunt fessi rerum, frugesque receptas
1.179 et torrere parant flammis et frangere saxo.
1.183 aut Capyn, aut celsis in puppibus arma Caici.
1.184 Navem in conspectu nullam, tris litore cervos
1.185 prospicit errantis; hos tota armenta sequuntur
1.186 a tergo, et longum per vallis pascitur agmen.
1.187 Constitit hic, arcumque manu celerisque sagittas
1.188 corripuit, fidus quae tela gerebat Achates;
1.190 cornibus arboreis, sternit, tum volgus, et omnem
1.191 miscet agens telis nemora inter frondea turbam;
1.192 nec prius absistit, quam septem ingentia victor
1.193 corpora fundat humi, et numerum cum navibus aequet.
1.194 Hinc portum petit, et socios partitur in omnes.
1.197 dividit, et dictis maerentia pectora mulcet:
1.198 O socii—neque enim ignari sumus ante malorum—
1.199 O passi graviora, dabit deus his quoque finem. 1.200 Vos et Scyllaeam rabiem penitusque sotis 1.201 accestis scopulos, vos et Cyclopea saxa 1.202 experti: revocate animos, maestumque timorem 1.203 mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit. 1.204 Per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum 1.205 tendimus in Latium; sedes ubi fata quietas 1.206 ostendunt; illic fas regna resurgere Troiae. 1.207 Durate, et vosmet rebus servate secundis.
1.235 hinc fore ductores, revocato a sanguine Teucri,
1.254 Olli subridens hominum sator atque deorum, 1.255 voltu, quo caelum tempestatesque serenat, 1.256 oscula libavit natae, dehinc talia fatur: 1.257 Parce metu, Cytherea: manent immota tuorum 1.258 fata tibi; cernes urbem et promissa Lavini 1.259 moenia, sublimemque feres ad sidera caeli 1.260 magimum Aenean; neque me sententia vertit. 1.261 Hic tibi (fabor enim, quando haec te cura remordet, 1.262 longius et volvens fatorum arcana movebo) 1.263 bellum ingens geret Italia, populosque feroces 1.264 contundet, moresque viris et moenia ponet, 1.266 ternaque transierint Rutulis hiberna subactis. 1.267 At puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen Iulo 1.268 additur,—Ilus erat, dum res stetit Ilia regno,— 1.269 triginta magnos volvendis mensibus orbis 1.270 imperio explebit, regnumque ab sede Lavini 1.271 transferet, et longam multa vi muniet Albam. 1.272 Hic iam ter centum totos regnabitur annos 1.273 gente sub Hectorea, donec regina sacerdos, 1.274 Marte gravis, geminam partu dabit Ilia prolem. 1.275 Inde lupae fulvo nutricis tegmine laetus 1.276 Romulus excipiet gentem, et Mavortia condet 1.277 moenia, Romanosque suo de nomine dicet. 1.279 imperium sine fine dedi. Quin aspera Iuno, 1.280 quae mare nunc terrasque metu caelumque fatigat, 1.281 consilia in melius referet, mecumque fovebit 1.282 Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam: 1.283 sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus aetas, 1.284 cum domus Assaraci Phthiam clarasque Mycenas 1.285 servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argis. 1.286 Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar, 1.287 imperium oceano, famam qui terminet astris,— 1.288 Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo. 1.289 Hunc tu olim caelo, spoliis Orientis onustum, 1.290 accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis. 1.291 Aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis; 1.292 cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293 iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis 1.294 claudentur Belli portae; Furor impius intus, 1.295 saeva sedens super arma, et centum vinctus aenis 1.296 post tergum nodis, fremet horridus ore cruento. 1.299 hospitio Teucris, ne fati nescia Dido 1.300 finibus arceret: volat ille per aera magnum
1.302 Et iam iussa facit, ponuntque ferocia Poeni 1.303 corda volente deo; in primis regina quietum 1.304 accipit in Teucros animum mentemque benignam.
1.335 Tum Venus: Haud equidem tali me dignor honore; 1.336 virginibus Tyriis mos est gestare pharetram, 1.337 purpureoque alte suras vincire cothurno. 1.338 Punica regna vides, Tyrios et Agenoris urbem; 1.339 sed fines Libyci, genus intractabile bello. 1.340 Imperium Dido Tyria regit urbe profecta, 1.341 germanum fugiens. Longa est iniuria, longae 1.342 ambages; sed summa sequar fastigia rerum. 1.343 Huic coniunx Sychaeus erat, ditissimus agri 1.344 Phoenicum, et magno miserae dilectus amore, 1.346 ominibus. Sed regna Tyri germanus habebat 1.347 Pygmalion, scelere ante alios immanior omnes. 1.348 Quos inter medius venit furor. Ille Sychaeum 1.349 impius ante aras, atque auri caecus amore, 1.350 clam ferro incautum superat, securus amorum 1.351 germanae; factumque diu celavit, et aegram, 1.352 multa malus simulans, vana spe lusit amantem. 1.353 Ipsa sed in somnis inhumati venit imago 1.354 coniugis, ora modis attollens pallida miris, 1.355 crudeles aras traiectaque pectora ferro 1.356 nudavit, caecumque domus scelus omne retexit. 1.357 Tum celerare fugam patriaque excedere suadet, 1.358 auxiliumque viae veteres tellure recludit 1.359 thesauros, ignotum argenti pondus et auri.
1.360 His commota fugam Dido sociosque parabat:
1.361 conveniunt, quibus aut odium crudele tyranni
1.362 aut metus acer erat; navis, quae forte paratae,
1.363 corripiunt, onerantque auro: portantur avari
1.364 Pygmalionis opes pelago; dux femina facti.
1.365 Devenere locos, ubi nunc ingentia cernis
1.366 moenia surgentemque novae Karthaginis arcem,
1.367 mercatique solum, facti de nomine Byrsam,
1.368 taurino quantum possent circumdare tergo.
1.370 quove tenetis iter? Quaerenti talibus ille 1.371 suspirans, imoque trahens a pectore vocem:
1.373 et vacet annalis nostrorum audire laborum,
1.375 Nos Troia antiqua, si vestras forte per auris
1.418 Corripuere viam interea, qua semita monstrat.
1.419 Iamque ascendebant collem, qui plurimus urbi
1.420 imminet, adversasque adspectat desuper arces.
1.421 Miratur molem Aeneas, magalia quondam,
1.422 miratur portas strepitumque et strata viarum.
1.423 Instant ardentes Tyrii pars ducere muros,
1.424 molirique arcem et manibus subvolvere saxa,
1.425 pars optare locum tecto et concludere sulco.
1.427 hic portus alii effodiunt; hic alta theatris
1.428 fundamenta locant alii, immanisque columnas
1.429 rupibus excidunt, scaenis decora alta futuris.
1.430 Qualis apes aestate nova per florea rura
1.431 exercet sub sole labor, cum gentis adultos
1.432 educunt fetus, aut cum liquentia mella
1.433 stipant et dulci distendunt nectare cellas,
1.434 aut onera accipiunt venientum, aut agmine facto
1.435 ignavom fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent:
1.436 fervet opus, redolentque thymo fragrantia mella.
1.437 O fortunati, quorum iam moenia surgunt!
1.438 Aeneas ait, et fastigia suspicit urbis.
1.439 Infert se saeptus nebula, mirabile dictu,
1.440 per medios, miscetque viris, neque cernitur ulli.
1.446 Hic templum Iunoni ingens Sidonia Dido
1.448 aerea cui gradibus surgebant limina, nexaeque
1.449 aere trabes, foribus cardo stridebat aenis.
1.450 Hoc primum in luco nova res oblata timorem
1.451 leniit, hic primum Aeneas sperare salutem
1.452 ausus, et adflictis melius confidere rebus.
1.453 Namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo,
1.454 reginam opperiens, dum, quae fortuna sit urbi,
1.455 artificumque manus inter se operumque laborem
1.456 miratur, videt Iliacas ex ordine pugnas,
1.457 bellaque iam fama totum volgata per orbem,
1.458 Atridas, Priamumque, et saevum ambobus Achillem.
1.459 Constitit, et lacrimans, Quis iam locus inquit Achate,
1.461 En Priamus! Sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi;
1.462 sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.
1.463 Solve metus; feret haec aliquam tibi fama salutem.
1.464 Sic ait, atque animum pictura pascit ii,
1.465 multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine voltum.
1.466 Namque videbat, uti bellantes Pergama circum
1.467 hac fugerent Graii, premeret Troiana iuventus,
1.468 hac Phryges, instaret curru cristatus Achilles.
1.469 Nec procul hinc Rhesi niveis tentoria velis
1.470 adgnoscit lacrimans, primo quae prodita somno
1.471 Tydides multa vastabat caede cruentus,
1.472 ardentisque avertit equos in castra, prius quam
1.473 pabula gustassent Troiae Xanthumque bibissent.
1.474 Parte alia fugiens amissis Troilus armis,
1.475 infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli,
1.476 fertur equis, curruque haeret resupinus ii,
1.477 lora tenens tamen; huic cervixque comaeque trahuntur
1.478 per terram, et versa pulvis inscribitur hasta.
1.479 Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant
1.480 crinibus Iliades passis peplumque ferebant,
1.481 suppliciter tristes et tunsae pectora palmis;
1.482 diva solo fixos oculos aversa tenebat.
1.483 Ter circum Iliacos raptaverat Hectora muros,
1.484 exanimumque auro corpus vendebat Achilles.
1.485 Tum vero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo,
1.486 ut spolia, ut currus, utque ipsum corpus amici,
1.487 tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermis.
1.488 Se quoque principibus permixtum adgnovit Achivis,
1.489 Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma.
1.490 Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis
1.491 Penthesilea furens, mediisque in milibus ardet,
1.492 aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae,
1.493 bellatrix, audetque viris concurrere virgo.
1.539 Quod genus hoc hominum? Quaeve hunc tam barbara morem 1.541 bella cient, primaque vetant consistere terra.
1.573 urbem quam statuo vestra est, subducite navis;
1.619 Atque equidem Teucrum memini Sidona venire 1.620 finibus expulsum patriis, nova regna petentem 1.621 auxilio Beli; genitor tum Belus opimam 1.622 vastabat Cyprum, et victor dicione tenebat.
1.626 seque ortum antiqua Teucrorum ab stirpe volebat.
1.628 Me quoque per multos similis fortuna labores 1.629 iactatam hac demum voluit consistere terra.
1.637 At domus interior regali splendida luxu 1.638 instruitur, mediisque parant convivia tectis:
1.657 At Cytherea novas artes, nova pectore versat
1.661 quippe domum timet ambiguam Tyriosque bilinguis;
1.693 Idaliae lucos, ubi mollis amaracus illum 1.694 floribus et dulci adspirans complectitur umbra. 1.695 Iamque ibat dicto parens et dona Cupido 1.696 regia portabat Tyriis, duce laetus Achate. 1.697 Cum venit, aulaeis iam se regina superbis 1.698 aurea composuit sponda mediamque locavit. 1.699 Iam pater Aeneas et iam Troiana iuventus
1.700 conveniunt, stratoque super discumbitur ostro.
1.725 Fit strepitus tectis, vocemque per ampla volutant
1.726 atria; dependent lychni laquearibus aureis
1.728 Hic regina gravem gemmis auroque poposcit
1.729 implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus et omnes
1.730 a Belo soliti; tum facta silentia tectis:
1.731 Iuppiter, hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur,
1.732 hunc laetum Tyriisque diem Troiaque profectis
1.733 esse velis, nostrosque huius meminisse minores.
1.734 Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, et bona Iuno;
1.740 post alii proceres. Cithara crinitus Iopas
1.741 personat aurata, docuit quem maximus Atlas.
1.742 Hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores;
1.743 unde hominum genus et pecudes; unde imber et ignes;
1.744 Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones;
1.745 quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles
1.746 hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet.
1.747 Ingemit plausu Tyrii, Troesque sequuntur.
2.3 Infandum, regina, iubes renovare dolorem, 2.4 Troianas ut opes et lamentabile regnum 2.5 eruerint Danai; quaeque ipse miserrima vidi, 2.6 et quorum pars magna fui. Quis talia fando
2.10 Sed si tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros
2.35 At Capys, et quorum melior sententia menti,
2.36 aut pelago Danaum insidias suspectaque dona
2.37 praecipitare iubent, subiectisque urere flammis,
2.38 aut terebrare cavas uteri et temptare latebras.
2.39 Scinditur incertum studia in contraria volgus.
2.54 Et, si fata deum, si mens non laeva fuisset, 2.55 impulerat ferro Argolicas foedare latebras, 2.56 Troiaque, nunc stares, Priamique arx alta, maneres.
2.594 Nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras? 2.595 Quid furis, aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit? 2.603 has evertit opes sternitque a culmine Troiam.
2.610 Neptunus muros magnoque emota tridenti 2.611 fundamenta quatit, totamque a sedibus urbem 2.612 eruit; hic Iuno Scaeas saevissima portas 2.613 prima tenet, sociumque furens a navibus agmen 2.614 ferro accincta vocat. 2.615 Iam summas arces Tritonia, respice, Pallas 2.616 insedit, nimbo effulgens et Gorgone saeva.
2.622 Adparent dirae facies inimicaque Troiae 2.623 numina magna deum.
3.350 Pergama, et arentem Xanthi cognomine rivum 3.351 adgnosco, Scaeaeque amplector limina portae. 3.352 Nec non et Teucri socia simul urbe fruuntur: 3.353 illos porticibus rex accipiebat in amplis; 3.354 aulaï medio libabant pocula Bacchi, 3.355 impositis auro dapibus, paterasque tenebant.
4.2 volnus alit venis, et caeco carpitur igni. 4.40 Hinc Gaetulae urbes, genus insuperabile bello,
4.66 quid delubra iuvant? Est mollis flamma medullas
4.77 nunc eadem labente die convivia quaerit,
4.86 Non coeptae adsurgunt turres, non arma iuventus 4.87 exercet, portusve aut propugnacula bello 4.88 tuta parant; pendent opera interrupta, minaeque 4.89 murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo.
4.97 suspectas habuisse domos Karthaginis altae.
4.101 ardet amans Dido, traxitque per ossa furorem.
4.124 speluncam Dido dux et Troianus eandem
4.143 Qualis ubi hibernam Lyciam Xanthique fluenta 4.144 deserit ac Delum maternam invisit Apollo, 4.145 instauratque choros, mixtique altaria circum 4.146 Cretesque Dryopesque fremunt pictique Agathyrsi; 4.147 ipse iugis Cynthi graditur, mollique fluentem 4.148 fronde premit crinem fingens atque implicat auro; 4.149 tela sot umeris: haud illo segnior ibat 4.150 Aeneas; tantum egregio decus enitet ore.
4.193 nunc hiemem inter se luxu, quam longa, fovere
4.215 Et nunc ille Paris cum semiviro comitatu,
4.223 Vade age, nate, voca Zephyros et labere pennis,
4.224 Dardaniumque ducem, Tyria Karthagine qui nunc
4.225 exspectat, fatisque datas non respicit urbes,
4.227 Non illum nobis genetrix pulcherrima talem
4.228 promisit, Graiumque ideo bis vindicat armis;
4.229 sed fore, qui gravidam imperiis belloque frementem
4.230 Italiam regeret, genus alto a sanguine Teucri
4.231 proderet, ac totum sub leges mitteret orbem.
4.232 Si nulla accendit tantarum gloria rerum,
4.233 nec super ipse sua molitur laude laborem,
4.234 Ascanione pater Romanas invidet arces?
4.235 Quid struit, aut qua spe inimica in gente moratur,
4.236 nec prolem Ausoniam et Lavinia respicit arva?
4.237 Naviget: haec summa est; hic nostri nuntius esto.
4.259 Ut primum alatis tetigit magalia plantis,
4.260 Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta novantem
4.261 conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva
4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena
4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido
4.264 fecerat, et tenui telas discreverat auro.
4.265 Continuo invadit: Tu nunc Karthaginis altae
4.266 fundamenta locas, pulchramque uxorius urbem
4.267 exstruis, heu regni rerumque oblite tuarum?
4.268 Ipse deum tibi me claro demittit Olympo
4.269 regnator, caelum ac terras qui numine torquet;
4.270 ipse haec ferre iubet celeris mandata per auras:
4.271 quid struis, aut qua spe Libycis teris otia terris?
4.272 Si te nulla movet tantarum gloria rerum,
4.274 Ascanium surgentem et spes heredis Iuli
4.275 respice, cui regnum Italiae Romanaque tellus
4.276 debentur. Tali Cyllenius ore locutus
4.277 mortalis visus medio sermone reliquit,
4.278 et procul in tenuem ex oculis evanuit auram.
4.279 At vero Aeneas aspectu obmutuit amens,
4.280 arrectaeque horrore comae, et vox faucibus haesit.
4.282 attonitus tanto monitu imperioque deorum.
4.304 Tandem his Aenean compellat vocibus ultro: 4.305 Dissimulare etiam sperasti, perfide, tantum 4.306 posse nefas, tacitusque mea decedere terra? 4.307 Nec te noster amor, nec te data dextera quondam, 4.308 nec moritura tenet crudeli funere Dido?
4.311 crudelis? Quid, si non arva aliena domosque 4.312 ignotas peteres, sed Troia antiqua maneret,
4.338 speravi—ne finge—fugam, nec coniugis umquam 4.339 praetendi taedas, aut haec in foedera veni.
4.361 Italiam non sponte sequor.
4.365 Nec tibi diva parens, generis nec Dardanus auctor, 4.366 perfide; sed duris genuit te cautibus horrens 4.367 Caucasus, Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres.
4.373 Nusquam tuta fides. Eiectum litore, egentem 4.374 excepi, et regni demens in parte locavi; 4.375 amissam classem, socios a morte reduxi. 4.376 Heu furiis incensa feror! Nunc augur Apollo, 4.377 nunc Lyciae sortes, nunc et Iove missus ab ipso 4.378 interpres divom fert horrida iussa per auras. 4.421 exsequere, Anna, mihi. Solam nam perfidus ille
4.460 hinc exaudiri voces et verba vocantis 4.461 visa viri, nox cum terras obscura teneret;
4.469 Eumenidum veluti demens videt agmina Pentheus,
4.470 et solem geminum et duplicis se ostendere Thebas;
4.471 aut Agamemnonius scaenis agitatus Orestes
4.472 armatam facibus matrem et serpentibus atris
4.473 cum fugit, ultricesque sedent in limine Dirae.
4.554 Aeneas celsa in puppi, iam certus eundi, 4.555 carpebat somnos, rebus iam rite paratis. 4.556 Huic se forma dei voltu redeuntis eodem 4.557 obtulit in somnis, rursusque ita visa monere est— 4.558 omnia Mercurio similis, vocemque coloremque 4.559 et crinis flavos et membra decora iuventa: 4.560 Nate dea, potes hoc sub casu ducere somnos, 4.561 nec, quae te circum stent deinde pericula, cernis, 4.562 demens, nec Zephyros audis spirare secundos? 4.563 Illa dolos dirumque nefas in pectore versat, 4.564 certa mori, varioque irarum fluctuat aestu. 4.565 Non fugis hinc praeceps, dum praecipitare potestas? 4.566 Iam mare turbari trabibus, saevasque videbis 4.567 conlucere faces, iam fervere litora flammis, 4.568 si te his attigerit terris Aurora morantem. 4.569 Heia age, rumpe moras. Varium et mutabile semper 4.570 femina. Sic fatus, nocti se immiscuit atrae.
4.576 ecce iterum stimulat. Sequimur te, sancte deorum,
4.597 Tum decuit, cum sceptra dabas.—En dextra fidesque,
4.625 Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor, 4.626 qui face Dardanios ferroque sequare colonos, 4.627 nunc, olim, quocumque dabunt se tempore vires. 4.628 Litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas 4.629 imprecor, arma armis; pugnent ipsique nepotesque.
4.669 non aliter, quam si immissis ruat hostibus omnis 4.670 Karthago aut antiqua Tyros, flammaeque furentes 4.671 culmina perque hominum volvantur perque deorum.
5.522 Hic oculis subito obicitur magnoque futurum 5.523 augurio monstrum; docuit post exitus ingens, 5.524 seraque terrifici cecinerunt omina vates. 5.525 Namque volans liquidis in nubibus arsit harundo, 5.526 signavitque viam flammis, tenuisque recessit 5.527 consumpta in ventos, caelo ceu saepe refixa 5.528 transcurrunt crinemque volantia sidera ducunt.
6.592 At pater omnipotens densa inter nubila telum 6.593 contorsit, non ille faces nec fumea taedis 6.594 lumina, praecipitemque immani turbine adegit.
7.21 Quae ne monstra pii paterentur talia Troes 7.22 delati in portus neu litora dira subirent, 7.23 Neptunus ventis implevit vela secundis 7.24 atque fugam dedit et praeter vada fervida vexit.
7.81 At rex sollicitus monstris oracula Fauni, 7.82 fatidici genitoris, adit lucosque sub alta 7.83 consulit Albunea, nemorum quae maxima sacro 7.84 fonte sonat saevamque exhalat opaca mephitim. 7.85 Hinc Italae gentes omnisque Oenotria tellus 7.86 in dubiis responsa petunt; huc dona sacerdos 7.87 cum tulit et caesarum ovium sub nocte silenti 7.88 pellibus incubuit stratis somnosque petivit, 7.89 multa modis simulacra videt volitantia miris 7.90 et varias audit voces fruiturque deorum 7.91 conloquio atque imis Acheronta adfatur Avernis. 7.92 Hic et tum pater ipse petens responsa Latinus 7.93 centum lanigeras mactabat rite bidentis 7.94 atque harum effultus tergo stratisque iacebat 7.95 velleribus: subita ex alto vox reddita luco est: 7.96 Ne pete conubiis natam sociare Latinis,' 7.312 flectere si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo.
7.496 Ipse etiam, eximiae laudis succensus amore,
8.643 distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres,
8.685 Hinc ope barbarica variisque Antonius armis,
8.714 At Caesar, triplici invectus Romana triumpho 8.715 moenia, dis Italis votum inmortale sacrabat, 8.716 maxuma tercentum totam delubra per urbem. 8.717 Laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; 8.718 omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus arae; 8.719 ante aras terram caesi stravere iuvenci. 8.720 Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721 dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722 postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723 quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 8.725 hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos 8.726 finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undis, 8.727 extremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornis, 8.728 indomitique Dahae, et pontem indignatus Araxes.
9.576 Privernum Capys. Hunc primo levis hasta Themillae
10.143 Adfuit et Mnestheus, quem pulsi pristina Turni 10.144 aggere moerorum sublimem gloria tollit, 10.145 et Capys: hinc nomen Campanae ducitur urbi.
10.270 Ardet apex capiti cristisque a vertice flamma 10.271 funditur et vastos umbo vomit aureus ignes: 10.272 non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae 10.273 sanguinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor, 10.274 ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 10.275 nascitur et laevo contristat lumine caelum. 10.276 Haud tamen audaci Turno fiducia cessit 10.277 litora praecipere et venientis pellere terra.
12.435 Disce, puer, virtutem ex me verumque laborem, 12.436 fortunam ex aliis. Nunc te mea dextera bello 12.437 defensum dabit et magna inter praemia ducet. 12.438 Tu facito, mox cum matura adoleverit aetas, 12.439 sis memor, et te animo repetentem exempla tuorum 12.440 et pater Aeneas et avunculus excitet Hector.
12.951 fervidus. Ast illi solvuntur frigore membra'' None
1.1 Arms and the man I sing, who first made way,
1.4 Smitten of storms he was on land and sea
1.7 he suffered, seeking at the last to found
1.12 O Muse, the causes tell! What sacrilege,
1.13 or vengeful sorrow, moved the heavenly Queen
1.14 to thrust on dangers dark and endless toil ' "
1.15 a man whose largest honor in men's eyes " 1.17 In ages gone an ancient city stood—
1.18 Carthage, a Tyrian seat, which from afar
1.19 made front on Italy and on the mouths ' "1.20 of Tiber 's stream; its wealth and revenues " '1.21 were vast, and ruthless was its quest of war. ' "1.22 'T is said that Juno, of all lands she loved, " "1.23 most cherished this,—not Samos ' self so dear. " '1.24 Here were her arms, her chariot; even then ' "1.25 a throne of power o'er nations near and far, " "1.26 if Fate opposed not, 't was her darling hope " "1.27 to 'stablish here; but anxiously she heard " '1.28 that of the Trojan blood there was a breed 1.29 then rising, which upon the destined day ' "1.30 hould utterly o'erwhelm her Tyrian towers, " '1.31 a people of wide sway and conquest proud ' "1.32 hould compass Libya 's doom;—such was the web " 1.36 for her loved Greeks at Troy . Nor did she fail ' "1.37 to meditate th' occasions of her rage, " '1.38 and cherish deep within her bosom proud 1.39 its griefs and wrongs: the choice by Paris made;
1.40 her scorned and slighted beauty; a whole race ' "
1.41 rebellious to her godhead; and Jove's smile " 1.42 that beamed on eagle-ravished Ganymede.
1.43 With all these thoughts infuriate, her power ' "
1.44 pursued with tempests o'er the boundless main " 1.45 the Trojans, though by Grecian victor spared
1.46 and fierce Achilles; so she thrust them far
1.47 from Latium ; and they drifted, Heaven-impelled, ' "
1.48 year after year, o'er many an unknown sea— " 1.82 Did he not so, our ocean, earth, and sky
1.87 to hold them in firm sway, or know what time,
1.94 now sails the Tuscan main towards Italy, 1.95 bringing their Ilium and its vanquished powers. 1.96 Uprouse thy gales. Strike that proud navy down! 1.97 Hurl far and wide, and strew the waves with dead! 1.98 Twice seven nymphs are mine, of rarest mould; 1.99 of whom Deiopea, the most fair,
1.100 I give thee in true wedlock for thine own,
1.101 to mate thy noble worth; she at thy side
1.157 Look, how the lonely swimmers breast the wave!
1.158 And on the waste of waters wide are seen
1.159 weapons of war, spars, planks, and treasures rare, ' "
1.160 once Ilium 's boast, all mingled with the storm. " "
1.161 Now o'er Achates and Ilioneus, " "
1.162 now o'er the ship of Abas or Aletes, " 1.163 bursts the tempestuous shock; their loosened seams
1.165 Meanwhile how all his smitten ocean moaned, ' "
1.166 and how the tempest's turbulent assault " 1.167 had vexed the stillness of his deepest cave,
1.168 great Neptune knew; and with indigt mien ' "
1.169 uplifted o'er the sea his sovereign brow. " 1.170 He saw the Teucrian navy scattered far ' "
1.171 along the waters; and Aeneas' men " "
1.172 o'erwhelmed in mingling shock of wave and sky. " "
1.173 Saturnian Juno's vengeful stratagem " "
1.174 her brother's royal glance failed not to see; " 1.175 and loud to eastward and to westward calling,
1.176 he voiced this word: “What pride of birth or power
1.177 is yours, ye winds, that, reckless of my will,
1.178 audacious thus, ye ride through earth and heaven,
1.179 and stir these mountain waves? Such rebels I—
1.183 and bear your king this word! Not unto him ' "
1.184 dominion o'er the seas and trident dread, " 1.185 but unto me, Fate gives. Let him possess
1.186 wild mountain crags, thy favored haunt and home,
1.187 O Eurus! In his barbarous mansion there,
1.188 let Aeolus look proud, and play the king
1.190 He spoke, and swiftlier than his word subdued
1.191 the swelling of the floods; dispersed afar ' "
1.192 th' assembled clouds, and brought back light to heaven. " 1.193 Cymothoe then and Triton, with huge toil,
1.194 thrust down the vessels from the sharp-edged reef;
1.197 out-ebbing far, he calms the whole wide sea,
1.198 and glides light-wheeled along the crested foam.
1.199 As when, with not unwonted tumult, roars 1.200 in some vast city a rebellious mob, 1.201 and base-born passions in its bosom burn, 1.202 till rocks and blazing torches fill the air 1.203 (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 1.204 ome wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest 1.205 a life to duty given, swift silence falls; 1.206 all ears are turned attentive; and he sways ' "1.207 with clear and soothing speech the people's will. " 1.235 Then good Achates smote a flinty stone,
1.254 His first shafts brought to earth the lordly heads 1.255 of the high-antlered chiefs; his next assailed 1.256 the general herd, and drove them one and all 1.257 in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258 the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259 lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260 Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261 distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262 which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263 had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264 with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266 “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267 calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268 far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269 also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by ' "1.270 infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. " "1.271 Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! " '1.272 No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273 ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274 Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275 our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276 beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277 that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279 Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280 feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, ' "1.281 and locked within his heart a hero's pain. " '1.282 Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283 they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284 and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285 and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286 place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287 Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288 they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289 on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290 But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291 in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, ' "1.292 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows " '1.293 whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294 or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295 Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296 Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 1.299 After these things were past, exalted Jove, 1.300 from his ethereal sky surveying clear
1.302 and nations populous from shore to shore, 1.303 paused on the peak of heaven, and fixed his gaze 1.304 on Libya . But while he anxious mused,
1.335 to a new land and race; the Trojan arms 1.336 were hung on temple walls; and, to this day, 1.337 lying in perfect peace, the hero sleeps. 1.338 But we of thine own seed, to whom thou dost 1.339 a station in the arch of heaven assign, 1.340 behold our navy vilely wrecked, because 1.341 a single god is angry; we endure 1.342 this treachery and violence, whereby ' "1.343 wide seas divide us from th' Hesperian shore. " '1.344 Is this what piety receives? Or thus 1.346 Smiling reply, the Sire of gods and men, 1.347 with such a look as clears the skies of storm 1.348 chastely his daughter kissed, and thus spake on: 1.349 “Let Cytherea cast her fears away! 1.350 Irrevocably blest the fortunes be 1.351 of thee and thine. Nor shalt thou fail to see 1.352 that City, and the proud predestined wall 1.353 encompassing Lavinium . Thyself 1.354 hall starward to the heights of heaven bear 1.355 Aeneas the great-hearted. Nothing swerves 1.356 my will once uttered. Since such carking cares 1.357 consume thee, I this hour speak freely forth, 1.358 and leaf by leaf the book of fate unfold. 1.359 Thy son in Italy shall wage vast war
1.360 and, quell its nations wild; his city-wall
1.361 and sacred laws shall be a mighty bond
1.362 about his gathered people. Summers three
1.363 hall Latium call him king; and three times pass ' "
1.364 the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. " 1.365 His heir, Ascanius, now Iulus called ' "
1.366 (Ilus it was while Ilium 's kingdom stood), " 1.367 full thirty months shall reign, then move the throne
1.368 from the Lavinian citadel, and build ' "
1.370 Here three full centuries shall Hector's race " '1.371 have kingly power; till a priestess queen,
1.373 then Romulus, wolf-nursed and proudly clad
1.375 the sceptre of his race. He shall uprear
1.418 his many cares, when first the cheerful dawn
1.419 upon him broke, resolved to take survey
1.420 of this strange country whither wind and wave
1.421 had driven him,—for desert land it seemed,—
1.422 to learn what tribes of man or beast possess
1.423 a place so wild, and careful tidings bring
1.424 back to his friends. His fleet of ships the while, ' "
1.425 where dense, dark groves o'er-arch a hollowed crag, " 1.426 he left encircled in far-branching shade.
1.427 Then with no followers save his trusty friend
1.428 Achates, he went forth upon his way,
1.429 two broad-tipped javelins poising in his hand.
1.430 Deep to the midmost wood he went, and there
1.431 his Mother in his path uprose; she seemed
1.432 in garb and countece a maid, and bore,
1.433 like Spartan maids, a weapon; in such guise
1.434 Harpalyce the Thracian urges on
1.435 her panting coursers and in wild career
1.436 outstrips impetuous Hebrus as it flows.
1.437 Over her lovely shoulders was a bow,
1.438 lender and light, as fits a huntress fair;
1.439 her golden tresses without wimple moved
1.440 in every wind, and girded in a knot
1.446 her spotted mantle was; perchance she roused ' "
1.448 So Venus spoke, and Venus' son replied: " 1.449 “No voice or vision of thy sister fair
1.450 has crossed my path, thou maid without a name!
1.451 Thy beauty seems not of terrestrial mould,
1.452 nor is thy music mortal! Tell me, goddess, ' "
1.453 art thou bright Phoebus' sister? Or some nymph, " "
1.454 the daughter of a god? Whate'er thou art, " 1.455 thy favor we implore, and potent aid
1.456 in our vast toil. Instruct us of what skies, ' "
1.457 or what world's end, our storm-swept lives have found! " 1.458 Strange are these lands and people where we rove,
1.459 compelled by wind and wave. Lo, this right hand
1.461 Then Venus: “Nay, I boast not to receive
1.462 honors divine. We Tyrian virgins oft
1.463 bear bow and quiver, and our ankles white
1.464 lace up in purple buskin. Yonder lies
1.465 the Punic power, where Tyrian masters hold ' "
1.466 Agenor's town; but on its borders dwell " 1.467 the Libyans, by battles unsubdued.
1.468 Upon the throne is Dido, exiled there ' "
1.469 from Tyre, to flee th' unnatural enmity " "
1.470 of her own brother. 'T was an ancient wrong; " 1.471 too Iong the dark and tangled tale would be;
1.472 I trace the larger outline of her story:
1.473 Sichreus was her spouse, whose acres broad
1.474 no Tyrian lord could match, and he was-blessed ' "
1.475 by his ill-fated lady's fondest love, " 1.476 whose father gave him her first virgin bloom
1.477 in youthful marriage. But the kingly power
1.478 among the Tyrians to her brother came,
1.479 Pygmalion, none deeper dyed in crime
1.480 in all that land. Betwixt these twain there rose
1.481 a deadly hatred,—and the impious wretch,
1.482 blinded by greed, and reckless utterly ' "
1.483 of his fond sister's joy, did murder foul " 1.484 upon defenceless and unarmed Sichaeus,
1.485 and at the very altar hewed him down.
1.486 Long did he hide the deed, and guilefully
1.487 deceived with false hopes, and empty words,
1.488 her grief and stricken love. But as she slept, ' "
1.489 her husband's tombless ghost before her came, " 1.490 with face all wondrous pale, and he laid bare
1.491 his heart with dagger pierced, disclosing so
1.492 the blood-stained altar and the infamy
1.493 that darkened now their house. His counsel was
1.539 But Venus could not let him longer plain, ' "1.541 “Whoe'er thou art, " "
1.573 toward the city's rampart. Venus then " 1.619 that portent which Queen Juno bade them find,— 1.620 the head of a proud horse,—that ages long 1.621 their boast might be wealth, luxury and war. 1.622 Upon this spot Sidonian Dido raised
1.626 and on loud hinges swung the brazen doors. ' "
1.628 which calmed Aeneas' fears, and made him bold " '1.629 to hope for safety, and with lifted heart ' "
1.637 now told upon men's lips the whole world round. " "1.638 There Atreus' sons, there kingly Priam moved, " "
1.657 in night's first watch burst o'er them unawares " "
1.661 on Trojan corn or Xanthus ' cooling stream. " 1.693 in lovely majesty drew near; a throng 1.694 of youthful followers pressed round her way. 1.695 So by the margin of Eurotas wide ' "1.696 or o'er the Cynthian steep, Diana leads " '1.697 her bright processional; hither and yon 1.698 are visionary legions numberless 1.699 of Oreads; the regt goddess bears
1.700 a quiver on her shoulders, and is seen
1.711 the people heard, and took what lot or toil
1.725 had brought them hither; for a chosen few
1.726 from every ship had come to sue for grace,
1.728 The doors swung wide; and after access given
1.729 and leave to speak, revered Ilioneus
1.730 with soul serene these lowly words essayed:
1.731 “O Queen, who hast authority of Jove
1.732 to found this rising city, and subdue
1.733 with righteous goverce its people proud,
1.734 we wretched Trojans, blown from sea to sea,
1.740 uch haughty violence fits not the souls
1.741 of vanquished men. We journey to a land
1.742 named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia :
1.743 a storied realm, made mighty by great wars
1.744 and wealth of fruitful land; in former days ' "
1.745 Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, " "
1.746 have called it Italy, a chieftain's name " 1.747 to a whole region given. Thitherward
2.3 Father Aeneas with these words began :— 2.4 A grief unspeakable thy gracious word, ' "2.5 o sovereign lady, bids my heart live o'er: " "2.6 how Asia 's glory and afflicted throne " 2.10 or Myrmidon, or gory follower
2.35 threw off her grief inveterate; all her gates
2.36 wung wide; exultant went we forth, and saw
2.37 the Dorian camp unteted, the siege
2.38 abandoned, and the shore without a keel.
2.39 “Here!” cried we, “the Dolopian pitched; the host
2.54 Then from the citadel, conspicuous, 2.55 Laocoon, with all his following choir, 2.56 hurried indigt down; and from afar
2.594 the shielded left-hand thwarts the falling spears, 2.595 the right to every vantage closely clings. 2.603 Thus were our hearts inflamed to stand and strike
2.610 was wont with young Astyanax to pass ' "2.611 in quest of Priam and her husband's kin. " '2.612 This way to climb the palace roof I flew, 2.613 where, desperate, the Trojans with vain skill 2.614 hurled forth repellent arms. A tower was there, 2.615 reared skyward from the roof-top, giving view ' "2.616 of Troy 's wide walls and full reconnaissance " 2.622 It fell with instantaneous crash of thunder 2.623 along the Danaan host in ruin wide.
3.350 And will ye from their rightful kingdom drive 3.351 the guiltless Harpies? Hear, O, hear my word 3.352 (Long in your bosoms may it rankle sore!) 3.353 which Jove omnipotent to Phoebus gave, 3.354 Phoebus to me: a word of doom, which I, ' "3.355 the Furies' elder sister, here unfold: " 4.2 of love; and out of every pulsing vein 4.40 He who first mingled his dear life with mine
4.66 and what imperial city shall be thine,
4.77 a doubting mind with hope, and bade the blush
4.86 and poured it full between the lifted horns 4.87 of the white heifer; or on temple floors 4.88 he strode among the richly laden shrines, 4.89 the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping
4.97 quick in her breast the viewless, voiceless wound.
4.101 through Cretan forest rashly wandering,
4.124 he clasps Ascanius, seeking to deceive
4.143 Why further go? Prithee, what useful end 4.144 has our long war? Why not from this day forth 4.145 perpetual peace and nuptial amity? 4.146 Hast thou not worked thy will? Behold and see 4.147 how Iove-sick Dido burns, and all her flesh ' "4.148 'The madness feels! So let our common grace " '4.149 mile on a mingled people! Let her serve 4.150 a Phrygian husband, while thy hands receive
4.193 and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein.
4.215 of woodland creatures; the wild goats are seen,
4.223 his chase outspeeds; but in his heart he prays
4.224 among these tame things suddenly to see
4.225 a tusky boar, or, leaping from the hills,
4.227 Meanwhile low thunders in the distant sky
4.228 mutter confusedly; soon bursts in full
4.229 the storm-cloud and the hail. The Tyrian troop
4.230 is scattered wide; the chivalry of Troy, ' "
4.231 with the young heir of Dardan's kingly line, " 4.232 of Venus sprung, seek shelter where they may,
4.233 with sudden terror; down the deep ravines
4.234 the swollen torrents roar. In that same hour
4.235 Queen Dido and her hero out of Troy
4.236 to the same cavern fly. Old Mother-Earth
4.237 and wedlock-keeping Juno gave the sign;
4.259 a peering eye abides; and, strange to tell,
4.260 an equal number of vociferous tongues,
4.261 foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "
4.262 At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " 4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, ' "
4.264 nor e'er to happy slumber gives her eyes: " 4.265 but with the morn she takes her watchful throne
4.266 high on the housetops or on lofty towers,
4.267 to terrify the nations. She can cling
4.268 to vile invention and maligt wrong,
4.269 or mingle with her word some tidings true. ' "
4.270 She now with changeful story filled men's ears, " 4.271 exultant, whether false or true she sung:
4.272 how, Trojan-born Aeneas having come,
4.273 Dido, the lovely widow, Iooked his way,
4.274 deigning to wed; how all the winter long
4.275 they passed in revel and voluptuous ease, ' "
4.276 to dalliance given o'er; naught heeding now " 4.277 of crown or kingdom—shameless! lust-enslaved!
4.278 Such tidings broadcast on the lips of men
4.279 the filthy goddess spread; and soon she hied
4.280 to King Iarbas, where her hateful song
4.282 Him the god Ammon got by forced embrace
4.304 receiving fertile coastland for her farms, 4.305 by hospitable grant! She dares disdain 4.306 our proffered nuptial vow. She has proclaimed 4.307 Aeneas partner of her bed and throne. 4.308 And now that Paris, with his eunuch crew,
4.311 his stolen prize. But we to all these fanes, 4.312 though they be thine, a fruitless offering bring, ' "
4.338 the land Lavinian and Ausonia's sons. " '4.339 Let him to sea! Be this our final word: ' "
4.361 the speed of Mercury's well-poising wing; " 4.365 or round tall crags where rove the swarming fish, ' "4.366 flies Iow along the waves: o'er-hovering so " "4.367 between the earth and skies, Cyllene's god " 4.373 and founding walls and towers; at his side 4.374 was girt a blade with yellow jaspers starred, 4.375 his mantle with the stain of Tyrian shell 4.376 flowed purple from his shoulder, broidered fair 4.377 by opulent Dido with fine threads of gold, 4.378 her gift of love; straightway the god began: 4.421 perceived ere it began. Her jealous fear
4.460 Iarbas, chain me captive to his car? . 4.461 O, if, ere thou hadst fled, I might but bear
4.469 then thus the silence broke: “O Queen, not one
4.470 of my unnumbered debts so strongly urged ' "
4.471 would I gainsay. Elissa's memory " 4.472 will be my treasure Iong as memory holds,
4.473 or breath of life is mine. Hear my brief plea!
4.554 uch misery, and with the timely word 4.555 her grief assuage, and though his burdened heart 4.556 was weak because of love, while many a groan 4.557 rose from his bosom, yet no whit did fail 4.558 to do the will of Heaven, but of his fleet 4.559 resumed command. The Trojans on the shore 4.560 ply well their task and push into the sea 4.561 the lofty ships. Now floats the shining keel, 4.562 and oars they bring all leafy from the grove, 4.563 with oak half-hewn, so hurried was the flight. 4.564 Behold them how they haste—from every gate 4.565 forth-streaming!—just as when a heap of corn 4.566 is thronged with ants, who, knowing winter nigh, 4.567 refill their granaries; the long black line ' "4.568 runs o'er the levels, and conveys the spoil " '4.569 in narrow pathway through the grass; a part 4.570 with straining and assiduous shoulder push
4.576 was thine, when from the towering citadel
4.597 ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore
4.625 teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626 its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627 its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 4.628 the hero by unceasing wail and cry 4.629 is smitten sore, and in his mighty heart
4.669 lies the last Aethiop land, where Atlas tall 4.670 lifts on his shoulder the wide wheel of heaven, 4.671 tudded with burning stars. From thence is come
5.522 O, if I had what yonder ruffian boasts— 5.523 my own proud youth once more! I would not ask 5.524 the fair bull for a prize, nor to the lists 5.525 in search of gifts come forth.” So saying, he threw 5.526 into the mid-arena a vast pair 5.527 of ponderous gauntlets, which in former days 5.528 fierce Eryx for his fights was wont to bind
6.592 Thy death, ah me! I dealt it. But I swear 6.593 By stars above us, by the powers in Heaven, 6.594 Or whatsoever oath ye dead believe,
7.21 And roaring all night long; great bristly boars 7.22 And herded bears, in pinfold closely kept, 7.23 Rage horribly, and monster-wolves make moan; 7.24 Whom the dread goddess with foul juices strong
7.81 Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82 Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83 came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84 voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85 on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86 with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87 wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88 the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89 To the same region by the self-same path ' "7.90 behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway " "7.91 upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, " '7.92 when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, ' "7.93 Lavinia kindled at her father's side " '7.94 the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95 along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.96 Over her broidered snood it sparkling flew, 7.97 lighting her queenly tresses and her crown 7.98 of jewels rare: then, wrapt in flaming cloud, ' "7.99 from hall to hall the fire-god's gift she flung. " '7.100 This omen dread and wonder terrible 7.101 was rumored far: for prophet-voices told
7.312 from Ilium burning: with this golden bowl
7.496 along the public ways; as oft one sees
8.643 May Heaven requite them on his impious head
8.685 Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King
8.714 Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715 long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716 if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717 a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718 to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths ' "8.719 over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! " '8.720 O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721 to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722 what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723 hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725 He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726 Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727 acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728 adored, as yesterday, the household gods
9.576 this way and that. But Nisus, fiercer still,
10.143 have goverce supreme, began reply; 10.144 deep silence at his word Olympus knew, ' "10.145 Earth's utmost cavern shook; the realms of light " 10.270 oft snow-white plumes, and spurning earth he soared 10.271 on high, and sped in music through the stars. 10.272 His son with bands of youthful peers urged on 10.273 a galley with a Centaur for its prow, ' "10.274 which loomed high o'er the waves, and seemed to hurl " '10.275 a huge stone at the water, as the keel 10.276 ploughed through the deep. Next Ocnus summoned forth 10.277 a war-host from his native shores, the son
12.435 this frantic stir, this quarrel rashly bold? 12.436 Recall your martial rage! The pledge is given ' "12.437 and all its terms agreed. 'T is only I " '12.438 do lawful battle here. So let me forth, 12.439 and tremble not. My own hand shall confirm 12.440 the solemn treaty. For these rites consign
12.951 on lofty rampart, or in siege below ' ' None
|88. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.31-6.40, 8.9-8.10
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 280, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 280, 294
6.31 and crying, “Why tie the fetters? loose me, boys; 6.32 enough for you to think you had the power; 6.33 now list the songs you wish for—songs for you, 6.34 another meed for her”—forthwith began. 6.35 Then might you see the wild things of the wood, 6.36 with Fauns in sportive frolic beat the time, 6.37 and stubborn oaks their branchy summits bow. 6.38 Not Phoebus doth the rude Parnassian crag 6.39 o ravish, nor Orpheus so entrance the height 6.40 of Rhodope or Ismarus: for he sang
8.9 thou now art passing, or dost skirt the shore 8.10 of the Illyrian main,—will ever dawn'' None
|89. Vergil, Georgics, 2.176, 4.523
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283, 294; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283, 294
2.176 Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.
4.523 Tum quoque marmorea caput a cervice revulsum'' None
2.176 Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold,
4.523 The fetters, or in showery drops anon'' None
|90. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 100; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 143, 267, 275, 283, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 143, 267, 275, 283, 284
|91. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, Carthaginian
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 10
|92. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, student at Carthage • Carthage • Cyprian (of Carthage)
Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 12; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 42
|93. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Donatum • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Donatum, on process of conversion • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum testimonia adversus Judaeos • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum, summarising divine truths • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, Pontius, Vita Cypriani • Cyprian of Carthage, and biblical canon • Cyprian of Carthage, life of • Cyprian of Carthage, ordering of knowledge in • Cyprian of Carthage, scriptural interpretation, overview • ordering of knowledge, epistemology in late antique world, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 154, 156; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 120
|94. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Carthage • Carthage, martyrdom of Perpetua • Carthage, site of Montanism • Cyprian of Carthage, Ad Quirinum, summarising divine truths • Cyprian of Carthage, Cyprian of Carthage, testimonia collections of • Cyprian of Carthage, De dominica oratione, commenting on Lord’s Prayer • Cyprian of Carthage, life of • Cyprian of Carthage, memorisation of scriptures • Cyprian of Carthage, on dignatio • Optatus of Carthage
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 160, 164; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 271, 272, 273, 288; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 826, 942; Kitzler (2015), From 'Passio Perpetuae' to 'Acta Perpetuae', 33, 73, 95; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 68; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 232; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 60