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37 results for "brahmans"

1. Homer, Odyssey, 4.219-4.239 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 416

4.219. ἔνθʼ αὖτʼ ἄλλʼ ἐνόησʼ Ἑλένη Διὸς ἐκγεγαυῖα· 4.220. αὐτίκʼ ἄρʼ εἰς οἶνον βάλε φάρμακον, ἔνθεν ἔπινον, 4.221. νηπενθές τʼ ἄχολόν τε, κακῶν ἐπίληθον ἁπάντων. 4.222. ὃς τὸ καταβρόξειεν, ἐπὴν κρητῆρι μιγείη, 4.223. οὔ κεν ἐφημέριός γε βάλοι κατὰ δάκρυ παρειῶν, 4.224. οὐδʼ εἴ οἱ κατατεθναίη μήτηρ τε πατήρ τε, 4.225. οὐδʼ εἴ οἱ προπάροιθεν ἀδελφεὸν ἢ φίλον υἱὸν 4.226. χαλκῷ δηιόῳεν, ὁ δʼ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ὁρῷτο. 4.227. τοῖα Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἔχε φάρμακα μητιόεντα, 4.228. ἐσθλά, τά οἱ Πολύδαμνα πόρεν, Θῶνος παράκοιτις 4.229. Αἰγυπτίη, τῇ πλεῖστα φέρει ζείδωρος ἄρουρα 4.230. φάρμακα, πολλὰ μὲν ἐσθλὰ μεμιγμένα πολλὰ δὲ λυγρά· 4.231. ἰητρὸς δὲ ἕκαστος ἐπιστάμενος περὶ πάντων 4.232. ἀνθρώπων· ἦ γὰρ Παιήονός εἰσι γενέθλης. 4.233. αὐτὰρ ἐπεί ῥʼ ἐνέηκε κέλευσέ τε οἰνοχοῆσαι, 4.234. ἐξαῦτις μύθοισιν ἀμειβομένη προσέειπεν· 4.235. Ἀτρεΐδη Μενέλαε διοτρεφὲς ἠδὲ καὶ οἵδε 4.236. ἀνδρῶν ἐσθλῶν παῖδες· ἀτὰρ θεὸς ἄλλοτε ἄλλῳ 4.237. Ζεὺς ἀγαθόν τε κακόν τε διδοῖ· δύναται γὰρ ἅπαντα· 4.238. ἦ τοι νῦν δαίνυσθε καθήμενοι ἐν μεγάροισι 4.239. καὶ μύθοις τέρπεσθε· ἐοικότα γὰρ καταλέξω.

4.220. and immediately threw a drug into the wine which they were drinking, a drug that relieves pain, calms anger, and makes one forget all evils. He who swallowed it, once it was mixed in the mixing bowl, would not throughout the day let tears fall from his cheeks, not if his mother and his father died, 4.225. not if in front of him they cleaved with bronze his brother or beloved son and he saw it with his eyes. Zeus's daughter had such helpful drugs, good ones that an Egyptian, Thonus' wife Polydamna, gave her. There grain-giving farmland bears drugs greatest in number, 4.230. many good, when mixed; many others, maleficent. Each Egyptian is a healer, surpassing all mankind in knowledge, for they're of Paeeon's race. Then after she threw it in and bid them pour the wine, she said back to them in answer: 4.235. “Zeus-born Atreides Menelaus, and you here, good men's sons, since god Zeus at one time or another gives both good and bad, for he can do everything, sit now and dine in our palace and enjoy my stories, for I'll tell ones suitable for you.

2. Aristophanes, Clouds, 746-755, 757, 756 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 416

756. ὁτιὴ κατὰ μῆνα τἀγύριον δανείζεται.

3. Numenius Heracleensis, Fragments, 1a des places (= praep. ev. 9.7.1), 8-15 des places ? (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 75

4. Propertius, Elegies, 4.567-4.572 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

5. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 76-83, 85-91, 84 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 403

84. Accordingly, the sacred volumes present an infinite number of instances of the disposition devoted to the love of God, and of a continued and uninterrupted purity throughout the whole of life, of a careful avoidance of oaths and of falsehood, and of a strict adherence to the principle of looking on the Deity as the cause of everything which is good and of nothing which is evil. They also furnish us with many proofs of a love of virtue, such as abstinence from all covetousness of money, from ambition, from indulgence in pleasures, temperance, endurance, and also moderation, simplicity, good temper, the absence of pride, obedience to the laws, steadiness, and everything of that kind; and, lastly, they bring forward as proofs of the love of mankind, goodwill, equality beyond all power of description, and fellowship, about which it is not unreasonable to say a few words.

6. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.88 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 318

2.88. Moreover, he chose the materials of this embroidery, selecting with great care what was most excellent out of an infinite quantity, choosing materials equal in number to the elements of which the world was made, and having a direct relation to them; the elements being the earth and the water, and the air and the fire. For the fine flax is produced from the earth, and the purple from the water, and the hyacinth colour is compared to the air (for, by nature, it is black

7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 179 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 318

179. And what can this best of all things be except God? whose honours those men have attributed to beings which are not gods, honouring them beyond all reason and moderation, and, like empty minded people that they are, wholly forgetting him. All those men therefore who, although they did not originally choose to honour the Creator and Father of the universe, have yet changed and done so afterwards, having learnt to prefer to honour a single monarch rather than a number of rulers, we must look upon as our friends and kinsmen, since they display that greatest of all bonds with which to cement friendship and kindred, namely, a pious and God-loving disposition, and we ought to sympathise in joy with and to congratulate them, since even if they were blind previously they have now received their sight, beholding the most brilliant of all lights instead of the most profound darkness. XXXIV.

8. Ovid, Amores, 1.8.1-1.8.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

1.8.2. Audiat! — est quaedam nomine Dipsas anus.

9. Horace, Sermones, 1.8.17-1.8.26 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

1.8.23. I’ve seen Canidia myself, wandering barefoot With her black robe tucked up, and dishevelled hair, Howling with the elder Sagana: pallor making them Hideous to view. They scraped at the soil with their nails, Then set to tearing a black lamb to bits with their teeth: The blood ran into the trench, so they might summon The souls of the dead, spirits to give them answers. There was a woollen doll there, and another of wax: The wool one was larger to torment and crush the other. The wax one stood like a suppliant, waiting slave-like For death. One of the witches cried out to Hecate, The other to cruel Tisiphone: you might have seen Snakes and hell-hounds wandering around, a blushing Moon, Hiding behind the tall tombs, so as not to be witness. If I’m lying, foul my head with white raven’s droppings, And let Julius, slim Pediatia, and that thief Voranus come here, and shit and piss all over me. Why tell every detail – how the spirits made shrill sad noises As they conversed with Sagana, how the two witches Stealthily buried the beard of a wolf, and the tooth of a spotted snake, how the wax doll made the fire Blaze more brightly, and how I shuddered, a witness To the twin Furies’ words and deeds, but had my revenge? My buttocks of fig wood split with a crack as loud As the sound of a bursting bladder: and off they ran To the city. You’d have been laughing and cheering To see Canidia’s false teeth drop, and Sagana’s tall wig, Herbs and magical love-knots tumbling from their arms.

10. Horace, Letters, 5.98 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

11. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 75

80. Cyphi Cf. Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. ii. p. 616 (Manetho, frag. 84). An interesting note in Parthey’s edition (pp. 277-280) describes the different kinds of cyphi mentioned in ancient writers, and gives in modern terms recipes for three. is a compound composed of sixteen ingredients: honey, wine, raisins, cyperus, resin, myrrh, aspalathus, seselis, mastich, bitumen, rush, sorrel, and in addition to these both the junipers, of which they call one the larger and one the smaller, cardamum, and calamus. These are compounded, not at random, but while the sacred writings are being read to the perfumers as they mix the ingredients. As for this number, even if it appears quite clear that it is the square of a square and is the only one of the numbers forming a square that has its perimeter equal to its area, Cf. 367 f, supra . and deserves to be admired for this reason, yet it must be said that its contribution to the topic under discussion is very slight. Most of the materials that are taken into this compound, inasmuch as they have aromatic properties, give forth a sweet emanation and a beneficent exhalation, by which the air is changed, and the body, being moved gently and softly Cf. Moralia, 1087 e. by the current, acquires a temperament conducive to sleep; and the distress and strain of our daily carking cares, as if they were knots, these exhalations relax and loosen without the aid of wine. The imaginative faculty that is susceptible to dreams it brightens like a mirror, and makes it clearer no less effectively than did the notes of the lyre which the Pythagoreans Cf. Plato, Timaeus, 45 d, and Quintilian, ix. 4. 12. used to employ before sleeping as a charm and a cure for the emotional and irrational in the soul. It is a fact that stimulating odours often recall the failing powers of sensation, and often again lull and quiet them when their emanations are diffused in the body by virtue of their ethereal qualities; even as some physicians state that sleep supervenes when the volatile portion of our food, gently permeating the digestive tract and coming into close contact with it, produces a species of titillation. They use cyphi as both a potion and a salve; for taken internally it seems to cleanse properly the internal organs, since it is an emollient. Apart from this, resin and myrrh result from the action of the sun when the trees exude them in response to the heat. of the ingredients which compose cyphi, there are some which delight more in the night, that is, those which are wont to thrive in cold winds and shadows and dews and dampness. For the light of day is single and simple, and Pindar Pindar, Olympian Odes, i. 6. says that the sun is seen through the deserted aether. But the air at night is a composite mixture made up of many lights and forces, even as though seeds from every star were showered down into one place. Very appropriately, therefore, they burn resin and myrrh in the daytime, for these are simple substances and have their origin from the sun; but the cyphi, since it is compounded of ingredients of all sorts of qualities, they offer at nightfall. Some think the essay ends too abruptly; others think it is quite complete; each reader may properly have his own opinion.

12. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 30.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 416

30.7. It should be unique evidence of fraud that they look upon the mole of all living creatures with the greatest awe, although it is cursed by Nature with so many defects, being permanently blind, sunk in other darkness also, and resembling the buried dead. In no entrails is placed such faith; to no creature do they attribute more supernatural properties; so that if anyone eats its heart, fresh and still beating, they promise powers of divination and of foretelling the issue of matters in hand. They declare that a tooth, extracted from a living mole and attached as an amulet, cures toothache. The rest of their beliefs about this animal I will relate in the appropriate places. But of all they say nothing will be found more likely than that the mole is an antidote for the bite of the shrewmouse, seeing that an antidote for it, as I have said, is even earth that has been depressed by cart wheels.

13. New Testament, Ephesians, 3.21, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 318

3.21. αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς πάσας τὰς γενεὰς τοῦ αἰῶνος τῶν αἰώνων· ἀμήν. 4.6. ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων καὶ διὰ πάντων καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν.

3.21. to him be the glory in the assembly and in Christ Jesus to all generations forever and ever. Amen. 4.6. one God and Father of all, who is over all, and through all, and in us all.

14. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.1.1 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 453

1.1.1. λέγεται δὴ Φίλιππος μὲν τελευτῆσαι ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Πυθοδήλου Ἀθήνησι· παραλαβόντα δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀλέξανδρον, παῖδα ὄντα Φιλίππου, ἐς Πελοπόννησον παρελθεῖν· εἶναι δὲ τότε ἀμφὶ τὰ εἴκοσιν ἔτη Ἀλέξανδρον.

1.1.1. DEATH OF PHILIP and ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER — HIS WARS WITH THE THRACIANS It is said that Philip died when Pythodelus was archon at Athens, and that his son Alexander, being then about twenty years of age, marched into Peloponnesus as soon as he had secured the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the limits of Peloponnesus, and asked from them the supreme command of the expedition against the Persians, an office which they had already conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all except the Lacedemonians, who replied that it was an hereditary custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians also attempted to bring about some political change; but they were so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed upon Philip. He then returned into Macedonia and busied himself in preparing for the expedition into Asia. However, at the approach of spring he marched towards Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians, because he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy; and at the same time, as they were lying on his frontier, he thought it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away from his own land, to leave them behind him without having been entirely subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of the people who were called independent Thracians, keeping the city of Philippi and Mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river Nessus, they say he arrived at mount Haemus on the tenth day. Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the independent Thracians, who had made preparations to check the further advance of his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons, and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to ascend. They had come to the conclusion that the denser the phalanx was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.

15. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 49.8 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 359

49.8. the Celts appointed those whom they call Druids, these also being devoted to the prophetic art and to wisdom in general. In all these cases the kings were not permitted to do or plan anything without the assistance of these wise men, so that in truth it was they who ruled, while the kings became are servants and the ministers of their will, though they sat on golden thrones, dwelt in great houses, and feasted sumptuously. And indeed it is reasonable to expect that man to administer any office most capably who, occupying continuously the most difficult office of all, can show himself free from error. <

16. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

1.12. Then I felt that natural phenomenon where certain emotions are expressed through their contraries. At that instant, just as tears will often flow from joy, I couldn't keep from laughing at being turned from Aristomenes to a tortoise. Hurled to the floor, from a corner of my eye, beneath the welcome protection of my bed, I watched two women of rather ripe years. One bore a lighted lamp, the other a sponge and naked blade. Thus equipped they circled the soundly sleeping Socrates. The one with the sword spoke: 'Panthia, my sister, this is my dear Endymion, my Ganymede, who made sport with my youth, day and night, who not only scorned my secret love insultingly, but even plotted to escape. Am I really to be deserted like Calypso by a cunning Ulysses, and condemned, in turn, to weep in everlasting loneliness?' Then she stretched out her hand, and pointed me out to her friend Panthia. 'And this is his good counsellor Aristomenes, who was the author of his escape, and now lies close to death, stretched on the ground, sprawled beneath his little bed, watching it all. He thinks he's going to recount his insults to me with impunity. I'll make him regret his past jibes and his present nosiness later, if not sooner, if not right now!'

17. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.15.72 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 318; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 401, 403

18. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

19. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 1a des places (= praep. ev. 9.7.1), 8-15 des places ?, 60, 56 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 75

20. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 1a des places (= praep. ev. 9.7.1), 8-15 des places ?, 56, 60 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet, Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire (2013) 75

21. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.3, 1.11, 1.18-1.19, 1.23-1.24, 1.30, 1.33, 2.4, 2.14-2.16, 3.28, 4.25, 5.40 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 452, 455

2.4. ̓Αντίοχον δὲ τὸν σοφιστὴν αἱ Κιλίκων Αἰγαὶ ἤνεγκαν οὕτω τι εὐπατρίδην, ὡς νῦν ἔτι τὸ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ γένος ὑπάτους εἶναι. αἰτίαν δὲ ἔχων δειλίας, ἐπεὶ μὴ παρῄει ἐς τὸν δῆμον, μηδὲ ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἐπολίτευεν, “οὐχ ὑμᾶς”, εἶπεν “ἀλλ' ἐμαυτὸν δέδοικα”, εἰδώς που τὴν ἑαυτοῦ χολὴν ἄκρατόν τε καὶ οὐ καθεκτὴν οὖσαν. ἀλλ' ὅμως ὠφέλει τοὺς ἀστοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς οὐσίας, ὅ τι εἴη δυνατός, σῖτόν τε ἐπιδιδούς, ὁπότε τούτου δεομένους αἴσθοιτο, καὶ χρήματα ἐς τὰ πεπονηκότα τῶν ἔργων. τὰς δὲ πλείους τῶν νυκτῶν ἐς τὸ τοῦ ̓Ασκληπιοῦ ἱερὸν ἀπεκάθευδεν ὑπέρ τε ὀνειράτων ὑπέρ τε ξυνουσίας, ὁπόση ἐγρηγορότων τε καὶ διαλεγομένων ἀλλήλοις, διελέγετο γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐγρηγορότι ὁ θεὸς καλὸν ἀγώνισμα ποιούμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τέχνης τὸ τὰς νόσους ἐρύκειν τοῦ ̓Αντιόχου. ἀκροατὴς ὁ ̓Αντίοχος ἐν παισὶ μὲν Δαρδάνου τοῦ ̓Ασσυρίου, προιὼν δὲ ἐς τὰ μειράκια Διονυσίου ἐγένετο τοῦ Μιλησίου κατέχοντος ἤδη τὴν ̓Εφεσίων. διελέγετο μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἐπιτηδείως — φρονιμώτατος δ' ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος διέβαλλεν αὐτὸ ὡς μειρακιῶδες, ἵνα ὑπερεωρακὼς αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπολειπόμενος φαίνοιτο — τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ μελέτην ἐλλογιμώτατος: ἀσφαλὴς μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς κατὰ σχῆμα προηγμέναις τῶν ὑποθέσεων, σφοδρὸς δὲ ἐν ταῖς κατηγορίαις καὶ ἐπιφοραῖς, εὐπρεπὴς δὲ τὰς ἀπολογίας καὶ τῷ ἠθικῷ ἰσχύων, καὶ καθάπαξ τῆν ἰδέαν τοῦ λόγου δικανικῆς μὲν σοφιστικώτερος, σοφιστικῆς δὲ δικανικώτερος. καὶ τὰ πάθη ἄριστα σοφιστῶν μετεχειρίσατο, οὐ γὰρ μονῳδίας ἀπεμήκυνεν, οὐδὲ θρήνους ὑποκειμένους, ἀλλ' ἐβραχυλόγει αὐτὰ ξὺν διανοίαις λόγου κρείττοσιν, ὡς ἔκ τε τῶν ἄλλων ὑποθέσεων δηλοῦται καὶ μάλιστα ἐκ τῶνδε: κόρη βιασθεῖσα θάνατον ᾕρηται τοῦ βιασαμένου: μετὰ ταῦτα γέγονε παιδίον ἐκ τῆς βίας καὶ διαμιλλῶνται οἱ πάπποι, παρ' ὁποτέρῳ τρέφοιτο τὸ παιδίον. ἀγωνιζόμενος οὖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πρὸς πατρὸς πάππου “ἀπόδος” ἔφη “τὸ παιδίον, ἀπόδος ἤδη, πρὶν γεύσηται μητρῴου γάλακτος.” ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα ὑπόθεσις τοιαύτη: τύραννον καταθέμενον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ τῷ ἐκλελύσθαι ἀπέκτεινέ τις εὐνοῦχος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γεγονὼς καὶ ἀπολογεῖται ὑπὲρ τοῦ φόνου. ἐνταῦθα τὸ μάλιστα ἐρρωμένον τῆς κατηγορίας τὸν περὶ τῶν σπονδῶν λόγον ἀπεώσατο περίνοιαν ἐγκαταμίξας τῷ πάθει: “τίσι γὰρ” ἔφη “ταῦτα ὡμολόγησε; παισὶ γυναίοις μειρακίοις πρεσβύταις ἀνδράσιν: ἐγὼ δὲ ὄνομα ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις οὐκ ἔχω.” ἄριστα δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν Κρητῶν ἀπολελόγηται τῶν κρινομένων ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ Διὸς σήματι φυσιολογίᾳ τε καὶ θεολογίᾳ πάσῃ ἐναγωνισάμενος λαμπρῶς. τὰς μὲν οὖν μελέτας αὐτοσχεδίους ἐποιεῖτο, ἔμελε δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ φροντισμάτων, ὡς ἕτερά τε δηλοῖ τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ μάλιστα ἡ ἱστορία, ἐπίδειξιν γὰρ ἐν αὐτῇ πεποίηται λέξεώς τε καὶ ῥητορείας, ἐσποιῶν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τῷ φιλοκαλεῖν. περὶ δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ ἀνδρός, οἱ μὲν ἑβδομηκοντούτην τεθνάναι αὐτόν, οἱ δὲ οὔπω, καὶ οἱ μὲν οἴκοι, οἱ δὲ ἑτέρωθι.

1.33. SINCE the king said that he was more pleased and delighted with his arrival than if he had added to his own possessions the wealth of Persia and India, and added that Apollonius must be his guest and share with him the royal roof, Apollonius remarked: Supposing, O king, that you came to my country of Tyana and I invited you to live where I live, would you care to do so? Why no, answered the king, unless I had a house to live in that was big enough to accommodate not only my escort and bodyguard, but myself as well, in a handsome manner. Then, said the other, I may use the same argument to you; for if I am housed above my rank, I shall be ill at ease, for superfluity distresses wise men more than deficiency distresses you. Let me therefore be entertained by some private person who has the same means as myself, and I will visit with you as often as you like. The king conceded this point, lest he should be betrayed into doing anything that might annoy him, and Apollonius took up his quarters with a gentleman of Babylon of good character and besides high-minded. But before he had finished dinner one of the eunuchs presented himself and addressed him thus: The king, he said, bestows upon you ten presents, and leaves you free to name them; but he is anxious that you should not ask for small trifles, for he wishes to exhibit to you and to us his generosity. Apollonius commended the message, and asked: Then when am I to ask for them? And the messenger replied: To-morrow, and at once went off to all the king's friends and kinsmen and bade them be present when the sage should prefer his demand and receive the honor. But Damis says that he expected him to ask for nothing, because he had studied his character and knew that he offered to the gods the following prayer: O ye gods, grant unto me to have little and to want nothing. However, as he saw him much preoccupied and, as it were, brooding, he determined that he was going to ask and anxiously turning over in his mind, what he should ask. But at eventide: Damis, said Apollonius, I am thinking over with myself the question of why the barbarians have regarded eunuchs as men sufficiently chaste to be allowed the free entry of the women's apartments. But, answered the other, O Apollonius, a child could tell you. For inasmuch as the operation has deprived them of the faculty, they are freely admitted into those apartments, no matter how far their wishes may go. But do you suppose the operation has removed their desires or the further aptitude? Both, replied Damis, for if you extinguish in a man the unruly member that lashes the body to madness, the fit of passion will come on him no more. After a brief pause, Apollonius said: To-morrow, Damis, you shall learn that even eunuchs are liable to fall in love, and that the desire which is contracted through the eyes is not extinguished in them, but abides alive and ready to burst into a flame; for that will occur which will refute your opinion. And even if there were really any human art of such tyrannical force that it could expel such feelings from the heart, I do not see how we could ever attribute to them any chastity of character, seeing that they would have no choice, having been by sheer force and artificially deprived of the faculty of falling in love. For chastity consists in not yielding to passion when the longing and impulse is felt, and in the abstinence which rises superior to this form of madness. Accordingly Damis answered and said: Here is a thing that we will examine another time, O Apollonius; but we had better consider now that answer you can make to-morrow to the king's magnificent offer. For you will perhaps ask for nothing at all, but you should be careful and be on your guard lest you should seem to decline any gift the king may offer, as they say, out of mere empty pride, for you see the land that you are in and that we are wholly in his power. And you must be on your guard against the accusation of treating him with contempt, and understand, that although we have sufficient means to carry us to India, yet what we have will not be sufficient to bring us back thence, and we have no other supply to fall back upon. 2.4. HAVING passed the Caucasus our travelers say they saw men four cubits height, and they were already black, and that when they passed over the river Indus they saw others five cubits high. But on their way to this river our wayfarers found the following incidents worth of notice. For they were traveling by bright moonlight, when the figure of an empusa or hobgoblin appeared to them, that changed from one form into another, and sometimes vanished into nothing. And Apollonius realized what it was, and himself heaped abuse on the hobgoblin and instructed his party to do the same, saying that this was the right remedy for such a visitation. And the phantasm fled away shrieking even as ghosts do. 2.4. Antiochus the sophist was born at Aegae in Cilicia of so distinguished a family that even now his descendants are made consuls. When he was accused of cowardice in not appearing to speak before the assembly and taking no part in public business, he said: "It is not you but myself that I fear." No doubt that was because he knew that he had a bitter and violent temper, and that he could not control it. But nevertheless he used to aid the citizens from his private means as far as he was able, and furnished them not only with corn whenever he saw they were in need, but also with money to restore their dilapidated buildings. He used to spend very many nights in the temple of Asclepius, both on account of the dreams that he had there, and also on account of all the intercourse there is between those who are awake and converse with one another, for in his case the god used to converse with him while awake, and held it to be a triumph of his healing art to ward off disease from Antiochus., As a boy, Antiochus was a pupil of Dardanus the Assyrian, and as he grew to early manhood he studied with Dionysius of Miletus, who was already living in Ephesus. He had no talent for formal discourse, and since he was the shrewdest of men he used to run down this branch of the art as childish, so that he might appear to despise it rather than to be unequal to it. But in declamation he won great fame, for he had a sure touch in simulated arguments, was energetic in accusation and invective, brilliant in defence, strong in characterization, and, in a word, his style of eloquence was somewhat too sophistic for the forensic branch and more forensic than sophistic usually is. He handled the emotions more skilfully than any other sophist, for he did not spin out long monodies or abject lamentations, but expressed them in a few words and adorned them with ideas better than I can describe, as is evident in other cases that he pleaded, but especially in the following. A girl has been ravished, and has chosen that her ravisher shall be put to death l; later a child is born of this rape, and the grandfathers dispute as to which one of them shall bring up the child. Antiochus was pleading on behalf of its paternal grandfather, and exclaimed: "Give up the child! Give it up this instant before it can taste its mother's milk!" The other theme is as follows. A tyrant abdicates on condition of immunity for himself. He is slain by one whom he has caused to be made a eunuch, and the latter is on his defence for the murder. In this case Antiochus refuted the strongest point made by the prosecution when they quoted the compact between the people and the tyrant; and threw in an ingenious argument while he set forth the eunuch's personal grievance: "With whom, pray," cried he, "did he make this agreement? With children, weak women, boys, old men, and men. But there is no description of me in that contract." Most skilful, too, was his defence of the Cretans, standing their trial in the matter of the tomb of Zeus; when he made brilliant use of arguments drawn from natural philosophy and all that is taught concerning the gods. He delivered extempore declamations, but he also took pains with written compositions, as others of his works make evident, but above all, his History. For in this he has displayed to the full both his powers of language and of thought, and, moreover, he devotes himself to the love of the beautiful. Concerning the end of Antiochus, some say that he died at the age of seventy, others that he was not so old; again, some say that he died at home, others abroad.

22. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.3, 1.11, 1.18-1.19, 1.23-1.24, 1.30, 1.33, 2.4, 2.14-2.16, 3.15, 3.28, 4.25, 5.40 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 452, 455; Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 416

1.3. ἐγένετο Δάμις ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄσοφος τὴν ἀρχαίαν ποτὲ οἰκῶν Νῖνον: οὗτος τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ προσφιλοσοφήσας ἀποδημίας τε αὐτοῦ ἀναγέγραφεν, ὧν κοινωνῆσαι καὶ αὐτός φησι, καὶ γνώμας καὶ λόγους καὶ ὁπόσα ἐς πρόγνωσιν εἶπε. καὶ προσήκων τις τῷ Δάμιδι τὰς δέλτους τῶν ὑπομνημάτων τούτων οὔπω γιγνωσκομένας ἐς γνῶσιν ἤγαγεν ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ βασιλίδι. μετέχοντι δέ μοι τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν κύκλου — καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ῥητορικοὺς πάντας λόγους ἐπῄνει καὶ ἠσπάζετο — μεταγράψαι τε προσέταξε τὰς διατριβὰς ταύτας καὶ τῆς ἀπαγγελίας αὐτῶν ἐπιμεληθῆναι, τῷ γὰρ Νινίῳ σαφῶς μέν, οὐ μὴν δεξιῶς γε ἀπηγγέλλετο. ἐνέτυχον δὲ καὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ Αἰγιέως βιβλίῳ ξυνειληφότι τὰ ἐν Αἰγαῖς ̓Απολλωνίου πάντα, καὶ διαθῆκαι δὲ τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ γεγράφαται, παρ' ὧν ὑπάρχει μαθεῖν, ὡς ὑποθειάζων τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐγένετο. οὐ γὰρ Μοιραγένει γε προσεκτέον βιβλία μὲν ξυνθέντι ἐς ̓Απολλώνιον τέτταρα, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἀγνοήσαντι. ὡς μὲν οὖν ξυνήγαγον ταῦτα διεσπασμένα καὶ ὡς ἐπεμελήθην τοῦ ξυνθεῖναι αὐτά, εἴρηκα, ἐχέτω δὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ τε ἀνδρὶ τιμήν, ἐς ὃν ξυγγέγραπται, τοῖς τε φιλομαθεστέροις ὠφέλειαν: ἦ γὰρ ἂν μάθοιεν, ἃ μήπω γιγνώσκουσιν. 1.3. εἰσῄει μὲν δὴ παραπεμπόμενος ὑπὸ πλειόνων, τουτὶ γὰρ ᾤοντο καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ χαρίζεσθαι μαθόντες ὡς χαίροι ἀφιγμένῳ, διιὼν δὲ ἐς τὰ βασίλεια οὐ διέβλεψεν ἐς οὐδὲν τῶν θαυμαζομένων, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ ὁδοιπορῶν διῄει αὐτά, καὶ καλέσας τὸν Δάμιν “ἤρου με” ἔφη “πρώην, ὅ τι ὄνομα ἦν τῇ Παμφύλῳ γυναικί, ἣ δὴ Σαπφοῖ τε ὁμιλῆσαι λέγεται καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους, οὓς ἐς τὴν ̓́Αρτεμιν τὴν Περγαίαν ᾅδουσι, ξυνθεῖναι τὸν Αἰολέων τε καὶ Παμφύλων τρόπον.” “ἠρόμην,” ἔφη “τὸ δὲ ὄνομα οὐκ εἶπας.” “οὐκ, ὦ χρηστέ, εἶπον, ἀλλ' ἐξηγούμην σοι τοὺς νόμους τῶν ὕμνων καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ ὅπη τὰ Αἰολέων ἐς τὸ ἀκρότατόν τε καὶ τὸ ἴδιον Παμφύλων παρήλλαξε: πρὸς ἄλλῳ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐγενόμεθα, καὶ οὐκέτ' ἤρου με περὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος: καλεῖται τοίνυν ἡ σοφὴ αὕτη Δαμοφύλη, καὶ λέγεται τὸν Σαπφοῦς τρόπον παρθένους τε ὁμιλητρίας κτήσασθαι ποιήματά τε ξυνθεῖναι τὰ μὲν ἐρωτικά, τὰ δὲ ὕμνους. τά τοι ἐς τὴν ̓́Αρτεμιν καὶ παρῴδηται αὐτῇ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Σαπφῴων ᾖσται.” ὅσον μὲν δὴ ἀπεῖχε τοῦ ἐκπεπλῆχθαι βασιλέα τε καὶ ὄγκον, ἐδήλου τῷ μηδὲ ὀφθαλμῶν ἄξια ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἀλλὰ ἑτέρων πέρι διαλέγεσθαι κἀκεῖνα δήπου ἡγεῖσθαι ὁρᾶν. 1.11. τό γε μὴν θύοντας ἢ ἀνατιθέντας μὴ ὑπερβάλλειν τὸ μέτριον ὧδε αὐτῷ ἐφιλοσοφεῖτο: πλειόνων γάρ ποτε ξυνεληλυθότων ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἄρτι ἐξεληλαμένου τοῦ Κίλικος ἤρετο τὸν ἱερέα οὑτωσί: “ἆρα” ἔφη “οἱ θεοὶ δίκαιοι;” “δικαιότατοι μὲν οὖν” εἶπε. “τί δέ: ξυνετοί;” “καὶ τί” ἔφη “ξυνετώτερον τοῦ θείου;” “τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴσασιν, ἢ ἄπειροι αὐτῶν εἰσι;” “καὶ μὴν τοῦτ'” ἔφη “πλεονεκτοῦσι μάλιστα οἱ θεοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὅτι οἱ μὲν ὑπ' ἀσθενείας οὐδὲ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἴσασι, τοῖς δὲ γιγνώσκειν ὑπάρχει τὰ ἐκείνων τε καὶ τὰ αὑτῶν.” “πάντα” ἔφη “ἄριστα, ὦ ἱερεῦ, καὶ ἀληθέστατα. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν πάντα γιγνώσκουσι, δοκεῖ μοι τὸν ἥκοντα ἐς θεοῦ καὶ χρηστὰ ἑαυτῷ ξυνειδότα τοιάνδε εὐχὴν εὔχεσθαι: ὦ θεοί, δοίητέ μοι τὰ ὀφειλόμενα: ὀφείλεται γάρ που, ὦ ἱερεῦ, τοῖς μὲν ὁσίοις τὰ ἀγαθά, τοῖς δὲ φαύλοις τἀναντία, καὶ οἱ θεοὶ οὖν εὖ ποιοῦντες, ὃν μὲν ἂν ὑγιᾶ τε καὶ ἄτρωτον κακίας εὕρωσι, πέμπουσι δήπου στεφανώσαντες οὐ χρυσοῖς στεφάνοις, ἀλλ' ἀγαθοῖς πᾶσιν, ὃν δ' ἂν κατεστιγμένον ἴδωσι καὶ διεφθορότα, καταλείπουσι τῇ δίκῃ, τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐπιμηνίσαντες, ὅσον ἐτόλμησαν καὶ ἱερὰ ἐσφοιτᾶν μὴ καθαροὶ ὄντες.” καὶ ἅμα ἐς τὸν ̓Ασκληπιὸν βλέψας “φιλοσοφεῖς,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Ασκληπιέ, τὴν ἄρρητόν τε καὶ συγγενῆ σαυτῷ φιλοσοφίαν μὴ συγχωρῶν τοῖς φαύλοις δεῦρο ἥκειν, μηδ' ἂν πάντα σοι τὰ ἀπὸ ̓Ινδῶν καὶ Σαρδῴων ξυμφέρωσιν: οὐ γὰρ τιμῶντες τὸ θεῖον θύουσι ταῦτα καὶ ἀνάπτουσιν, ἀλλ' ὠνούμενοι τὴν δίκην, ἣν οὐ ξυγχωρεῖτε αὐτοῖς δικαιότατοι ὄντες.” πολλὰ τοιαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐφιλοσόφει ἐν ἐφήβῳ ἔτι. κἀκεῖνα τῆς ἐν Αἰγαῖς διατριβῆς: 1.19. καὶ ἀφικνεῖται ἐς τὴν ἀρχαίαν Νῖνον, ἐν ᾗ ἄγαλμα ἵδρυται τρόπον βάρβαρον, ἔστι δὲ ἄρα ̓Ιὼ ἡ ̓Ινάχου καὶ κέρατα τῶν κροτάφων ἐκκρούει μικρὰ καὶ οἷον μέλλοντα. ἐνταῦθα διατρίβοντι καὶ πλείω ξυνιέντι περὶ τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἢ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ προφῆται, προσεφοίτησε Δάμις ὁ Νίνιος, ὃν καταρχὰς ἔφην ξυναποδημῆσαί οἱ καὶ ξυνέμπορον γενέσθαι τῆς σοφίας πάσης καὶ πολλὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς διασώσασθαι, ὃς ἀγασθεὶς αὐτὸν καὶ ζηλώσας τῆς ὁδοῦ “ἴωμεν,” ἔφη “̓Απολλώνιε, σὺ μὲν θεῷ ἑπόμενος, ἐγὼ δὲ σοί, καὶ γάρ με καὶ πολλοῦ ἄξιον εὕροις ἄν: εἰ μὲν ἄλλο τι οὐκ οἶδα, τὸ δ' οὖν ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἧκον, πόλεις τε, ὁπόσαι εἰσίν, οἶδα ἀνελθὼν οὐ πάλαι καὶ κώμας, ἐν αἷς πολλὰ ἀγαθά, καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰς φωνὰς τῶν βαρβάρων, ὁπόσαι εἰσίν, εἰσὶ δὲ ἄλλη μὲν ̓Αρμενίων, ἄλλη δὲ Μήδων τε καὶ Περσῶν, ἄλλη δὲ Καδουσίων, μεταλαμβάνω δὲ πάσας.” “ἐγὼ δέ,” εἶπεν “ὦ ἑταῖρε, πασῶν ξυνίημι, μαθὼν μηδεμίαν.” θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Νινίου “μὴ θαυμάσῃς,” εἶπεν “εἰ πάσας οἶδα φωνὰς ἀνθρώπων: οἶδα γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὅσα σιωπῶσιν ἄνθρωποι.” ὁ μὲν δὴ ̓Ασσύριος προσηύξατο αὐτόν, ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε, καὶ ὥσπερ δαίμονα ἔβλεπε, συνῆν τε αὐτῷ ἐπιδιδοὺς τὴν σοφίαν καὶ ὅ τι μάθοι μνημονεύων. φωνὴ δὲ ἦν τῷ ̓Ασσυρίῳ ξυμμέτρως πράττουσα, τὸ γὰρ λογοειδὲς οὐκ εἶχεν, ἅτε παιδευθεὶς ἐν βαρβάροις, διατριβὴν δὲ ἀναγράψαι καὶ συνουσίαν καὶ ὅ τι ἤκουσεν ἢ εἶδεν ἀνατυπῶσαι καὶ ὑπόμνημα τῶν τοιούτων ξυνθεῖναι σφόδρα ἱκανὸς ἦν καὶ ἐπετήδευε τοῦτο ἄριστα ἀνθρώπων. ἡ γοῦν δέλτος ἡ τῶν ἐκφατνισμάτων τοιοῦτον τῷ Δάμιδι νοῦν εἶχεν: ὁ Δάμις ἐβούλετο μηδὲν τῶν ̓Απολλωνίου ἀγνοεῖσθαι, ἀλλ' εἴ τι καὶ παρεφθέγξατο ἢ ̔ἀμελῶς' εἶπεν, ἀναγεγράφθαι καὶ τοῦτο, καὶ ἄξιόν γε εἰπεῖν, ἃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν μεμψάμενον τὴν διατριβὴν ταύτην ἀπεφθέγξατο: διασύροντος γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπου ῥᾳθύμου τε καὶ βασκάνου καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὀρθῶς ἀναγράφειν φήσαντος, ὁπόσαι γνῶμαί τέ εἰσι καὶ δόξαι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ταυτὶ δὲ τὰ οὕτω μικρὰ ξυλλεγόμενον παραπλήσιόν που τοῖς κυσὶ πράττειν τοῖς σιτουμένοις τὰ ἐκπίπτοντα τῆς δαιτός, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Δάμις “εἰ δαῖτες” ἔφη “θεῶν εἰσι καὶ σιτοῦνται θεοί, πάντως που καὶ θεράποντες αὐτοῖς εἰσιν, οἷς μέλει τοῦ μηδὲ τὰ πίπτοντα τῆς ἀμβροσίας ἀπόλλυσθαι.” Τοιοῦδε μὲν ἑταίρου καὶ ἐραστοῦ ἔτυχεν, ᾧ τὸ πολὺ τοῦ βίου συνεπορεύθη. 1.24. ξυνῳδὰ δὲ τούτοις καὶ ὁ Δάμις περὶ τῶν ̓Ερετριέων ἀναγέγραφεν: οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἐν τῇ Μηδικῇ, Βαβυλῶνος οὐ πολὺ ἀπέχοντες, ἡμέρας ̔ὁδὸν' δρομικῷ ἀνδρί, ἡ χώρα δὲ ἄπολις, ἡ γὰρ Κισσία κῶμαι πᾶσα καί τι καὶ νομάδων ἐν αὐτῇ γένος μικρὰ τῶν ἵππων ἀποβαίνοντες. ἡ δὲ τῶν ̓Ερετριέων οἰκεῖται μὲν τῶν ἄλλων μέση, περιβέβληται δὲ ποταμοῦ τάφρον, ἣν αὐτοὶ βαλέσθαι περὶ τῇ κώμῃ λέγονται τεῖχος αὐτὴν ποιούμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ Κισσίᾳ βαρβάρους. ὕπομβρος δὲ ἀσφάλτῳ ἡ χώρα καὶ πικρὰ ἐμφυτεῦσαι, βραχυβιώτατοί τε οἱ ἐκείνῃ ἄνθρωποι, τὸ γὰρ ἀσφαλτῶδες ποτὸν ἐς πολλὰ τῶν σπλάγχνων ἱζάνει. τρέφει δ' αὐτοὺς λόφος ἐν ὁρίοις τῆς κώμης, ὃν ὑπεραίροντα τοῦ παρεφθορότος χωρίου σπείρουσι τε καὶ ἡγοῦνται γῆν. φασὶ δὲ ἀκοῦσαι τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς ἑπτακόσιοι μὲν τῶν ̓Ερετριέων πρὸς τοῖς ὀγδοήκοντα ἥλωσαν, οὔτι που μάχιμοι πάντες, ἦν γάρ τι καὶ θῆλυ ἐν αὐτοῖς γένος καὶ γεγηρακός, ἦν δ', οἶμαί, τι καὶ παιδία, τὸ γὰρ πολὺ τῆς ̓Ερετρίας τὸν Καφηρέα ἀνέφυγε καὶ ὅ τι ἀκρότατον τῆς Εὐβοίας. ἀνήχθησαν δὲ ἄνδρες μὲν ἀμφὶ τοὺς τετρακοσίους, γύναια δὲ ἴσως δέκα, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἀπ' ̓Ιωνίας τε καὶ Λυδίας ἀρξάμενοι διεφθάρησαν ἐλαυνόμενοι ἄνω. λιθοτομίαν δὲ αὐτοῖς παρεχομένου τοῦ λόφου καί τινες καὶ λιθουργοὺς εἰδότες τέχνας ἱερά τε ἐδείμαντο ̔Ελληνικὰ καὶ ἀγοράν, ὁπόσην εἰκὸς ἦν, βωμούς τε ἱδρύσαντο Δαρείῳ μὲν δύο, Ξέρξῃ δὲ ἕνα, Δαριδαίῳ δὲ πλείους. διετέλεσαν δὲ ἐς Δαριδαῖον ἔτη μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ὀκτὼ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα γράφοντες τὸν ̔Ελλήνων τρόπον, καὶ οἱ τάφοι δὲ οἱ ἀρχαῖοι σφῶν “ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος” γεγράφαται, καὶ τὰ γράμματα ̔Ελλήνων μέν, ἀλλ' οὔπω ταῦτα ἰδεῖν φασι. καὶ ναῦς ἐγκεχαραγμένας τοῖς τάφοις, ὡς ἕκαστος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ ἔζη πορθμεύων ἢ πορφυρεύων ἢ θαλάττιον ἢ καὶ ἁλουργὸν πράττων, καί τι καὶ ἐλεγεῖον ἀναγνῶναι γεγραμμένον ἐπὶ ναυτῶν τε καὶ ναυκλήρων σήματι: οἵδε ποτ' Αἰγαίοιο βαθύρροον οἶδμα πλέοντες ̓Εκβατάνων πεδίῳ κείμεθ' ἐνὶ μεσάτῳ. χαῖρε κλυτή ποτε πατρὶς ̓Ερέτρια, χαίρετ' ̓Αθῆναι, γείτονες Εὐβοίης, χαῖρε θάλασσα φίλη. τοὺς μὲν δὴ τάφους διεφθορότας ἀναλαβεῖν τε αὐτὸν ὁ Δάμις φησὶ καὶ ξυγκλεῖσαι χέασθαί τε καὶ ἐπενεγκεῖν σφισιν, ὁπόσα νόμιμα, πλὴν τοῦ τεμεῖν τι ἢ καθαγίσαι, δακρύσαντά τε καὶ ὑποπλησθέντα ὁρμῆς τάδε ἐν μέσοις ἀναφθέγξασθαι: “̓Ερετριεῖς οἱ κλήρῳ τύχης δεῦρ' ἀπενεχθέντες, ὑμεῖς μέν, εἰ καὶ πόρρω τῆς αὑτῶν, τέθαφθε γοῦν, οἱ δ' ὑμᾶς ἐνταῦθα ῥίψαντες ἀπώλοντο περὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν νῆσον ἄταφοι δεκάτῳ μεθ' ὑμᾶς ἔτει: τὸ γὰρ ἐν κοίλῃ Εὐβοίᾳ πάθος θεοὶ φαίνουσιν.” ̓Απολλώνιος δὲ πρὸς τὸν σοφιστὴν ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς ἐπιστολῆς “καὶ ἐπεμελήθην,” φησὶν “ὦ Σκοπελιανέ, τῶν σῶν ̓Ερετριέων νέος ὢν ἔτι καὶ ὠφέλησα ὅ τι ἐδυνάμην καὶ τοὺς τεθνεῶτας αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ζῶντας.” τί δῆτα ἐπεμελήθη τῶν ζώντων; οἱ πρόσοικοι τῷ λόφῳ βάρβαροι σπειρόντων τῶν ̓Ερετριέων αὐτὸν ἐληίζοντο τὰ φυόμενα περὶ τὸ θέρος ἥκοντες καὶ πεινῆν ἔδει γεωργοῦντας ἑτέροις. ὁπότ' οὖν παρὰ βασιλέα ἀφίκετο, εὕρετο αὐτοῖς τὸ χρῆσθαι μόνους τῷ λόφῳ. 1.33. ἐπεὶ δὲ χαίρειν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔφη καὶ ἀγάλλεσθαι ἥκοντι μᾶλλον, ἢ εἰ τὰ Περσῶν καὶ ̓Ινδῶν πρὸς τοῖς οὖσιν αὐτῷ ἐκτήσατο, ξένον τε ποιεῖσθαι καὶ κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείου στέγης, “εἰ ἐγώ σε, ὦ βασιλεῦ,” εἶπεν “ἐς πατρίδα τὴν ἐμὴν Τύανα ἥκοντα ἠξίουν οἰκεῖν οὗ ἐγώ, οἰκῆσαι ἂν ἤρας;” “μὰ Δί'” εἶπεν “εἰ μὴ τοσαύτην γε οἰκίαν οἰκήσειν ἔμελλον, ὁπόσην δορυφόρους τε καὶ σωματοφύλακας ἐμοὺς αὐτόν τε ἐμὲ λαμπρῶς δέξασθαι.” “ὁ αὐτὸς οὖν” ἔφη “καὶ παρ' ἐμοῦ λόγος: εἰ γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτὸν οἰκήσω, πονήρως διαιτήσομαι, τὸ γὰρ ὑπερβάλλον λυπεῖ τοὺς σοφοὺς μᾶλλον ἢ ὑμᾶς τὸ ἐλλεῖπον: ξενιζέτω με οὖν ἰδιώτης ἔχων ὁπόσα ἐγώ, σοὶ δὲ ἐγὼ ξυνέσομαι ὁπόσα βούλει.” ξυνεχώρει ὁ βασιλεύς, ὡς μὴ ἀηδές τι αὐτῷ λάθοι πράξας, καὶ ᾤκησε παρ' ἀνδρὶ Βαβυλωνίῳ χρηστῷ τε καὶ ἄλλως γενναίῳ. δειπνοῦντι δὲ ἤδη εὐνοῦχος ἐφίσταται τῶν τὰς ἀγγελίας διαφερόντων καὶ προσειπὼν τὸν ἄνδρα “βασιλεὺς” ἔφη “δωρεῖταί σε δέκα δωρεαῖς καὶ ποιεῖται κύριον τοῦ ἐπαγγεῖλαι αὐτάς, δεῖται δέ σου μὴ μικρὰ αἰτῆσαι, μεγαλοφροσύνην γὰρ ἐνδείξασθαι σοί τε καὶ ἡμῖν βούλεται.” ἐπαινέσας δὲ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν “πότε οὖν χρὴ αἰτεῖν;” ἤρετο, ὁ δὲ “αὔριον” ἔφη, καὶ ἅμα ἐφοίτησε παρὰ πάντας τοὺς βασιλέως φίλους τε καὶ ξυγγενεῖς, παρεῖναι κελεύων αἰτοῦντι καὶ τιμωμένῳ τῷ ἀνδρί. φησὶ δὲ ὁ Δάμις ξυνιέναι μέν, ὅτι μηδὲν αἰτήσοι, τόν τε τρόπον αὐτοῦ καθεωρακὼς καὶ εἰδὼς εὐχόμενον τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχὴν τοιαύτην. “ὦ θεοί, δοίητε μοι μικρὰ ἔχειν καὶ δεῖσθαι μηδενός.” ἐφεστηκότα μέντοι ὁρῶν καὶ ἐνθυμουμένῳ ὅμοιον οἴεσθαι ὡς αἰτήσοι μέν, βασανίζοι δέ, ὅ τι μέλλει αἰτήσειν. ὁ δὲ ἑσπέρας ἤδη “ὦ Δάμι,” ἔφη “θεωρῶ πρὸς ἐμαυτόν, ἐξ ὅτου ποτὲ οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς εὐνούχους σώφρονας ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἐς τὰς γυναικωνίτιδας ἐσάγονται.” “ἀλλὰ τοῦτο,” ἔφη “ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, καὶ παιδὶ δῆλον: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡ τομὴ τὸ ἀφροδισιάζειν ἀφαιρεῖται σφᾶς, ἀνεῖνταί σφισιν αἱ γυναικωνίτιδες, κἂν ξυγκαθεύδειν ταῖς γυναιξὶ βούλωνται.” “τὸ δὲ ἐρᾶν” εἶπεν “ἢ τὸ ξυγγίγνεσθαι γυναιξὶν ἐκτετμῆσθαι αὐτοὺς οἴει;” “ἄμφω,” ἔφη “εἰ γὰρ σβεσθείη τὸ μόριον ὑφ' οὗ διοιστρεῖται τὸ σῶμα, οὐδ' ἂν τὸ ἐρᾶν ἐπέλθοι οὐδενί.” ὁ δὲ βραχὺ ἐπισχὼν “αὔριον,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, μάθοις ἄν, ὅτι καὶ εὐνοῦχοι ἐρῶσι καὶ τὸ ἐπιθυμητικόν, ὅπερ ἐσάγονται διὰ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν, οὐκ ἀπομαραίνεται σφῶν, ἀλλ' ἐμμένει θερμόν τε καὶ ζώπυρον, δεῖ γάρ τι περιπεσεῖν, ὃ τὸν σὸν ἐλέγξει λόγον. εἰ δὲ καὶ τέχνη τις ἦν ἀνθρωπεία τύραννός τε καὶ δυνατὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐξωθεῖν τῆς γνώμης, οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκῶ τοὺς εὐνούχους ποτὲ ἐς τὰ τῶν σωφρονούντων ἤθη προσγράψαι κατηναγκασμένους τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ βιαίῳ τέχνῃ ἐς τὸ μὴ ἐρᾶν ἠγμένους. σωφροσύνη γὰρ τὸ ὀρεγόμενόν τε καὶ ὁρμῶντα μὴ ἡττᾶσθαι ἀφροδισίων, ἀλλ' ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ κρείττω φαίνεσθαι τῆς λύττης ταύτης.” 3.15. ὁποῖοι μὲν δὴ καὶ οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ ὅπως οἰκοῦντες τὸν ὄχθον, αὐτὸς ὁ ἀνὴρ δίεισιν: ἐν μιᾷ γὰρ τῶν πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ὁμιλιῶν “εἶδον” φησὶν “̓Ινδοὺς Βραχμᾶνας οἰκοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ οὐκ ἐπ' αὐτῆς, καὶ ἀτειχίστως τετειχισμένους, καὶ οὐδὲν κεκτημένους ἢ τὰ πάντων” ταυτὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος μὲν σοφώτερον ἔγραψεν, ὁ δέ γε Δάμις φησὶ χαμευνίᾳ μὲν αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι, τὴν γῆν δὲ ὑποστρωννύναι πόας, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ αἱρῶνται, καὶ μετεωροποροῦντας δὴ ἰδεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἐς πήχεις δύο, οὐ θαυματοποιίας ἕνεκα, τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον τοῦτο παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλ' ὁπόσα τῷ ̔Ηλίῳ ξυναποβαίνοντες τῆς γῆς δρῶσιν, ὡς πρόσφορα τῷ θεῷ πράττοντας. τό τοι πῦρ, ὃ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτῖνος ἐπισπῶνται καίτοι σωματοειδὲς ὂν οὔτε ἐπὶ βωμοῦ καίειν αὐτοὺς οὔτε ἐν ἰπνοῖς φυλάττειν, ἀλλ' ὥσ2περ τὰς αὐγάς, αἳ ἐξ ἡλίου τε ἀνακλῶνται καὶ ὕδατος, οὕτω μετέωρόν τε ὁρᾶσθαι αὐτὸ καὶ σαλεῦον ἐν τῷ αἰθέρι. τὸν μὲν οὖν δὴ ̔́Ηλιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡρῶν, ἃς ἐπιτροπεύει αὐτός, ἵν' ἐς καιρὸν τῇ γῇ ἴωσι καὶ ἡ ̓Ινδικὴ εὖ πράττῃ, νύκτωρ δὲ λιπαροῦσι τὴν ἀκτῖνα μὴ ἄχθεσθαι τῇ νυκτί, μένειν δέ, ὡς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἤχθη. τοιοῦτον μὲν δὴ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου τὸ “ἐν τῇ γῇ τε εἶναι τοὺς Βραχμᾶνας καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῇ γῇ”. τὸ δὲ “ἀτειχίστως τετειχισμένους” δηλοῖ τὸν ἀέρα, ὑφ' ᾧ ζῶσιν, ὑπαίθριοι γὰρ δοκοῦντες αὐλίζεσθαι σκιάν τε ὑπεραίρουσιν αὑτῶν καὶ ὕοντος οὐ ψεκάζονται καὶ ὑπὸ τῷ ἡλίῳ εἰσίν, ἐπειδὰν αὐτοὶ βούλωνται. τὸ δὲ “μηδὲν κεκτημένους τὰ πάντων ἔχειν” ὧδε ὁ Δάμις ἐξηγεῖται: πηγαί, ὁπόσαι τοῖς βάκχοις παρὰ τῆς γῆς ἀναθρώσκουσιν, ἐπειδὰν ὁ Διόνυσος αὐτούς τε καὶ τὴν γῆν σείσῃ, φοιτῶσι καὶ τοῖς ̓Ινδοῖς τούτοις ἑστιωμένοις τε καὶ ἑστιῶσιν: εἰκότως οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος τοὺς μηδὲν μὲν ἐκ παρασκευῆς, αὐτοσχεδίως δέ, ἃ βούλονται, ποριζομένους, ἔχειν φησίν, ἃ μὴ ἔχουσιν. κομᾶν δὲ ἐπιτηδεύουσιν, ὥσπερ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πάλαι καὶ Θούριοι Ταραντῖνοί τε καὶ Μήλιοι καὶ ὁπόσοις τὰ Λακωνικὰ ἦν ἐν λόγῳ, μίτραν τε ἀναδοῦνται λευκήν, καὶ γυμνὸν αὐτοῖς βάδισμα καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐσχηματίζοντο παραπλησίως ταῖς ἐξωμίσιν. ἡ δὲ ὕλη τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἔριον αὐτοφυὲς ἡ γῆ φύει, λευκὸν μὲν ὥσπερ τὸ Παμφύλων, μαλακώτερον δὲ τίκτει, ἡ δὲ πιμελὴ οἷα ἔλαιον ἀπ' αὐτοῦ λείβεται. τοῦτο ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα ποιοῦνται καὶ εἴ τις ἕτερος παρὰ τοὺς ̓Ινδοὺς τούτους ἀνασπῴη αὐτό, οὐ μεθίεται ἡ γῆ τοῦ ἐρίου. τὴν δὲ ἰσχὺν τοῦ δακτυλίου καὶ τῆς ῥάβδου, ἃ φορεῖν αὐτοὺς ἄμφω, δύνασθαι μὲν πάντα, δύω δὲ ἀρρήτω τετιμῆσθαι. 3.28. ἐπεὶ δὲ προῄει ὁ πότος “προπίνω σοι,” ὁ ̓Ιάρχας εἶπεν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἄνδρα ̔́Ελληνα τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ὑποκεκλιμένον αὐτῷ δείξας καὶ τῇ χειρὶ προσημαίνων, ὅτι γενναῖός τε εἴη καὶ θεῖος.” ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς “ἤκουσα” ἔφη “προσήκειν Φραώτῃ τοῦτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ καταλύοντας.” “ὀρθῶς” ἔφη “καὶ ἀληθῶς ἤκουσας, ἐκεῖνος γὰρ κἀνταῦθα ξενίζει αὐτόν.” “τί” ἔφη “ἐπιτηδεύοντα;” “τί δ' ἄλλο γε” εἶπεν “ἢ ἅπερ ἐκεῖνος;” “οὐδὲν” ἔφη “ξένον εἴρηκας ἀσπαζόμενον ἐπιτήδευσιν, ἣ μηδὲ ἐκείνῳ ξυνεχώρησε γενναίῳ γενέσθαι.” ὁ μὲν δὴ ̓Ιάρχας “σωφρονέστερον,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, περὶ φιλοσοφίας τε καὶ Φραώτου γίγνωσκε, τὸν μὲν γὰρ χρόνον, ὃν μειράκιον ἦσθα, ξυνεχώρει σοι ἡ νεότης τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς ἄνδρας ἐξαλλάττεις ἤδη, φειδώμεθα τῶν ἀνοήτων τε καὶ εὐκόλων.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ἑρμηνεύοντος τοῦ ̓Ιάρχα “σοὶ δὲ τί,” ἔφη “ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸ μὴ φιλοσοφῆσαι δέδωκεν;” “ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρετὴν πᾶσαν καὶ τὸ εἶναί με τὸν αὐτὸν τῷ ̔Ηλίῳ.” ὁ δὲ ἐπιστομίζων αὐτοῦ τὸν τῦφον “εἰ ἐφιλοσόφεις,” εἶπεν “οὐκ ἂν ταῦτα ᾤου.” “σὺ δέ, ἐπειδὴ φιλοσοφεῖς, ὦ βέλτιστε,” ἔφη “τί περὶ σαυτοῦ οἴει;” “τό γε ἀνὴρ” ἔφη “ἀγαθὸς δοκεῖν, εἰ φιλοσοφοίην.” ἀνατείνας οὖν τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν “νὴ τὸν ̔́Ηλιον,” ἔφη “Φραώτου μεστὸς ἥκεις.” ὁ δὲ ἕρμαιόν γε ἐποιήσατο τὸν λόγον καὶ ὑπολαβὼν “οὐ μάτην ἀποδεδήμηταί μοι,” εἶπεν “εἰ Φραώτου μεστὸς γέγονα: εἰ δὲ κἀκείνῳ νῦν ἐντύχοις, πάνυ φήσεις αὐτὸν ἐμοῦ μεστὸν εἶναι, καὶ γράφειν δὲ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς σὲ ἐβούλετο, ἀλλ' ἐπειδὴ ἔφασκεν ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν εἶναί σε, παρῃτησάμην τὸν ὄχλον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἐκείνῳ τις ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ ἐπέστειλεν.” 4.25. ἐν Κορίνθῳ δὲ φιλοσοφῶν ἐτύγχανε τότε Δημήτριος ἀνὴρ ξυνειληφὼς ἅπαν τὸ ἐν Κυνικῇ κράτος, οὗ Φαβωρῖνος ὕστερον ἐν πολλοῖς τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λόγων οὐκ ἀγεννῶς ἐπεμνήσθη, παθὼν δὲ πρὸς τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον, ὅπερ φασὶ τὸν ̓Αντισθένην πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Σωκράτους σοφίαν παθεῖν, εἵπετο αὐτῷ μαθητιῶν καὶ προσκείμενος τοῖς λόγοις καὶ τῶν αὐτῷ γνωρίμων τοὺς εὐδοκιμωτέρους ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον ἔτρεπεν, ὧν καὶ Μένιππος ἦν ὁ Λύκιος ἔτη μὲν γεγονὼς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, γνώμης δὲ ἱκανῶς ἔχων καὶ τὸ σῶμα εὖ κατεσκευασμένος, ἐῴκει γοῦν ἀθλητῇ καλῷ καὶ ἐλευθερίῳ τὸ εἶδος. ἐρᾶσθαι δὲ τὸν Μένιππον οἱ πολλοὶ ᾤοντο ὑπὸ γυναίου ξένου, τὸ δὲ γύναιον καλή τε ἐφαίνετο καὶ ἱκανῶς ἁβρὰ καὶ πλουτεῖν ἔφασκεν, οὐδὲν δὲ τούτων ἄρα ἀτεχνῶς ἦν, ἀλλὰ ἐδόκει πάντα. κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐπὶ Κεγχρεὰς βαδίζοντι αὐτῷ μόνῳ φάσμα ἐντυχὸν γυνή τε ἐγένετο καὶ χεῖρα ξυνῆψεν ἐρᾶν αὐτοῦ πάλαι φάσκουσα, Φοίνισσα δὲ εἶναι καὶ οἰκεῖν ἐν προαστείῳ τῆς Κορίνθου, τὸ δεῖνα εἰποῦσα προάστειον, “ἐς ὃ ἑσπέρας” ἔφη “ἀφικομένῳ σοι ᾠδή τε ὑπάρξει ἐμοῦ ᾀδούσης καὶ οἶνος, οἷον οὔπω ἔπιες, καὶ οὐδὲ ἀντεραστὴς ἐνοχλήσει σε, βιώσομαι δὲ καλὴ ξὺν καλῷ.” τούτοις ὑπαχθεὶς ὁ νεανίας, τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἄλλην φιλοσοφίαν ἔρρωτο, τῶν δὲ ἐρωτικῶν ἥττητο, ἐφοίτησε περὶ ἑσπέραν αὐτῇ καὶ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐθάμιζεν, ὥσπερ παιδικοῖς, οὔπω ξυνεὶς τοῦ φάσματος. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος ἀνδριαντοποιοῦ δίκην ἐς τὸν Μένιππον βλέπων ἐζωγράφει τὸν νεανίαν καὶ ἐθεώρει, καταγνοὺς δὲ αὐτὸν “σὺ μέντοι” εἶπεν “ὁ καλός τε καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν καλῶν γυναικῶν θηρευόμενος ὄφιν θάλπεις καὶ σὲ ὄφις.” θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Μενίππου “ὅτι γυνή σοι” ἔφη “ἐστὶν οὐ γαμετή. τί δέ; ἡγῇ ὑπ' αὐτῆς ἐρᾶσθαι;” “νὴ Δί',” εἶπεν “ἐπειδὴ διάκειται πρός με ὡς ἐρῶσα.” “καὶ γήμαις δ' ἂν αὐτήν;” ἔφη. “χαρίεν γὰρ ἂν εἴη τὸ ἀγαπῶσαν γῆμαι.” ἤρετο οὖν “πηνίκα οἱ γάμοι;” “θερμοὶ” ἔφη “καὶ ἴσως αὔριον.” ἐπιφυλάξας οὖν τὸν τοῦ συμποσίου καιρὸν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος καὶ ἐπιστὰς τοῖς δαιτυμόσιν ἄρτι ἥκουσι “ποῦ” ἔφη “ἡ ἁβρά, δι' ἣν ἥκετε;” “ἐνταῦθα” εἶπεν ὁ Μένιππος καὶ ἅμα ὑπανίστατο ἐρυθριῶν. “ὁ δὲ ἄργυρος καὶ ὁ χρυσὸς καὶ τὰ λοιπά, οἷς ὁ ἀνδρὼν κεκόσμηται, ποτέρου ὑμῶν;” “τῆς γυναικός,” ἔφη “τἀμὰ γὰρ τοσαῦτα” δείξας τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τρίβωνα. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος “τοὺς Ταντάλου κήπους” ἔφη “εἴδετε, ὡς ὄντες οὐκ εἰσί;” “παρ' ̔Ομήρῳ γε,” ἔφασαν “οὐ γὰρ ἐς Αἵδου γε καταβάντες.” “τοῦτ'” ἔφη “καὶ τουτονὶ τὸν κόσμον ἡγεῖσθε, οὐ γὰρ ὕλη ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ ὕλης δόξα. ὡς δὲ γιγνώσκοιτε, ὃ λέγω, ἡ χρηστὴ νύμφη μία τῶν ἐμπουσῶν ἐστιν, ἃς λαμίας τε καὶ μορμολυκίας οἱ πολλοὶ ἡγοῦνται. ἐρῶσι δ' αὗται καὶ ἀφροδισίων μέν, σαρκῶν δὲ μάλιστα ἀνθρωπείων ἐρῶσι καὶ παλεύουσι τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις, οὓς ἂν ἐθέλωσι δαίσασθαι.” ἡ δὲ “εὐφήμει” ἔλεγε “καὶ ἄπαγε” καὶ μυσάττεσθαι ἐδόκει, ἃ ἤκουε, καί που καὶ ἀπέσκωπτε τοὺς φιλοσόφους, ὡς ἀεὶ ληροῦντας. ἐπεὶ μέντοι τὰ ἐκπώματα τὰ χρυσᾶ καὶ ὁ δοκῶν ἄργυρος ἀνεμιαῖα ἠλέγχθη καὶ διέπτη τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἅπαντα οἰνοχόοι τε καὶ ὀψοποιοὶ καὶ ἡ τοιαύτη θεραπεία πᾶσα ἠφανίσθησαν ἐλεγχόμενοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου, δακρύοντι ἐῴκει τὸ φάσμα καὶ ἐδεῖτο μὴ βασανίζειν αὐτό, μηδὲ ἀναγκάζειν ὁμολογεῖν, ὅ τι εἴη, ἐπικειμένου δὲ καὶ μὴ ἀνιέντος ἔμπουσά τε εἶναι ἔφη καὶ πιαίνειν ἡδοναῖς τὸν Μένιππον ἐς βρῶσιν τοῦ σώματος, τὰ γὰρ καλὰ τῶν σωμάτων καὶ νέα σιτεῖσθαι ἐνόμιζεν, ἐπειδὴ ἀκραιφνὲς αὐτοῖς τὸ αἷμα. τοῦτον τὸν λόγον γνωριμώτατον τῶν ̓Απολλωνίου τυγχάνοντα ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐμήκυνα, γιγνώσκουσι μὲν γὰρ πλείους αὐτόν, ἅτε καθ' ̔Ελλάδα μέσην πραχθέντα, ξυλλήβδην δὲ αὐτὸν παρειλήφασιν, ὅτι ἕλοι ποτὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ λάμιαν, ὅ τι μέντοι πράττουσαν καὶ ὅτι ὑπὲρ Μενίππου, οὔπω γιγνώσκουσιν, ἀλλὰ Δάμιδί τε καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνου λόγων ἐμοὶ εἴρηται.

1.3. There was a man, Damis, by no means stupid, who formerly dwelt in the ancient city of Nineveh. He resorted to Apollonius in order to study wisdom, and having shared, by his own account, his wanderings abroad, wrote an account of them. And he records his opinions and discourses and all his prophecies. And a certain kinsmen of Damis drew the attention of the empress Julia to the documents containing these documents hitherto unknown. Now I belonged to the circle of the empress, for she was a devoted admirer of all rhetorical exercises; and she commanded me to recast and edit these essays, at the same time paying more attention to the style and diction of them; for the man of Nineveh had told his story clearly enough, yet somewhat awkwardly. And I also read the book of Maximus of Aegae, which comprised all the life of Apollonius in Aegae; and furthermore a will was composed by Apollonius, from which one can learn how rapturous and inspired a sage he really was. For we must not pay attention anyhow to Moeragenes, who composed four books about Apollonius, and yet was ignorant of many circumstances of his life. That then I combined these scattered sources together and took trouble over my composition, I have said; but let my work, I pray, redound to the honor of the man who is the subject of my compilation, and also be of use to those who love learning. For assuredly, they will here learn things of which as yet they were ignorant. 1.11. AGAIN he inculcated the wise rule that in our sacrifices or dedications we should no go beyond the just mean, in the following way. On one occasion several people had flocked to the Temple, not long after the expulsion of the Cilician, and he took the occasion to ask the priest the following questions: Are then, he said, the gods just? Why, of course, most just, answered the priest. Well, and are they wise? And what, said the other, can be wiser than the godhead? But do they know the affairs of men, or are they without experience of them? Why, said the other, this is just the point in which the gods excel mankind, for the latter, because of their frailty, do not understand their own concerns, whereas the gods have the privilege of understanding the affairs both of men and of themselves. All your answers, said Apollonius, are excellent, O Priest, and very true. Since then, they know everything, it appears to me that a person who comes to the house of God and has a good conscience, should put up the following prayer: “O ye gods, grant unto me that which I deserve.' For, he went on, the holy, O Priest, surely deserve to receive blessings, and the wicked the contrary. Therefore the gods, as they are beneficent, if they find anyone who is healthy and whole and unscarred by vice, will send him on his way, surely, after crowning him, not with golden crowns, but with all sorts of blessings; but if they find a man branded with sin and utterly corrupt, they will hand him over and leave him to justice, after inflicting their wrath upon him all the more, because he dared to invade their Temple without being pure. And at the same moment he looked towards Asclepius, and said: O Asclepius, the philosophy you teach is secret and congenial to yourself, in that you suffer not the wicked to come hither, not even if they pour into your lap all the wealth of India and Sardes. For it is not out of reverence for the divinity that they sacrifice these victims and suspend these offerings, but in order to purchase a verdict, which you will not concede to them in your perfect justice. And much similar wisdom he delivered himself of in this Temple, while he was still a youth. 1.19. And he reached the ancient city of Ninos, where he found an idol set up of barbarous aspect, and it is, they say, Io, the daughter of Inachus, and horns short and, as it were, budding project from her temples. While he was staying there and forming wiser conclusions about the image than could the priests and prophets, one Damis, a native of Ninos, joined him as a pupil, the same, as I said at the beginning, who became the companion of his wanderings abroad and his fellow-traveller and associate in all wisdom, and who has preserved to us many particulars of the sage. He admired him, and having a taste for the road, said: Let us depart, Apollonius, you follow God, and I you; for I think you will find that I can serve you. I can't say you how much more, but at least I've been to Babylon, and I know all the cities there are, because I have been up there not long ago, and also the villages in which there is much good to be found; and moreover, I know the languages of the various barbarous races, and there are several, for example the Armenian tongue, and that of the Medes and Persians, and that of the Kadusii, and I am familiar with all of them. And I, said Apollonius, my good friend, understand all languages, though I never learnt a single one. The native of Nineveh was astonished at this answer, but the other replied: You need not wonder at my knowing all human languages; for, to tell you the truth, I also understand all the secrets of human silence. Thereupon the Assyrian worshipped him, when he heard this, and regarded him as a demon; and he stayed with him increasing in wisdom and committing to memory whatever he learnt. This Assyrian's language, however, was of a mediocre quality, for he had not the gift of expressing himself, having been educated among the barbarians; but to write down a discourse or a conversation and to give impressions of what he heard or saw and to put together a journal of such matters — that he was well able to do, and carried it out as well as the best. At any rate the volume which he calls his scrap-book, was intended to serve such a purpose by Damis, who was determined that nothing about Apollonius should be passed over in silence, nay, that his most casual and negligent utterances should also be written down. And I may mention the answer which he made to one who caviled and found fault with this journal. It was a lazy fellow and maligt who tried to pick holes in him, and remarked that he recorded well enough a lot of things, for example, the opinions and ideas of his hero, but that in collecting such trifles as these he reminded him of dogs who pick up and eat the fragments which fall from a feast. Damis replied thus: If banquets there be of gods, and gods take food, surely they must have attendants whose business it is that not even the parcels of ambrosia that fall to the ground should be lost. 1.24. And the record which Damis left about the Eretrians is in harmony with this. For they live in the country of the Medes, not far distant from Babylon, a day's journey for a fleet traveler; but their country is without cities; for the whole of Cissia consists of villages, except for a race of nomads that also inhabits it, men who seldom dismount from their horses. And the settlement of the Eretrians is in the center of the rest, and the river is carried round it in a trench, for they say that they themselves diverted it round the village in order to form a rampart of defense against the barbarians of the country. But the soil is drenched with pitch, and is bitter to plant in; and the inhabitants are very short lived, because the pitch in the water forms a sediment in most of their bowels. And they get their sustece off a bit of rising ground on the confines of their village, where the ground rises above the tainted country; on this they sow their crops and regard it as their land. And they say that they have heard from the natives that 780 of the Eretrians were captured, not of course all of them fighting men; for there was a certain number of women and old men among them; and there was, I imagine, a certain number of children too, for the greater portion of the population of Eretria had fled to Caphereus and to the loftiest peaks of Euboea. But anyhow the men who were brought up numbered about 400, and there were ten women perhaps; but the rest, who had started from Ionia and Lydia, perished as they were marching up. And they managed to open a quarry on the hill; and as some of them understood the art of cutting stone, they built sanctuaries in the Greek style and a market-place large enough for their purpose; and they dedicated various altars, two to Darius, and one to Xerxes, and several to Daridaeus. But up to the time of Daridaeus, 88 years after their capture, they continued to write in the manner of the Greeks, and what is more, their ancient graves are inscribed with the legend: So and so, the son of so and so. And though the letters are Greek, they said that they never yet had seen the like. And there were ships engraved on the tombstones, to show that the various individuals had lived in Euboea, and engaged either in seafaring trade, or in that of purple, as sailors or as dyers; and they say that they read an Elegiac inscription written over the sepulcher of some sailors and seafarers, which ran thus:Here, we who once sailed over the deep-flowing billows of the Aegean seaAre lying in the midst of the plain of Ecbatana.Farewell, once-famed fatherland of Eretria, farewell Athens,Ye neighbor of Euboea, farewell thou darling sea.Well, Damis says that Apollonius restored the tombs that had gone to ruin and closed them up, and that he poured out libations and made offering to their inmates, all that religion demands, except that he did not slay or sacrifice any victim; then after weeping and in an access of emotion, he delivered himself of the following apostrophe in their midst:Ye Eretrians, who by the lot of fortune have been brought hither, ye, even if ye are far from your own land, have at least received burial; but those who cast you hither perished unburied round the shores of your island ten years after yourself; for the gods brought about this calamity in the Hollows of Euboea.And Apollonius at the end of his letter to the sophist writes as follows: I also attended, O Scopelianus, to your Eretrians, while I was still a young man; and I gave what help I could both to their dead and their living. What attention then did he show to their living? This — the barbarians in the neighborhood of the hill, when the Eretrians sowed their seed upon it, would come in summertime and plunder their crops, so that they had to starve and see the fruits of their husbandry go to others. When therefore he reached the king, he took pains to secure for them the sole use of the hill. 1.30. ACCORDINGLY Apollonius entered escorted by a number of people, for they had learnt that the king was pleased with the newcomer and though that this would gratify him; but as he passed into the palace, he did not glance at anything that others admired, but he passed them by as if he was still traveling on the highroad, and calling Damis to him he said: You asked me yesterday what was the name of the Pamphylian woman who is said to have been intimate with Sappho, and to have composed the hymns which they sing in honor of Artemis of Perga, in the Aeolian and Pamphylian modes. Yes, I did ask you, said Damis, but you did not tell me her name. I did not tell you it, my good fellow, but I explained to you about the keys in which the hymns are written, and I told you about the names; and how the Aeolian strains were altered into the highest key of all, that which is peculiar to the Pamphylians. After that we turned to another subject, for you did not ask me again about the name of the lady. Well, she is called — this clever lady is — Damophyle, and she is said, like Sappho, to have had girlfriends and to have composed poems, some of which were love-songs and others hymns. The particular hymn to Artemis was transposed by her, and the singing of it derives from Sapphic odes. How far then he was from being astonished at the king and his pomp and ceremony, he showed by the fact that he did not think such things worth looking at, but went on talking about other things, as if he did not think the palace worth a glance. 1.33. SINCE the king said that he was more pleased and delighted with his arrival than if he had added to his own possessions the wealth of Persia and India, and added that Apollonius must be his guest and share with him the royal roof, Apollonius remarked: Supposing, O king, that you came to my country of Tyana and I invited you to live where I live, would you care to do so? Why no, answered the king, unless I had a house to live in that was big enough to accommodate not only my escort and bodyguard, but myself as well, in a handsome manner. Then, said the other, I may use the same argument to you; for if I am housed above my rank, I shall be ill at ease, for superfluity distresses wise men more than deficiency distresses you. Let me therefore be entertained by some private person who has the same means as myself, and I will visit with you as often as you like. The king conceded this point, lest he should be betrayed into doing anything that might annoy him, and Apollonius took up his quarters with a gentleman of Babylon of good character and besides high-minded. But before he had finished dinner one of the eunuchs presented himself and addressed him thus: The king, he said, bestows upon you ten presents, and leaves you free to name them; but he is anxious that you should not ask for small trifles, for he wishes to exhibit to you and to us his generosity. Apollonius commended the message, and asked: Then when am I to ask for them? And the messenger replied: To-morrow, and at once went off to all the king's friends and kinsmen and bade them be present when the sage should prefer his demand and receive the honor. But Damis says that he expected him to ask for nothing, because he had studied his character and knew that he offered to the gods the following prayer: O ye gods, grant unto me to have little and to want nothing. However, as he saw him much preoccupied and, as it were, brooding, he determined that he was going to ask and anxiously turning over in his mind, what he should ask. But at eventide: Damis, said Apollonius, I am thinking over with myself the question of why the barbarians have regarded eunuchs as men sufficiently chaste to be allowed the free entry of the women's apartments. But, answered the other, O Apollonius, a child could tell you. For inasmuch as the operation has deprived them of the faculty, they are freely admitted into those apartments, no matter how far their wishes may go. But do you suppose the operation has removed their desires or the further aptitude? Both, replied Damis, for if you extinguish in a man the unruly member that lashes the body to madness, the fit of passion will come on him no more. After a brief pause, Apollonius said: To-morrow, Damis, you shall learn that even eunuchs are liable to fall in love, and that the desire which is contracted through the eyes is not extinguished in them, but abides alive and ready to burst into a flame; for that will occur which will refute your opinion. And even if there were really any human art of such tyrannical force that it could expel such feelings from the heart, I do not see how we could ever attribute to them any chastity of character, seeing that they would have no choice, having been by sheer force and artificially deprived of the faculty of falling in love. For chastity consists in not yielding to passion when the longing and impulse is felt, and in the abstinence which rises superior to this form of madness. Accordingly Damis answered and said: Here is a thing that we will examine another time, O Apollonius; but we had better consider now that answer you can make to-morrow to the king's magnificent offer. For you will perhaps ask for nothing at all, but you should be careful and be on your guard lest you should seem to decline any gift the king may offer, as they say, out of mere empty pride, for you see the land that you are in and that we are wholly in his power. And you must be on your guard against the accusation of treating him with contempt, and understand, that although we have sufficient means to carry us to India, yet what we have will not be sufficient to bring us back thence, and we have no other supply to fall back upon. 3.15. APOLLONIUS himself describes the character of these sages and of their settlement upon the hill; for in one of his addresses to the Egyptians he says, I saw Indian Brahmans living upon the earth and yet not on it, and fortified without fortifications, and possessing nothing, yet having the riches of all men. He may indeed be thought to have here written with too much subtlety; but we have anyhow the account of Damis to effect that they made a practice of sleeping the ground, and that they strewed the ground with such grass as they might themselves prefer; and, what is more, he says that he saw them levitating themselves two cubits high from the ground, not for the sake of miraculous display, for they disdain any such ambition; but they regard any rites they perform, in thus quitting earth and walking with the Sun, as acts of homage acceptable to the God. Moreover, they neither burn upon an altar nor keep in stoves the fire which they extract from the sun's rays, although it is a material fire; but like the rays of sunlight when they are refracted in water, so this fire is seen raised aloft in the air and dancing in the ether. And further they pray to the Sun who governs the seasons by his might, that the latter may succeed duly in the land, so that India may prosper; but of a night they intreat the ray of light not to take the night amiss, but. to stay with them just as they have brought it down. Such then was the meaning of the phrase of Apollonius, that the Brahmans are upon earth and yet not upon earth. And his phrase fortified without fortifications or walls, refers to the air or vapor under which they bivouac, for though they seem to live in the open air, yet they raise up a shadow and veil themselves in it, so that they are not made wet when it rains and they enjoy the sunlight whenever they choose. And the phrase without possessing anything they had the riches of all men, is thus explained by Damis: All the springs which the Bacchanals see leaping up from the ground under their feet, whenever Dionysus stirs them and earth in a common convulsion, spring up in plenty for these Indians also when they are entertaining or being entertained. Apollonius therefore was right in saying that people provided as they are with all they want offhand and without having prepared anything, possess what they do not possess. And on principle they grow their hair long, as theLacedaemonians did of old and the people of Thurium and Tarentum, as well as the Melians and all who set store by the fashions of Sparta; and they bind a white turban on their heads, and their feet are naked for walking and they cut their garments to resemble the exomis [ 1]. But the material of which they make their raiment is a wool that springs wild from the ground, white like that of the Pamphylians, though it is of softer growth, and a grease like olive oil distills from off it. This is what they make their sacred vesture of, and if anyone else except these Indians tries to pluck it up, the earth refuses to surrender its wool. And they all carry both a ring and a staff of which the peculiar virtues can effect all things, and the one and the other, so we learn, are prized as secrets. 3.28. And when the wine had circulated, Iarchas said: I pledge you to drink the health, O king, of a Hellene, and he pointed to Apollonius, who was reclining just below him, and he made a gesture with his hand to indicate that he was a noble man and divine. But the king said: I have heard that he and the persons who are halting in the village belong to Phraotes.Quite, right, he answered, and true is what you heard: for it is Phraotes who entertains him here also. What, asked the king, is his mode of life and pursuit? Why, what else, replied Iarchas, except that of that king himself? It is no great compliment you have paid him, answered the king, by saying that he has embraced a mode of life which has denied even to Phraotes the chance of being a noble man. Thereupon Iarchas remarked: You must judge more reasonably, O king, both about philosophy and about Phraotes: for as long as you were a stripling, your youth excused in you such extravagances. But now that you have already reached man's estate, let us avoid foolish and facile utterances. But Apollonius, who found an interpreter in Iarchas said: And what have you gained, O king, by refusing to be a philosopher? What have I gained? Why, the whole of virtue and the identification of myself with the Sun. Then the other, by way of checking his pride and muzzling him, said: If you were a philosopher, you would not entertain such fancies. And you, replied the king, since you are a philosopher, what is your fancy about yourself, my fine fellow? That I may pass, replied Apollonius, for being a good man, if only I can be a philosopher. Thereupon the king stretched out his hand to heaven and exclaimed: By the Sun, you come here full of Phraotes. But the other hailed this remark as a godsend, and catching him up said: I have not taken this long journey in vain, if I am become full of Phraotes. But if you should meet him presently, you will certainly say that he is full of me; and he wished to write to you in my behalf, but since he declared that you were a good man, I begged him not to take the trouble of writing, seeing that in his case no one sent a letter commending me. 4.25. Now there was in Corinth at that time a man named Demetrius, who studied philosophy and had embraced in his system all the masculine vigor of the Cynics. of him Favorinus in several of his works subsequently made the most generous mention, and his attitude towards Apollonius was exactly that which they say Antisthenes took up towards the system of Socrates: for he followed him and was anxious to be his disciple, and was devoted to his doctrines, and converted to the side of Apollonius the more esteemed of his own pupils. Among the latter was Menippus a Lycian of twenty-five years of age, well endowed with good judgment, and of a physique so beautifully proportioned that in mien he resembled a fine and gentlemanly athlete. Now this Menippus was supposed by most people to be loved by a foreign woman, who was good-looking and extremely dainty, and said that she was rich; although she was really, as it turned out, not one of these things, but was only so in semblance. For as he was walking all alone along the road towards Cenchreae, he met with an apparition, and it was a woman who clasped his hand and declared that she had been long in love with him, and that she was a Phoenician woman and lived in a suburb of Corinth, and she mentioned the name of the particular suburb, and said: When you reach the place this evening, you will hear my voice as I sing to you, and you shall have wine such as you never before drank, and there will be no rival to disturb you; and we two beautiful beings will live together. The youth consented to this, for although he was in general a strenuous philosopher, he was nevertheless susceptible to the tender passion; and he visited her in the evening, and for the future constantly sought her company as his darling, for he did not yet realize that she was a mere apparition.Then Apollonius looked over Menippus as a sculptor might do, and he sketched an outline of the youth and examined him, and having observed his foibles, he said: You are a fine youth and are hunted by fine women, but in this case you are cherishing a serpent, and a serpent cherishes you. And when Menippus expressed his surprise, he added: For this lady is of a kind you cannot marry. Why should you? Do you think that she loves you? Indeed I do, said the youth, since she behaves to me as if she loves me. And would you then marry her? said Apollonius. Why, yes, for it would be delightful to marry a woman who loves you. Thereupon Apollonius asked when the wedding was to be. Perhaps tomorrow, said the other, for it brooks no delay. Apollonius therefore waited for the occasion of the wedding breakfast, and then, presenting himself before the guests who had just arrived, he said: Where is the dainty lady at whose instance ye are come? Here she is, replied Menippus, and at the same moment he rose slightly from his seat, blushing. And to which of you belong the silver and gold and all the rest of the decorations of the banqueting hall? To the lady, replied the youth, for this is all I have of my own, pointing to the philosopher's cloak which he wore.And Apollonius said: Have you heard of the gardens of Tantalus, how they exist and yet do not exist? Yes, they answered, in the poems of Homer, for we certainly never went down to Hades. As such, replied Apollonius, you must regard this adornment, for it is not reality but the semblance of reality. And that you may realize the truth of what I say, this fine bride is one of the vampires, that is to say of those beings whom the many regard as lamias and hobgoblins. These beings fall in love, and they are devoted to the delights of Aphrodite, but especially to the flesh of human beings, and they decoy with such delights those whom they mean to devour in their feasts. And the lady said: Cease your ill-omened talk and begone; and she pretended to be disgusted at what she heard, and in fact she was inclined to rail at philosophers and say that they always talked nonsense. When, however, the goblets of gold and the show of silver were proved as light as air and all fluttered away out of their sight, while the wine-bearers and the cooks and all the retinue of servants vanished before the rebukes of Apollonius, the phantom pretended to weep, and prayed him not to torture her nor to compel her to confess what she really was. But Apollonius insisted and would not let her off, and then she admitted that she was a vampire, and was fattening up Menippus with pleasures before devouring his body, for it was her habit to feed upon young and beautiful bodies, because their blood is pure and strong. I have related at length, because it was necessary to do so, this the best-known story of Apollonius; for many people are aware of it and know that he incident occurred in the center of Hellas; but they have only heard in a general and vague manner that he once caught and overcame a lamia in Corinth, but they have never learned what she was about, nor that he did it to save Menippus, but I owe my own account to Damis and to the work which he wrote.

23. Aelian, Varia Historia, 4.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 403

4.17. Pythagoras taught men that he was begotten of a better kind then mortal nature. For on the same day, and at the same hour, he was seen at Metapontium and in Crotona. Likewise at Olympia he shewed one of his thighs which was of gold; and did make Myllias the Crotonian call to mind that he had been Midas son of Cordius a Phrygian. He also stroked a white Eagle which came to him of her own accord, and as he passed over the river Cosa, the river saluted him, saying "Hail Pythagoras." He affirmed the leaf of mallows to be most sacred. He said that Arithmetic is the wisest of all things: Next, he who imposed names on things. And that earthquakes were nothing else but conventions of the dead: And that the rainbow is the beams of the Sun: And that the sound which frequently strikes the ear is the voice of Daemons. It was not lawful to doubt of any thing he said or question about it, but to acquiesce in what he said as in a divine oracle. And when he came to cities, a report was spread that he came not to teach, but to heal. The same Pythagoras commanded to abstain from the heart, and from a white cock, and from all things that died of themselves, and not to use baths, nor to go in the common road; it being doubtful whether these things were pure.

24. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.26.3, 4.2-4.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 401, 403

4.2. But we shall begin from the abstinence of certain nations, in the narration of which, what is asserted of the Greeks will first claim our attention, as being the most allied to us, and the most appropriate of all the witnesses that can be adduced. Among those, therefore, that have concisely, and at the same time accurately collected an account of the affairs of the Greeks, is the Peripatetic Dicaearchus, who, in narrating the pristine life of the Greeks, says, the ancients, being generated with an alliance to the Gods, were naturally most excellent, and led the best life; so that, when compared to us of the present day, who consist of an adulterated and most vile matter, they were thought to be a golden race; and they slew no animal whatever. The truth of this, he also says, is testified by the poets, who denominate these ancients the golden race, and assert that every good was present with them.The fertile earth for them spontaneous bore of fruits a copious and unenvy'd store; In blissful quiet then, unknown to strife, The worthy with the worthy passed their life. [111] Which assertions, indeed Dicaearchus explaining, says, that a life of this kind was under Kronos; if it is proper to consider it as a thing that once existed, and that it is a life which has not been celebrated in vain, and if, laying aside what is extremely fabulous, we may refer it to a physical narration. All things, therefore, are very properly said to have been then spontaneously produced; for men did not procure any thing by labour, because they were unacquainted with the agricultural art, and, in short, had no knowledge of any other art. This very thing, likewise, was the cause of their leading a life of leisure, free from labours and care; and if it is proper to assent to the decision of the most skilful and elegant of physicians, it was also the cause of their being liberated from disease. For there is not any precept of physicians which more contributes to health, than that which exhorts us not to make an abundance of excrement, from which those pristine Greeks always preserved their bodies pure. For they neither assumed such food as was stronger than the nature of the body could bear, but such as could be vanquished by the corporeal nature, nor more than was moderate, on account of the facility of procuring it, but for the most part less than was sufficient, on account of its paucity. Moreover, there were neither any wars among them, nor seditions with each other. For no reward of contention worth mentioning was proposed as an incentive, for the sake of which some one might be induced to engage in such dissensions. So that the principal thing in that life was leisure and rest from necessary occupations, together with health, peace, and friendship. But to those in after times, who, through aspiring after things which greatly exceeded mediocrity, fell into many evils, this pristine life became, as it was reasonable to suppose it would, desirable. The slender and extemporaneous food, however, of these first men, is manifested by the saying which was afterwards proverbially used, enough of the oak; this adage being probably introduced by him who first changed the ancient mode of living. A pastoral life succeeded to this, in which men procured for themselves superfluous possessions, and meddled with animals. For, perceiving that some of them were innoxious, but others malefic and savage, they tamed the former, but attacked the latter. At the same time, together with this life, war was introduced. And these things, says Dicaearchus, are not asserted by us, but by those who have historically discussed a multitude of particulars. For, as possessions were now of such a magnitude as to merit attention, some ambitiously endeavoured to obtain them, by collecting them [for their own use], and calling on others to do the same, but others directed their attention to the preservation of them when collected. Time, therefore, thus gradually proceeding, and men always directing their attention to what [112] appeared to be useful, they at length became conversant with the third, and agricultural form of life. And this is what is said by Dicaearchus, in his narration of the manners of the ancient Greeks, and the blessed life which they then led, to which abstinence from animal food contributed, no less than other things. Hence, at that period there was no war, because injustice was exterminated. But afterwards, together with injustice towards animals, war was introduced among men, and the endeavour to surpass each other in amplitude of possessions. On which account also, the audacity of those is wonderful, who say that abstinence from animals is the mother of injustice, since both history and experience testify, that together with the slaughter of animals, war and injustice were introduced. 4.2. 2.But we shall begin from the abstinence of certain nations, in the narration of which, what is asserted of the Greeks will first claim our attention, as being the most allied to us, and the most appropriate of all the witnesses that can be adduced. Among those, therefore, that have concisely, and at the same time accurately collected an account of the affairs of the Greeks, is the Peripatetic Dicaearchus 1, who, in narrating the pristine life of the Greeks, says, the ancients, being generated with an alliance to the Gods, were naturally most excellent, and led the best life; so that, when compared to us of the present day, who consist of an adulterated and most vile matter, they were thought to be a golden race; and they slew no animal whatever. The truth of this, he also says, is testified by the poets, who denominate these ancients the golden race, and assert that every good was present with them. The fertile earth for them spontaneous bore of fruits a copious and unenvy'd store; In blissful quiet then, unknown to strife, The worthy with the worthy passed their life 2. |111 Which assertions, indeed Dicaearchus explaining, says, that a life of this kind was under Saturn; if it is proper to consider it as a thing that once existed, and that it is a life which has not been celebrated in vain, and if, laying aside what is extremely fabulous, we may refer it to a physical narration. All things, therefore, are very properly said to have been then spontaneously produced; for men did not procure any thing by labour, because they were unacquainted with the agricultural art, and, in short, had no knowledge of any other art. This very thing, likewise, was the cause of their leading a life of leisure, free from labours and care; and if it is proper to assent to the decision of the most skilful and elegant of physicians, it was also the cause of their being liberated from disease. For there is not any precept of physicians which more contributes to health, than that which exhorts us not to make an abundance of excrement, from which those pristine Greeks always preserved their bodies pure. For they neither assumed such food as was stronger than the nature of the body could bear, but such as could be vanquished by the corporeal nature, nor more than was moderate, on account of the facility of procuring it, but for the most part less than was sufficient, on account of its paucity. Moreover, there were neither any wars among them, nor seditions with each other. For no reward of contention worth mentioning was proposed as an incentive, for the sake of which some one might be induced to engage in such dissensions. So that the principal thing in that life was leisure and rest from necessary occupations, together with health, peace, and friendship. But to those in after times, who, through aspiring after things which greatly exceeded mediocrity, fell into many evils, this pristine life became, as it was reasonable to suppose it would, desirable. The slender and extemporaneous food, however, of these first men, is manifested by the saying which was afterwards proverbially used, enough of the oak; this adage being probably introduced by him who first changed the ancient mode of living. A pastoral life succeeded to this, in which men procured for themselves superfluous possessions, and meddled with animals. For, perceiving that some of them were innoxious, but others malefic and savage, they tamed the former, but attacked the latter. At the same time, together with this life, war was introduced. And these things, says Dicaearchus, are not asserted by us, but by those who have historically discussed a multitude of particulars. For, as possessions were now of such a magnitude as to merit attention, some ambitiously endeavoured to obtain them, by collecting them [for their own use], and calling on others to do the same, but others directed their attention to the preservation of them when collected. Time, therefore, thus gradually proceeding, and men always directing their attention to what |112 appeared to be useful, they at length became conversant with the third, and agricultural form of life. And this is what is said by Dicaearchus, in his narration of the manners of the ancient Greeks, and the blessed life which they then led, to which abstinence from animal food contributed, no less than other things. Hence, at that period there was no war, because injustice was exterminated. But afterwards, together with injustice towards animals, war was introduced among men, and the endeavour to surpass each other in amplitude of possessions. On which account also, the audacity of those is wonderful, who say that abstinence from animals is the mother of injustice, since both history and experience testify, that together with the slaughter of animals, war and injustice were introduced.

25. Origen, Against Celsus, 6.41 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Bowie, Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels (2023) 458

6.41. In the next place, as if he had forgotten that it was his object to write against the Christians, he says that, having become acquainted with one Dionysius, an Egyptian musician, the latter told him, with respect to magic arts, that it was only over the uneducated and men of corrupt morals that they had any power, while on philosophers they were unable to produce any effect, because they were careful to observe a healthy manner of life. If, now, it had been our purpose to treat of magic, we could have added a few remarks in addition to what we have already said on this topic; but since it is only the more important matters which we have to notice in answer to Celsus, we shall say of magic, that any one who chooses to inquire whether philosophers were ever led captive by it or not, can read what has been written by Moiragenes regarding the memoirs of the magician and philosopher Apollonius of Tyana, in which this individual, who is not a Christian, but a philosopher, asserts that some philosophers of no mean note were won over by the magic power possessed by Apollonius, and resorted to him as a sorcerer; and among these, I think, he especially mentioned Euphrates and a certain Epicurean. Now we, on the other hand, affirm, and have learned by experience, that they who worship the God of all things in conformity with the Christianity which comes by Jesus, and who live according to His Gospel, using night and day, continuously and becomingly, the prescribed prayers, are not carried away either by magic or demons. For verily the angel of the Lord encamps round about them that fear Him, and delivers them from all evil; and the angels of the little ones in the Church, who are appointed to watch over them, are said always to behold the face of their Father who is in heaven, whatever be the meaning of face or of behold.

26. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 9.7.1, 9.10.1-9.10.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 401

27. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 36.344-36.349 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21, 416

28. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 4.53 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 318

29. Cyril of Alexandria, Adv. Iul., 4.134 Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 401

30. Indian Texts, Śatapatha Brāhmana, 11.1.6 Tagged with subjects: •Brahma, brahmanic Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 89

31. Indian Texts, Rigveda, 10.82, 10.90, 10.121, 10.129 Tagged with subjects: •Brahma, brahmanic Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 30, 87, 89

32. Indian Texts, Mānavadharmaśāstra, 1.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •Brahma, brahmanic Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 87

33. Indian Texts, Atharvaveda, 4.2.8, 19.53 Tagged with subjects: •Brahma, brahmanic Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 87, 89

34. Zosimus, On The Letter Omega, 2 = ma 1.11-16 Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans, Found in books: Edmonds, Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World (2019) 21

36. Papyri, P.Berl., 13044 Tagged with subjects: •Brahmans Found in books: Pinheiro et al., Philosophy and the Ancient Novel (2015) 51

37. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 12, 77 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 89

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database