1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian philosophy • philosophy/philosophers, Barbarian • solecisms (and barbarisms)
Found in books: Conybeare (2006) 187; Černušková (2016) 283
1.1. בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ׃'
1.1. וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לַיַּבָּשָׁה אֶרֶץ וּלְמִקְוֵה הַמַּיִם קָרָא יַמִּים וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃ '. None | 1.1. In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.''. None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 28.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greek/barbarian division • barbarians
Found in books: Stanton (2021) 219; Tupamahu (2022) 90, 91, 92
28.11. כִּי בְּלַעֲגֵי שָׂפָה וּבְלָשׁוֹן אַחֶרֶת יְדַבֵּר אֶל־הָעָם הַזֶּה׃''. None | 28.11. For with stammering lips and with a strange tongue Shall it be spoken to this people;''. None |
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3. Hesiod, Works And Days, 124 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Tatian and Celsus,, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • barbaros, cf. barbarian basanos, cf. torture baskania, cf. Evil Eye biaiothanatoi
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021) 48; Riess (2012) 180
124. οἵ ῥα φυλάσσουσίν τε δίκας καὶ σχέτλια ἔργα''. None | 124. By sleep. Life-giving earth, of its own right,''. None |
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4. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians, • barbarian/Barbarian, culture • barbarians
Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019) 48; Papadodima (2022) 16
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5. Euripides, Bacchae, 13-22 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Lipka (2021) 114; Papadodima (2022) 27
13. '14. Φρυγῶν τε, Περσῶν θʼ ἡλιοβλήτους πλάκας 15. Βάκτριά τε τείχη τήν τε δύσχιμον χθόνα 16. Μήδων ἐπελθὼν Ἀραβίαν τʼ εὐδαίμονα 17. Ἀσίαν τε πᾶσαν, ἣ παρʼ ἁλμυρὰν ἅλα 18. κεῖται μιγάσιν Ἕλλησι βαρβάροις θʼ ὁμοῦ 19. πλήρεις ἔχουσα καλλιπυργώτους πόλεις, 20. ἐς τήνδε πρῶτον ἦλθον Ἑλλήνων πόλιν, 21. τἀκεῖ χορεύσας καὶ καταστήσας ἐμὰς 22. τελετάς, ἵνʼ εἴην ἐμφανὴς δαίμων βροτοῖς. '. None | 13. I praise Kadmos, who has made this place hallowed, the shrine of his daughter; and I have covered it all around with the cluster-bearing leaf of the vine.I have left the wealthy lands of the Lydians and Phrygians, the sun-parched plains of the Persians,'14. I praise Kadmos, who has made this place hallowed, the shrine of his daughter; and I have covered it all around with the cluster-bearing leaf of the vine.I have left the wealthy lands of the Lydians and Phrygians, the sun-parched plains of the Persians, 15. and the Bactrian walls, and have passed over the wintry land of the Medes, and blessed Arabia , and all of Asia which lies along the coast of the salt sea with its beautifully-towered cities full of Hellenes and barbarians mingled together; 20. and I have come to this Hellene city first, having already set those other lands to dance and established my mysteries there, so that I might be a deity manifest among men. In this land of Hellas , I have first excited Thebes to my cry, fitting a fawn-skin to my body and '. None |
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6. Euripides, Helen, 275-276 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Euripides, on free Greeks and slavish barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Aristotle on • slaves/slavery, and barbarians
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 12; Isaac (2004) 278
275. δούλη καθέστηκ' οὖς' ἐλευθέρων ἄπο:"276. τὰ βαρβάρων γὰρ δοῦλα πάντα πλὴν ἑνός.' "'. None | 275. I have become a slave although I am free by birth; for among barbarians all are slaves except one. And the only anchor of my fortunes is gone, the hope that my husband would come one day and free me of my woes—he is dead, he no longer exists.'276. I have become a slave although I am free by birth; for among barbarians all are slaves except one. And the only anchor of my fortunes is gone, the hope that my husband would come one day and free me of my woes—he is dead, he no longer exists. '. None |
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7. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1400 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Euripides, on free Greeks and slavish barbarians • Greeks and barbarians, unequal according to Aristotle • Greeks, said to be natural rulers of the barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • barbarians, and slaves • barbarians/barbarity, Aristotle on • slaves, according to Theognis and Xenophon, the same by nature as barbarians • slaves/slavery, and barbarians • women, Greek, barbarian and slaves
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 12; Isaac (2004) 177, 278
| 1400. And it is right, mother, that Hellenes should rule barbarians, but not barbarians Hellenes, those being slaves, while these are free. Chorus Leader''. None |
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8. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 4-6, 216-219, 244-248 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian/Barbarian, Other • barbarian/Barbarian, evils • barbarians • barbarians, Greeks and
Found in books: Gruen (2011) 236; Papadodima (2022) 15
4. ὡς δυστυχῆ Θήβαισι τῇ τόθ' ἡμέρᾳ" "5. ἀκτῖν' ἐφῆκας, Κάδμος ἡνίκ' ἦλθε γῆν" "6. τήνδ', ἐκλιπὼν Φοίνισσαν ἐναλίαν χθόνα:" '
216. Καδμείων ἔμολον γᾶν,'217. κλεινῶν ̓Αγηνοριδᾶν 218. ὁμογενεῖς ἐπὶ Λαί̈ου' "219. πεμφθεῖς' ἐνθάδε πύργους." "2
4
4. κοινὰ δ', εἴ τι πείσεται" '2
45. ἑπτάπυργος ἅδε γᾶ, 2
46. Φοινίσσᾳ χώρᾳ. φεῦ φεῦ. 2
47. κοινὸν αἷμα, κοινὰ τέκεα 2
48. τᾶς κερασφόρου πέφυκεν ̓Ιοῦς:' "'. None | 4. O Sun-god, you who cut your path in heaven’s stars, mounted on a chariot inlaid with gold and whirling out your flame with swift horses, what an unfortunate beam you shed on Thebes , the day 5. that Cadmus left Phoenicia ’s realm beside the sea and reached this land! He married at that time Harmonia, the daughter of Cypris, and begot Polydorus from whom they say Labdacus was born, and Laius from him.
216. as beauty’s gift for Loxias, to the land of Cadmus I came, sent here to the towers of Laius, the home of my kin, the famous sons of Agenor.'217. as beauty’s gift for Loxias, to the land of Cadmus I came, sent here to the towers of Laius, the home of my kin, the famous sons of Agenor. 2
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4. the impetuous god of war has come to battle before the walls, and is kindling a murderous blaze—may he not succeed!—for this city. For a friend’s pain is shared, and if this land with its seven tower 2
45. uffers any mischance, Phoenicia ’s realm will share it. Ah me! our blood is one; we are all children of Io, the horned maid; these sorrows I claim as mine. Choru '. None |
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9. Euripides, Trojan Women, 764 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian • barbarian/Barbarian, Other • barbarian/Barbarian, evils • barbarian/Barbarian, woes • barbarians
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 121, 306; Papadodima (2022) 15, 117
764. ὦ βάρβαρ' ἐξευρόντες ̔́Ελληνες κακά,"". None | 764. all for nothing I used to toil and wear myself away! Kiss your mother now for the last time, nestle to her that bore you, twine your arms about my neck and join your lips to mine! O you Hellenes, cunning to devise new forms of cruelty,''. None |
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10. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 1.4, 1.134.2, 1.135, 2.91.1, 2.158, 3.38, 4.78, 4.80, 6.58, 8.144, 9.78-9.79, 9.82, 9.122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Egyptians, their concept of “barbarians” • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians • barbarian/Barbarian • barbarian/Barbarian, menace • barbarians • barbarians, Greeks and • barbarians, speaking about Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, Herodotus on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • customs/traditions/practices as identity markers, distinguishing Greeks from barbarians • disparagement, of barbarians • eros (sexual desire), of barbarians • ethnographic writing, barbarian eating and drinking • foreign, barbarism • incest, barbarian • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians • promiscuity, of barbarians • “barbarians”
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 27, 31, 42, 156; Gruen (2020) 13, 14, 15, 53, 54; Hubbard (2014) 405, 406; Isaac (2004) 175, 263; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 176; König (2012) 344; Lieu (2004) 106; Papadodima (2022) 14, 132; Wolfsdorf (2020) 493, 514
1.1. Ἡροδότου Ἁλικαρνησσέος ἱστορίης ἀπόδεξις ἥδε, ὡς μήτε τὰ γενόμενα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τῷ χρόνῳ ἐξίτηλα γένηται, μήτε ἔργα μεγάλα τε καὶ θωμαστά, τὰ μὲν Ἕλλησι τὰ δὲ βαρβάροισι ἀποδεχθέντα, ἀκλεᾶ γένηται, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίην ἐπολέμησαν ἀλλήλοισι. Περσέων μέν νυν οἱ λόγιοι Φοίνικας αἰτίους φασὶ γενέσθαι τῆς διαφορῆς. τούτους γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης ἀπικομένους ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ οἰκήσαντας τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον τὸν καὶ νῦν οἰκέουσι, αὐτίκα ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀπαγινέοντας δὲ φορτία Αἰγύπτιά τε καὶ Ἀσσύρια τῇ τε ἄλλῃ ἐσαπικνέεσθαι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Ἄργος. τὸ δὲ Ἄργος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον προεῖχε ἅπασι τῶν ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἑλλάδι καλεομένῃ χωρῇ. ἀπικομένους δὲ τούς Φοίνικας ἐς δὴ τὸ Ἄργος τοῦτο διατίθεσθαι τὸν φόρτον. πέμπτῃ δὲ ἢ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπʼ ἧς ἀπίκοντο, ἐξεμπολημένων σφι σχεδόν πάντων, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν γυναῖκας ἄλλας τε πολλάς καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέος θυγατέρα· τὸ δέ οἱ οὔνομα εἶναι, κατὰ τὠυτὸ τὸ καὶ Ἕλληνές λέγουσι, Ἰοῦν τὴν Ἰνάχου· ταύτας στάσας κατά πρύμνην τῆς νεὸς ὠνέεσθαι τῶν φορτίων τῶν σφι ἦν θυμός μάλιστα· καὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας διακελευσαμένους ὁρμῆσαι ἐπʼ αὐτάς. τὰς μὲν δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν γυναικῶν ἀποφυγεῖν, τὴν δὲ Ἰοῦν σὺν ἄλλῃσι ἁρπασθῆναι. ἐσβαλομένους δὲ ἐς τὴν νέα οἴχεσθαι ἀποπλέοντας ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου.
1.4. μέχρι μὲν ὤν τούτου ἁρπαγάς μούνας εἶναι παρʼ ἀλλήλων, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου Ἕλληνας δὴ μεγάλως αἰτίους γενέσθαι· προτέρους γὰρ ἄρξαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην ἢ σφέας ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην. τὸ μέν νυν ἁρπάζειν γυναῖκας ἀνδρῶν ἀδίκων νομίζειν ἔργον εἶναι, τὸ δὲ ἁρπασθεισέων σπουδήν ποιήσασθαι τιμωρέειν ἀνοήτων, τὸ δὲ μηδεμίαν ὤρην ἔχειν ἁρπασθεισέων σωφρόνων· δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι, εἰ μὴ αὐταὶ ἐβούλοντο, οὐκ ἂν ἡρπάζοντο. σφέας μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίης λέγουσι Πέρσαι ἁρπαζομενέων τῶν γυναικῶν λόγον οὐδένα ποιήσασθαι, Ἕλληνας δὲ Λακεδαιμονίης εἵνεκεν γυναικὸς στόλον μέγαν συναγεῖραι καὶ ἔπειτα ἐλθόντας ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην τὴν Πριάμου δύναμιν κατελεῖν. ἀπὸ τούτου αἰεὶ ἡγήσασθαι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν σφίσι εἶναι πολέμιον. τὴν γὰρ Ἀσίην καὶ τὰ ἐνοικέοντα ἔθνεα βάρβαρα 1 οἰκηιεῦνται οἱ Πέρσαι, τὴν δὲ Εὐρώπην καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικόν ἥγηνται κεχωρίσθαι.' '
1.135. ξεινικὰ δὲ νόμαια Πέρσαι προσίενται ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα. καὶ γὰρ δὴ τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσθῆτα νομίσαντες τῆς ἑωυτῶν εἶναι καλλίω φορέουσι, καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους θώρηκας· καὶ εὐπαθείας τε παντοδαπὰς πυνθανόμενοι ἐπιτηδεύουσι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπʼ Ἑλλήνων μαθόντες παισὶ μίσγονται. γαμέουσι δὲ ἕκαστος αὐτῶν πολλὰς μὲν κουριδίας γυναῖκας, πολλῷ δʼ ἔτι πλεῦνας παλλακὰς κτῶνται.
2.158. Ψαμμητίχου δὲ Νεκῶς παῖς ἐγένετο καὶ ἐβασίλευσε Αἰγύπτου, ὃς τῇ διώρυχι ἐπεχείρησε πρῶτος τῇ ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν φερούσῃ, τὴν Δαρεῖος ὁ Πέρσης δεύτερα διώρυξε· τῆς μῆκος ἐστὶ πλόος ἡμέραι τέσσερες, εὖρος δὲ ὠρύχθη ὥστε τριήρεας δύο πλέειν ὁμοῦ ἐλαστρευμένας. ἦκται δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Νείλου τὸ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτήν· ἦκται δὲ κατύπερθε ὀλίγον Βουβάστιος πόλιος παρὰ Πάτουμον τὴν Ἀραβίην πόλιν, ἐσέχει δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν. ὀρώρυκται δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τοῦ πεδίου τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου τὰ πρὸς Ἀραβίην ἔχοντα· ἔχεται δὲ κατύπερθε τοῦ πεδίου τὸ κατὰ Μέμφιν τεῖνον ὄρος, ἐν τῷ αἱ λιθοτομίαι ἔνεισι· τοῦ ὦν δὴ ὄρεος τούτου παρὰ τὴν ὑπώρεαν ἦκται ἡ διῶρυξ ἀπʼ ἑσπέρης μακρὴ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, καὶ ἔπειτα τείνει ἐς διασφάγας, φέρουσα ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρεος πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τε καὶ νότον ἄνεμον ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν Ἀράβιον. τῇ δὲ ἐλάχιστον ἐστὶ καὶ συντομώτατον ἐκ τῆς βορηίης θαλάσσης ὑπερβῆναι ἐς τὴν νοτίην καὶ Ἐρυθρὴν τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην καλεομένην, ἀπὸ τοῦ Κασίου ὄρεος τοῦ οὐρίζοντος Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίην, ἀπὸ τούτου εἰσὶ στάδιοι ἀπαρτὶ χίλιοι ἐς τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον. τοῦτο μὲν τὸ συντομώτατον, ἡ δὲ διῶρυξ πολλῷ μακροτέρη, ὅσῳ σκολιωτέρη ἐστί· τὴν ἐπὶ Νεκῶ βασιλέος ὀρύσσοντες Αἰγυπτίων ἀπώλοντο δυώδεκα μυριάδες. Νεκῶς μέν νυν μεταξὺ ὀρύσσων ἐπαύσατο μαντηίου ἐμποδίου γενομένου τοιοῦδε, τῷ βαρβάρῳ αὐτὸν προεργάζεσθαι. βαρβάρους δὲ πάντας οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι τοὺς μὴ σφίσι ὁμογλώσσους.
3.38. πανταχῇ ὦν μοι δῆλα ἐστὶ ὅτι ἐμάνη μεγάλως ὁ Καμβύσης· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἱροῖσί τε καὶ νομαίοισι ἐπεχείρησε καταγελᾶν. εἰ γάρ τις προθείη πᾶσι ἀνθρώποισι ἐκλέξασθαι κελεύων νόμους τοὺς καλλίστους ἐκ τῶν πάντων νόμων, διασκεψάμενοι ἂν ἑλοίατο ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἑωυτῶν· οὕτω νομίζουσι πολλόν τι καλλίστους τοὺς ἑωυτῶν νόμους ἕκαστοι εἶναι. οὔκων οἰκός ἐστι ἄλλον γε ἢ μαινόμενον ἄνδρα γέλωτα τὰ τοιαῦτα τίθεσθαι· ὡς δὲ οὕτω νενομίκασι τὰ περὶ τοὺς νόμους πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πολλοῖσί τε καὶ ἄλλοισι τεκμηρίοισι πάρεστι σταθμώσασθαι, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τῷδε. Δαρεῖος ἐπὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἀρχῆς καλέσας Ἑλλήνων τοὺς παρεόντας εἴρετο ἐπὶ κόσῳ ἂν χρήματι βουλοίατο τοὺς πατέρας ἀποθνήσκοντας κατασιτέεσθαι· οἳ δὲ ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ ἔφασαν ἔρδειν ἂν τοῦτο. Δαρεῖος δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καλέσας Ἰνδῶν τοὺς καλεομένους Καλλατίας, οἳ τοὺς γονέας κατεσθίουσι, εἴρετο, παρεόντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ διʼ ἑρμηνέος μανθανόντων τὰ λεγόμενα, ἐπὶ τίνι χρήματι δεξαίατʼ ἂν τελευτῶντας τοὺς πατέρας κατακαίειν πυρί· οἳ δὲ ἀμβώσαντες μέγα εὐφημέειν μιν ἐκέλευον. οὕτω μέν νυν ταῦτα νενόμισται, καὶ ὀρθῶς μοι δοκέει Πίνδαρος ποιῆσαι νόμον πάντων βασιλέα φήσας εἶναι.
4.78. οὗτος μέν νυν οὕτω δὴ ἔπρηξε διὰ ξεινικά τε νόμαια καὶ Ἑλληνικὰς ὁμιλίας. πολλοῖσι δὲ κάρτα ἔτεσι ὕστερον Σκύλης ὁ Ἀριαπείθεος ἔπαθε παραπλήσια τούτῳ. Ἀριαπείθεϊ γὰρ τῷ Σκυθέων βασιλέι γίνεται μετʼ ἄλλων παίδων Σκύλης· ἐξ Ἰστριηνῆς δὲ γυναικὸς οὗτος γίνεται καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἐγχωρίης· τὸν ἡ μήτηρ αὕτη γλῶσσάν τε Ἑλλάδα καὶ γράμματα ἐδίδαξε. μετὰ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον Ἀριαπείθης μὲν τελευτᾷ δόλῳ ὑπὸ Σπαργαπείθεος τοῦ Ἀγαθύρσων βασιλέος, Σκύλης δὲ τήν τε βασιληίην παρέλαβε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ πατρός, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ὀποίη· ἦν δὲ αὕτη ἡ Ὀποίη ἀστή, ἐξ ἧς ἦν Ὄρικος Ἀριαπείθεϊ παῖς. βασιλεύων δὲ Σκυθέων ὁ Σκύλης διαίτῃ οὐδαμῶς ἠρέσκετο Σκυψικῇ, ἀλλὰ πολλὸν πρὸς τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ μᾶλλον τετραμμένος ἦν ἀπὸ παιδεύσιος τῆς ἐπεπαίδευτο, ἐποίεέ τε τοιοῦτο· εὖτε ἀγάγοι τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν Σκυθέων ἐς τὸ Βορυσθενειτέων ἄστυ ʽοἱ δὲ Βορυσθενεῗται οὗτοι λέγουσι σφέας αὐτοὺς εἶναι Μιλησίουσ̓, ἐς τούτους ὅκως ἔλθοι ὁ Σκύλης, τὴν μὲν στρατιὴν καταλίπεσκε ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ, αὐτὸς δὲ ὅκως ἔλθοι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὰς πύλας ἐγκλῄσειε, τὴν στολὴν ἀποθέμενος τὴν Σκυθικὴν λάβεσκε ἂν Ἑλληνίδα ἐσθῆτα, ἔχων δʼ ἂν ταύτην ἠγόραζε οὔτε δορυφόρων ἑπομένων οὔτε ἄλλου οὐδενός· τὰς δὲ πύλας ἐφύλασσον, μή τίς μιν Σκυθέων ἴδοι ἔχοντα ταύτην τὴν στολήν· καὶ τά τε ἄλλα ἐχρᾶτο διαίτη Ἑλληνικῇ καὶ θεοῖσι ἱρὰ ἐποίεε κατὰ νόμους τοὺς Ἑλλήνων. ὅτε δὲ διατρίψειε μῆνα ἡ πλέον τούτου, ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐνδὺς τὴν Σκυθικὴν στολήν. ταῦτα ποιέεσκε πολλάκις καὶ οἰκία τε ἐδείματο ἐν Βορυσθένεϊ καὶ γυναῖκα ἔγημε ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπιχωρίην.
4.80. ὡς δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐξήλαυνε ὁ Σκύλης ἐς ἤθεα τὰ ἑωυτοῦ, οἱ Σκύθαι προστησάμενοι τὸν ἀδελφεὸν αὐτοῦ Ὀκταμασάδην, γεγονότα ἐκ τῆς Τήρεω θυγατρός, ἐπανιστέατο τῷ Σκύλῃ. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐπʼ ἑωυτῷ καὶ τὴν αἰτίην διʼ ἣν ἐποιέετο, καταφεύγει ἐς τὴν Θρηίκην. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Ὀκταμασάδης ταῦτα ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Θρηίκην. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ Ἴστρῳ ἐγένετο, ἠντίασάν μιν οἱ Θρήικες, μελλόντων δὲ αὐτῶν συνάψειν ἔπεμψε Σιτάλκης παρὰ τὸν Ὀκταμασάδην λέγων τοιάδε. “τι δεῖ ἡμέας ἀλλήλων πειρηθῆναι; εἶς μέν μευ τῆς ἀδελφεῆς παῖς, ἔχεις δέ μευ ἀδελφεόν. σὺ δέ μοι ἀπόδος τοῦτον, καὶ ἐγὼ σοὶ τὸν σὸν Σκύλην παραδίδωμι· στρατιῇ δὲ μήτε σὺ κινδυνεύσῃς μήτʼ ἐγώ.” ταῦτά οἱ πέμψας ὁ Σιτάλκης ἐπεκηρυκεύετο· ἦν γὰρ παρὰ τῷ Ὀκταμασάδη ἀδελφεὸς Σιτάλκεω πεφευγώς. ὁ δὲ Ὀκταμασάδης καταινέει ταῦτα, ἐκδοὺς δὲ τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μήτρωα Σιτάλκη ἔλαβε τὸν ἀδελφεὸν Σκύλην. καὶ Σιτάλκης μὲν παραλαβὼν τὸν ἀδελφεὸν ἀπήγετο, Σκύλεω δὲ Ὀκταμασάδης αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἀπέταμε τὴν κεφαλήν. οὕτω μὲν περιστέλλουσι τὰ σφέτερα νόμαια Σκύθαι, τοῖσι δὲ παρακτωμένοισι ξεινικοὺς νόμους τοιαῦτα ἐπιτίμια διδοῦσι.
6.58. ταῦτα μὲν ζῶσι τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι δέδοται ἐκ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, ἀποθανοῦσι δὲ τάδε. ἱππέες περιαγγέλλουσι τὸ γεγονὸς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Λακωνικήν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν πόλιν γυναῖκες περιιοῦσαι λέβητα κροτέουσι. ἐπεὰν ὦν τοῦτο γίνηται τοιοῦτο, ἀνάγκη ἐξ οἰκίης ἑκάστης ἐλευθέρους δύο καταμιαίνεσθαι, ἄνδρα τε καὶ γυναῖκα· μὴ ποιήσασι δὲ τοῦτο ζημίαι μεγάλαι ἐπικέαται. νόμος δὲ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι κατὰ τῶν βασιλέων τοὺς θανάτους ἐστὶ ὡυτὸς καὶ τοῖσι βαρβάροισι τοῖσι ἐν τῇ Ἀσίῃ· τῶν γὰρ ὦν βαρβάρων οἱ πλεῦνες τῷ αὐτῷ νόμῳ χρέωνται κατὰ τοὺς θανάτους τῶν βασιλέων. ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἀποθάνῃ βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος, χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων, ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὦν καὶ τῶν εἱλωτέων καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἐπεὰν συλλεχθέωσι ἐς τὠυτὸ πολλαὶ χιλιάδες σύμμιγα τῇσι γυναιξί, κόπτονταί τε τὰ μέτωπα προθύμως καὶ οἰμωγῇ διαχρέωνται ἀπλέτῳ, φάμενοι τὸν ὕστατον αἰεὶ ἀπογενόμενον τῶν βασιλέων, τοῦτον δὴ γενέσθαι ἄριστον. ὃς δʼ ἂν ἐν πολέμῳ τῶν βασιλέων ἀποθάνῃ, τούτῳ δὲ εἴδωλον σκευάσαντες ἐν κλίνῃ εὖ ἐστρωμένῃ ἐκφέρουσι. ἐπεὰν δὲ θάψωσι, ἀγορὴ δέκα ἡμερέων οὐκ ἵσταταί σφι οὐδʼ ἀρχαιρεσίη συνίζει, ἀλλὰ πενθέουσι ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας.
8.144. πρὸς μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σπάρτης ἀγγέλους τάδε. “τὸ μὲν δεῖσαι Λακεδαιμονίους μὴ ὁμολογήσωμεν τῷ βαρβάρῳ, κάρτα ἀνθρωπήιον ἦν· ἀτὰρ αἰσχρῶς γε οἴκατε ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὸ Ἀθηναίων φρόνημα ἀρρωδῆσαι, ὅτι οὔτε χρυσός ἐστι γῆς οὐδαμόθι τοσοῦτος οὔτε χώρη κάλλεϊ καὶ ἀρετῇ μέγα ὑπερφέρουσα, τὰ ἡμεῖς δεξάμενοι ἐθέλοιμεν ἂν μηδίσαντες καταδουλῶσαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα. πολλά τε γὰρ καὶ μεγάλα ἐστι τὰ διακωλύοντα ταῦτα μὴ ποιέειν μηδʼ ἢν ἐθέλωμεν, πρῶτα μὲν καὶ μέγιστα τῶν θεῶν τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα ἐμπεπρησμένα τε καὶ συγκεχωσμένα, τοῖσι ἡμέας ἀναγκαίως ἔχει τιμωρέειν ἐς τὰ μέγιστα μᾶλλον ἤ περ ὁμολογέειν τῷ ταῦτα ἐργασαμένῳ, αὖτις δὲ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐὸν ὅμαιμόν τε καὶ ὁμόγλωσσον καὶ θεῶν ἱδρύματά τε κοινὰ καὶ θυσίαι ἤθεά τε ὁμότροπα, τῶν προδότας γενέσθαι Ἀθηναίους οὐκ ἂν εὖ ἔχοι. ἐπίστασθέ τε οὕτω, εἰ μὴ πρότερον ἐτυγχάνετε ἐπιστάμενοι, ἔστʼ ἂν καὶ εἷς περιῇ Ἀθηναίων, μηδαμὰ ὁμολογήσοντας ἡμέας Ξέρξῃ. ὑμέων μέντοι ἀγάμεθα τὴν προνοίην τὴν πρὸς ἡμέας ἐοῦσαν, ὅτι προείδετε ἡμέων οἰκοφθορημένων οὕτω ὥστε ἐπιθρέψαι ἐθέλειν ἡμέων τοὺς οἰκέτας. καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν ἡ χάρις ἐκπεπλήρωται, ἡμεῖς μέντοι λιπαρήσομεν οὕτω ὅκως ἂν ἔχωμεν, οὐδὲν λυπέοντες ὑμέας. νῦν δέ, ὡς οὕτω ἐχόντων, στρατιὴν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκπέμπετε. ὡς γὰρ ἡμεῖς εἰκάζομεν, οὐκ ἑκὰς χρόνου παρέσται ὁ βάρβαρος ἐσβαλὼν ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην, ἀλλʼ ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα πύθηται τὴν ἀγγελίην ὅτι οὐδὲν ποιήσομεν τῶν ἐκεῖνος ἡμέων προσεδέετο. πρὶν ὦν παρεῖναι ἐκεῖνον ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν, ἡμέας καιρός ἐστι προβοηθῆσαι ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην.” οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ὑποκριναμένων Ἀθηναίων ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς Σπάρτην.
9.78. ἐν δὲ Πλαταιῇσι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν Αἰγινητέων ἦν Λάμπων Πυθέω, Αἰγινητέων ἐὼν τὰ πρῶτα· ὃς ἀνοσιώτατον ἔχων λόγον ἵετο πρὸς Παυσανίην, ἀπικόμενος δὲ σπουδῇ ἔλεγε τάδε. “ὦ παῖ Κλεομβρότου, ἔργον ἔργασταί τοι ὑπερφυὲς μέγαθός τε καὶ κάλλος, καί τοι θεὸς παρέδωκε ῥυσάμενον τὴν Ἑλλάδα κλέος καταθέσθαι μέγιστον Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. σὺ δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοισι ποίησον, ὅκως λόγος τε σὲ ἔχῃ ἔτι μέζων καί τις ὕστερον φυλάσσηται τῶν βαρβάρων μὴ ὑπάρχειν ἔργα ἀτάσθαλα ποιέων ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας. Λεωνίδεω γὰρ ἀποθανόντος ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι Μαρδόνιός τε καὶ Ξέρξης ἀποταμόντες τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀνεσταύρωσαν· τῷ σὺ τὴν ὁμοίην ἀποδιδοὺς ἔπαινον ἕξεις πρῶτα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων Σπαρτιητέων, αὖτις δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων· Μαρδόνιον γὰρ ἀνασκολοπίσας τετιμωρήσεαι ἐς πάτρων τὸν σὸν Λεωνίδην.” 9.79. ὃ μὲν δοκέων χαρίζεσθαι ἔλεγε τάδε, ὃ δʼ ἀνταμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “ὦ ξεῖνε Αἰγινῆτα, τὸ μὲν εὐνοέειν τε καὶ προορᾶν ἄγαμαί σευ, γνώμης μέντοι ἡμάρτηκας χρηστῆς· ἐξαείρας γάρ με ὑψοῦ καὶ τὴν πάτρην καὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἐς τὸ μηδὲν κατέβαλες παραινέων νεκρῷ λυμαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἢν ταῦτα ποιέω, φὰς ἄμεινόν με ἀκούσεσθαι· τὰ πρέπει μᾶλλον βαρβάροισι ποιέειν ἤ περ Ἕλλησι· καὶ ἐκείνοισι δὲ ἐπιφθονέομεν. ἐγὼ δʼ ὦν τούτου εἵνεκα μήτε Αἰγινήτῃσι ἅδοιμι μήτε τοῖσι ταῦτα ἀρέσκεται, ἀποχρᾷ δέ μοι Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἀρεσκόμενον ὅσια μὲν ποιέειν, ὅσια δὲ καὶ λέγειν. Λεωνίδῃ δέ, τῷ με κελεύεις τιμωρῆσαι, φημὶ μεγάλως τετιμωρῆσθαι, ψυχῇσί τε τῇσι τῶνδε ἀναριθμήτοισι τετίμηται αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι τελευτήσαντες. σὺ μέντοι ἔτι ἔχων λόγον τοιόνδε μήτε προσέλθῃς ἔμοιγε μήτε συμβουλεύσῃς, χάριν τε ἴσθι ἐὼν ἀπαθής.”
9.82. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε γενέσθαι, ὡς Ξέρξης φεύγων ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Μαρδονίῳ τὴν κατασκευὴν καταλίποι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ· Παυσανίην ὦν ὁρῶντα τὴν Μαρδονίου κατασκευὴν χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ καὶ παραπετάσμασι ποικίλοισι κατεσκευασμένην, κελεῦσαι τούς τε ἀρτοκόπους καὶ τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς κατὰ ταὐτὰ καθὼς Μαρδονίῳ δεῖπνον παρασκευάζειν. ὡς δὲ κελευόμενοι οὗτοι ἐποίευν ταῦτα, ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Παυσανίην ἰδόντα κλίνας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας εὖ ἐστρωμένας καὶ τραπέζας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας καὶ παρασκευὴν μεγαλοπρεπέα τοῦ δείπνου, ἐκπλαγέντα τὰ προκείμενα ἀγαθὰ κελεῦσαι ἐπὶ γέλωτι τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ διηκόνους παρασκευάσαι Λακωνικὸν δεῖπνον. ὡς δὲ τῆς θοίνης ποιηθείσης ἦν πολλὸν τὸ μέσον, τὸν Παυσανίην γελάσαντα μεταπέμψασθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων τοὺς στρατηγούς, συνελθόντων δὲ τούτων εἰπεῖν τὸν Παυσανίην, δεικνύντα ἐς ἑκατέρην τοῦ δείπνου παρασκευήν, “ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, τῶνδε εἵνεκα ἐγὼ ὑμέας συνήγαγον, βουλόμενος ὑμῖν τοῦδε τοῦ Μήδων ἡγεμόνος τὴν ἀφροσύνην δέξαι, ὃς τοιήνδε δίαιταν ἔχων ἦλθε ἐς ἡμέας οὕτω ὀϊζυρὴν ἔχοντας ἀπαιρησόμενος.” ταῦτα μὲν Παυσανίην λέγεται εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.
9.122. τούτου δὲ Ἀρταΰκτεω τοῦ ἀνακρεμασθέντος προπάτωρ Ἀρτεμβάρης ἐστὶ ὁ Πέρσῃσι ἐξηγησάμενος λόγον τὸν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπολαβόντες Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν λέγοντα τάδε. “ἐπεὶ Ζεὺς Πέρσῃσι ἡγεμονίην διδοῖ, ἀνδρῶν δὲ σοὶ Κῦρε, κατελὼν Ἀστυάγην, φέρε, γῆν γὰρ ἐκτήμεθα ὀλίγην καὶ ταύτην τρηχέαν, μεταναστάντες ἐκ ταύτης ἄλλην σχῶμεν ἀμείνω. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλαὶ μὲν ἀστυγείτονες πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ἑκαστέρω, τῶν μίαν σχόντες πλέοσι ἐσόμεθα θωμαστότεροι. οἰκὸς δὲ ἄνδρας ἄρχοντας τοιαῦτα ποιέειν· κότε γὰρ δὴ καὶ παρέξει κάλλιον ἢ ὅτε γε ἀνθρώπων τε πολλῶν ἄρχομεν πάσης τε τῆς Ἀσίης; ” Κῦρος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ οὐ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον ἐκέλευε ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῖσι παραίνεε κελεύων παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς οὐκέτι ἄρξοντας ἀλλʼ ἀρξομένους· φιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὺς γίνεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ τι τῆς αὐτῆς γῆς εἶναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν φύειν καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. ὥστε συγγνόντες Πέρσαι οἴχοντο ἀποστάντες, ἑσσωθέντες τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς Κύρου, ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο λυπρὴν οἰκέοντες μᾶλλον ἢ πεδιάδα σπείροντες ἄλλοισι δουλεύειν.''. None | 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos, ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos, and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt .
1.4. So far it was a matter of mere seizure on both sides. But after this (the Persians say), the Greeks were very much to blame; for they invaded Asia before the Persians attacked Europe . ,“We think,” they say, “that it is unjust to carry women off. But to be anxious to avenge rape is foolish: wise men take no notice of such things. For plainly the women would never have been carried away, had they not wanted it themselves. ,We of Asia did not deign to notice the seizure of our women; but the Greeks, for the sake of a Lacedaemonian woman, recruited a great armada, came to Asia, and destroyed the power of Priam. ,Ever since then we have regarded Greeks as our enemies.” For the Persians claim Asia for their own, and the foreign peoples that inhabit it; Europe and the Greek people they consider to be separate from them.
1.134.2. They honor most of all those who live nearest them, next those who are next nearest, and so going ever onwards they assign honor by this rule: those who dwell farthest off they hold least honorable of all; for they think that they are themselves in all regards by far the best of all men, that the rest have only a proportionate claim to merit, until those who live farthest away have least merit of all.
1.135. But the Persians more than all men welcome foreign customs. They wear the Median dress, thinking it more beautiful than their own, and the Egyptian cuirass in war. Their luxurious practices are of all kinds, and all borrowed: the Greeks taught them pederasty. Every Persian marries many lawful wives, and keeps still more concubines. 2.9
1.1. The Egyptians shun using Greek customs, and (generally speaking) the customs of all other peoples as well. Yet, though the rest are wary of this, there is a great city called Khemmis, in the Theban district, near the New City. ' "
2.158. Psammetichus had a son, Necos, who became king of Egypt . It was he who began building the canal into the Red Sea, which was finished by Darius the Persian. This is four days' voyage in length, and it was dug wide enough for two triremes to move in it rowed abreast. ,It is fed by the Nile, and is carried from a little above Bubastis by the Arabian town of Patumus; it issues into the Red Sea . Digging began in the part of the Egyptian plain nearest to Arabia ; the mountains that extend to Memphis (the mountains where the stone quarries are) come close to this plain; ,the canal is led along the foothills of these mountains in a long reach from west to east; passing then into a ravine, it bears southward out of the hill country towards the Arabian Gulf . ,Now the shortest and most direct passage from the northern to the southern or Red Sea is from the Casian promontory, the boundary between Egypt and Syria, to the Arabian Gulf, and this is a distance of one hundred and twenty five miles, neither more nor less; ,this is the most direct route, but the canal is far longer, inasmuch as it is more crooked. In Necos' reign, a hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians died digging it. Necos stopped work, stayed by a prophetic utterance that he was toiling beforehand for the barbarian. The Egyptians call all men of other languages barbarians. " "
3.38. I hold it then in every way proved that Cambyses was quite insane; or he would never have set himself to deride religion and custom. For if it were proposed to all nations to choose which seemed best of all customs, each, after examination, would place its own first; so well is each convinced that its own are by far the best. ,It is not therefore to be supposed that anyone, except a madman, would turn such things to ridicule. I will give this one proof among many from which it may be inferred that all men hold this belief about their customs. ,When Darius was king, he summoned the Greeks who were with him and asked them for what price they would eat their fathers' dead bodies. They answered that there was no price for which they would do it. ,Then Darius summoned those Indians who are called Callatiae, who eat their parents, and asked them (the Greeks being present and understanding through interpreters what was said) what would make them willing to burn their fathers at death. The Indians cried aloud, that he should not speak of so horrid an act. So firmly rooted are these beliefs; and it is, I think, rightly said in Pindar's poem that custom is lord of all." "
4.78. This, then, was how Anacharsis fared, owing to his foreign ways and consorting with Greeks; and a great many years afterward, Scyles, son of Ariapithes, suffered a like fate. Scyles was one of the sons born to Ariapithes, king of Scythia; but his mother was of Istria, and not native-born; and she taught him to speak and read Greek. ,As time passed, Ariapithes was treacherously killed by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi, and Scyles inherited the kingship and his father's wife, a Scythian woman whose name was Opoea, and she bore Scyles a son, Oricus. ,So Scyles was king of Scythia; but he was in no way content with the Scythian way of life, and was much more inclined to Greek ways, from the upbringing that he had received. So this is what he would do: he would lead the Scythian army to the city of the Borysthenites (who say that they are Milesians), and when he arrived there would leave his army in the suburb of the city, ,while he himself, entering within the walls and shutting the gates, would take off his Scythian apparel and put on Greek dress; and in it he would go among the townsfolk unattended by spearmen or any others (who would guard the gates, lest any Scythian see him wearing this apparel), and in every way follow the Greek manner of life, and worship the gods according to Greek usage. ,When he had spent a month or more like this, he would put on Scythian dress and leave the city. He did this often; and he built a house in Borysthenes, and married a wife of the people of the country and brought her there. " "
4.80. After this Scyles rode off to his own place; but the Scythians rebelled against him, setting up his brother Octamasades, son of the daughter of Teres, for their king. ,Scyles, learning what had happened concerning him and the reason why it had happened, fled into Thrace; and when Octamasades heard this he led his army there. But when he was beside the Ister, the Thracians barred his way; and when the armies were about to engage, Sitalces sent this message to Octamasades: ,“Why should we try each other's strength? You are my sister's son, and you have my brother with you; give him back to me, and I will give up your Scyles to you; and let us not endanger our armies.” ,Such was the offer Sitalces sent to him; for Sitalces' brother had fled from him and was with Octamasades. The Scythian agreed to this, and took his brother Scyles, giving up his own uncle to Sitalces. ,Sitalces then took his brother and carried him away, but Octamasades beheaded Scyles on the spot. This is how closely the Scythians guard their customs, and these are the penalties they inflict on those who add foreign customs to their own. " "
6.58. The kings are granted these rights from the Spartan commonwealth while they live; when they die, their rights are as follows: Horsemen proclaim their death in all parts of Laconia, and in the city women go about beating on cauldrons. When this happens, two free persons from each house, a man and a woman, are required to wear mourning, or incur heavy penalties if they fail to do so. ,The Lacedaemonians have the same custom at the deaths of their kings as the foreigners in Asia; most foreigners use the same custom at their kings' deaths. When a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, a fixed number of their subject neighbors must come to the funeral from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartans. ,When these and the helots and the Spartans themselves have assembled in one place to the number of many thousands, together with the women, they zealously beat their foreheads and make long and loud lamentation, calling that king that is most recently dead the best of all their kings. Whenever a king dies in war, they make an image of him and carry it out on a well-spread bier. For ten days after the burial there are no assemblies or elections, and they mourn during these days. " '
8.144. Such was their answer to Alexander, but to the Spartan envoys they said, “It was most human that the Lacedaemonians should fear our making an agreement with the barbarian. We think that it is an ignoble thing to be afraid, especially since we know the Athenian temper to be such that there is nowhere on earth such store of gold or such territory of surpassing fairness and excellence that the gift of it should win us to take the Persian part and enslave Hellas. ,For there are many great reasons why we should not do this, even if we so desired; first and foremost, the burning and destruction of the adornments and temples of our gods, whom we are constrained to avenge to the utmost rather than make pacts with the perpetrator of these things, and next the kinship of all Greeks in blood and speech, and the shrines of gods and the sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness of our way of life, to all of which it would not befit the Athenians to be false. ,Know this now, if you knew it not before, that as long as one Athenian is left alive we will make no agreement with Xerxes. Nevertheless we thank you for your forethought concerning us, in that you have so provided for our wasted state that you offer to nourish our households. ,For your part, you have given us full measure of kindness, yet for ourselves, we will make shift to endure as best we may, and not be burdensome to you. But now, seeing that this is so, send your army with all speed, ,for as we guess, the barbarian will be upon us and invade our country in no long time as soon as the message comes to him that we will do nothing that he requires of us; therefore, before he comes into Attica, now is the time for us to march first into Boeotia.” At this reply of the Athenians the envoys returned back to Sparta. ' "
9.78. There was at Plataea in the army of the Aeginetans one Lampon, son of Pytheas, a leading man of Aegina. He hastened to Pausanias with really outrageous counsel and coming upon him, said to him: ,“son of Cleombrotus, you have done a deed of surpassing greatness and glory; the god has granted to you in saving Hellas to have won greater renown than any Greek whom we know. But now you must finish what remains for the rest, so that your fame may be greater still and so that no barbarian will hereafter begin doing reckless deeds against the Greeks. ,When Leonidas was killed at Thermopylae, Mardonius and Xerxes cut off his head and set it on a pole; make them a like return, and you will win praise from all Spartans and the rest of Hellas besides. For if you impale Mardonius, you will be avenged for your father's brother Leonidas.” " '9.79. This is what Lampon, thinking to please, said. Pausanias, however, answered him as follows: “Aeginetan, I thank you for your goodwill and forethought, but you have missed the mark of right judgment. First you exalt me and my fatherland and my deeds, yet next you cast me down to mere nothingness when you advise me to insult the dead, and say that I shall win more praise if I do so. That would be an act more proper for barbarians than for Greeks and one that we consider worthy of censure even in barbarians. ,No, as for myself, I would prefer to find no favor either with the people of Aegina or anyone else who is pleased by such acts. It is enough for me if I please the Spartans by righteous deeds and speech. As for Leonidas, whom you would have me avenge, I think that he has received a full measure of vengeance; the uncounted souls of these that you see have done honor to him and the rest of those who died at Thermopylae. But to you this is my warning: do not come again to me with words like these nor give me such counsel. Be thankful now that you go unpunished.” ' "
9.82. This other story is also told. When Xerxes fled from Hellas, he left to Mardonius his own establishment. Pausanias, seeing Mardonius' establishment with its display of gold and silver and gaily colored tapestry, ordered the bakers and the cooks to prepare a dinner such as they were accustomed to do for Mardonius. ,They did his bidding, but Pausanias, when he saw golden and silver couches richly covered, and tables of gold and silver, and all the magnificent service of the banquet, was amazed at the splendor before him, and for a joke commanded his own servants to prepare a dinner in Laconian fashion. When that meal, so different from the other, was ready, Pausanias burst out laughing and sent for the generals of the Greeks. ,When these had assembled, Pausanias pointed to the manner in which each dinner was served and said: “Men of Hellas, I have brought you here because I desired to show you the foolishness of the leader of the Medes who, with such provisions for life as you see, came here to take away from us our possessions which are so pitiful.” In this way, it is said, Pausanias spoke to the generals of the Greeks. " '
9.122. This Artayctes who was crucified was the grandson of that Artembares who instructed the Persians in a design which they took from him and laid before Cyrus; this was its purport: ,“Seeing that Zeus grants lordship to the Persian people, and to you, Cyrus, among them, let us, after reducing Astyages, depart from the little and rugged land which we possess and occupy one that is better. There are many such lands on our borders, and many further distant. If we take one of these, we will all have more reasons for renown. It is only reasonable that a ruling people should act in this way, for when will we have a better opportunity than now, when we are lords of so many men and of all Asia?” ,Cyrus heard them, and found nothing to marvel at in their design; “Go ahead and do this,” he said; “but if you do so, be prepared no longer to be rulers but rather subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not from the same soil.” ,The Persians now realized that Cyrus reasoned better than they, and they departed, choosing rather to be rulers on a barren mountain side than dwelling in tilled valleys to be slaves to others.''. None |
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11. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Other, the, the barbarian as • barbarians
Found in books: Lieu (2004) 271; Tupamahu (2022) 151
262d. διελέσθαι γένος διαιροῖ καθάπερ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε διανέμουσι, τὸ μὲν Ἑλληνικὸν ὡς ἓν ἀπὸ πάντων ἀφαιροῦντες χωρίς, σύμπασι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις γένεσιν, ἀπείροις οὖσι καὶ ἀμείκτοις καὶ ἀσυμφώνοις πρὸς ἄλληλα, βάρβαρον μιᾷ κλήσει προσειπόντες αὐτὸ διὰ ταύτην τὴν μίαν κλῆσιν καὶ γένος ἓν αὐτὸ εἶναι προσδοκῶσιν· ἢ τὸν ἀριθμόν τις αὖ νομίζοι κατʼ εἴδη δύο διαιρεῖν μυριάδα ἀποτεμνόμενος ἀπὸ πάντων,''. None | 262d. one should make the division as most people in this country do; they separate the Hellenic race from all the rest as one, and to all the other races, which are countless in number and have no relation in blood or language to one another, they give the single name barbarian ; then, because of this single name, they think it is a single species. Or it was as if a man should think he was dividing number into two classes by cutting off a myriad from all the other numbers, with the notion that he was making one separate class,''. None |
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12. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Plato, on barbarians as natural enemies • Plato, states that barbarians are to be destroyed in war • barbarian/Barbarian, Greek-barbarian opposition • barbarian/Barbarian, barbarian Greek • barbarians • barbarians, Greeks and
Found in books: Isaac (2004) 284; Papadodima (2022) 120
| 470c. if this goes to the mark. I affirm that the Hellenic race is friendly to itself and akin, and foreign and alien to the barbarian. Rightly, he said. We shall then say that Greeks fight and wage war with barbarians, and barbarians with Greeks, and are enemies by nature, and that war is the fit name for this enmity and hatred. Greeks, however, we shall say, are still by nature the friends of Greeks when they act in this way, but that Greece is sick in that case and divided by faction,''. None |
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13. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian, possible early use of the term • barbarians
Found in books: Lieu (2004) 105; Sweeney (2013) 64
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14. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian gods • barbarians
Found in books: Lipka (2021) 105; Versnel (2011) 353
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15. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian/Barbarian • barbarian/Barbarian, menace • barbarian/barbaros • barbarians • eros (sexual desire), of barbarians • foreign, barbarism • promiscuity, of barbarians
Found in books: Hubbard (2014) 404; Papadodima (2022) 14; Riess (2012) 270
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16. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 41, 42; Isaac (2004) 3
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17. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Hellenic identity, in opposition to the Barbarian • barbarians/barbarity, Aristotle on • barbarians/barbarity, and Greek culture • barbarians/barbarity, as Hellenic construct • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to • customs/traditions/practices as identity markers, distinguishing Greeks from barbarians • disparagement, of barbarians • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians • slaves/slavery, and barbarians
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 11; Sweeney (2013) 4
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18. Polybius, Histories, 2.7.6, 2.17.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 57; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018) 280
2.7.6. δεύτερον τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐφυλάξατο τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ συστήματος ἐκείνου προαίρεσιν; οἵ γε τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας, συνδραμόντων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν διὰ τὸ παρασπονδῆσαι τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκείους καὶ συγγενεῖς·
2.17.3. οἷς ἐπιμιγνύμενοι κατὰ τὴν παράθεσιν Κελτοὶ καὶ περὶ τὸ κάλλος τῆς χώρας ὀφθαλμιάσαντες, ἐκ μικρᾶς προφάσεως μεγάλῃ στρατιᾷ παραδόξως ἐπελθόντες ἐξέβαλον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν Πάδον χώρας Τυρρηνοὺς καὶ κατέσχον αὐτοὶ τὰ πεδία.''. None | 2.7.6. \xa0In the second place who would not have been cautious in the case of a company with such a bad name? First of all they had been expelled from their own country by a general movement of their fellow-countrymen owing to their having betrayed their own friends and kinsmen. <
2.17.3. \xa0The Celts, being close neighbours of the Etruscans and associating much with them, cast covetous eyes on their beautiful country, and on a small pretext, suddenly attacked them with a large army and, expelling them from the plain of the\xa0Po, occupied it themselves. <''. None |
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19. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 4.13, 6.24-6.25, 6.27-6.28, 7.1-7.5, 7.7-7.17, 7.21-7.40, 7.42, 15.2-15.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Other, the, the barbarian as • barbarians • barbarians, characteristics of • barbarism
Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 239, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 250, 251; Lieu (2004) 283; Moss (2012) 41, 43
| 4.13. There was such an extreme of Hellenization and increase in the adoption of foreign ways because of the surpassing wickedness of Jason, who was ungodly and no high priest,'" "
6.24. Such pretense is not worthy of our time of life, he said, 'lest many of the young should suppose that Eleazar in his ninetieth year has gone over to an alien religion,'" "6.25. and through my pretense, for the sake of living a brief moment longer, they should be led astray because of me, while I defile and disgrace my old age.'" "
6.27. Therefore, by manfully giving up my life now, I will show myself worthy of my old age'" "6.28. and leave to the young a noble example of how to die a good death willingly and nobly for the revered and holy laws.'When he had said this, he went at once to the rack.'" "
7.1. It happened also that seven brothers and their mother were arrested and were being compelled by the king, under torture with whips and cords, to partake of unlawful swine's flesh.'" "7.2. One of them, acting as their spokesman, said, 'What do you intend to ask and learn from us? For we are ready to die rather than transgress the laws of our fathers.'" "7.3. The king fell into a rage, and gave orders that pans and caldrons be heated.'" "7.4. These were heated immediately, and he commanded that the tongue of their spokesman be cut out and that they scalp him and cut off his hands and feet, while the rest of the brothers and the mother looked on.'" "7.5. When he was utterly helpless, the king ordered them to take him to the fire, still breathing, and to fry him in a pan. The smoke from the pan spread widely, but the brothers and their mother encouraged one another to die nobly, saying,'" "
7.7. After the first brother had died in this way, they brought forward the second for their sport. They tore off the skin of his head with the hair, and asked him, 'Will you eat rather than have your body punished limb by limb?'" "7.8. He replied in the language of his fathers, and said to them, 'No.'Therefore he in turn underwent tortures as the first brother had done.'" "7.9. And when he was at his last breath, he said, 'You accursed wretch, you dismiss us from this present life, but the King of the universe will raise us up to an everlasting renewal of life, because we have died for his laws.'" "
7.10. After him, the third was the victim of their sport. When it was demanded, he quickly put out his tongue and courageously stretched forth his hands,'" "
7.11. and said nobly, 'I got these from Heaven, and because of his laws I disdain them, and from him I hope to get them back again.'" "
7.12. As a result the king himself and those with him were astonished at the young man's spirit, for he regarded his sufferings as nothing.'" "
7.13. When he too had died, they maltreated and tortured the fourth in the same way.'" "
7.14. And when he was near death, he said, 'One cannot but choose to die at the hands of men and to cherish the hope that God gives of being raised again by him. But for you there will be no resurrection to life!'" '
7.15. Next they brought forward the fifth and maltreated him."' "
7.16. But he looked at the king, and said, 'Because you have authority among men, mortal though you are, you do what you please. But do not think that God has forsaken our people.'" "
7.17. Keep on, and see how his mighty power will torture you and your descendants!'" "
7.21. She encouraged each of them in the language of their fathers. Filled with a noble spirit, she fired her woman's reasoning with a man's courage, and said to them,'" "7.22. I do not know how you came into being in my womb. It was not I who gave you life and breath, nor I who set in order the elements within each of you.'" "7.23. Therefore the Creator of the world, who shaped the beginning of man and devised the origin of all things, will in his mercy give life and breath back to you again, since you now forget yourselves for the sake of his laws.'" "7.24. Antiochus felt that he was being treated with contempt, and he was suspicious of her reproachful tone. The youngest brother being still alive, Antiochus not only appealed to him in words, but promised with oaths that he would make him rich and enviable if he would turn from the ways of his fathers, and that he would take him for his friend and entrust him with public affairs.'" "7.25. Since the young man would not listen to him at all, the king called the mother to him and urged her to advise the youth to save himself.'" "7.26. After much urging on his part, she undertook to persuade her son.'" "7.27. But, leaning close to him, she spoke in their native tongue as follows, deriding the cruel tyrant: 'My son, have pity on me. I carried you nine months in my womb, and nursed you for three years, and have reared you and brought you up to this point in your life, and have taken care of you.'" "7.28. I beseech you, my child, to look at the heaven and the earth and see everything that is in them, and recognize that God did not make them out of things that existed. Thus also mankind comes into being.'" "7.29. Do not fear this butcher, but prove worthy of your brothers. Accept death, so that in God's mercy I may get you back again with your brothers.'" "7.30. While she was still speaking, the young man said, 'What are you waiting for? I will not obey the king's command, but I obey the command of the law that was given to our fathers through Moses.'" "7.31. But you, who have contrived all sorts of evil against the Hebrews, will certainly not escape the hands of God.'" '7.32. For we are suffering because of our own sins."' "7.33. And if our living Lord is angry for a little while, to rebuke and discipline us, he will again be reconciled with his own servants.'" "7.34. But you, unholy wretch, you most defiled of all men, do not be elated in vain and puffed up by uncertain hopes, when you raise your hand against the children of heaven.'" "7.35. You have not yet escaped the judgment of the almighty, all-seeing God.'" "7.36. For our brothers after enduring a brief suffering have drunk of everflowing life under God's covet; but you, by the judgment of God, will receive just punishment for your arrogance.'" "7.37. I, like my brothers, give up body and life for the laws of our fathers, appealing to God to show mercy soon to our nation and by afflictions and plagues to make you confess that he alone is God,'" "7.38. and through me and my brothers to bring to an end the wrath of the Almighty which has justly fallen on our whole nation.'" "7.39. The king fell into a rage, and handled him worse than the others, being exasperated at his scorn.'" "7.40. So he died in his integrity, putting his whole trust in the Lord.'" "
7.42. Let this be enough, then, about the eating of sacrifices and the extreme tortures.'" "
15.2. And when the Jews who were compelled to follow him said, 'Do not destroy so savagely and barbarously, but show respect for the day which he who sees all things has honored and hallowed above other days,'" '15.3. the thrice-accursed wretch asked if there were a sovereign in heaven who had commanded the keeping of the sabbath day."'". None |
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Other, the, the barbarian as • barbarians • barbarism
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 94, 96; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 155; Lieu (2004) 276
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21. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 31.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Galatia/Galatians/Celts, image of barbarians • Rome/Romans, and barbarians • barbarian, the topos of • barbarians/barbarity, Diodorus on • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to • barbarians/barbarity, labeled in particular, rather than in general
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 24; Marek (2019) 207
| 31.13. 1. \xa0The general of the barbarous Gauls, returning from his pursuit, gathered the prisoners together and perpetrated an act of utter inhumanity and arrogance. Those of the prisoners who were most handsome in appearance and in the full bloom of life he crowned with garlands and offered in sacrifice to the gods â\x80\x94 if indeed there be any god who accepts such offerings; all the rest he had shot down, and though many of them were acquaintances known to him through prior exchanges of hospitality, yet no one received pity on the score of friendship. It is really not surprising, however, that savages, in the flush of unexpected success, should celebrate their good fortune with inhuman behaviour.''. None |
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22. Ovid, Fasti, 4.207-4.214 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarian/Barbarity • eros (sexual desire), of barbarians
Found in books: Hubbard (2014) 408; Nuno et al (2021) 370
4.207. ardua iamdudum resonat tinnitibus Ide, 4.208. tutus ut infanti vagiat ore puer. 4.209. pars clipeos rudibus, galeas pars tundit ies: 4.210. hoc Curetes habent, hoc Corybantes opus. 4.211. res latuit, priscique manent imitamina facti; 4.212. aera deae comites raucaque terga movent, 4.213. cymbala pro galeis, pro scutis tympana pulsant; 4.214. tibia dat Phrygios, ut dedit ante, modos.”''. None | 4.207. Now steep Ida echoed to a jingling music, 4.208. So the child might cry from its infant mouth, in safety. 4.209. Some beat shields with sticks, others empty helmets: 4.210. That was the Curetes’ and the Corybantes’ task. 4.211. The thing was hidden, and the ancient deed’s still acted out: 4.212. The goddess’s servants strike the bronze and sounding skins. 4.213. They beat cymbals for helmets, drums instead of shields: 4.214. The flute plays, as long ago, in the Phrygian mode.’''. None |
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23. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.686-9.694 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • barbarians
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 198; Manolaraki (2012) 35
9.686. cum medio noctis spatio sub imagine somni 9.688. aut stetit aut visa est. Inerant lunaria fronti 9.689. cornua cum spicis nitido flaventibus auro 9.690. et regale decus. Cum qua latrator Anubis 9.691. sanctaque Bubastis variusque coloribus Apis, 9.692. quique premit vocem digitoque silentia suadet, 9.693. sistraque erant numquamque satis quaesitus Osiris 9.694. plenaque somniferis serpens peregrina venenis.' '. None | 9.686. aid old Anchises' years must be restored." '9.688. until vexed with the clamor, Jupiter 9.689. implored, “If you can have regard for me, 9.690. consider the strange blessings you desire: 9.691. does any one of you believe he can 9.692. prevail against the settled will of Fate? 9.693. As Iolaus has returned by fate, 9.694. to those years spent by him; so by the Fate' ". None |
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24. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 136, 178-181, 188, 190, 193 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians • barbarians, and women • barbarians, customs of • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Josephus on • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on • barbarians/barbarity, Strabo on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to • identity as hybrid and malleable, between Greeks and barbarians • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians • language as identity marker, separating Greeks and barbarians • language as identity marker, shifting between barbarians and Greeks or Romans
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 35, 37, 38, 151; Lieu (2004) 186; Niehoff (2011) 100, 101, 102, 109
| 136. and so, by degrees, the men became accustomed to be treated like women, and in this way engendered among themselves the disease of females, and intolerable evil; for they not only, as to effeminacy and delicacy, became like women in their persons, but they made also their souls most ignoble, corrupting in this way the whole race of man, as far as depended on them. At all events, if the Greeks and barbarians were to have agreed together, and to have adopted the commerce of the citizens of this city, their cities one after another would have become desolate, as if they had been emptied by a pestilence. XXVII. '
178. But to those who are fond of reviling and disparaging everything, and who are by their invariable habits accustomed to prefer blaming to praising the action which Abraham was enjoined to perform, it will not appear a great and admirable deed, as we imagine it to have been. 179. For such persons say that many other men, who have been very affectionate to their relations and very fond of their children, have given up their sons; some in order that they might be sacrificed for their country to deliver it either from war, or from drought, or from much rain, or from disease and pestilence; and others to satisfy the demands of some habitual religious observances, even though there may be no real piety in them. 180. At all events they say that some of the most celebrated men of the Greeks, not merely private individuals but kings also, caring but little for the children whom they have begotten, have, by means of their destruction secured safety to might and numerous forces and armies, arrayed together in an allied body, and have voluntarily slain them as if they had been enemies. 181. And also that barbarous nations have for many ages practised the sacrifice of their children as if it were a holy work and one looked upon with favour by God, whose wickedness is mentioned by the holy Moses. For he, blaming them for this pollution, says, that, "They burn their sons and their daughters to their Gods."
188. We must investigate, therefore, whether Abraham was under the influence of any one of the aforesaid motives, custom, or love of glory, or fear, when he was about to sacrifice his son. Now Babylon and Mesopotamia, and the nation of the Chaldaeans, do not receive the custom of sacrificing their children; and these are the countries in which Abraham had been brought up and had lived most of his time; so that we cannot imagine that his sense of the misfortune that he was commanded to inflict upon himself was blunted by the frequency of such events.
190. May it not have been, however, from a desire to obtain praise from the multitude that he proceeded to this action? But what praise could be obtained in the desert, when there was no one likely to be present who could possibly say anything in his favour, and when even his two servants were left at a distance on purpose that he might not seem to be hunting after praise, or to be making a display by bringing witnesses with him to see the greatness of his devotion? XXXV.
193. In the second place, though it was not the custom in the land in which he as living, as perhaps it is among some nations, to offer human sacrifices, and custom, by its frequency, often removes the horror felt at the first appearance of evils, he himself was about to be the first to set the example of a novel and most extraordinary deed, which I do not think that any human being would have brought himself to submit to, even if his soul had been made of iron or of adamant; for as some one has said, -- "Tis a hard task with nature to contend." '. None |
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25. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, 7-8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Niehoff (2011) 88; Tupamahu (2022) 92
| 7. for they could impart their pleasures and their annoyances to one another by their sameness of language, so that they felt pleasure together and pain together; and this similarity of manners and union of feelings lasted, until being sated with the great abundance of good things which they enjoyed, as often happens, they were at last drawn on to a desire of what was unattainable, and even sent an embassy to treat for immortality, requesting to be released from old age, and to be always endowed with the vigour of youth, saying, that already one animal of their body, and that a reptile, the serpent, had received this gift; for he, having put off old age, was allowed again to grow young; and that it was absurd for the more important animals to be left behind by an inferior one, or for their whole body to be distanced by one. '8. However, they suffered the punishment suitable to their audacity, for they immediately were separated in their language, so that, from that time forth, they have not been able to understand one another, by reason of the difference in the dialects into which the one common language of them all had been divided. IV. '. None |
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26. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 37; Martens (2003) 115
| 30. and the cause of this the want of union, and participation existing not merely between the Greeks and the barbarians, or between the barbarians and the Greeks, but also between the different tribes of each of these respective nations. Then they, as it would seem, blaming those things which do not deserve blame, such as unexpected occurrences or opportunities, deficiency of crops, badness of soil, their own situation either as being by the sea-side, or inland, or insular, or on the continent, or anything of that sort, are silent as to the real truth. The real truth is their covetousness, their want of good faith towards and confidence in one another, on which account they have not been satisfied with the laws of nature, but have called those regulations, which have appeared to be for the common advantage of the agreeing and uimous multitudes, laws, so that the individual constitutions do naturally appear rather in the light of additions to the one great general constitution of nature; ''. None |
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27. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 128 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to • barbarism • language as identity marker, separating Greeks and barbarians
Found in books: Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 239; Gruen (2020) 36, 151
| 128. These things, and more still are said in a philosophical spirit about the number seven, on account of which it has received the highest honours, in the highest nature. And it is honoured by those of the highest reputation among both Greeks and barbarians, who devote themselves to mathematical sciences. It was also greatly honoured by Moses, a man much attached to excellence of all sorts, who described its beauty on the most holy pillars of the law, and wrote it in the hearts of all those who were subject to him, commanding them at the end of each period of six days to keep the seventh holy; abstaining from all other works which are done in the seeking after and providing the means of life, devoting that day to the single object of philosophizing with a view to the improvement of their morals, and the examination of their consciences: for conscience being seated in the soul as a judge, is not afraid to reprove men, sometimes employing pretty vehement threats; at other times by milder admonitions, using threats in regard to matters where men appear to be disobedient, of deliberate purpose, and admonitions when their offences seem involuntary, through want of foresight, in order to prevent their hereafter offending in a similar manner. XLIV. ''. None |
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28. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 2.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • language as identity marker, separating Greeks and barbarians
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 151; Martens (2003) 115
| 2.44. for all those men, whether among the Greeks or among the barbarians, who are practisers of wisdom, living in a blameless and irreproachable manner, determining not to do any injustice, nor even to retaliate it when done to them, shunning all association with busy-bodies, in all the cities which they inhabit, avoid all courts of justice, and council halls, and market-places, and places of assembly, and, in short, every spot where any band or company of precipitate headstrong men is collected, ''. None |
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29. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 8-9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 158; Manolaraki (2012) 31
| 8. for as for the customs of the Egyptians, it is not creditable even to mention them, for they have introduced irrational beasts, and those not merely such as are domestic and tame, but even the most ferocious of wild beasts to share the honours of the gods, taking some out of each of the elements beneath the moon, as the lion from among the animals which live on the earth, the crocodile from among those which live in the water, the kite from such as traverse the air, and the Egyptian iris. '9. And though they actually see that these animals are born, and that they are in need of food, and that they are insatiable in voracity and full of all sorts of filth, and moreover poisonous and devourers of men, and liable to be destroyed by all kinds of diseases, and that in fact they are often destroyed not only by natural deaths, but also by violence, still they, civilised men, worship these untameable and ferocious beasts; though rational men, they worship irrational beasts; though they have a near relationship to the Deity, they worship creatures unworthy of being compared even to some of the beasts; though appointed as rulers and masters, they worship creatures which are by nature subjects and slaves. II. '. None |
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30. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.24, 2.12, 2.18-2.20, 2.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Balaam, barbarians, Jews as • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on • barbarians/barbarity, Strabo on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to • identity as hybrid and malleable, between Greeks and barbarians • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians • language as identity marker, separating Greeks and barbarians • language as identity marker, shifting between barbarians and Greeks or Romans
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 34, 95; Feldman (2006) 92; Gruen (2020) 35, 36, 37, 151, 158; Martens (2003) 115
| 1.24. And this knowledge he derived also from the Egyptians, who study mathematics above all things, and he learnt with great accuracy the state of that art among both the Chaldaeans and Egyptians, making himself acquainted with the points in which they agree with and differ from each other--making himself master of all their disputes without encouraging any disputatious disposition in himself--but seeking the plain truth, since his mind was unable to admit any falsehood, as those are accustomed to do who contend violently for one particular side of a question; and who advocate any doctrine which is set before them, whatever it may be, not inquiring whether it deserves to be supported, but acting in the same manner as those lawyers who defend a cause for pay, and are wholly indifferent to the justice of their cause.
2.12. But that he himself is the most admirable of all the lawgivers who have ever lived in any country either among the Greeks or among the barbarians, and that his are the most admirable of all laws, and truly divine, omitting no one particular which they ought to comprehend, there is the clearest proof possible in this fact, the laws of other lawgivers,
2.18. And a proof of this is to be found in the fact that of all the cities in Greece and in the territory of the barbarians, if one may so say, speaking generally, there is not one single city which pays any respect to the laws of another state. In fact, a city scarcely adheres to its own laws with any constancy for ever, but continually modifies them, and adapts them to the changes of times and circumstances. 2.19. The Athenians rejected the customs and laws of the Lacedaemonians, and so did the Lacedaemonians repudiate the laws of the Athenians. Nor, again, in the countries of the barbarians do the Egyptians keep the laws of the Scythians, nor do the Scythians keep the laws of the Egyptians; nor, in short, do those who live in Asia attend to the laws which obtain in Europe, nor do the inhabitants of Europe respect the laws of the Asiatic nations. And, in short, it is very nearly an universal rule, from the rising of the sun to its extreme west, that every country, and nation, and city, is alienated from the laws and customs of foreign nations and states, and that they think that they are adding to the estimation in which they hold their own laws by despising those in use among other nations. 2.20. But this is not the case with our laws which Moses has given to us; for they lead after them and influence all nations, barbarians, and Greeks, the inhabitants of continents and islands, the eastern nations and the western, Europe and Asia; in short, the whole habitable world from one extremity to the other.
2.27. but when, from the daily and uninterrupted respect shown to them by those to whom they had been given, and from their ceaseless observance of their ordices, other nations also obtained an understanding of them, their reputation spread over all lands; for what was really good, even though it may through envy be overshadowed for a short time, still in time shines again through the intrinsic excellence of its nature. Some persons, thinking it a scandalous thing that these laws should only be known among one half portion of the human race, namely, among the barbarians, and that the Greek nation should be wholly and entirely ignorant of them, turned their attention to their translation. ''. None |
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31. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 17, 29, 46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • Barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 25; Gruen (2020) 158; Manolaraki (2012) 39, 40
| 17. But when a magistrate begins to despair of his power of exerting authority, it follows inevitably, that his subjects must quickly become disobedient, especially those who are naturally, at every trivial or common occurrence, inclined to show insubordination, and, among people of such a disposition, the Egyptian nation is pre-eminent, being constantly in the habit of exciting great seditions from very small sparks. '
29. But the men of Alexandria being ready to burst with envy and ill-will (for the Egyptian disposition is by nature a most jealous and envious one and inclined to look on the good fortune of others as adversity to itself), and being at the same time filled with an ancient and what I may in a manner call an innate enmity towards the Jews, were indigt at any one's becoming a king of the Jews, no less than if each individual among them had been deprived of an ancestral kingdom of his own inheritance. " '
46. on which account they frequent all the most prosperous and fertile countries of Europe and Asia, whether islands or continents, looking indeed upon the holy city as their metropolis in which is erected the sacred temple of the most high God, but accounting those regions which have been occupied by their fathers, and grandfathers, and great grandfathers, and still more remote ancestors, in which they have been born and brought up, as their country; and there are even some regions to which they came the very moment that they were originally settled, sending a colony of their people to do a pleasure to the founders of the colony. ". None |
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32. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 162-163 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on • barbarians/barbarity, Strabo on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to • identity as hybrid and malleable, between Greeks and barbarians • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians • language as identity marker, shifting between barbarians and Greeks or Romans
Found in books: Gruen (2020) 35, 158; Manolaraki (2012) 40
| 162. But Gaius puffed himself up with pride, not only saying, but actually thinking that he was a god. And then he found no people, whether among the Greeks or among the barbarians, more suitable than the Alexandrians to confirm him in his immoderate and unnatural ambition; for they are in an extraordinary degree inclined to flattery, and trick, and hypocrisy, being thoroughly furnished with all kinds of cajoling words, and prone to confuse every thing with their unbridled and licentious talk. '163. And the name of God is held in so little veneration among them, that they have given it to ibises, and to the poisonous asps which are found in their country, and to many other savage beasts which exist in it. So that they, very naturally, giving in to all kinds of addresses and invocations to him, addressed him as God, deceiving men of shallow comprehension, who were wholly inexperienced in the impiety prevailing in Egypt, though they are detected by those who are acquainted with their excessive folly, or, I should rather say, with their preposterous impiety. '. None |
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33. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 73-75 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Platonism and Stoicism in, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Balaam, barbarians, Jews as • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • Numenius, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Philo of Alexandria, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Tatian and Celsus,, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Josephus on • barbarians/barbarity, Philo on • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021) 52; Bloch (2022) 95; Feldman (2006) 92; Gruen (2020) 36, 38
| 73. And all Greece and all the land of the barbarians is a witness of this; for in the one country flourished those who are truly called "the seven wise men," though others had flourished before them, and have also in all probability lived since their time. But their memory, though they are now very ancient, has nevertheless not been effaced by the lapse of ages, while of others who are more modern, the names have been lost through the neglect of their contemporaries. '74. And in the land of the barbarians, in which the same men are authorities both as to words and actions, there are very numerous companies of virtuous and honourable men celebrated. Among the Persians there is the body of the Magi, who, investigating the works of nature for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the truth, do at their leisure become initiated themselves and initiate others in the divine virtues by very clear explanations. And among the Indians there is the class of the gymnosophists, who, in addition to natural philosophy, take great pains in the study of moral science likewise, and thus make their whole existence a sort of lesson in virtue. XII. 75. Moreover Palestine and Syria too are not barren of exemplary wisdom and virtue, which countries no slight portion of that most populous nation of the Jews inhabits. There is a portion of those people called Essenes, in number something more than four thousand in my opinion, who derive their name from their piety, though not according to any accurate form of the Grecian dialect, because they are above all men devoted to the service of God, not sacrificing living animals, but studying rather to preserve their own minds in a state of holiness and purity. '. None |
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34. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian religions • eros (sexual desire), of barbarians • promiscuity, of barbarians • religions, barbarian
Found in books: Hubbard (2014) 404; Jenkyns (2013) 248
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35. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, representations of barbarians • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • barbarians
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 119; Giusti (2018) 35, 36, 37, 45, 46, 47; Manolaraki (2012) 31
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36. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 32.36, 36.9, 40.35 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • Greek/barbarian division • barbarian, barbarians, • barbarian/barbarians
Found in books: Borg (2008) 238; Manolaraki (2012) 241; Robbins et al (2017) 185; Stanton (2021) 83, 104, 236
| 32.36. \xa0For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city â\x80\x94 or more accurately its \')" onMouseOut="nd();"appendage â\x80\x94 but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a\xa0few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. <
36.9. \xa0Knowing, then, that Callistratus was fond of Homer, I\xa0immediately began to question him about the poet. And practically all the people of Borysthenes also have cultivated an interest in Homer, possibly because of their still being a warlike people, although it may also be due to their regard for Achilles, for they honour him exceedingly, and they have actually established two temples for his worship, one on the island that bears his name and one in their city; and so they do not wish even to hear about any other poet than Homer. And although in general they no longer speak Greek distinctly, because they live in the midst of barbarians, still almost all at least know the Iliad by heart. <
40.35. \xa0Do you not see in the heavens as a whole and in the divine and blessed beings that dwell therein an order and concord and self-control which is eternal, than which it is impossible to conceive of anything either more beautiful or more august? Furthermore, do you not see also the stable, righteous, everlasting concord of the elements, as they are called â\x80\x94 air and earth and water and fire â\x80\x94 with what reasonableness and moderation it is their nature to continue, not only to be preserved themselves, but also to preserve the entire universe? <''. None |
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37. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.107, 4.12, 15.136 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Josephus on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, labeled in particular, rather than in general • barbarism • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 95; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 239; Gruen (2020) 39
1.107. μαρτυροῦσι δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ πάντες οἱ παρ' ̔́Ελλησι καὶ βαρβάροις συγγραψάμενοι τὰς ἀρχαιολογίας: καὶ γὰρ καὶ Μανέθων ὁ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων ποιησάμενος ἀναγραφὴν καὶ Βηρωσὸς ὁ τὰ Χαλδαϊκὰ συναγαγὼν καὶ Μῶχός τε καὶ ̔Εστιαῖος καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ̔Ιερώνυμος οἱ τὰ Φοινικικὰ συγγραψάμενοι συμφωνοῦσι τοῖς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ λεγομένοις," "
4.12. ἐγὼ δὲ μέμνημαι μὲν ὧντε καὶ σὺ καὶ Μαδιηνῖται δεηθέντες ἐνταυθοῖ με προθύμως ἠγάγετε καὶ δι' ἃ τὴν ἄφιξιν ἐποιησάμην, ἦν τέ μοι δι' εὐχῆς μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαί σου τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν." "
4.12. στάσις οὖν αὐτοὺς οἵαν ἴσμεν οὔτε παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν οὔτε παρὰ βαρβάροις γενομένην κατέλαβεν, ὑφ' ἧς ἅπαντας ἀπολέσθαι κινδυνεύσαντας ἔσωσε Μωυσῆς οὐ μνησικακῶν, ὅτι παρ' ὀλίγον ἦλθε καταλευσθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν." "
15.136. ἃ γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται παρανομώτατα τοῖς τε ̔́Ελλησιν καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις, ταῦτα ἔπραξαν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀποσφάξαντες αὐτούς, τῶν μὲν ̔Ελλήνων ἱεροὺς καὶ ἀσύλους εἶναι φαμένων τοὺς κήρυκας, ἡμῶν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν δογμάτων καὶ τὰ ὁσιώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δι' ἀγγέλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων: τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα καὶ ἀνθρώποις θεὸν εἰς ἐμφάνειαν ἄγει καὶ πολεμίους πολεμίοις διαλλάττειν δύναται."". None | 1.107. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and barbarians; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what I here say:
4.12. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey. It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what you desired of me;
4.12. Such a sedition overtook them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them.
15.136. for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another.''. None |
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38. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 4.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Balaam, barbarians, Jews as • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Josephus on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, labeled in particular, rather than in general • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 95; Feldman (2006) 92; Gruen (2020) 39, 40
1.3. Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "
1.3. προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης:
1.3. ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." "
4.45. τῇ δ' ἑξῆς εἰς ̔Ιεριχοῦντα ἀφικνεῖται, καθ' ἣν αὐτῷ συμμίσγει Τραϊανὸς εἷς τῶν ἡγεμόνων τὴν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας ἄγων δύναμιν ἤδη τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην κεχειρωμένων."
4.45. τὸ δ' ἀπερίσκεπτον ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ τῆς ὁρμῆς μανιῶδες οὐ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίων, οἳ πάντα ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ τάξει κατορθοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ βαρβαρικόν, καὶ ᾧ μάλιστα ̓Ιουδαῖοι κρατοῦνται." "'. None | 1.3. 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work.
1.3. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.
4.45. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by.
4.45. and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.''. None |
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39. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.58, 1.116, 2.282 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Jews/Judeans/Ioudaioi, as compared with Greeks and barbarians • barbarians/barbarity, Jews as • barbarians/barbarity, Josephus on • barbarians/barbarity, and Greek culture • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, labeled in particular, rather than in general • barbarism • identity as hybrid and malleable, between Greeks and barbarians • innate capacity as determining ethnicity, and barbarians
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 95, 98; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010) 239; Gruen (2020) 39, 41
1.58. συγγράφειν τὴν εὐχέρειαν. ἱκανῶς δὲ φανερόν, ὡς οἶμαι, πεποιηκὼς ὅτι πάτριός ἐστιν ἡ περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀναγραφὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι, βούλομαι μικρὰ πρότερον διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχειροῦντας νέαν ἡμῶν ἀποφαίνειν τὴν κατάστασιν ἐκ τοῦ μηδὲν περὶ ἡμῶν, ὥς φασιν ἐκεῖνοι, λελέχθαι παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ελληνικοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν.' "
1.116. ̓Αλλὰ πρὸς τούτῳ παραθήσομαι καὶ Μένανδρον τὸν ̓Εφέσιον. γέγραφεν δὲ οὗτος τὰς ἐφ' ἑκάστου τῶν βασιλέων πράξεις τὰς παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι καὶ βαρβάροις γενομένας ἐκ τῶν παρ' ἑκάστοις ἐπιχωρίων γραμμάτων σπουδάσας τὴν ἱστορίαν μαθεῖν." "
2.282. βίου καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν διδάσκοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐδ' ἔστιν οὐ πόλις ̔Ελλήνων οὐδητισοῦν οὐδὲ βάρβαρον οὐδὲ ἓν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, τὸ ἔθος δὲ διαπεφοίτηκεν καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται."'. None | 1.58. and I suppose I have sufficiently declared that this custom of transmitting down the histories of ancient times hath been better preserved by those nations which are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks themselves. I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few things to those who endeavor to prove that our constitution is but of late time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have said nothing about us;
1.116. 18. And now I shall add Meder the Ephesian, as an additional witness. This Meder wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings; and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own records.
2.282. Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; ''. None |
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40. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.450-1.458, 8.444-8.447 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • barbarian religions • barbarians • eros (sexual desire), of barbarians • promiscuity, of barbarians • religions, barbarian
Found in books: Hubbard (2014) 406; Jenkyns (2013) 249; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018) 279; Manolaraki (2012) 47
| 1.450. The tents are vacant by Lake Leman's side; The camps upon the beetling crags of Vosges No longer hold the warlike Lingon down, Fierce in his painted arms; Isara is left, Who past his shallows gliding, flows at last Into the current of more famous Rhone, To reach the ocean in another name. The fair-haired people of Cevennes are free: Soft Aude rejoicing bears no Roman keel, Nor pleasant Var, since then Italia's bound; " "
8.444. Drives home the blow and makes the battle sure. Not such their weapons; and the first assault Shall force the flying Mede with coward hand And empty quiver from the field. His faith In poisoned blades is placed; but trustest thou Those who without such aid refuse the war? For such alliance wilt thou risk a death, With all the world between thee and thy home? Shall some barbarian earth or lowly grave Enclose thee perishing? E'en that were shame " "8.447. Drives home the blow and makes the battle sure. Not such their weapons; and the first assault Shall force the flying Mede with coward hand And empty quiver from the field. His faith In poisoned blades is placed; but trustest thou Those who without such aid refuse the war? For such alliance wilt thou risk a death, With all the world between thee and thy home? Shall some barbarian earth or lowly grave Enclose thee perishing? E'en that were shame "". None |
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41. New Testament, Colossians, 1.18, 1.24, 3.10-3.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian philosophy • barbarian, barbarians, • barbarians, • barbarians, characteristics of • philosophy/philosophers, Barbarian
Found in books: Huttner (2013) 121, 135, 136; Moss (2012) 51; Robbins et al (2017) 48, 181; Černušková (2016) 65
1.18. καὶ αὐτός ἐστιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ σώματος, τῆς ἐκκλησίας· ὅς ἐστιν ἡ ἀρχή, πρωτότοκος ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν, ἵνα γένηται ἐν πᾶσιν αὐτὸς πρωτεύων,
1.24. Νῦν χαίρω ἐν τοῖς παθήμασιν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, καὶ ἀνταναπληρῶ τὰ ὑστερήματα τῶν θλίψεων τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐν τῇ σαρκί μου ὑπὲρ τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ, ὅ ἐστιν ἡ ἐκκλησία,
3.10. καὶ ἐνδυσάμενοι τὸν ϝέον τὸν ἀνακαινούμενον εἰς ἐπίγνωσινκατʼ εἰκόνα τοῦ κτίσαντοςαὐτόν, 3.11. ὅπου οὐκ ἔνι Ἕλλην καὶ Ἰουδαῖος, περιτομὴ καὶ ἀκροβυστία, βάρβαρος, Σκύθης, δοῦλος, ἐλεύθερος, ἀλλὰ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν Χριστός. 3.12. Ἐνδύσασθε οὖν ὡς ἐκλεκτοὶ τοῦ θεοῦ, ἅγιοι καὶ ἠγαπημένοι, σπλάγχνα οἰκτιρμοῦ, χρηστότητα, ταπεινοφροσύνην, πραΰτητα, μακροθυμίαν, 3.13. ἀνεχόμενοι ἀλλήλων καὶ χαριζόμενοι ἑαυτοῖς ἐάν τις πρός τινα ἔχῃ μομφήν· καθὼς καὶ ὁ κύριος ἐχαρίσατο ὑμῖν οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς·''. None | 1.18. He is the head of the body, the assembly, who is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead; that in all things he might have the preeminence. ' "
1.24. Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake, and fill up on my part that which is lacking of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh for his body's sake, which is the assembly; " '
3.10. and have put on the new man, that is being renewed in knowledge after the image of his Creator, ' "3.11. where there can't be Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bondservant, freeman; but Christ is all, and in all. " "3.12. Put on therefore, as God's elect, holy and beloved, a heart of compassion, kindness, lowliness, humility, and perseverance; " '3.13. bearing with one another, and forgiving each other, if any man has a complaint against any; even as Christ forgave you, so you also do. ''. None |
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42. New Testament, Galatians, 3.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarian, barbarians, • barbarians,
Found in books: Huttner (2013) 135; Robbins et al (2017) 38, 41
3.28. οὐκ ἔνι Ἰουδαῖος οὐδὲ Ἕλλην, οὐκ ἔνι δοῦλος οὐδὲ ἐλεύθερος, οὐκ ἔνι ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ· πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς εἷς ἐστὲ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ.''. None | 3.28. There is neither Jewnor Greek, there is neither slave nor free man, there is neither malenor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus. ''. None |
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43. New Testament, Romans, 1.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • barbarians,
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 95; Huttner (2013) 136
1.14. Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις, σοφοῖς τε καὶ ἀνοήτοις ὀφειλέτης εἰμί·''. None | 1.14. I am debtor both to Greeks and to foreigners, both to the wise and to the foolish. ''. None |
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44. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians • magic, dangerous and barbaric
Found in books: Janowitz (2002b) 2; Lieu (2004) 85
| 16.2. During his reign many abuses were severely punished and put down, and no fewer new laws were made: a\xa0limit was set to expenditures; the public banquets were confined to a distribution of food; the sale of any kind of cooked viands in the taverns was forbidden, with the exception of pulse and vegetables, whereas before every sort of dainty was exposed for sale. Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition. He put an end to the diversions of the chariot drivers, who from immunity of long standing claimed the right of ranging at large and amusing themselves by cheating and robbing the people. The pantomimic actors and their partisans were banished from the city.''. None |
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45. Tacitus, Annals, 15.44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians • barbarians, religion, of
Found in books: Lieu (2004) 85; Moss (2012) 7
15.44. Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur.''. None | 15.44. \xa0So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. <"". None |
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46. Tacitus, Histories, 4.54, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, fights northern barbarians • barbarian religions • barbarians • barbarism • religions, barbarian
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 155; Jenkyns (2013) 247; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018) 279, 286; Rutledge (2012) 281
| 4.54. \xa0In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove\'s home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people.' "
5.5. \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean."'. None |
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47. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Other, the, the barbarian as • barbarian/barbarians • barbarians
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 151; Lieu (2004) 277
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48. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians, Greeks and
Found in books: Gruen (2011) 67; Isaac (2004) 299
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49. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • Barbarians • Other, the, the barbarian as • barbarians • barbarism • barbarism, barbarianism • ethnographic writing, barbarian eating and drinking
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 96; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 155; König (2012) 232; König and Whitton (2018) 142; Lieu (2004) 274; Manolaraki (2012) 31
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50. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greek/barbarian division • barbarian
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 196; Stanton (2021) 100
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51. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandria, Platonism and Stoicism in, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Barbarian • Barbarians, conceptions of • Numenius, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Other, the, the barbarian as • Philo of Alexandria, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • Tatian and Celsus,, Greek corruption and barbarian purity, Tatian on • Tatian and Celsus,, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • barbarian • barbarians • barbarians,
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021) 54, 64, 65, 66, 74; Binder (2012) 70; Huttner (2013) 30, 243; Lampe (2003) 289, 290; Lieu (2004) 85, 293; Malherbe et al (2014) 790
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52. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians • foreigners and barbarians, Roman attitudes toward
Found in books: Goldman (2013) 62; Lieu (2004) 188
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53. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Greek/barbarian division • barbarian, barbarians,
Found in books: Robbins et al (2017) 185; Stanton (2021) 236
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54. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’ • magic, dangerous and barbaric
Found in books: Janowitz (2002b) 2; Manolaraki (2012) 31
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55. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarian wisdom • Greek/barbarian division • barbarian philosophy • barbarian, barbares • philosophy/philosophers, Barbarian
Found in books: Stanton (2021) 219; Van der Horst (2014) 198; Černušková (2016) 64, 96
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56. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians, • space, barbarian
Found in books: Bowersock (1997) 52; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 73
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57. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians, religion, of • ethnographic writing, barbarian eating and drinking
Found in books: König (2012) 297; Moss (2012) 7
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58. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.26.7-4.26.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Other, the, the barbarian as • Philo of Alexandria, ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • barbarian • barbarians
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021) 73; Lieu (2004) 293; Malherbe et al (2014) 790
| 4.26.7. Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions.' "4.26.8. And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all."'. None |
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59. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.2, 1.25 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians, conceptions of • Other, the, the barbarian as • ancient/barbarian wisdom, development of interest in • barbarians • magic, dangerous and barbaric
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021) 56; Janowitz (2002b) 2; Lampe (2003) 289; Lieu (2004) 293
| 1.2. Celsus next proceeds to say, that the system of doctrine, viz., Judaism, upon which Christianity depends, was barbarous in its origin. And with an appearance of fairness, he does not reproach Christianity because of its origin among barbarians, but gives the latter credit for their ability in discovering (such) doctrines. To this, however, he adds the statement, that the Greeks are more skilful than any others in judging, establishing, and reducing to practice the discoveries of barbarous nations. Now this is our answer to his allegations, and our defense of the truths contained in Christianity, that if any one were to come from the study of Grecian opinions and usages to the Gospel, he would not only decide that its doctrines were true, but would by practice establish their truth, and supply whatever seemed wanting, from a Grecian point of view, to their demonstration, and thus confirm the truth of Christianity. We have to say, moreover, that the Gospel has a demonstration of its own, more divine than any established by Grecian dialectics. And this diviner method is called by the apostle the manifestation of the Spirit and of power: of the Spirit, on account of the prophecies, which are sufficient to produce faith in any one who reads them, especially in those things which relate to Christ; and of power, because of the signs and wonders which we must believe to have been performed, both on many other grounds, and on this, that traces of them are still preserved among those who regulate their lives by the precepts of the Gospel.
1.25. And perhaps there is a danger as great as that which degrades the name of God, or of the Good, to improper objects, in changing the name of God according to a secret system, and applying those which belong to inferior beings to greater, and vice versa. And I do not dwell on this, that when the name of Zeus is uttered, there is heard at the same time that of the son of Kronos and Rhea, and the husband of Hera, and brother of Poseidon, and father of Athene, and Artemis, who was guilty of incest with his own daughter Persephone; or that Apollo immediately suggests the son of Leto and Zeus, and the brother of Artemis, and half-brother of Hermes; and so with all the other names invented by these wise men of Celsus, who are the parents of these opinions, and the ancient theologians of the Greeks. For what are the grounds for deciding that he should on the one hand be properly called Zeus, and yet on the other should not have Kronos for his father and Rhea for his mother? And the same argument applies to all the others that are called gods. But this charge does not at all apply to those who, for some mysterious reason, refer the word Sabaoth, or Adonai, or any of the other names to the (true) God. And when one is able to philosophize about the mystery of names, he will find much to say respecting the titles of the angels of God, of whom one is called Michael, and another Gabriel, and another Raphael, appropriately to the duties which they discharge in the world, according to the will of the God of all things. And a similar philosophy of names applies also to our Jesus, whose name has already been seen, in an unmistakeable manner, to have expelled myriads of evil spirits from the souls and bodies (of men), so great was the power which it exerted upon those from whom the spirits were driven out. And while still upon the subject of names, we have to mention that those who are skilled in the use of incantations, relate that the utterance of the same incantation in its proper language can accomplish what the spell professes to do; but when translated into any other tongue, it is observed to become inefficacious and feeble. And thus it is not the things signified, but the qualities and peculiarities of words, which possess a certain power for this or that purpose. And so on such grounds as these we defend the conduct of the Christians, when they struggle even to death to avoid calling God by the name of Zeus, or to give Him a name from any other language. For they either use the common name - God - indefinitely, or with some such addition as that of the Maker of all things, the Creator of heaven and earth - He who sent down to the human race those good men, to whose names that of God being added, certain mighty works are wrought among men. And much more besides might be said on the subject of names, against those who think that we ought to be indifferent as to our use of them. And if the remark of Plato in the Philebus should surprise us, when he says, My fear, O Protagoras, about the names of the gods is no small one, seeing Philebus in his discussion with Socrates had called pleasure a god, how shall we not rather approve the piety of the Christians, who apply none of the names used in the mythologies to the Creator of the world? And now enough on this subject for the present. ''. None |
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60. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • barbarians
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 237; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 187
| 8. To Maximus, the philosopher 2 361, November. From Naissa (Nish) Everything crowds into my mind at once and chokes my utterance, as one thought refuses to let another precede it, whether you please to class such symptoms among psychic troubles, or to give them some other name. But let me arrange what I have to tell in chronological order, though not till I have first offered thanks to the all-merciful gods, who at this present have permitted me to write, and will also perhaps permit us to see one another. Directly after I had been made Emperor—against my will, as the gods know; and this I made evident then and there in every way possible,—I led the army against the barbarians.3 That expedition lasted for three months, and when I returned to the shores of Gaul, I was ever on the watch and kept enquiring from all who came from that quarter whether any philosopher or any scholar wearing a philosopher's cloak or a soldier's tunic had arrived there. Then I approached Besontio.1 It is a little town that has lately been restored, but in ancient times it was a large city adorned with costly temples, and was fortified by a strong wall and further by the nature of the place; for it is encircled by the river Doubis.2 It rises up like a rocky cliff in the sea, inaccessible, I might almost say, to the very birds, except in those places where the river as it flows round it throws out what one may call beaches, that lie in front of it. Near this city there came to meet me a certain man who looked like a Cynic with his long cloak and staff. When I first caught sight of him in the distance, I imagined that he was none other than yourself. And when I came nearer to him I thought that he had surely come from you. The man was in fact a friend of mine though he fell short of what I hoped and expected. This then was one vain dream I had! And afterwards I thought that, because you were busied with my affairs, I should certainly find you nowhere outside of Greece. Zeus be my witness and great Helios, mighty Athene and all the gods and goddesses, how on my way down to Illyricum from Gaul3 I trembled for your safety! Also I kept enquiring of the gods—not that I ventured to do this myself, for I could not endure to see or hear anything so terrible as one might have supposed would be happening to you at that time, but I entrusted the task to others; and the gods did indeed show clearly that certain troubles would befall you, nothing terrible however, nor to indicate that impious counsels would be carried out.1 But you see that I have passed over many important events. Above all, it is right that you should learn how I became all at once conscious of the very presence of the gods, and in what manner I escaped the multitude of those who plotted against me, though I put no man to death, deprived no man of his property, and only imprisoned those whom I caught red-handed. All this, however, I ought perhaps to tell you rather than write it, but I think you will be very glad to be informed of it. I worship the gods openly, and the whole mass of the troops who are returning with me worship the gods.2 I sacrifice oxen in public. I have offered to the gods many hecatombs as thank-offerings. The gods command me to restore their worship in its utmost purity, and I obey them, yes, and with a good will. For they promise me great rewards for my labours, if only I am not remiss. Evagrius 3 has joined me. . . . of the god whom we honour. . . . Many things occur to my mind, besides what I have written, but I must store up certain matters to tell you when you are with me. Come here, then, in the name of the gods, as quickly as you can, and use two or more public carriages. Moreover, I have sent two of my most trusted servants, one of whom will escort you as far as my headquarters; the other will inform me that you have set out and will forthwith arrive. Do you yourself tell the youths which of them you wish to undertake which of these tasks.1 "". None |
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61. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • barbarians
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 237; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 187
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62. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 4, 39, 47; Hitch (2017) 4, 39, 47
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63. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 2, 12, 19, 34, 39, 41, 47, 50, 96, 100, 114, 132, 137, 167; Hitch (2017) 2, 12, 19, 34, 39, 41, 47, 50, 96, 100, 114, 132, 137, 167
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64. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 2; Hitch (2017) 2
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65. None, None, nan (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 4; Hitch (2017) 4
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66. Strabo, Geography, 1.4.9, 4.1.5, 13.1.1, 14.2.28
Tagged with subjects: • Barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, contrast with barbarians • Greeks/Hellenes, shared characteristics with barbarians • barbarian • barbarians • barbarians, Greeks and • barbarians/barbarity, Strabo on • barbarians/barbarity, as non-Greeks • barbarians/barbarity, brutal and cruel behavior ascribed to • barbarians/barbarity, crossing cultural boundaries • barbarians/barbarity, labeled in particular, rather than in general • barbarians/barbarity, praise accorded to • customs/traditions/practices as identity markers, distinguishing Greeks from barbarians • disparagement, of barbarians • identity as hybrid and malleable, between Greeks and barbarians • language as identity marker, separating Greeks and barbarians • “barbarians” • “noble barbarians”
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 220; Bloch (2022) 94; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 237; Gruen (2020) 28, 29, 31, 33, 34; Isaac (2004) 299, 300; Wolfsdorf (2020) 494
| 1.4.9. At the close of the book Eratosthenes blames the system of those who would divide all mankind into Greeks and Barbarians, and likewise those who recommended Alexander to treat the Greeks as friends, but the Barbarians as enemies. He suggests, as a better course, to distinguish them according to their virtues and their vices, since amongst the Greeks there are many worthless characters, and many highly civilized are to be found amongst the Barbarians; witness the Indians and Ariani, or still better the Romans and Carthaginians, whose political system is so beautifully perfect. Alexander, considering this, disregarded the advice which had been offered him, and patronized without distinction any man he considered to be deserving. But we would inquire whether those men who thus divided the human race, abandoning one portion to contempt, and exalting to dignity the other, were not actuated to this because they found that on one side justice, knowledge, and the force of reason reigned supreme, but their contraries on the other. Alexander did not disregard the advice tendered him, but gladly embraced and followed it, respecting the wisdom of those who gave it; and so far from taking the opposite course, he closely pursued that which they pointed out.
4.1.5. The Massilians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. They have a council composed of 600 persons called timouchi, who enjoy this dignity for life. Fifteen of these preside over the council, and have the management of current affairs; these fifteen are in their turn presided over by three of their number, in whom rests the principal authority; and these again by one. No one can become a timouchus who has not children, and who has not been a citizen for three generations. Their laws, which are the same as those of the Ionians, they expound in public. Their country abounds in olives and vines, but on account of its ruggedness the wheat is poor. Consequently they trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and avail themselves in preference of their excellent position for commerce. Nevertheless they have been enabled by the power of perseverance to take in some of the surrounding plains, and also to found cities: of this number are the cities they founded in Iberia as a rampart against the Iberians, in which they introduced the worship of Diana of Ephesus, as practised in their father-land, with the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In this number too are Rhoa and Agatha, built for defence against the barbarians dwelling around the river Rhone; also Tauroentium, Olbia, Antipolis and Nicaea, built as a rampart against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who inhabit the Alps. They possess likewise dry docks and armouries. Formerly they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines, both for the purposes of navigation and for besieging towns; by means of which they defended themselves against the barbarians, and likewise obtained the alliance of the Romans, to whom they rendered many important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their aggrandizement. Sextius, who defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from Marseilles, a city which was named after him and the hot waters, some of which they say have lost their heat. Here he established a Roman garrison, and drove from the sea-coast which leads from Marseilles to Italy the barbarians, whom the Massilians were not able to keep back entirely. However, all he accomplished by this was to compel the barbarians to keep at a distance of twelve stadia from those parts of the coast which possessed good harbours, and at a distance of eight stadia where it was rugged. The land which they thus abandoned, he presented to the Massilians. In their city are laid up heaps of booty taken in naval engagements against those who disputed the sea unjustly. Formerly they enjoyed singular good fortune, as well in other matters as also in their amity with the Romans. of this amity we find numerous signs, amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on the Aventine mount, of the same figure as that of the Massilians. Their prosperity has in a great measure decayed since the war of Pompey against Caesar, in which they sided with the vanquished party. Nevertheless some traces of their ancient industry may still be seen amongst the inhabitants, especially the making of engines of war and ship-building. Still as the surrounding barbarians, now that they are under the dominion of the Romans, become daily more civilized, and leave the occupation of war for the business of towns and agriculture, there is no longer the same attention paid by the inhabitants of Marseilles to these objects. The aspect of the city at the present day is a proof of this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of elocution and philosophy. Thus this city for some little time back has become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatae such a taste for Greek literature, that they even draw contracts on the Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the Romans, that those desirous of studying resort thither in preference to Athens. These the Galatae observing, and being at leisure on account of the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not merely individuals, but the public generally; professors of the arts and sciences, and likewise of medicine, being employed not only by private persons, but by towns for common instruction. of the wisdom of the Massilians and the simplicity of their life, the following will not be thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for golden ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Caesar and his successors treated with moderation the offences of which they were guilty during the war, in consideration of their former friendship; and have preserved to the state the right of governing according to its ancient laws. So that neither Marseilles nor the cities dependent on it are under submission to the governors sent into the Narbonnaise. So much for Marseilles.
13.1.1. TROADLet this, then, mark the boundary of Phrygia. I shall now return again to the Propontis and the coast that comes next after the Aesepus River, and follow the same order of description as before. The first country on this seaboard is the Troad, the fame of which, although it is left in ruins and in desolation, nevertheless prompts in writers no ordinary prolixity. With this fact in view, I should ask the pardon of my readers and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the length of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who strongly yearn for knowledge of the things that are famous and ancient. And my discussion is further prolonged by the number of the peoples who have colonized the country, both Greeks and barbarians, and by the historians, who do not write the same things on the same subjects, nor always clearly either; among the first of these is Homer, who leaves us to guess about most things. And it is necessary for me to arbitrate between his statements and those of the others, after I shall first have described in a summary way the nature of the region in question.' "
14.2.28. When the poet says,Masthles in turn led the Carians, of barbarian speech, we have no reason to inquire how it is that, although he knew so many barbarian tribes, he speaks of the Carians alone as of barbarian speech, but nowhere speaks of barbarians. Thucydides, therefore, is not correct, for he says that Homer did not use the term 'barbarians' either, because the Hellenes on their part had not yet been distinguished under one name as opposed to them; for the poet himself refutes the statement that the Hellenes had not yet been so distinguished when he says,My husband, whose fame is wide through Hellas and mid- Argos. And again,And if thou dost wish to journey through Hellas and mid- Argos. Further, if they were not called barbarians, how could they properly be called a people of barbarian speech? So neither Thucydides is correct, nor Apollodorus the grammarian, who says that the general term was used by the Hellenes in a peculiar and abusive sense against the Carians, and in particular by the Ionians, who hated them because of their enmity and the continuous military campaigns; for it was right to name them barbarians in this sense. But I raise the question, Why does he call them people of barbarian speech, but not even once calls them barbarians? Because, Apollodorus replies, the plural does not fall in with the metre; this is why he does not call them barbarians. But though this case does not fall in with metre, the nominative case does not differ metrically from that of Dardanians: Trojans and Lycians and Dardanians. So, also, the word Trojan, inof what kind the Trojan horses are. Neither is he correct when he says that the language of the Carians is very harsh, for it is not, but even has very many Greek words mixed up with it, according to the Philip who wrote The Carica. I suppose that the word barbarian was at first uttered onomatopoetically in reference to people who enunciated words only with difficulty and talked harshly and raucously, like our words battarizein, traulizein, and psellizein; for we are by nature very much inclined to denote sounds by words that sound like them, on account of their homogeneity. Wherefore onomatopoetic words abound in our language, as, for example, celaryzein, and also clange, psophos, boe, and crotos, most of which are by now used in their proper sense. Accordingly, when all who pronounced words thickly were being called barbarians onomatopoetically, it appeared that the pronunciations of all alien races were likewise thick, I mean of those that were not Greek. Those, therefore, they called barbarians in the special sense of the term, at first derisively, meaning that they pronounced words thickly or harshly; and then we misused the word as a general ethnic term, thus making a logical distinction between the Greeks and all other races. The fact is, however, that through our long acquaintance and intercourse with the barbarians this effect was at last seen to be the result, not of a thick pronunciation or any natural defect in the vocal organs, but of the peculiarities of their several languages. And there appeared another faulty and barbarian-like pronunciation in our language, whenever any person speaking Greek did not pronounce it correctly, but pronounced the words like barbarians who are only beginning to learn Greek and are unable to speak it accurately, as is also the case with us in speaking their languages. This was particularly the case with the Carians, for, although the other peoples were not yet having very much intercourse with the Greeks nor even trying to live in Greek fashion or to learn our language — with the exception, perhaps, of rare persons who by chance, and singly, mingled with a few of the Greeks — yet the Carians roamed throughout the whole of Greece, serving on expeditions for pay. Already, therefore, the barbarous element in their Greek was strong, as a result of their expeditions in Greece; and after this it spread much more, from the time they took up their abode with the Greeks in the islands; and when they were driven thence into Asia, even here they were unable to live apart from the Greeks, I mean when the Ionians and Dorians later crossed over to Asia. The term barbarize, also, has the same origin; for we are wont to use this too in reference to those who speak Greek badly, not to those who talk Carian. So, therefore, we must interpret the terms speak barbarously and barbarously-speaking as applying to those who speak Greek badly. And it was from the term Carise that the term barbarize was used in a different sense in works on the art of speaking Greek; and so was the term soloecise, whether derived from Soli, or made up in some other way."'. None |
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67. Vergil, Aeneis, 11.772-11.777
Tagged with subjects: • barbarians • foreigners and barbarians, Roman attitudes toward
Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 171; Goldman (2013) 62
11.772. Ipse, peregrina ferrugine clarus et ostro, 11.773. spicula torquebat Lycio Gortynia cornu; 11.774. aureus ex umeris erat arcus et aurea vati 11.775. cassida; tum croceam chlamydemque sinusque crepantis 11.776. carbaseos fulvo in nodum collegerat auro 11.777. pictus acu tunicas et barbara tegmina crurum.''. None | 11.772. Strymonian cranes or swans of spotless wing. 11.773. From Tuscan towns proud matrons oft in vain 11.774. ought her in marriage for their sons; but she 11.775. to Dian only turned her stainless heart, ' "11.776. her virgin freedom and her huntress' arms " '11.777. with faithful passion serving. Would that now ''. None |
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68. Vergil, Georgics, 2.161-2.164, 2.170-2.172
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, representations of barbarians • Baetis, river, ‘Barbarian’
Found in books: Giusti (2018) 43, 44; Manolaraki (2012) 65
2.161. an memorem portus Lucrinoque addita claustra 2.162. atque indignatum magnis stridoribus aequor 2.163. Iulia qua ponto longe sonat unda refuso 2.164. Tyrrhenusque fretis inmittitur aestus Avernis?
2.170. Scipiadas duros bello et te, maxume Caesar, 2.171. qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris 2.172. inbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum.''. None | 2.161. Where not an arrow-shot can cleave the air 2.162. Above their tree-tops? yet no laggards they, 2.163. When girded with the quiver! Media yield 2.164. The bitter juices and slow-lingering taste
2.170. And, showered it not a different scent abroad, 2.171. A bay it had been; for no wind of heaven 2.172. Its foliage falls; the flower, none faster, clings;''. None |
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