1. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 170; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 440
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1.6 But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar.'' None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 27.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, defiles Temple
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 161; Gera (2014), Judith, 317
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27.5 וּבָנִיתָ שָּׁם מִזְבֵּחַ לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ מִזְבַּח אֲבָנִים לֹא־תָנִיף עֲלֵיהֶם בַּרְזֶל׃'' None | sup>
27.5 And there shalt thou build an altar unto the LORD thy God, an altar of stones; thou shalt lift up no iron tool upon them.'' None |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 7.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of
Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 186; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 62
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7.10 So they hanged Haman on the gallows that he had prepared for Mordecai. Then was the king’s wrath assuaged.'' None |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 317; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 156
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15.17 תְּבִאֵמוֹ וְתִטָּעֵמוֹ בְּהַר נַחֲלָתְךָ מָכוֹן לְשִׁבְתְּךָ פָּעַלְתָּ יְהוָה מִקְּדָשׁ אֲדֹנָי כּוֹנְנוּ יָדֶיךָ׃'' None | sup>
15.17 Thou bringest them in, and plantest them in the mountain of Thine inheritance, The place, O LORD, which Thou hast made for Thee to dwell in, The sanctuary, O Lord, which Thy hands have established.'' None |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 19.11, 39.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of
Found in books: Garcia (2021), On Human Nature in Early Judaism: Creation, Composition, and Condition, 106; Gera (2014), Judith, 389; Levison (2023), The Greek Life of Adam and Eve. 294, 598; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 95; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 389
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19.11 וְאֶת־הָאֲנָשִׁים אֲשֶׁר־פֶּתַח הַבַּיִת הִכּוּ בַּסַּנְוֵרִים מִקָּטֹן וְעַד־גָּדוֹל וַיִּלְאוּ לִמְצֹא הַפָּתַח׃
39.8 וַיְמָאֵן וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־אֵשֶׁת אֲדֹנָיו הֵן אֲדֹנִי לֹא־יָדַע אִתִּי מַה־בַּבָּיִת וְכֹל אֲשֶׁר־יֶשׁ־לוֹ נָתַן בְּיָדִי׃' ' None | sup>
19.11 And they smote the men that were at the door of the house with blindness, both small and great; so that they wearied themselves to find the door.
39.8 But he refused, and said unto his master’s wife: ‘Behold, my master, having me, knoweth not what is in the house, and he hath put all that he hath into my hand;' ' None |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Joel, 2.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus V Eupator
Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 189; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 62
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2.17 בֵּין הָאוּלָם וְלַמִּזְבֵּחַ יִבְכּוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים מְשָׁרְתֵי יְהוָה וְיֹאמְרוּ חוּסָה יְהוָה עַל־עַמֶּךָ וְאַל־תִּתֵּן נַחֲלָתְךָ לְחֶרְפָּה לִמְשָׁל־בָּם גּוֹיִם לָמָּה יֹאמְרוּ בָעַמִּים אַיֵּה אֱלֹהֵיהֶם׃'' None | sup>
2.17 Let the priests, the ministers of the LORD, Weep between the porch and the altar, And let them say: ‘Spare thy people, O LORD, And give not Thy heritage to reproach, That the nations should make them a byword: Wherefore should they say among the peoples: Where is their God?’'' None |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 27.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, defiles Temple • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 164; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 343
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27.2 דַּבֵּר אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם אִישׁ כִּי יַפְלִא נֶדֶר בְּעֶרְכְּךָ נְפָשֹׁת לַיהוָה׃27.2 וְאִם־לֹא יִגְאַל אֶת־הַשָּׂדֶה וְאִם־מָכַר אֶת־הַשָּׂדֶה לְאִישׁ אַחֵר לֹא יִגָּאֵל עוֹד׃ ' None | sup>
27.2 Speak unto the children of Israel, and say unto them: When a man shall clearly utter a vow of persons unto the LORD, according to thy valuation,'' None |
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8. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 410; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 157
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7.10 Moreover I have appointed a place for my people Yisra᾽el, and planted them, that they may dwell in a place of their own, and be troubled no more; neither shall the children of wickedness torment them any more, as at the beginning,'' None |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 10.26, 14.12-14.13, 19.18-19.19, 26.19, 36.6-36.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos/Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus V (Eupator) • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV • Jerusalem, desecration under Antiochus IV
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 308; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 92; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 281; Gera (2014), Judith, 163, 221; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 263, 264; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 48; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 2, 34, 415, 418; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 95, 158; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 62, 352; Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 31
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10.26 וְעוֹרֵר עָלָיו יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת שׁוֹט כְּמַכַּת מִדְיָן בְּצוּר עוֹרֵב וּמַטֵּהוּ עַל־הַיָּם וּנְשָׂאוֹ בְּדֶרֶךְ מִצְרָיִם׃
14.12 אֵיךְ נָפַלְתָּ מִשָּׁמַיִם הֵילֵל בֶּן־שָׁחַר נִגְדַּעְתָּ לָאָרֶץ חוֹלֵשׁ עַל־גּוֹיִם׃ 14.13 וְאַתָּה אָמַרְתָּ בִלְבָבְךָ הַשָּׁמַיִם אֶעֱלֶה מִמַּעַל לְכוֹכְבֵי־אֵל אָרִים כִּסְאִי וְאֵשֵׁב בְּהַר־מוֹעֵד בְּיַרְכְּתֵי צָפוֹן׃
19.18 בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיוּ חָמֵשׁ עָרִים בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם מְדַבְּרוֹת שְׂפַת כְּנַעַן וְנִשְׁבָּעוֹת לַיהוָה צְבָאוֹת עִיר הַהֶרֶס יֵאָמֵר לְאֶחָת׃ 19.19 בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיֶה מִזְבֵּחַ לַיהוָה בְּתוֹךְ אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם וּמַצֵּבָה אֵצֶל־גְּבוּלָהּ לַיהוָה׃
26.19 יִחְיוּ מֵתֶיךָ נְבֵלָתִי יְקוּמוּן הָקִיצוּ וְרַנְּנוּ שֹׁכְנֵי עָפָר כִּי טַל אוֹרֹת טַלֶּךָ וָאָרֶץ רְפָאִים תַּפִּיל׃
36.6 הִנֵּה בָטַחְתָּ עַל־מִשְׁעֶנֶת הַקָּנֶה הָרָצוּץ הַזֶּה עַל־מִצְרַיִם אֲשֶׁר יִסָּמֵךְ אִישׁ עָלָיו וּבָא בְכַפּוֹ וּנְקָבָהּ כֵּן פַּרְעֹה מֶלֶךְ־מִצְרַיִם לְכָל־הַבֹּטְחִים עָלָיו׃ 36.7 וְכִי־תֹאמַר אֵלַי אֶל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ בָּטָחְנוּ הֲלוֹא־הוּא אֲשֶׁר הֵסִיר חִזְקִיָּהוּ אֶת־בָּמֹתָיו וְאֶת־מִזְבְּחֹתָיו וַיֹּאמֶר לִיהוּדָה וְלִירוּשָׁלִַם לִפְנֵי הַמִּזְבֵּחַ הַזֶּה תִּשְׁתַּחֲווּ׃ 36.8 וְעַתָּה הִתְעָרֶב נָא אֶת־אֲדֹנִי הַמֶּלֶךְ אַשּׁוּר וְאֶתְּנָה לְךָ אַלְפַּיִם סוּסִים אִם־תּוּכַל לָתֶת לְךָ רֹכְבִים עֲלֵיהֶם׃ 36.9 וְאֵיךְ תָּשִׁיב אֵת פְּנֵי פַחַת אַחַד עַבְדֵי אֲדֹנִי הַקְטַנִּים וַתִּבְטַח לְךָ עַל־מִצְרַיִם לְרֶכֶב וּלְפָרָשִׁים׃' ' None | sup>
10.26 And the LORD of hosts shall stir up against him a scourge, as in the slaughter of Midian at the Rock of Oreb; and as His rod was over the sea, so shall He lift it up after the manner of Egypt.
14.12 How art thou fallen from heaven, O day-star, son of the morning! How art thou cut down to the ground, That didst cast lots over the nations! 14.13 And thou saidst in thy heart: ‘I will ascend into heaven, Above the stars of God Will I exalt my throne, And I will sit upon the mount of meeting, In the uttermost parts of the north;
19.18 In that day there shall be five cities in the land of Egypt that speak the language of Canaan, and swear to the LORD of hosts; one shall be called The city of destruction. 19.19 In that day shall there be an altar to the LORD in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the LORD.
26.19 Thy dead shall live, my dead bodies shall arise— Awake and sing, ye that dwell in the dust— For Thy dew is as the dew of light, And the earth shall bring to life the shades.
36.6 Behold, thou trustest upon the staff of this bruised reed, even upon Egypt; whereon if a man lean, it will go into his hand, and pierce it; so is Pharaoh king of Egypt to all that trust on him. 36.7 But if thou say unto me: We trust in the LORD our God; is not that He, whose high places and whose altars Hezekiah hath taken away, and hath said to Judah and to Jerusalem: Ye shall worship before this altar? 36.8 Now therefore, I pray thee, make a wager with my master, the king of Assyria, and I will give thee two thousand horses, if thou be able on thy part to set riders upon them. 36.9 How then canst thou turn away the face of one captain, even of the least of my master’s servants? yet thou puttest thy trust on Egypt for chariots and for horsemen!' ' None |
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10. Homer, Iliad, 4.141-4.147, 5.583 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 236; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 236
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4.141 ὡς δʼ ὅτε τίς τʼ ἐλέφαντα γυνὴ φοίνικι μιήνῃ 4.142 Μῃονὶς ἠὲ Κάειρα παρήϊον ἔμμεναι ἵππων· 4.143 κεῖται δʼ ἐν θαλάμῳ, πολέες τέ μιν ἠρήσαντο 4.144 ἱππῆες φορέειν· βασιλῆϊ δὲ κεῖται ἄγαλμα, 4.145 ἀμφότερον κόσμός θʼ ἵππῳ ἐλατῆρί τε κῦδος· 4.146 τοῖοί τοι Μενέλαε μιάνθην αἵματι μηροὶ 4.147 εὐφυέες κνῆμαί τε ἰδὲ σφυρὰ κάλʼ ὑπένερθε.
5.583 ἡνία λεύκʼ ἐλέφαντι χαμαὶ πέσον ἐν κονίῃσιν.'' None | sup>
4.141 and forthwith the dark blood flowed from the wound.As when a woman staineth ivory with scarlet, some woman of Maeonia or Caria, to make a cheek-piece for horses, and it lieth in a treasure-chamber, though many horsemen pray to wear it; but it lieth there as a king's treasure, " "4.144 and forthwith the dark blood flowed from the wound.As when a woman staineth ivory with scarlet, some woman of Maeonia or Caria, to make a cheek-piece for horses, and it lieth in a treasure-chamber, though many horsemen pray to wear it; but it lieth there as a king's treasure, " '4.145 alike an ornament for his horse and to its driver a glory; even in such wise, Menelaus, were thy thighs stained with blood, thy shapely thighs and thy legs and thy fair ankles beneath.Thereat shuddered the king of men, Agamemnon, as he saw the black blood flowing from the wound,
5.583 and Antilochus made a cast at Mydon, his squire and charioteer, the goodly son of Atymnius, even as he was turning the single-hooved horses, and smote him with a stone full upon the elbow; and the reins, white with ivory, fell from his hands to the ground in the dust. Then Antilochus leapt upon him and drave his sword into his temple, '" None |
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11. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus, n.
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 1108; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 104
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12. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 28.2, 28.7, 28.10 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 79; Dunderberg (2008), Beyond Gnosticism: Myth, Lifestyle, and Society in the School of Valentinus. 167; Gera (2014), Judith, 163
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28.2 בֶּן־אָדָם אֱמֹר לִנְגִיד צֹר כֹּה־אָמַר אֲדֹנָי יְהֹוִה יַעַן גָּבַהּ לִבְּךָ וַתֹּאמֶר אֵל אָנִי מוֹשַׁב אֱלֹהִים יָשַׁבְתִּי בְּלֵב יַמִּים וְאַתָּה אָדָם וְלֹא־אֵל וַתִּתֵּן לִבְּךָ כְּלֵב אֱלֹהִים׃
28.2 וַיְהִי דְבַר־יְהוָה אֵלַי לֵאמֹר׃
28.7 לָכֵן הִנְנִי מֵבִיא עָלֶיךָ זָרִים עָרִיצֵי גּוֹיִם וְהֵרִיקוּ חַרְבוֹתָם עַל־יְפִי חָכְמָתֶךָ וְחִלְּלוּ יִפְעָתֶךָ׃' ' None | sup>
28.2 ’Son of man, say unto the prince of Tyre: Thus saith the Lord GOD: Because thy heart is lifted up, And thou hast said: I am a god, I sit in the seat of God, In the heart of the seas; Yet thou art man, and not God, Though thou didst set thy heart as the heart of God—
28.7 Therefore, behold, I will bring strangers upon thee, The terrible of the nations; And they shall draw their swords against the beauty of thy wisdom, And they shall defile thy brightness. .
28.10 Thou shalt die the deaths of the uncircumcised By the hand of strangers; For I have spoken, saith the Lord GOD.’'' None |
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13. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants
Found in books: Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 262; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 357
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14. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 7.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 409; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 1099
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7.15 וּלְהֵיבָלָה כְּסַף וּדְהַב דִּי־מַלְכָּא וְיָעֲטוֹהִי הִתְנַדַּבוּ לֶאֱלָהּ יִשְׂרָאֵל דִּי בִירוּשְׁלֶם מִשְׁכְּנֵהּ׃'' None | sup>
7.15 and to carry the silver and gold, which the king and his counsellors have freely offered unto the God of Israel, whose habitation is in Jerusalem,'' None |
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15. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 10.31, 10.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 182; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 346, 440; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 277
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10.31 וַאֲשֶׁר לֹא־נִתֵּן בְּנֹתֵינוּ לְעַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ וְאֶת־בְּנֹתֵיהֶם לֹא נִקַּח לְבָנֵינוּ׃
10.39 וְהָיָה הַכֹּהֵן בֶּן־אַהֲרֹן עִם־הַלְוִיִּם בַּעְשֵׂר הַלְוִיִּם וְהַלְוִיִּם יַעֲלוּ אֶת־מַעֲשַׂר הַמַּעֲשֵׂר לְבֵית אֱלֹהֵינוּ אֶל־הַלְּשָׁכוֹת לְבֵית הָאוֹצָר׃'' None | sup>
10.31 and that we would not give our daughters unto the peoples of the land, nor take their daughters for our sons;
10.39 And the priest the son of Aaron shall be with the Levites, when the Levites take tithes; and the Levites shall bring up the tithe of the tithes unto the house of our God, to the chambers, into the treasure-house. .'' None |
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16. Herodotus, Histories, 5.102, 6.75, 7.11, 7.36, 7.138 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus I • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants • Antiochus of Lepreon • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, n.
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 512, 514; Gera (2014), Judith, 128, 142; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 134; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 262; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 74; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 145; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 172; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 357
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5.102 καὶ Σάρδιες μὲν ἐνεπρήσθησαν, ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι καὶ ἱρὸν ἐπιχωρίης θεοῦ Κυβήβης· τὸ σκηπτόμενοι οἱ Πέρσαι ὕστερον ἀντενεπίμπρασαν τὰ ἐν Ἕλλησι ἱρά. τότε δὲ οἱ Πέρσαι οἱ ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ νομοὺς ἔχοντες, προπυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, συνηλίζοντο καὶ ἐβοήθεον τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι. καὶ κως ἐν μὲν Σάρδισι οὐκέτι ἐόντας τοὺς Ἴωνας εὑρίσκουσι, ἑπόμενοι δὲ κατὰ στίβον αἱρέουσι αὐτοὺς ἐν Ἐφέσῳ. καὶ ἀντετάχθησαν μὲν οἱ Ἴωνες, συμβαλόντες δὲ πολλὸν ἑσσώθησαν. καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν οἱ Πέρσαι φονεύουσι ἄλλους τε ὀνομαστούς, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Εὐαλκίδην στρατηγέοντα Ἐρετριέων, στεφανηφόρους τε ἀγῶνας ἀναραιρηκότα καὶ ὑπὸ Σιμωνίδεω τοῦ Κηίου πολλὰ αἰνεθέντα· οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπέφυγον τὴν μάχην, ἐσκεδάσθησαν ἀνὰ τὰς πόλιας.
6.75 μαθόντες δὲ Κλεομένεα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, κατῆγον αὐτὸν δείσαντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι ἐς Σπάρτην τοῖσι καὶ πρότερον ἦρχε. κατελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ὑπέλαβε μανίη νοῦσος, ἐόντα καὶ πρότερον ὑπομαργότερον· ὅκως γὰρ τεῷ ἐντύχοι Σπαρτιητέων, ἐνέχραυε ἐς τὸ πρόσωπον τὸ σκῆπτρον. ποιέοντα δὲ αὐτὸν ταῦτα καὶ παραφρονήσαντα ἔδησαν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐν ξύλω· ὁ δὲ δεθεὶς τὸν φύλακον μουνωθέντα ἰδὼν τῶν ἄλλων αἰτέει μάχαιραν· οὐ βουλομένου δὲ τὰ πρῶτα τοῦ φυλάκου διδόναι ἀπείλεε τά μιν αὖτις ποιήσει, ἐς ὁ δείσας τὰς ἀπειλὰς ὁ φύλακος ʽἦν γὰρ τῶν τις εἱλωτέων’ διδοῖ οἱ μάχαιραν. Κλεομένης δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν σίδηρον ἄρχετο ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἑωυτὸν λωβώμενος· ἐπιτάμνων γὰρ κατὰ μῆκος τὰς σάρκας προέβαινε ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἐς τοὺς μηρούς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν μηρῶν ἔς τε τὰ ἰσχία καὶ τὰς λαπάρας, ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα ἀπίκετο, καὶ ταύτην καταχορδεύων ἀπέθανε τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσι Ἐλλήνων, ὅτι τὴν Πυθίην ἀνέγνωσε τὰ περὶ Δημαρήτου λέγειν γενόμενα, ὡς δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι μοῦνοι λέγουσι, διότι ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα ἐσβαλὼν ἔκειρε τὸ τέμενος τῶν θεῶν, ὡς δὲ Ἀργεῖοι, ὅτι ἐξ ἱροῦ αὐτῶν τοῦ Ἄργου Ἀργείων τοὺς καταφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης καταγινέων κατέκοπτε καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄλσος ἐν ἀλογίῃ ἔχων ἐνέπρησε.
7.11 Ἀρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε, Ξέρξης δὲ θυμωθεὶς ἀμείβεται τοῖσιδε. “Ἀρτάβανε, πατρὸς εἶς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀδελφεός· τοῦτό σε ῥύσεται μηδένα ἄξιον μισθὸν λαβεῖν ἐπέων ματαίων. καί τοι ταύτην τὴν ἀτιμίην προστίθημι ἐόντι κακῷ καὶ ἀθύμῳ, μήτε συστρατεύεσθαι ἔμοιγε ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἅμα τῇσι γυναιξί· ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ἄνευ σέο ὅσα περ εἶπα ἐπιτελέα ποιήσω. μὴ γὰρ εἴην ἐκ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος τοῦ Ἀρσάμεος τοῦ Ἀριαράμνεω τοῦ Τεΐσπεος τοῦ Κύρου τοῦ Καμβύσεω τοῦ Τεΐσπεος τοῦ Ἀχαιμένεος γεγονώς, μὴ τιμωρησάμενος Ἀθηναίους, εὖ ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι εἰ ἡμεῖς ἡσυχίην ἄξομεν, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐκεῖνοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μάλα στρατεύσονται ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέρην, εἰ χρὴ σταθμώσασθαι τοῖσι ὑπαργμένοισι ἐξ ἐκείνων, οἳ Σάρδις τε ἐνέπρησαν καὶ ἤλασαν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην. οὔκων ἐξαναχωρέειν οὐδετέροισι δυνατῶς ἔχει, ἀλλὰ ποιέειν ἢ παθεῖν πρόκειται ἀγών, ἵνα ἢ τάδε πάντα ὑπὸ Ἕλλησι ἢ ἐκεῖνα πάντα ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι γένηται· τὸ γὰρ μέσον οὐδὲν τῆς ἔχθρης ἐστί. καλὸν ὦν προπεπονθότας ἡμέας τιμωρέειν ἤδη γίνεται, ἵνα καὶ τὸ δεινὸν τὸ πείσομαι τοῦτο μάθω, ἐλάσας ἐπʼ ἄνδρας τούτους, τούς γε καὶ Πέλοψ ὁ Φρύξ, ἐὼν πατέρων τῶν ἐμῶν δοῦλος, κατεστρέψατο οὕτω ὡς καὶ ἐς τόδε αὐτοί τε ὥνθρωποι καὶ ἡ γῆ αὐτῶν ἐπώνυμοι τοῦ καταστρεψαμένου καλέονται.”
7.36 καὶ οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίεον, τοῖσι προσέκειτο αὕτη ἡ ἄχαρις τιμή, τὰς δὲ ἄλλοι ἀρχιτέκτονες ἐζεύγνυσαν. ἐζεύγνυσαν δὲ ὧδε, πεντηκοντέρους καὶ τριήρεας συνθέντες, ὑπὸ μὲν τὴν πρὸς τοῦ Εὐξείνου πόντου ἑξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας, ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἑτέρην τεσσερεσκαίδεκα καὶ τριηκοσίας, τοῦ μὲν Πόντου ἐπικαρσίας τοῦ δὲ Ἑλλησπόντου κατὰ ῥόον, ἵνα ἀνακωχεύῃ τὸν τόνον τῶν ὅπλων· συνθέντες δὲ ἀγκύρας κατῆκαν περιμήκεας, τὰς μὲν πρὸς τοῦ Πόντου τῆς ἑτέρης τῶν ἀνέμων εἵνεκεν τῶν ἔσωθεν ἐκπνεόντων, τῆς δὲ ἑτέρης πρὸς ἑσπέρης τε καὶ τοῦ Αἰγαίου ζεφύρου τε καὶ νότου εἵνεκα. διέκπλοον δὲ ὑπόφαυσιν κατέλιπον τῶν πεντηκοντέρων καὶ τριηρέων, ἵνα καὶ ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἔχῃ ὁ βουλόμενος πλέειν πλοίοισι λεπτοῖσι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἔξω. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες κατέτεινον ἐκ γῆς στρεβλοῦντες ὄνοισι ξυλίνοισι τὰ ὅπλα, οὐκέτι χωρὶς ἑκάτερα τάξαντες, ἀλλὰ δύο μὲν λευκολίνου δασάμενοι ἐς ἑκατέρην, τέσσερα δὲ τῶν βυβλίνων. παχύτης μὲν ἦν ἡ αὐτὴ καὶ καλλονή, κατὰ λόγον δὲ ἐμβριθέστερα ἦν τὰ λίνεα, τοῦ τάλαντον ὁ πῆχυς εἷλκε. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐγεφυρώθη ὁ πόρος, κορμοὺς ξύλων καταπρίσαντες καὶ ποιήσαντες ἴσους τῆς σχεδίης τῷ εὔρεϊ κόσμῳ ἐτίθεσαν κατύπερθε τῶν ὅπλων τοῦ τόνου, θέντες δὲ ἐπεξῆς ἐνθαῦτα αὖτις ἐπεζεύγνυον· ποιήσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ὕλην ἐπεφόρησαν, κόσμῳ δὲ θέντες καὶ τὴν ὕλην γῆν ἐπεφόρησαν, κατανάξαντες δὲ καὶ τὴν γῆν φραγμὸν παρείρυσαν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν, ἵνα μὴ φοβέηται τὰ ὑποζύγια τὴν θάλασσαν ὑπερορῶντα καὶ οἱ ἵπποι.
7.138 ἡ δὲ στρατηλασίη ἡ βασιλέος οὔνομα μὲν εἶχε ὡς ἐπʼ Ἀθήνας ἐλαύνει, κατίετο δὲ ἐς πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα. πυνθανόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα πρὸ πολλοῦ οἱ Ἕλληνες οὐκ ἐν ὁμοίῳ πάντες ἐποιεῦντο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν δόντες γῆν καὶ ὕδωρ τῷ Πέρσῃ εἶχον θάρσος ὡς οὐδὲν πεισόμενοι ἄχαρι πρὸς τοῦ βαρβάρου· οἱ δὲ οὐ δόντες ἐν δείματι μεγάλῳ κατέστασαν, ἅτε οὔτε νεῶν ἐουσέων ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἀριθμὸν ἀξιομάχων δέκεσθαι τὸν ἐπιόντα, οὔτε βουλομένων τῶν πολλῶν ἀντάπτεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου, μηδιζόντων δὲ προθύμως.'' None | sup>
5.102 In the fire at Sardis, a temple of Cybebe, the goddess of that country, was burnt, and the Persians afterwards made this their pretext for burning the temples of Hellas. At this time, the Persians of the provinces this side of the Halys, on hearing of these matters, gathered together and came to aid the Lydians. ,It chanced that they found the Ionians no longer at Sardis, but following on their tracks, they caught them at Ephesus. There the Ionians stood arrayed to meet them, but were utterly routed in the battle. ,The Persians put to the sword many men of renown including Eualcides the general of the Eretrians who had won crowns as victor in the games and been greatly praised by Simonides of Ceos. Those of the Ionians who escaped from the battle fled, each to his city.
6.75 When the Lacedaemonians learned that Cleomenes was doing this, they took fright and brought him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before. Cleomenes had already been not entirely in his right mind, and on his return from exile a mad sickness fell upon him: any Spartan that he happened to meet he would hit in the face with his staff. ,For doing this, and because he was out of his mind, his relatives bound him in the stocks. When he was in the stocks and saw that his guard was left alone, he demanded a dagger; the guard at first refused to give it, but Cleomenes threatened what he would do to him when he was freed, until the guard, who was a helot, was frightened by the threats and gave him the dagger. ,Cleomenes took the weapon and set about slashing himself from his shins upwards; from the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, then from the thigh to the hip and the sides, until he reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he died, as most of the Greeks say, because he persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell the tale of Demaratus. The Athenians alone say it was because he invaded Eleusis and laid waste the precinct of the gods. The Argives say it was because when Argives had taken refuge after the battle in their temple of Argus he brought them out and cut them down, then paid no heed to the sacred grove and set it on fire. ' "
7.11 Thus spoke Artabanus. Xerxes answered angrily, “Artabanus, you are my father's brother; that will save you from receiving the fitting reward of foolish words. But for your cowardly lack of spirit I lay upon you this disgrace, that you will not go with me and my army against Hellas, but will stay here with the women; I myself will accomplish all that I have said, with no help from you. ,May I not be the son of Darius son of Hystaspes son of Arsames son of Ariaramnes son of Teispes son of Cyrus son of Cambyses son of Teispes son of Achaemenes, if I do not have vengeance on the Athenians; I well know that if we remain at peace they will not; they will assuredly invade our country, if we may infer from what they have done already, for they burnt Sardis and marched into Asia. ,It is not possible for either of us to turn back: to do or to suffer is our task, so that what is ours be under the Greeks, or what is theirs under the Persians; there is no middle way in our quarrel. ,Honor then demands that we avenge ourselves for what has been done to us; thus will I learn what is this evil that will befall me when I march against these Greeks—men that even Pelops the Phrygian, the slave of my forefathers, did so utterly subdue that to this day they and their country are called by the name of their conqueror.” " 7.36 So this was done by those who were appointed to the thankless honor, and new engineers set about making the bridges. They made the bridges as follows: in order to lighten the strain of the cables, they placed fifty-oared ships and triremes alongside each other, three hundred and sixty to bear the bridge nearest the Euxine sea, and three hundred and fourteen to bear the other; all lay obliquely to the line of the Pontus and parallel with the current of the Hellespont. ,After putting the ships together they let down very great anchors, both from the end of the ships on the Pontus side to hold fast against the winds blowing from within that sea, and from the other end, towards the west and the Aegean, to hold against the west and south winds. They left a narrow opening to sail through in the line of fifty-oared ships and triremes, that so whoever wanted to could sail by small craft to the Pontus or out of it. ,After doing this, they stretched the cables from the land, twisting them taut with wooden windlasses; they did not as before keep the two kinds apart, but assigned for each bridge two cables of flax and four of papyrus. ,All these had the same thickness and fine appearance, but the flaxen were heavier in proportion, for a cubit of them weighed a talent. ,When the strait was thus bridged, they sawed logs of wood to a length equal to the breadth of the floating supports, and laid them in order on the taut cables; after placing them together they then made them fast. After doing this, they carried brushwood onto the bridge; when this was all laid in order they heaped earth on it and stamped it down; then they made a fence on either side, so that the beasts of burden and horses not be frightened by the sight of the sea below them. ' "
7.138 The professed intent of the king's march was to attack Athens, but in truth all Hellas was his aim. This the Greeks had long since learned, but not all of them regarded the matter alike. ,Those of them who had paid the tribute of earth and water to the Persian were of good courage, thinking that the foreigner would do them no harm, but they who had refused tribute were afraid, since there were not enough ships in Hellas to do battle with their invader; furthermore, the greater part of them had no stomach for grappling with the war, but were making haste to side with the Persian. "' None |
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17. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274
| 73c τῇδ’ ἔγωγε, ἦ δ’ ὅς. ὁμολογοῦμεν γὰρ δήπου, εἴ τίς τι ἀναμνησθήσεται, δεῖν αὐτὸν τοῦτο πρότερόν ποτε ἐπίστασθαι. πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη.'73d ἔλαβεν; πῶς λέγεις; οἷον τὰ τοιάδε: ἄλλη που ἐπιστήμη ἀνθρώπου καὶ λύρας. πῶς γὰρ οὔ; οὐκοῦν οἶσθα ὅτι οἱ ἐρασταί, ὅταν ἴδωσιν λύραν ἢ ἱμάτιον ἢ ἄλλο τι οἷς τὰ παιδικὰ αὐτῶν εἴωθε χρῆσθαι, πάσχουσι τοῦτο: ἔγνωσάν τε τὴν λύραν καὶ ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ ἔλαβον τὸ εἶδος τοῦ παιδὸς οὗ ἦν ἡ λύρα; τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν ἀνάμνησις: ὥσπερ γε καὶ Σιμμίαν τις ἰδὼν πολλάκις κέβητος ἀνεμνήσθη, καὶ ἄλλα που μυρία τοιαῦτ’ ἂν εἴη. μυρία μέντοι νὴ Δία, ἔφη ὁ Σιμμίας . ' None | 73c what you were going to say. It was this, said he. We agree, I suppose, that if anyone is to remember anything, he must know it at some previous time? Certainly, said he. Then do we agree to this also, that when knowledge comes in such a way, it is recollection? What I mean is this: If a man, when he has heard or seen or in any other way perceived a thing, knows not only that thing, but also has a perception of some other thing, the knowledge of which is not the same, but different, are we not right in saying that'73d he recollects the thing of which he has the perception? What do you mean? Let me give an example. Knowledge of a man is different from knowledge of a lyre. of course. Well, you know that a lover when he sees a lyre or a cloak or anything else which his beloved is wont to use, perceives the lyre and in his mind receives an image of the boy to whom the lyre belongs, do you not? But this is recollection, just as when one sees Simmias, one often remembers Cebes, and I could cite countless such examples. To be sure you could, said Simmias. Now, said he, ' None |
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18. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 22, 114; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 51
| 27d δὲ ἡμῖν εἰπεῖν. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ θεῶν ταύτῃ παρακεκλήσθω· τὸ δʼ ἡμέτερον παρακλητέον, ᾗ ῥᾷστʼ ἂν ὑμεῖς μὲν μάθοιτε, ἐγὼ δὲ ᾗ διανοοῦμαι μάλιστʼ ἂν περὶ τῶν προκειμένων ἐνδειξαίμην. ΤΙ.'' None | 27d ourselves we must also invoke so to proceed, that you may most easily learn and I may most clearly expound my views regarding the subject before us. Tim.'' None |
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19. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos III, “The Great” • Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 132; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 562
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20. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274, 275; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274, 275
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21. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 273, 274; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 273, 274
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22. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 274
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23. Anon., 1 Enoch, 91.12, 91.17, 93.6-93.9, 94.5, 95.3, 96.1-96.3, 97.4, 98.10-98.11, 99.10-99.11, 99.14, 100.7, 103.14-103.15 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus, III • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Temple, Desecration by Antiochus
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 463; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 369; Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 96; Stuckenbruck (2007), 1 Enoch 91-108, 56, 61, 122, 212, 275, 450; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 86
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91.12 And after that there shall be another, the eighth week, that of righteousness, And a sword shall be given to it that a righteous judgement may be executed on the oppressors, And sinners shall be delivered into the hands of the righteous.
91.17 And after that there will be many weeks without number for ever, And all shall be in goodness and righteousness, And sin shall no more be mentioned for ever.
93.6 And after that in the fourth week, at its close, Visions of the holy and righteous shall be seen, And a law for all generations and an enclosure shall be made for them. 93.7 And after that in the fifth week, at its close, The house of glory and dominion shall be built for ever. 93.8 And after that in the sixth week all who live in it shall be blinded, And the hearts of all of them shall godlessly forsake wisdom.And in it a man shall ascend; And at its close the house of dominion shall be burnt with fire, And the whole race of the chosen root shall be dispersed. 93.9 And after that in the seventh week shall an apostate generation arise, And many shall be its deeds, And all its deeds shall be apostate.
94.5 And hold fast my words in the thoughts of your hearts, And suffer them not to be effaced from your hearts;For I know that sinners will tempt men to evilly-entreat wisdom, So that no place may be found for her, And no manner of temptation may minish.
95.3 Fear not the sinners, ye righteous; For again will the Lord deliver them into your hands, That ye may execute judgement upon them according to your desires.
96.1 Be hopeful, ye righteous; for suddenly shall the sinners perish before you, And ye shall have lordship over them according to your desires. 96.2 And in the day of the tribulation of the sinners, Your children shall mount and rise as eagles, And higher than the vultures will be your nest, And ye shall ascend and enter the crevices of the earth, And the clefts of the rock for ever as coneys before the unrighteous, And the sirens shall sigh because of you-and weep. 96.3 Wherefore fear not, ye that have suffered; For healing shall be your portion, And a bright light shall enlighten you, And the voice of rest ye shall hear from heaven.' "
97.4 Yea, ye shall fare like unto them, Against whom this word shall be a testimony: ' Ye have been companions of sinners." 98.10 And now I swear unto you, to the wise and to the foolish, For ye shall have manifold experiences on the earth.,For ye men shall put on more adornments than a woman, And coloured garments more than a virgin: In royalty and in grandeur and in power, And in silver and in gold and in purple, And in splendour and in food they shall be poured out as water.,Therefore they shall be wanting in doctrine and wisdom, And they shall perish thereby together with their possessions; And with all their glory and their splendour, And in shame and in slaughter and in great destitution, Their spirits shall be cast into the furnace of fire.,I have sworn unto you, ye sinners, as a mountain has not become a slave, And a hill does not become the handmaid of a woman, Even so sin has not been sent upon the earth, But man of himself has created it, And under a great curse shall they fall who commit it.,And barrenness has not been given to the woman, But on account of the deeds of her own hands she dies without children.,I have sworn unto you, ye sinners, by the Holy Great One, That all your evil deeds are revealed in the heavens, And that none of your deeds of oppression are covered and hidden.,And do not think in your spirit nor say in your heart that ye do not know and that ye do not see",that every sin is every day recorded in heaven in the presence of the Most High. From henceforth ye know that all your oppression wherewith ye oppress is written down every day till the day of your judgement.",Woe to you, ye fools, for through your folly shall ye perish: and ye transgress against the wise,,and so good hap shall not be your portion. And now, know ye that ye are prepared for the day of destruction: wherefore do not hope to live, ye sinners, but ye shall depart and die; for ye know no ransom; for ye are prepared for the day of the great judgement, for the day of tribulation and great shame for your spirits.,Woe to you, ye obstinate of heart, who work wickedness and eat blood: Whence have ye good things to eat and to drink and to be filled From all the good things which the Lord the Most High has placed in abundance on the earth; therefore ye shall have no peace.,Woe to you who love the deeds of unrighteousness: wherefore do ye hope for good hap unto yourselves know that ye shall be delivered into the hands of the righteous, and they shall cut,off your necks and slay you, and have no mercy upon you. Woe to you who rejoice in the tribulation of the righteous; for no grave shall be dug for you. Woe to you who set at nought the words of,the righteous; for ye shall have no hope of life. Woe to you who write down lying and godless words; for they write down their lies that men may hear them and act godlessly towards (their)",neighbour. Therefore they shall have no peace but die a sudden death." 98.11 Woe to you, ye obstinate of heart, who work wickedness and eat blood: Whence have ye good things to eat and to drink and to be filled From all the good things which the Lord the Most High has placed in abundance on the earth; therefore ye shall have no peace.
99.10 Woe to you who work godlessness, And glory in lying and extol them: Ye shall perish, and no happy life shall be yours.,Woe to them who pervert the words of uprightness, And transgress the eternal law, And transform themselves into what they were not into sinners: They shall be trodden under foot upon the earth.,In those days make ready, ye righteous, to raise your prayers as a memorial, And place them as a testimony before the angels, That they may place the sin of the sinners for a memorial before the Most High.,In those days the nations shall be stirred up, And the families of the nations shall arise on the day of destruction.,And in those days the destitute shall go forth and carry off their children, And they shall abandon them, so that their children shall perish through them: Yea, they shall abandon their children (that are still) sucklings, and not return to them, And shall have no pity on their beloved ones.,And again I swear to you, ye sinners, that sin is prepared for a day of unceasing bloodshed. And they who worship stones, and grave images of gold and silver and wood (and stone) and clay, and those who worship impure spirits and demons, and all kinds of idols not according to knowledge, shall get no manner of help from them.,And they shall become godless by reason of the folly of their hearts, And their eyes shall be blinded through the fear of their hearts And through visions in their dreams.,Through these they shall become godless and fearful; For they shall have wrought all their work in a lie, And shall have worshiped a stone: Therefore in an instant shall they perish.,But in those days blessed are all they who accept the words of wisdom, and understand them, And observe the paths of the Most High, and walk in the path of His righteousness, And become not godless with the godless; For they shall be saved.,Woe to you who spread evil to your neighbours; For you shall be slain in Sheol.",Woe to you who make deceitful and false measures, And (to them) who cause bitterness on the earth; For they shall thereby be utterly consumed.,Woe to you who build your houses through the grievous toil of others, And all their building materials are the bricks and stones of sin; I tell you ye shall have no peace.,Woe to them who reject the measure and eternal heritage of their fathers And whose souls follow after idols; For they shall have no rest.",Woe to them who work unrighteousness and help oppression, And slay their neighbours until the day of the great judgement.,For He shall cast down your glory, And bring affliction on your hearts, And shall arouse His fierce indignation And destroy you all with the sword; And all the holy and righteous shall remember your sins. 99.11 Woe to you who spread evil to your neighbours; For you shall be slain in Sheol."
99.14 Woe to them who reject the measure and eternal heritage of their fathers And whose souls follow after idols; For they shall have no rest."
100.7 Woe to you, Sinners, on the day of strong anguish, Ye who afflict the righteous and burn them with fire: Ye shall be requited according to your works.
103.14 And are complained to the rulers in our tribulation, And cried out against those who devoured us, But they did not attend to our cries And would not hearken to our voice. 103.15 And they helped those who robbed us and devoured us and those who made us few; and they concealed their oppression, and they did not remove from us the yoke of those that devoured us and dispersed us and murdered us, and they concealed their murder, and remembered not that they had lifted up their hands against us.'' None |
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24. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 236; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 236
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25. Cicero, De Finibus, 1.29, 3.10, 4.5, 4.51, 4.61, 5.9-5.12, 5.14, 5.23, 5.59, 5.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus, epistemology • Antiochus, hermeneutical assumptions or strategies • Antiochus, life
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 47; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 22, 64, 71; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275
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3.10 \xa0Cato then resumed: "But what pray are the books that you must come here for, when you have so large a library of your own?" "I\xa0have come to fetch some Note-books of Aristotle," I\xa0replied, "which I\xa0knew were here. I\xa0wanted to read them during my holiday; I\xa0do not often get any leisure." "How I\xa0wish," said he, "that you had thrown in your lot with the Stoics! You of all men might have been expected to reckon virtue as the only good." "Perhaps you might rather have been expected," I\xa0answered, "to refrain from adopting a new terminology, when in substance you think as I\xa0do. Our principles agree; it is our language that is at variance." "Indeed," he rejoined, "they do not agree in the least. Once pronounce anything to be desirable, once reckon anything as a good, other than Moral Worth, and you have extinguished the very light of virtue, Moral Worth itself, and overthrown virtue entirely." <
4.5 \xa0One of these departments is the science that is held to give rules for the formation of moral character; this part, which is the foundation of our present discussion, I\xa0defer. For I\xa0shall consider later the question, what is the End of Goods. For the present I\xa0only say that the topic of what I\xa0think may fitly be entitled Civic Science (the adjective in Greek is politikos) was handled with authority and fullness by the early Peripatetics and Academics, who agreed in substance though they differed in terminology."What a vast amount they have written on politics and on jurisprudence! how many precepts of oratory they have left us in their treatises, and how many examples in their discourses! In the first place, even the topics that required close reasoning they handled in a neat and polished manner, employing now definition, now division; as indeed your school does also, but your style is rather out-atâ\x80\x91elbows, while theirs is noticeably elegant. <
4.51 \xa0The minor premise Polemo will concede to Zeno, and so will his master and the whole of their clan, as well as all the other philosophers that while ranking virtue far above all else yet couple some other thing with it in defining the Chief Good; since if virtue is a thing to be proud of, as it is, and excels everything else to a degree hardly to be expressed in words, Polemo will be able to be happy if endowed solely with virtue, and destitute of all besides, and yet he will not grant you that nothing except virtue is to be reckoned as a good. Those on the other hand whose Supreme Good dispenses with virtue will perhaps decline to grant that happiness contains any just ground for pride; although they, it is true, sometimes represent even pleasures as things to be proud of. <
4.61 \xa0What if those pupils of Plato were to come to life again, and their pupils again in succession, and were to address you in this fashion? \'As we listened, Marcus Cato, to so devoted a student of philosophy, so just a man, so upright a judge, so scrupulous a witness as yourself, we marvelled what reason could induce you to reject us for the Stoics, whose views on good and evil were the views that Zeno learnt from Polemo here, but who expressed those views in terms at first sight startling but upon examination ridiculous. If you accepted those views on their merits, why did you not hold them under their own terminology? or if you were swayed by authority, could you prefer that nobody to all of us, even to Plato himself? especially when you aspired to play a leading part in the state, and we were the very persons to arm and equip you to protect the state with the highest honour to yourself. Why, it is we who invented political philosophy; and reduced it to a system; its nomenclature, its principles are our creation; on all the various forms of government, their stability, their revolutions, the laws, institutions and customs of states, we have written exhaustively. Oratory again is the proudest distinction of the statesman, and in it you, we are told, are preâ\x80\x91eminent; but how vastly you might have enriched your eloquence from the records of our genius.\' What answer, pray, could you give to these words from such men as those?" <
5.9 \xa0Accordingly Piso spoke as follows: "About the educational value of the Peripatetic system I\xa0have said enough, in the briefest possible way, a\xa0few moments ago. Its arrangement, like that of most other systems, is threefold: one part deals with nature, the second with discourse, and the third with conduct. Natural Philosophy the Peripatetics have investigated so thoroughly that no region in sky or sea or land (to speak poetically) has been passed over. Nay more, in treating of the elements of being and the constitution of the universe they have established much of their doctrine not merely by probable arguments but by conclusive mathematical demonstration, applying a quantity of material derived from facts that they have themselves investigated to the discovery of other facts beyond the reach of observation. < 5.10 \xa0Aristotle gave a complete account of the birth, nutrition and structure of all living creatures, Theophrastus of the natural history of plants and the causes and constitution of vegetable organisms in general; and the knowledge thus attained facilitated the investigation of the most obscure questions. In Logic their teachings include the rules of rhetoric as well as of dialectic; and Aristotle their founder started the practice of arguing both pro and contra upon every topic, not like Arcesilas, always controverting every proposition, but setting out all the possible arguments on either side in every subject. < 5.11 \xa0The third division of philosophy investigates the rules of human well-being; this too was treated by the Peripatetics, so as to comprise not only the principles of individual conduct but also of the government of states. From Aristotle we learn the manners, customs and institutions, and from Theophrastus the laws also, of nearly all the states not only of Greece but of the barbarians as well. Both described the proper qualifications of a statesman, both moreover wrote lengthy treatises on the best form of constitution; Theophrastus treated the subject more fully, discussing the forces and occasions of political change, and their control as circumstances demand. Among the alternative ideals of conduct they gave the highest place to the life of retirement, devoted to contemplation and to study. This was pronounced to be most worthy of the Wise Man, as most nearly resembling the life of the gods. And these topics they handle in a style as brilliant as it is illuminating. < 5.12 \xa0"Their books on the subject of the Chief Good fall into two classes, one popular in style, and this class they used to call their exoteric works; the other more carefully wrought. The latter treatises they left in the form of note-books. This distinction occasionally gives them an appearance of inconsistency; but as a matter of fact in the main body of their doctrine there is no divergence, at all events among the philosophers I\xa0have mentioned, nor did they disagree among themselves. But on the chief object of inquiry, namely Happiness, and the one question which philosophy has to consider and to investigate, whether this lies entirely within the control of the Wise Man, or whether it can be impaired or destroyed by adversity, here there does appear sometimes to exist among them some divergence and uncertainty. This effect is chiefly produced by Theophrastus\'s book On\xa0Happiness, in which a very considerable amount of importance is assigned to fortune; though if this be correct, wisdom alone could not guarantee happiness. This theory seems to me to be, if I\xa0may so call it, too enervating and unmanly to be adequate to the force and dignity of virtue. Hence we had better keep to Aristotle and his son Nicomachus; the latter\'s elaborate volumes on Ethics are ascribed, it is true, to Aristotle, but I\xa0do not see why the son should not have been capable of emulating the father. Still, we may use Theophrastus on most points, so long as we maintain a larger element of strength and solidity in virtue than he did. <
5.14 \xa0"I\xa0pass over a\xa0number of writers, including the learned and entertaining Hieronymus. Indeed I\xa0know no reason for calling the latter a Peripatetic at all; for he defined the Chief Good as freedom from pain: and to hold a different view of the Chief Good is to hold a different system of philosophy altogether. Critolaus professed to imitate the ancients; and he does in fact come nearest to them in weight, and has a flowing style; all the same, even he is not true to the principles of his ancestors. Diodorus, his pupil, couples with Moral Worth freedom from pain. He too stands by himself; differing about the Chief Good he cannot correctly be called a Peripatetic. Our master Antiochus seems to me to adhere most scrupulously to the doctrine of the ancients, which according to his teaching was common to Aristotle and to Polemo. <
5.23 \xa0"The calmness or tranquillity of mind which is the Chief Good of Democritus, euthumia as he calls it, has had to be excluded from this discussion, because this mental tranquillity is in itself the happiness in question; and we are inquiring not what happiness is, but what produces it. Again, the discredited and abandoned theories of Pyrrho, Aristo and Erillus cannot be brought within the circle we have drawn, and so we have not been concerned to consider them at all. For the whole of this inquiry into the Ends or, so to speak, the limits of Goods and Evils must begin from that which we have spoken of as adapted and suited to nature and which is the earliest object of desire for its own sake; now this is entirely done away with by those who maintain that, in the sphere of things which contain no element of Moral Worth or baseness, there is no reason why any one thing should be preferred to any other, and who consider these things to be absolutely indifferent; and Erillus also, if he actually held that there is nothing good but knowledge, destroyed every motive of rational action and every clue to right conduct. "Thus we have eliminated the views of all the other philosophers; and no other view is possible; therefore this doctrine of the Ancients must hold good. Let us then follow the practice of the old philosophers, adopted also by the Stoics, and start as follows. <' "
5.59 \xa0In generating and developing the human body, Nature's procedure was to make some parts perfect at birth, and to fashion other parts as it grew up, without making much use of external and artificial aids. The mind on the other hand she endowed with its remaining faculties in the same perfection as the body, equipping it with senses already adapted to their function of perception and requiring little or no assistance of any kind to complete their development; but the highest and noblest part of man's nature she neglected. It is true she bestowed an intellect capable of receiving every virtue, and implanted in it at birth and without instruction embryonic notions of the loftiest ideas, laying the foundation of its education, and introducing among its endowments the elementary constituents, so to speak, of virtue. But of virtue itself she merely gave the germ and no more. <" 5.71 \xa0Come now, my dear Lucius, build in your imagination the lofty and towering structure of the virtues; then you will feel no doubt that those who achieve them, guiding themselves by magimity and uprightness, are always happy; realizing as they do that all the vicissitudes of fortune, the ebb and flow of time and of circumstance, will be trifling and feeble if brought into conflict with virtue. The things we reckon as bodily goods do, it is true, form a factor in supreme happiness, but yet happiness is possible without them. For those supplementary goods are so small and slight in the full radiance of the virtues they are as invisible as the stars in sunlight. <' ' None |
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26. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.29, 3.10, 3.74, 4.3, 4.5, 4.8-4.9, 4.11-4.13, 4.20, 4.22, 4.36, 4.43, 4.51, 4.61, 4.74-4.78, 5.1-5.3, 5.6-5.16, 5.21-5.24, 5.33-5.44, 5.53, 5.59, 5.71, 5.74, 5.87-5.89 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Academy, Old (i.e., Antiochus’) • Antiochos/Antiochus IV • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon • Antiochus of Ascalon, • Antiochus, Sosus • Antiochus, epistemology • Antiochus, hermeneutical assumptions or strategies • Antiochus, life • Cicero, Marcus Tullius, and Antiochus
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 178; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 50; Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 15; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275; Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 254; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 110; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 180, 184; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 47, 50; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 289, 305, 357; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 30, 31, 72, 124, 128, 136; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 34, 95; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 3, 4, 21, 22, 41, 64, 71; Volk and Williams (2006), Seeing Seneca Whole: Perspectives on Philosophy, Poetry and Politics, 159; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275
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3.10 Tum ille: Tu autem cum ipse tantum librorum habeas, quos quos om. BE hic hic hic ul hic N his AR hys BE om. V tandem requiris? Commentarios quosdam, inquam, Aristotelios, aristotelios A aristotilis BE aristoteles R aristotili hos N 1 aristotelicos N 2 aristotilicos V quos hic sciebam esse, veni ut auferrem, quos legerem, dum essem otiosus; quod quidem nobis non saepe contingit. Quam vellem, inquit, te ad Stoicos inclinavisses! erat enim, si cuiusquam, certe tuum nihil praeter virtutem in bonis ducere. Vide, ne magis, inquam, tuum fuerit, cum re idem tibi, quod mihi, videretur, non nova te te om. NV rebus nomina inponere. ratio enim nostra consentit, pugnat oratio. Minime vero, inquit ille, consentit. quicquid quidquid BV quitquid E Quid quod R enim praeter id, quod honestum sit, expetendum esse dixeris in bonisque numeraveris, et honestum ipsum quasi virtutis lumen extinxeris et virtutem penitus everteris. Dicuntur ista, Cato, magnifice, inquam, sed videsne verborum gloriam tibi cum Pyrrhone et cum Aristone, qui omnia exaequant, esse exequant esse V, N (post t ras., es ab alt. m.); exequantes se ABE ex sequentes se R communem?' "
3.74 Sed iam sentio me esse longius provectum, quam proposita ratio postularet. verum admirabilis compositio disciplinae incredibilisque rerum me rerum me R me rerum BE rerum ANV traxit ordo; quem, per deos inmortales! nonne miraris? quid enim aut in natura, qua nihil est aptius, nihil descriptius, aut in operibus manu factis tam compositum tamque compactum et coagmentatum coagmentatum ed. princ. Colon. cocicmentatum A cociom tatū R coaugmentatum BEN coagumentatum V inveniri potest? quid posterius priori non convenit? quid sequitur, quod non respondeat superiori? quid non sic aliud ex alio nectitur, ut, si ut si ' aliquis apud Bentl. ' Mdv. ut non si ABERN aut non si V ullam litteram moveris, labent omnia? nec tamen quicquam est, quod quod BE quo moveri possit." 4.3 Existimo igitur, inquam, Cato, veteres illos Platonis auditores, auditores Platonis BE Speusippum, Aristotelem, Xenocratem, deinde eorum, Polemonem, Theophrastum, satis et copiose et eleganter habuisse constitutam disciplinam, ut non esset causa Zenoni, cum Polemonem audisset, cur et ab eo ipso et a superioribus dissideret. quorum fuit haec institutio, in qua animadvertas velim quid mutandum putes nec expectes, dum ad omnia dicam, quae a te a te ed. princ. Rom. ante dicta sunt; universa enim illorum ratione cum tota vestra confligendum puto.' "
4.5 quarum cum una sit, qua mores conformari confirmari (' emendqvisse videtur A, Man.' Mdv. ) putantur, differo eam partem, quae quasi stirps est huius quaestionis. qui sit enim finis bonorum, mox, hoc loco tantum dico, a veteribus Peripateticis Academicisque, qui re consentientes vocabulis differebant, eum locum, quem civilem recte appellaturi videmur, Graeci politiko/n, graviter et copiose esse tractatum. Quam multa illi de re publica scripserunt, quam multa de legibus! quam multa non solum praecepta in artibus, sed etiam exempla in orationibus bene dicendi reliquerunt! primum enim ipsa illa, quae subtiliter disserenda erant, polite apteque dixerunt tum definientes, tum partientes, ut vestri etiam; sed vos squalidius, illorum vides quam niteat oratio." 4.8 Sequitur disserendi ratio cognitioque naturae; nam de summo bono mox, ut dixi, videbimus et ad id explicandum disputationem omnem conferemus. in his igitur partibus duabus nihil erat, quod Zeno commutare gestiret. res enim se praeclare habebat, habebat Bai. habeat ABERN 1 habent N 2 habet V et quidem in utraque parte. quid enim ab antiquis ex eo genere, quod ad disserendum valet, praetermissum est? qui et definierunt plurima et definiendi artes reliquerunt, quodque est definitioni adiunctum, ut res in partes dividatur, id et fit ab illis et quem ad modum fieri oporteat traditur; item de contrariis, a quibus ad genera formasque generum venerunt. Iam argumenti ratione conclusi caput esse faciunt ea, quae perspicua dicunt, deinde ordinem sequuntur, tum, quid verum sit in singulis, extrema conclusio est. 4.9 quanta autem ab illis varietas argumentorum ratione concludentium eorumque cum captiosis interrogationibus dissimilitudo! Quid, quod plurimis plurimis ABENV pluribus R locis quasi denuntiant, ut neque sensuum fidem sine ratione nec rationis sine sensibus exquiramus, add. dett. atque ut eorum alterum ab altero ne separemus? add. Lamb. Quid? ea, quae dialectici nunc tradunt et docent, nonne ab illis instituta aut aut Se. sunt ABER om. NV inventa sunt? de quibus etsi a Chrysippo maxime est elaboratum, tamen a Zenone minus multo quam ab antiquis; ab hoc autem quaedam non melius quam veteres, quaedam omnino relicta.
4.11 Similia dici possunt de explicatione naturae, qua et hi qua et hij V quae ( compend. scr. ) hic A que hic BER qua hic N utuntur et vestri, neque vero ob duas modo causas, quo modo Epicuro videtur, ut pellatur mortis et religionis metus, sed etiam modestiam quandam cognitio rerum caelestium affert iis, qui videant quanta sit etiam apud deos moderatio, quantus ordo, et magnitudinem animi deorum opera et facta cernentibus, iustitiam etiam, cum cognitum habeas quod sit summi rectoris ac domini numen, quod consilium, quae voluntas; cuius ad naturam apta ratio vera illa et summa lex a philosophis dicitur. 4.12 inest in eadem explicatione naturae insatiabilis quaedam e cognoscendis rebus voluptas, in qua una confectis rebus necessariis vacui negotiis honeste ac liberaliter possimus vivere. Ergo in hac ratione tota de maximis fere rebus Stoici illos secuti sunt, ut et deos esse et quattuor ex rebus omnia constare dicerent. cum autem quaereretur res admodum difficilis, num quinta quaedam natura videretur esse, ex qua ratio et intellegentia oriretur, in quo etiam de animis cuius generis essent quaereretur, Zeno id dixit esse ignem, non nulla deinde aliter, sed ea pauca; de maxima autem re eodem modo, divina mente atque natura mundum universum et et etiam A eius maximas partis administrari. Materiam vero rerum et copiam apud hos exilem, apud illos uberrimam reperiemus.' "4.13 quam multa ab iis conquisita et collecta sunt de omnium animantium genere, ortu, membris, aetatibus! quam multa de rebus iis, quae gignuntur e terra! quam multae quamque de variis rebus et causae, cur quidque fiat, et demonstrationes, quem ad modum quidque fiat! qua ex omni copia plurima et certissima argumenta sumuntur sumentur R ad cuiusque rei naturam explicandam. Ergo adhuc, quantum equidem intellego, causa non videtur fuisse mutandi nominis. non enim, si omnia non sequebatur, idcirco non erat ortus illinc. equidem etiam Epicurum, Epicurum edd. epicurorum in physicis quidem, Democriteum Democriteum (Democritium) Vict. democritum (' potuitne Cicero scribere : Epicuro erum, in ph. q., Democritum puto?' Mdv. ) puto. pauca mutat vel plura sane; at cum de plurimis de plurimis P. Man. e plurimis eadem dicit, tum certe de maximis. quod idem idem Ern. item cum vestri faciant, non satis magnam tribuunt inventoribus gratiam." 4.20 Alia quaedam dicent, credo, magna antiquorum esse peccata, quae ille veri veri ( corr., ut videtur, ex vere) N vere BEV vero R investigandi cupidus nullo modo ferre potuerit. quid enim perversius, quid intolerabilius, quid stultius quam bonam valitudinem, quam dolorum omnium vacuitatem, quam integritatem oculorum reliquorumque sensuum ponere in bonis potius, quam dicerent nihil omnino inter eas res iisque contrarias interesse? ea enim omnia, quae illi bona dicerent, praeposita esse, non bona, itemque illa, quae in corpore excellerent, stulte antiquos dixisse per se esse expetenda; sumenda potius quam expetenda. ea denique omni vita, quae in una virtute virtute una BE consisteret, illam vitam, quae etiam ceteris rebus, quae essent secundum naturam, abundaret, magis expetendam non esse. sed magis sumendam. cumque ipsa virtus efficiat ita beatam vitam, ut beatior esse non possit, tamen quaedam deesse sapientibus tum, cum sint beatissimi; itaque eos id agere, ut a se dolores, morbos, debilitates repellant.
4.22 patronusne causae in epilogo pro reo dicens negaret esse malum exilium, publicationem bonorum? haec reicienda esse, non fugienda? fugienda cod. Leidens. Madvigii ; facienda nec misericordem iudicem esse oportere? in contione autem si loqueretur, si Hannibal ad portas venisset murumque iaculo traiecisset, negaret esse in malis capi, venire, interfici, patriam amittere? an senatus, cum triumphum Africano decerneret, quod eius virtute aut felicitate posset dicere, si neque virtus in ullo ullo edit. princ. Rom. nullo nisi in in V om. BERN sapiente nec felicitas vere dici potest? quae est igitur ista philosophia, quae communi more in foro loquitur, in libellis suo? praesertim cum, quod illi suis suis N 2 V sui verbis significent, significant C. L. Kayser in Bai. ed. min. in eo nihil novetur, novetur P. Faber movetur de del. P. Man. ipsis rebus nihil mutetur eaedem eedem V adem B eadem ERN res maneant alio modo.
4.36 nunc de hominis summo bono quaeritur; queritur bono BE quid igitur igitur BERNV dubitamus in tota eius natura quaerere quid sit effectum? cum enim constet inter omnes omne officium munusque sapientiae in hominis cultu esse occupatum, alii—ne me existimes contra Stoicos solum dicere—eas sententias afferunt, ut summum bonum in eo genere pot, quod sit extra nostram potestatem, tamquam de iimo aliquo iimo aliquo Mdv. in animali quo B in annali quo E animali quo R iimali quo N iimato aliquo V loquantur, alii contra, quasi corpus nullum sit hominis, ita praeter animum nihil curant, cum praesertim ipse quoque animus non ie nescio quid sit—neque enim enim om. BER id possum intellegere—, sed in quodam genere corporis, ut ne is quidem virtute una contentus sit, sed appetat vacuitatem doloris. quam ob rem utrique idem faciunt, ut si laevam partem neglegerent, dexteram dextram RN tuerentur, aut ipsius animi, ut fecit Erillus, cognitionem amplexarentur, actionem relinquerent. eorum enim omnium multa praetermittentium, dum eligant aliquid, quod sequantur, quasi curta sententia; at vero illa perfecta atque plena eorum, qui cum de hominis summo bono quaererent, nullam in eo neque animi neque corporis partem vacuam tutela reliquerunt.
4.43 Itaque mihi videntur omnes quidem illi errasse, qui finem bonorum esse dixerunt honeste vivere, sed alius alio magis, Pyrrho scilicet maxime, qui virtute constituta nihil omnino, quod appetendum sit, relinquat, deinde Aristo, qui nihil relinquere non est ausus, introduxit autem, quibus commotus sapiens appeteret aliquid, quodcumque quodcumque ( ante in) N quod cuique BEV cuique R in mentem incideret, et quodcumque tamquam occurreret. is hoc melior quam Pyrrho, quod aliquod genus appetendi dedit, deterior quam ceteri, quod penitus a a N 2 ( in ras. in fine versus ), om. BERV natura natura ( in marg. ad initium versus add. ) N 2 recessit. Stoici autem, quod finem bonorum in una virtute ponunt, similes sunt illorum; quod autem principium officii quaerunt, melius quam Pyrrho; quod ea non occurrentia fingunt, vincunt Aristonem; quod autem ea, quae que ( q B) et ad BE ad naturam accommodata et per se assumenda esse dicunt, non adiungunt ad finem bonorum, desciscunt a natura et quodam modo sunt non dissimiles Aristonis. ille enim occurrentia nescio quae comminiscebatur; hi autem ponunt illi quidem prima naturae, sed ea seiungunt a finibus et a a ( post et) om. BE summa bonorum; quae cum praeponunt, praeponunt A. (?) Man. proponunt ut sit aliqua rerum selectio, naturam videntur sequi; cum autem negant ea quicquam ad beatam vitam pertinere, rursus naturam relinquunt.
4.51 dabit hoc Zenoni Polemo, etiam magister eius et tota illa gens et reliqui, qui virtutem omnibus rebus multo anteponentes adiungunt ei tamen aliquid summo in bono finiendo. si enim virtus digna est gloriatione, ut est, tantumque praestat reliquis rebus, ut dici vix possit, et beatus esse poterit (25 poterit, sc. non Polemo, sed qui virtute una praeditus est, caret ceteris) virtute una praeditus carens ceteris, nec tamen illud tibi concedetur, concedetur Se. concedet praeter virtutem nihil in bonis esse ducendum. illi autem, quibus summum bonum sine virtute est, non dabunt fortasse vitam beatam habere, in quo iure possit possit iure BE gloriari, etsi illi quidem etiam voluptates faciunt interdum gloriosas.
4.61 quid, si reviviscant Platonis illi et deinceps qui eorum auditores fuerunt, et tecum ita loquantur? Nos cum te, M. Cato, studiosissimum philosophiae, iustissimum virum, optimum iudicem, religiosissimum testem, audiremus, admirati sumus, quid esset cur nobis Stoicos anteferres, qui de rebus bonis et malis sentirent ea, quae ab hoc Polemone Zeno cognoverat, nominibus uterentur iis, quae prima specie admirationem, re explicata risum moverent. tu autem, si tibi illa probabantur, cur non propriis verbis ea ea NV eas R illa BE tenebas? sin te auctoritas commovebat, nobisne omnibus et Platoni ipsi nescio quem illum anteponebas? praesertim cum in re publica princeps esse velles ad eamque tuendam cum summa tua dignitate maxime a nobis ornari atque instrui posses. a nobis enim ista quaesita, a nobis descripta, notata, add. Lamb. praecepta sunt, omniumque rerum publicarum rectionis rectionis Mdv. rectiones BERN rectores V genera, status, mutationes, leges etiam et leges etiam et ERN leges et etiam B et etiam leges et V instituta ac mores civitatum perscripsimus. eloquentiae vero, quae et principibus maximo ornamento maximo ornamento RV maximo e ornamento B maximo cornamento E maxime (e ex corr. m. alt. ) ornamento N est, et qua te audimus audivimus RV valere plurimum, et qua te ... plurimum om. N quantum tibi ex monumentis monimentis RV nostris addidisses! Ea cum dixissent, quid tandem talibus viris responderes?
4.74 Nam ex eisdem verborum praestrigiis praestrigiis BEN praestigiis et regna nata vobis sunt et imperia et divitiae, et tantae quidem, ut omnia, quae ubique sint, sapientis esse dicatis. solum praeterea formosum, solum liberum, solum civem, stultos omnia contraria, add. hoc loco Mdv., post contraria Morel. quos etiam insanos esse vultis. haec para/doca illi, nos admirabilia dicamus. quid autem habent admirationis, cum prope accesseris? conferam tecum, quam cuique verbo rem subicias; nulla erit controversia. Omnia peccata paria dicitis. non ego tecum iam ita iocabor, Jocabor N locabor RB locabar E letabor V ut isdem his de his de edd. is de ER ijs de V de B om. N rebus, cum L. Murenam te accusante defenderem. apud imperitos tum illa dicta sunt, aliquid etiam coronae datum; nunc agendum est subtilius. Peccata paria. 4.75 —Quonam modo?—Quia nec honesto quicquam honestius nec turpi turpius.—Perge porro; nam de isto magna dissensio est. illa argumenta propria videamus, cur omnia sint paria peccata.—Ut, inquit, in fidibus pluribus, nisi nisi Se. si nulla earum non ita contenta add. Se. nervis sit, ut concentum servare possit, omnes aeque incontentae sint, sic peccata, quia discrepant, aeque discrepant; paria sunt igitur.—Hic ambiguo ludimur. aeque enim contingit omnibus fidibus, ut incontentae sint, illud non continuo, ut aeque incontentae. collatio igitur ista te nihil iuvat. nec enim, omnes avaritias si aeque avaritias esse dixerimus, sequetur, ut etiam aequas esse dicamus. Ecce aliud simile dissimile. 4.76 Ut enim, inquit, gubernator aeque peccat, si palearum navem evertit et si auri, item aeque peccat, qui parentem et qui servum iniuria verberat.—Hoc non videre, cuius generis onus navis vehat, id ad gubernatoris artem nil nil om. R pertinere! itaque aurum paleamne paleamne V paleam ne RN paleamve BE portet, ad bene aut ad male guberdum nihil interesse! at quid inter parentem et servulum intersit, intellegi et potest et debet. ergo in guberdo nihil, in officio plurimum interest, quo in genere peccetur. et si in ipsa gubernatione neglegentia est navis eversa, maius est peccatum in auro quam in palea. omnibus enim artibus volumus attributam esse eam, quae communis appellatur prudentia, quam omnes, qui cuique qui cuique cuicumque Mdv. artificio praesunt, debent habere. ita ne hoc quidem modo paria quidem modo paria Lamb. modo paria quidem peccata sunt. 4.77 Urgent tamen et nihil remittunt. Quoniam, inquiunt, omne peccatum inbecillitatis et inconstantiae est, haec autem vitia in omnibus stultis aeque magna sunt, necesse est paria esse peccata. Quasi vero aut concedatur in omnibus stultis aeque magna esse vitia, et eadem inbecillitate et inconstantia L. Tubulum fuisse, qua qua BE quam illum, cuius is condemnatus est rogatione, P. Scaevolam, et quasi nihil inter res quoque ipsas, in quibus peccatur, intersit, ut, quo hae maiores minoresve sint, eo, quae peccentur in his rebus, aut 4.78 maiora sint aut minora! Itaque—iam enim concludatur oratio—hoc uno vitio maxime mihi premi videntur tui Stoici, quod se posse putant duas contrarias sententias optinere. quid enim est tam repugs quam eundem dicere, quod honestum sit, solum id bonum esse, qui dicat appetitionem rerum ad vivendum accommodatarum accomodatarum N 2 V accomodarum RN 1 accommodare BE a natura profectam? ita cum add. P. Man. ea volunt retinere, quae superiori sententiae conveniunt, in Aristonem incidunt; cum id fugiunt, re eadem defendunt, quae Peripatetici, verba tenent mordicus. quae rursus dum sibi evelli ex ordine nolunt, horridiores evadunt, asperiores, duriores et oratione et moribus.' 5.1 Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.2 tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.3 Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non.
5.6 Tum Piso: Atqui, Cicero, inquit, ista studia, si ad imitandos summos viros spectant, ingeniosorum sunt; sin tantum modo ad indicia veteris memoriae cognoscenda, curiosorum. te autem hortamur omnes, currentem quidem, ut spero, ut eos, quos novisse vis, imitari etiam velis. Hic ego: Etsi facit hic quidem, inquam, Piso, ut vides, ea, quae praecipis, tamen mihi grata hortatio tua est. Tum ille amicissime, ut solebat: Nos vero, inquit, omnes omnia ad huius adolescentiam conferamus, in primisque ut aliquid suorum studiorum philosophiae quoque impertiat, vel ut te imitetur, quem amat, vel ut illud ipsum, quod studet, facere possit ornatius. sed utrum hortandus es nobis, Luci, inquit, an etiam tua sponte propensus es? mihi quidem Antiochum, quem audis, satis belle videris attendere. Tum ille timide vel potius verecunde: Facio, inquit, equidem, sed audistine modo de Carneade? rapior illuc, revocat autem Antiochus, nec est praeterea, quem audiamus.' "5.7 Tum Piso: Etsi hoc, inquit, fortasse non poterit poterit 'emendavisse videtur Aldus' Mdv. poteris sic abire, cum hic assit—me autem dicebat—, tamen audebo te ab hac Academia nova ad veterem illam illam veterem BE vocare, in qua, ut dicere Antiochum audiebas, non ii ii edd. hi R hij BENV soli solum R numerantur, qui Academici vocantur, Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo, Crantor ceterique, sed etiam Peripatetici veteres, quorum princeps principes R Aristoteles, quem excepto Platone haud scio an recte dixerim principem philosophorum. ad eos igitur converte te, converte te NV convertere R convertere te BE quaeso. ex eorum enim scriptis et institutis cum omnis doctrina liberalis, omnis historia, omnis sermo elegans sumi potest, tum varietas est tanta artium, ut nemo sine eo instrumento ad ullam rem illustriorem satis ornatus possit accedere. ab his oratores, ab his imperatores ac rerum publicarum principes extiterunt. ut ad minora veniam, mathematici, poe+tae, musici, medici denique ex hac tamquam omnium artificum artificiū R officina profecti sunt. Atque ego: At ego R Et ego V" '5.8 Scis me, inquam, istud idem sentire, Piso, sed a te oportune facta mentio est. studet enim meus audire Cicero quaenam sit istius veteris, quam commemoras, Academiae de finibus bonorum Peripateticorumque sententia. sed a te ... Peripat. sententia Non. p. 91 est sed et enim Non. censemus autem facillime te id explanare posse, quod et Staseam Staseam dett. stans eam Neapolitanum multos annos habueris apud te et complures iam menses Athenis haec ipsa te ex Antiocho videamus exquirere. Et ille ridens: Age, age, inquit,—satis enim scite me videtur legenduim : in me nostri sermonis principium esse voluisti—exponamus adolescenti, si quae forte possumus. dat enim id nobis solitudo, quod si qui deus diceret, numquam putarem me in Academia tamquam philosophum disputaturum. sed ne, dum huic obsequor, vobis molestus sim. Mihi, inquam, qui te id ipsum rogavi? Tum, Quintus et Pomponius cum idem se velle dixissent, Piso exorsus est. cuius oratio attende, quaeso, Brute, satisne videatur Antiochi complexa esse sententiam, quam tibi, qui fratrem eius Aristum frequenter audieris, maxime probatam existimo. 5.9 Sic est igitur locutus: Quantus ornatus in Peripateticorum disciplina sit satis est a me, ut brevissime potuit, paulo ante dictum. sed est forma eius disciplinae, sicut fere ceterarum, triplex: una pars est naturae, naturae edd. natura ( etiam B) disserendi altera, vivendi tertia. Natura sic ab iis investigata est, ut nulla pars caelo, mari, terra, ut poe+tice loquar, praetermissa sit; quin etiam, cum de rerum initiis omnique mundo locuti essent, ut multa non modo probabili argumentatione, sed etiam necessaria mathematicorum ratione concluderent, maximam materiam ex rebus per se investigatis ad rerum occultarum cognitionem attulerunt.
5.10 persecutus est est N 2 om. BERN 1 V Non. p. 232 Aristoteles animantium omnium ortus, victus, figuras, Theophrastus autem stirpium naturas omniumque fere rerum, quae e terra gignerentur, causas atque rationes; qua ex cognitione facilior facta est investigatio rerum occultissimarum. Disserendique ab isdem non dialectice solum, sed etiam oratorie praecepta sunt tradita, ab Aristoteleque principe de singulis rebus in utramque partem dicendi exercitatio est instituta, ut non contra omnia semper, sicut Arcesilas, diceret, et tamen ut in omnibus rebus, quicquid ex utraque parte dici posset, expromeret. exprimeret R
5.11 Cum autem tertia pars bene vivendi praecepta quaereret, ea quoque est ab isdem non solum ad privatae vitae rationem, sed etiam ad rerum publicarum rectionem relata. omnium fere civitatum non Graeciae solum, sed etiam barbariae ab Aristotele mores, instituta, disciplinas, a Theophrasto leges etiam cognovimus. cumque uterque eorum docuisset qualem in re publica principem esse conveniret, add. Ascens. 1511 pluribus praeterea conscripsisset cum scripsisset NV qui esset optimus rei publicae status, hoc amplius Theophrastus: quae essent in re publica status ... in re publica om. BER rerum inclinationes et momenta temporum, quibus esset moderandum, utcumque res postularet. vitae autem degendae elegendae E eligendae B ratio maxime quidem illis illis quidem BE placuit quieta, in contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum, quae quia deorum erat vitae vite erat BE simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima. atque his de rebus et splendida est eorum et illustris oratio.
5.12 De summo autem bono, quia duo genera librorum sunt, unum populariter scriptum, quod e)cwteriko/n appellabant, alterum limatius, quod in commentariis reliquerunt, non semper idem dicere videntur, nec in summa tamen ipsa aut varietas est ulla apud hos quidem, quos nominavi, aut inter ipsos dissensio. sed cum beata vita quaeratur idque sit unum, quod philosophia philosophia dett. philosophiam spectare et sequi debeat, sitne ea tota sita in potestate sapientis an possit aut labefactari aut eripi rebus adversis, in eo non numquam variari inter eos inter eos variari R et dubitari videtur. quod maxime efficit Theophrasti de beata vita liber, in quo multum admodum fortunae datur. quod si ita se habeat, non possit beatam praestare vitam vitam praestare BE sapientia. Haec mihi videtur delicatior, delicatior videtur NV ut ita dicam, molliorque ratio, quam virtutis vis gravitasque postulat. quare teneamus Aristotelem et eius filium Nicomachum, cuius accurate scripti de moribus libri dicuntur illi quidem esse Aristoteli, sed non video, cur non potuerit patri similis esse filius. Theophrastum tamen adhibeamus ad pleraque, dum modo plus in virtute teneamus, quam ille tenuit, firmitatis et roboris. Simus igitur contenti his.
5.13 namque horum posteri meliores illi quidem mea sententia quam reliquarum philosophi disciplinarum, sed ita degenerant, ut ipsi ex se nati esse videantur. primum Theophrasti, Strato, physicum se voluit; in quo etsi est magnus, tamen nova pleraque et perpauca de moribus. huius, Lyco, lyco V lico R lisias et N 2 ( versu ultra marg. continuato; ex priore script. lic cognosci posse videtur ); om. BE spatio vacuo rel. oratione locuples, rebus ipsis ipsi rebus R ieiunior. concinnus deinde et elegans huius, Aristo, sed ea, quae desideratur a magno philosopho, gravitas, in eo non fuit; scripta sane et multa et polita, sed nescio quo pacto auctoritatem oratio non habet.
5.14 praetereo multos, in his doctum hominem et suavem, Hieronymum, quem iam cur Peripateticum appellem nescio. summum enim bonum exposuit vacuitatem doloris; qui autem de summo bono dissentit de tota philosophiae ratione dissentit. Critolaus imitari voluit antiquos, et quidem est gravitate proximus, et redundat oratio, ac tamen ne is is his R quidem in patriis institutis add. Brem. manet. Diodorus, eius auditor, adiungit ad honestatem vacuitatem doloris. hic hic his R quoque suus est de summoque bono dissentiens dici vere Peripateticus non potest. antiquorum autem sententiam Antiochus noster mihi videtur persequi diligentissime, quam eandem Aristoteli aristotilis R, N ( fort. corr. ex aristotili), V fuisse et Polemonis docet.
5.15 Facit igitur Lucius noster prudenter, qui audire de summo bono potissimum velit; hoc enim constituto in philosophia constituta sunt omnia. nam ceteris in rebus sive praetermissum sive ignoratum est quippiam, non plus incommodi est, quam quanti quaeque earum rerum est, in quibus neglectum est aliquid. aliquod BERN summum autem bonum si ignoretur, vivendi rationem ignorari necesse est, ex quo tantus error consequitur, ut quem in portum se recipiant scire non possint. cognitis autem rerum finibus, cum intellegitur, quid quod BEN 1 V sit et bonorum extremum et malorum, inventa vitae via est vita e via est R et via una est BE via est N 1 vite via est N 2 (vite in marg. add. ), est via V conformatioque confirmatioque ERNV omnium officiorum, cum quaeritur, cum quaeritur Se. cum- que igitur R cum igitur BEN 1 V Est igitur N 2 cum exigitur Mdv. quo quodque quodque BE quid R quidque N quicque V referatur;
5.16 ex quo, id quod omnes expetunt, beate vivendi ratio inveniri et comparari potest. quod quoniam in quo sit magna dissensio est, Carneadea carneadia BENV nobis adhibenda divisio est, qua noster Antiochus libenter uti solet. ille igitur vidit, non modo quot fuissent adhuc philosophorum de summo bono, sed quot omnino esse possent sententiae. negabat igitur ullam esse artem, quae ipsa a se proficisceretur; etenim semper illud extra est, quod arte comprehenditur. nihil opus est exemplis hoc facere longius. est enim perspicuum nullam artem ipsam in se versari, sed esse aliud artem ipsam, aliud quod propositum sit arti. quoniam igitur, ut medicina valitudinis, navigationis gubernatio, sic vivendi ars est prudentia, necesse est eam quoque ab aliqua re esse constitutam et profectam.
5.21 Sex igitur hae hee E, h (= haec) R summo BERNV summa dett. sunt simplices de summo bonorum malorumque sententiae, duae sine patrono, quattuor defensae. quatuor defense quatuor BE iunctae autem et duplices expositiones summi boni tres omnino fuerunt, nec vero plures, si penitus rerum naturam videas, esse potuerunt. nam aut voluptas adiungi potest ad honestatem, ut Calliphonti Dinomachoque placuit, aut doloris vacuitas, ut Diodoro, aut prima naturae, ut antiquis, quos eosdem Academicos et Peripateticos nominavimus. nominavimus BER ( cf. p. 158, 30 sqq. ) nominamus NV sed quoniam quoniam q uo R non possunt omnia simul dici, haec in praesentia nota esse debebunt, voluptatem semovendam esse, quando ad maiora quaedam, ut iam apparebit, nati sumus. de vacuitate doloris eadem fere dici solent, quae de voluptate. Quando igitur et de voluptate secl. Nissenius ( sec. Gz. ); cf. Muret. var. lect. 14, 20 cum Torquato et de honestate, in qua una omne bonum poneretur, cum Catone est disputatum, primum, quae contra voluptatem dicta sunt, eadem fere cadunt contra vacuitatem doloris. 5.22 nec vero alia sunt quaerenda contra Carneadeam illam sententiam. quocumque enim modo summum bonum sic exponitur, ut id vacet honestate, nec officia nec virtutes in ea ratione nec amicitiae constare possunt. coniunctio autem cum honestate vel voluptatis vel non dolendi id ipsum honestum, quod amplecti vult, id id ( post vult) om. RNV efficit turpe. ad eas enim res referre, quae agas, quarum una, si quis malo careat, in summo eum bono dicat esse, altera versetur in levissima parte naturae, obscurantis est omnem splendorem honestatis, ne dicam inquitis. Restant Stoici, qui cum a Peripateticis et Academicis omnia transtulissent, nominibus aliis easdem res secuti sunt. hos contra singulos dici est melius. sed nunc, quod quod quid BE quid (= quidem) R agimus; 5.23 de illis, cum volemus. Democriti autem securitas, quae est animi tamquam tamquam (tanquā R) tranquillitas RN tranquillitas tamquam BE tranquillitas ( om. tamquam) V tranquillitas, quam appellant eu)qumi/an, eo separanda fuit ab hac disputatione, quia ista animi tranquillitas ea ipsa secl. Se. est est ipsa BE beata vita; quaerimus autem, non quae sit, sit ( utroque loco ) dett. sint sed unde sit. Iam explosae eiectaeque sententiae Pyrrhonis, Aristonis, Erilli quod in hunc orbem, quem circumscripsimus, incidere non possunt, adhibendae omnino non fuerunt. nam cum omnis haec quaestio de finibus et quasi de extremis bonorum et malorum ab eo proficiscatur, quod diximus diximus p. 163, 16 sqq. naturae esse aptum et accommodatum, quodque ipsum per se primum appetatur, hoc totum et ii tollunt, qui in rebus iis, in quibus nihil quod non aut honestum aut turpe sit, negant esse del. Lamb. ullam causam, cur aliud alii anteponatur, nec inter eas res quicquam quicquam quitquid BE omnino putant interesse, et Erillus, si ita sensit, nihil esse bonum praeter scientiam, omnem consilii capiendi causam inventionemque officii sustulit. Sic exclusis sententiis reliquorum cum praeterea nulla esse possit, haec antiquorum valeat necesse est. ergo ergo igitur BE instituto veterum, quo etiam Stoici utuntur, hinc capiamus exordium. 5.24 Omne animal se ipsum diligit ac, simul et ortum est, id agit, se ut ut se BE conservet, quod hic ei primus ad omnem vitam tuendam appetitus a natura datur, se ut conservet atque ita sit affectum, ut optime secundum naturam affectum esse possit. hanc initio institutionem confusam habet et incertam, ut tantum modo se tueatur, qualecumque sit, sed nec quid sit nec quid possit nec quid ipsius natura sit intellegit. cum autem processit paulum et quatenus quicquid se attingat ad seque pertineat perspicere coepit, tum sensim incipit progredi seseque agnoscere et intellegere quam ob ob N 2 ad causam habeat habeat Lamb. habet eum, quem diximus, animi appetitum coeptatque et ea, quae naturae sentit apta, appetere et propulsare contraria. ergo omni animali illud, quod appetit, positum est in eo, quod naturae nature V natura ( etiam B) est accommodatum. ita finis bonorum existit secundum naturam vivere sic affectum, ut optime affici possit ad naturamque que ER et NV om. B accommodatissime.
5.33 De hominum genere aut omnino de animalium loquor, cum arborum et stirpium eadem paene natura sit? sive enim, ut doctissimis viris visum est, maior aliqua causa atque divinior hanc vim ingenuit, sive hoc ita fit fortuito, fortuitu BER videmus N 2 videamus videmus ea, quae terra gignit, corticibus et radicibus valida servari, quod contingit animalibus sensuum distributione et quadam compactione membrorum. Qua quidem de re quamquam assentior iis, qui haec omnia regi natura putant, quae si natura neglegat, ipsa esse non possit, tamen concedo, ut, qui de hoc dissentiunt, existiment, quod velint, ac vel hoc intellegant, si quando quando dett. quid BE quā R q ua NV naturam hominis dicam, hominem dicere me; nihil enim hoc differt. nam prius a se poterit quisque discedere quam appetitum earum rerum, quae sibi conducant, amittere. iure igitur gravissimi philosophi initium summi boni a natura petiverunt et illum appetitum rerum ad naturam accommodatarum ingeneratum putaverunt omnibus, quia quia Dav. qui continentur ea commendatione naturae, qua se ipsi diligunt.' "5.34 Deinceps videndum est, quoniam satis apertum est sibi quemque natura esse carum, quae sit hominis natura. id est enim, de quo quaerimus. atqui perspicuum est hominem e corpore animoque constare, cum primae sint animi partes, secundae corporis. deinde id quoque videmus, et ita figuratum corpus, ut excellat aliis, animumque que om. B ita constitutum, aliis ... constitutum om. E ut et sensibus instructus sit et habeat praestantiam mentis, cui tota hominis natura pareat, in qua sit mirabilis quaedam vis rationis et cognitionis et scientiae virtutumque omnium. iam iam (' aptius scriberetur : iam quae cet. ') Mdv. nam quae corporis sunt, ea nec auctoritatem cum animi partibus comparandam et cognitionem habent faciliorem. itaque ab his ordiamur." '5.35 Corporis igitur nostri partes totaque figura et forma et statura quam apta ad naturam sit, apparet, neque est dubium, quin frons, oculi, aures et reliquae partes quales propriae sint sint Lamb. ( in curis secundis ); sunt hominis intellegatur. sed certe opus est ea valere et vigere et naturales motus ususque habere, ut nec absit quid eorum nec aegrum debilitatumve sit; id enim natura desiderat. est autem etiam actio quaedam corporis, quae motus et status naturae congruentis tenet; in quibus si peccetur distortione et depravatione quadam aut aut ac BE motu statuve deformi, ut si aut manibus ingrediatur quis aut non ante, sed retro, fugere plane se ipse et hominem ex homine exuens ex homine exuens RN 2 V exuens ( om. ex homine) N 1 exuens ex homine BE naturam odisse videatur. quam ob rem etiam sessiones quaedam et flexi fractique motus, quales protervorum hominum aut mollium esse solent, contra naturam sunt, ut, etiamsi animi vitio id eveniat, tamen in corpore immutari mutari BE hominis natura videatur. 5.36 itaque e contrario moderati aequabilesque habitus, affectiones ususque corporis apti esse ad naturam videntur. Iam vero animus non esse solum, sed etiam cuiusdam modi cuiusdam modi cuiusmodi BE debet esse, ut et omnis partis suas habeat incolumis et de virtutibus nulla desit. atque atque BE atqui NV at qui R in sensibus est sua cuiusque virtus, ut ne quid impediat quo minus suo sensus quisque munere fungatur in iis rebus celeriter expediteque percipiendis, quae subiectae sunt sensibus. animi autem et eius animi partis, quae princeps est, quaeque mens nominatur, plures sunt virtutes, sed duo prima genera, unum earum, quae ingenerantur suapte natura appellanturque non voluntariae, alterum autem earum, quae in voluntate positae magis proprio proprio proprie eo Dav. nomine appellari solent, quarum est excellens in animorum laude praestantia. prioris generis est docilitas, memoria; quae fere omnia appellantur uno ingenii nomine, easque virtutes qui habent, ingeniosi vocantur. alterum autem genus est magnarum verarumque virtutum, quas appellamus voluntarias, ut ut N 2 et prudentiam, temperantiam, fortitudinem, iustitiam et reliquas eiusdem generis. generis eiusdem BE Et summatim quidem haec erant de corpore animoque dicenda, quibus quasi informatum est quid quid NV quod hominis natura postulet. 5.37 ex quo perspicuum est, quoniam ipsi a nobis diligamur omniaque et in animo et in corpore et in animo et in corpore NV et animo et corpore (in bis om. ) BE in animo et corpore ( priore et et poster. in om. ) R perfecta velimus esse, ea nobis ipsa cara esse propter se et in iis esse ad bene vivendum momenta maxima. nam cui proposita sit conservatio sui, necesse est huic partes quoque sui caras esse carioresque, quo perfectiores sint et magis in suo genere laudabiles. ea enim vita expetitur, quae sit animi corporisque expleta virtutibus, in eoque summum bonum poni necesse est, quandoquidem id tale esse debet, ut rerum expetendarum sit extremum. quo cognito dubitari non potest, quin, cum ipsi homines sibi sint per se et sua sponte cari, partes quoque et corporis et animi et earum rerum, quae sunt in utriusque motu et statu, sua caritate sua caritate V sua e caritate R sua ecaritate BEN colantur et per se ipsae appetantur. 5.38 Quibus expositis facilis est coniectura ea maxime esse expetenda ex nostris, quae plurimum habent habent habeant Ern. dignitatis, ut optimae cuiusque partis, quae per se expetatur, virtus sit expetenda maxime. ita fiet, ut animi virtus corporis virtuti anteponatur animique virtutes non voluntarias vincant virtutes voluntariae, quae quidem proprie virtutes appellantur multumque excellunt, propterea quod ex ratione gignuntur, qua nihil est in homine divinius. etenim omnium rerum, quas et creat natura et tuetur, quae aut sine animo sunt sunt Ern. sint aut sine animo sunt aut om. R non non add. A. Man. multo secus, earum earum edd. eorum summum bonum in corpore est, ut non inscite illud dictum videatur in sue, animum illi pecudi datum pro sale, ne putisceret. non inscite ... putisceret Non. p. 161 putisceret Non. putresceret sunt autem bestiae quaedam, in quibus inest aliquid aliquod BER simile virtutis, ut in leonibus, ut in canibus, in equis, leonibus ut in canibus in equis BEN 1 leonibus in canibus in equis RV leonibus ut in canibus ut in equis N 2 in quibus non corporum solum, ut in suibus, sed etiam animorum aliqua ex parte motus quosdam videmus. in homine autem summa omnis animi est et in animo rationis, ex qua virtus est, quae rationis absolutio definitur, quam etiam atque etiam explicandam putant.' "5.39 Earum etiam rerum, quas terra gignit, educatio quaedam et perfectio est non dissimilis animantium. itaque et vivere vitem et mori dicimus arboremque et novellam et vetulam vetulam dicimus BE et vigere et 'senescere'. ex quo non est alienum, ut animantibus, animalibus BE sic illis et apta quaedam ad naturam putare et putare et BE aptare et R amputare et NV aliena earumque augendarum et alendarum quandam cultricem esse, quae sit scientia atque ars agricolarum, quae circumcidat, circumcidat dett. circumcidet R circumdat BEN 1 circumdet N 2 V amputet, erigat, extollat, adminiculet, ut, quo natura ferat, eo possint possint Dav. possit ire, ut ipsae vites, si loqui possint, possint A. Man. possent ita se tractandas tuendasque esse fateantur. et nunc quidem quod eam tuetur, ut de vite potissimum loquar, est id id om. BE extrinsecus; in ipsa enim parum magna vis inest, ut quam optime se habere possit, si nulla cultura adhibeatur." '5.40 at vero si ad vitem sensus accesserit, ut appetitum quendam habeat et per se ipsa ipsa Crat. ipsam moveatur, quid facturam putas? an ea, quae per vinitorem antea ante BE consequebatur, per se ipsa ipsa Crat. ipsam curabit? sed videsne accessuram ei curam, ut sensus quoque suos eorumque omnem appetitum et si qua sint adiuncta ei membra tueatur? sic ad illa, quae semper habuit, iunget ea, quae postea accesserint, nec eundem finem habebit, quem cultor eius habebat, sed volet secundum eam naturam, quae postea ei adiuncta erit, erit ( priore loco ) C.F. W. Mue. sit vivere. ita similis erit ei ei Bentl., Gz. ; et finis boni, atque antea fuerat, neque idem tamen; non enim iam stirpis bonum quaeret, sed animalis. quid, si quod si R (Quod), NV non sensus modo ei modo sensus non ei BE non sensus ei modo R sit datus, datus sit BE verum etiam animus hominis? eciam animus hominis N 2 V etiam animus (animus R) est animus hominis RN 1 animus est etiam animus hominis BE etiam animus, et animus hominis Vict. non necesse est et illa pristina manere, ut Inter RN 1 ad tuendas inter BE ut tuenda Inter N 2 V tuenda sint, et ut tuenda sint, et Or. ut tuendas. haec multo esse cariora, quae accesserint, animique optimam quamque partem carissimam, in eaque expletione expletione explanatione R naturae summi boni finem consistere, cum longe multumque praestet mens atque ratio? sic, quod est sic, quod est Se. sitque BERN 1 V sicque N 2 Sic extitit Mdv. Librarius archetypi pro ē legit que extremum omnium appetendorum atque ductum ductum (uc ab alt. m. in ras. ) N doctum commendatione Lamb. commutatione BE commutate V comunitate R c oi tate N a prima commendatione naturae, multis gradibus adscendit, ut ad summum perveniret, quod cumulatur ex integritate corporis et ex mentis ratione perfecta. 5.41 Cum igitur ea sit, quam exposui, forma naturae, si, ut initio dixi, simul atque ortus esset, se quisque cognosceret iudicareque posset quae vis et totius esset naturae et partium singularum, continuo videret quid esset hoc, quod quaerimus, omnium rerum, quas expetimus, summum et ultimum nec ulla in re peccare posset. nunc vero a primo quidem mirabiliter occulta natura est nec perspici nec cognosci potest. progredientibus autem aetatibus sensim tardeve potius quasi nosmet ipsos cognoscimus. itaque prima illa commendatio, quae a natura nostri facta est nobis, incerta et obscura est, primusque appetitus ille animi tantum agit, ut salvi atque integri esse possimus. cum autem dispicere dispicere NV despicere BER coepimus cepimus RNV ceperimus BE et sentire quid simus et quid ab add. ed. Veneta 1494 animantibus ceteris differamus, tum ea sequi incipimus, ad quae nati sumus. 5.42 quam similitudinem videmus in bestiis, quae primo, in quo loco natae sunt, ex eo se non commovent, deinde suo quaeque appetitu movetur. movetur moventur NV serpere anguiculos, nare nare natare Non. anaticulas, anaticulas V aneticulas BERN anaticulos Non. volare Non. evolare merulas, cornibus uti videmus boves, videamus boves Non. boves videmus BE nepas nepas RN 1 Non. nespas vel vespas V vespas BEN 2 aculeis, suam denique cuique naturam esse ad vivendum ducem. serpere ... ducem Non. p. 145 quae similitudo in genere etiam humano apparet. parvi enim primo ortu sic iacent, tamquam omnino sine animo sint. cum autem paulum firmitatis accessit, et animo utuntur et sensibus conitunturque, ut sese sese ut BE utuntur ed. Iuntina utantur erigant, et manibus utuntur et eos agnoscunt, a quibus educantur. deinde aequalibus delectantur libenterque se cum iis congregant dantque se ad ludendum fabellarumque auditione ducuntur deque eo, quod ipsis superat, aliis gratificari volunt animadvertuntque ea, quae domi fiunt, curiosius incipiuntque commentari aliquid et discere et discere facere R et eorum, quos vident, volunt non ignorare nomina, quibusque rebus cum aequalibus decertant, si vicerunt, vicerunt Mdv.. vicerint BENV dicerint R efferunt se laetitia, victi debilitantur animosque que om. BEN demittunt. quorum sine causa fieri nihil putandum est. 5.43 est enim natura sic generata vis hominis, ut ad omnem virtutem percipiendam facta videatur, ob eamque causam parvi virtutum simulacris, quarum in se habent semina, sine doctrina moventur; sunt enim prima elementa naturae, quibus auctis auctis actis R virtutis quasi germen germen I. F. Gronov. carmen efficitur. nam cum ita nati factique simus, ut et agendi aliquid et diligendi aliquos et liberalitatis et referendae gratiae principia in nobis contineremus atque ad scientiam, prudentiam, fortitudinem aptos animos haberemus a contrariisque rebus alienos, non sine causa eas, quas dixi, in pueris virtutum quasi scintillas videmus, e quibus accendi philosophi ratio debet, ut eam quasi deum ducem subsequens ad naturae perveniat extremum. nam, ut saepe iam dixi, in infirma aetate inbecillaque mente vis naturae quasi per caliginem cernitur; cum autem progrediens confirmatur animus, agnoscit ille quidem ille quidem Mdv. quid ille BE quidem ille RNV naturae vim, sed ita, ut progredi possit longius, per se sit tantum tantum Mdv. tamen inchoata. 5.44 Intrandum est igitur igitur est BE in rerum naturam et penitus quid ea postulet pervidendum; aliter enim nosmet ipsos nosse non possumus. quod praeceptum quia maius erat, quam ut ab homine videretur, idcirco assignatum est deo. iubet igitur nos Pythius Apollo noscere nosmet ipsos. cognitio autem haec est una nostri, ut vim corporis nostri, ut vim corporis Mdv. nostri ut corporis BER vim ut nostri corporis (vim in ras., nostri ab alt. m. superscr. ) N ut vim nostri corporis V animique norimus sequamurque eam vitam, quae rebus iis rebus iis (hys) BE rebus ( pro reb; us = rebus is) RNV ipsis ipsis om. BE ( vi corporis animique opponuntur res eae ipsae cf. p. 179, 7 sq ) perfruatur. quoniam autem is animi appetitus a principio fuit, ut ea, quae dixi, quam perfectissima natura haberemus, confitendum est, cum id adepti simus, quod appetitum sit, in eo quasi in in ( post quasi) om. NV ultimo consistere naturam, atque id esse summum bonum; quod certe universum sua sponte ipsum expeti et propter se necesse est, quoniam ante demonstratum est etiam singulas eius partes esse per se expetendas.
5.53 Ac veteres quidem philosophi in beatorum insulis fingunt qualis futura futura Clericus ( ad Aeschinis Axioch. 17 ); natura sit vita sapientium, quos cura omni liberatos, nullum necessarium vitae cultum aut paratum aut apparatum Lamb. requirentis, nihil aliud esse esse om. BE acturos putant, nisi ut omne tempus inquirendo in qendo E in querendo RV inquerendo N ac discendo in naturae cognitione consumant. Nos autem non solum beatae vitae istam esse oblectationem videmus, sed etiam levamentum miseriarum. itaque multi, cum in in om. BER potestate essent hostium aut tyrannorum, multi in custodia, multi in exilio dolorem suum doctrinae studiis levaverunt. levarunt BE
5.59 Natura igitur corpus quidem hominis sic et genuit et formavit, ut alia in primo ortu perficeret, alia progrediente aetate fingeret neque sane multum adiumentis externis et adventiciis uteretur. animum autem reliquis rebus ita perfecit, ut corpus; sensibus enim ornavit ad res percipiendas idoneis, ut nihil aut non multum adiumento ullo ad suam confirmationem indigerent; indigerent Brem. indigeret quod autem in homine praestantissimum atque optimum est, id deseruit. etsi dedit talem mentem, quae omnem virtutem accipere posset, ingenuitque sine doctrina notitias parvas rerum maximarum et quasi instituit docere et induxit in ea, quae inerant, tamquam elementa virtutis. sed virtutem ipsam inchoavit, nihil amplius.
5.71 iam non dubitabis, quin earum compotes homines magno animo erectoque viventes semper sint beati, qui omnis motus fortunae mutationesque rerum et temporum levis et inbecillos fore intellegant, si in virtutis certamen venerint. illa enim, quae sunt a nobis bona corporis numerata, complent ea quidem beatissimam vitam, sed ita, ut sine illis possit beata vita existere. consistere R ita enim parvae et exiguae sunt istae accessiones bonorum, ut, quem ad modum stellae in radiis solis, sic istae in virtutum splendore ne certur quidem. Atque hoc ut vere dicitur, parva esse ad beate vivendum momenta ista corporis commodorum, sic nimis violentum est nulla esse dicere;' "
5.74 quin etiam ipsi voluptarii deverticula diverticula BENV quaerunt et virtutes habent in ore totos dies voluptatemque primo dumtaxat primo dumtaxat NV prima dum taxat R dumtaxat primo BE expeti dicunt, quaerunt ... habent ... dicunt Lamb. quaerant ... habeant (habent V) ... dicant (' sententiae satisfaceret : quidni, quum etiam ... quaerant ... habeant ... dicant? ut minus hoc in Calliphonte et Diodoro mirum esse significaretur ' Mdv. ) deinde consuetudine quasi alteram quandam naturam effici, qua inpulsi multa faciant faciant Bentl., Ernest. ; faciunt nullam quaerentes voluptatem. Stoici restant. ei quidem non unam aliquam aut alteram rem a nobis, sed totam ad se nostram philosophiam add. Bentl., Davis. transtulerunt; atque ut reliqui fures earum rerum, quas ceperunt, signa commutant, sic illi, ut sententiis nostris pro suis uterentur, nomina tamquam rerum notas mutaverunt. ita relinquitur sola haec disciplina digna studiosis ingenuarum artium, digna eruditis, digna claris viris, digna principibus, digna regibus. Quae cum dixisset paulumque parumque BE institisset, Quid est?" 5.87 quare hoc hoc atque hoc Non. videndum est, possitne nobis hoc ratio philosophorum dare. pollicetur certe. nisi enim id faceret, cur Plato Aegyptum peragravit, ut a sacerdotibus barbaris numeros et caelestia acciperet? cur post Tarentum ad Archytam? cur ad reliquos Pythagoreos, Echecratem, Timaeum, Arionem, Locros, ut, cum Socratem expressisset, adiungeret Pythagoreorum disciplinam eaque, quae Socrates repudiabat, addisceret? cur ipse Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum magos adiit? cur tantas regiones barbarorum pedibus obiit, tot maria transmisit? cur haec eadem Democritus? qui —vere falsone, quaerere mittimus quaerere mittimus Se. quereremus BER queremus V quae- rere nolumus C.F.W. Mue. —dicitur oculis se se oculis BE privasse; privavisse R certe, ut quam minime animus a cogitationibus abduceretur, patrimonium neglexit, agros deseruit incultos, quid quaerens aliud nisi vitam beatam? beatam vitam R quam si etiam in rerum cognitione ponebat, tamen ex illa investigatione naturae consequi volebat, bono ut esset animo. id enim ille id enim ille R ideo enim ille BE id ille V id est enim illi summum bonum; eu)qumi/an cet. coni. Mdv. summum bonum eu)qumi/an et saepe a)qambi/an appellat, id est animum terrore liberum.' "5.88 sed haec etsi praeclare, nondum tamen perpolita. pauca enim, neque ea ipsa enucleate, ab hoc ab hoc enucleate BE de virtute quidem dicta. post enim haec in hac urbe primum a Socrate quaeri coepta, deinde in hunc locum delata sunt, nec dubitatum, dubium R quin in virtute omnis ut bene, sic etiam beate vivendi spes poneretur. quae cum Zeno didicisset a nostris, ut in actionibus praescribi solet, ' de eadem re fecit alio modo '. hoc tu del. P. Man. nunc in illo probas. scilicet vocabulis rerum mutatis inconstantiae crimen ille effugit, nos effugere non possumus! ille Metelli vitam negat beatiorem quam Reguli, praeponendam tamen, nec magis expetendam, sed magis sumendam et, si optio esset, eligendam Metelli, Reguli reiciendam; ego, quam ille praeponendam et magis eligendam, beatiorem hanc appello nec ullo minimo minimo RV omnino BE momento plus ei vitae tribuo quam Stoici." '5.89 quid interest, nisi quod ego res notas notis verbis appello, illi nomina nova quaerunt, quibus idem dicant? idem dicant V iā dicant R ilia appellant BE ita, quem ad modum in senatu semper est aliquis, qui interpretem postulet, sic isti nobis cum interprete audiendi sunt. bonum appello quicquid secundum naturam est, quod quod V contra malum, nec ego quam BER solus, sed tu etiam, Chrysippe, in foro, domi; in schola scola BERV desinis. quid ergo? aliter homines, aliter philosophos loqui putas oportere? quanti quidque sit aliter docti et indocti, sed cum constiterit inter doctos quanti res quaeque sit—si homines essent, essent V si B se E et R ( in quo s non satis cognosci potest ) usitate loquerentur—, dum res maneant, maneant dett. maneat verba fingant arbitratu suo.'' None | sup>
3.10 \xa0Cato then resumed: "But what pray are the books that you must come here for, when you have so large a library of your own?" "I\xa0have come to fetch some Note-books of Aristotle," I\xa0replied, "which I\xa0knew were here. I\xa0wanted to read them during my holiday; I\xa0do not often get any leisure." "How I\xa0wish," said he, "that you had thrown in your lot with the Stoics! You of all men might have been expected to reckon virtue as the only good." "Perhaps you might rather have been expected," I\xa0answered, "to refrain from adopting a new terminology, when in substance you think as I\xa0do. Our principles agree; it is our language that is at variance." "Indeed," he rejoined, "they do not agree in the least. Once pronounce anything to be desirable, once reckon anything as a good, other than Moral Worth, and you have extinguished the very light of virtue, Moral Worth itself, and overthrown virtue entirely." <
3.74 \xa0"However I\xa0begin to perceive that I\xa0have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I\xa0set before me. The fact is that I\xa0have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter. <
4.3 \xa0"My view, then, Cato," I\xa0proceeded, "is this, that those old disciples of Plato, Speusippus, Aristotle and Xenocrates, and afterwards their pupils Polemo and Theophrastus, had developed a doctrine that left nothing to be desired either in fullness or finish, so that Zeno on becoming the pupil of Polemo had no reason for differing either from his master himself or from his master\'s predecessors. The outline of their theory was as follows â\x80\x94 but I\xa0should be glad if you would call attention to any point you may desire to correct without waiting while I\xa0deal with the whole of your discourse; for I\xa0think I\xa0shall have to place their entire system in conflict with the whole of yours. <
4.5 \xa0One of these departments is the science that is held to give rules for the formation of moral character; this part, which is the foundation of our present discussion, I\xa0defer. For I\xa0shall consider later the question, what is the End of Goods. For the present I\xa0only say that the topic of what I\xa0think may fitly be entitled Civic Science (the adjective in Greek is politikos) was handled with authority and fullness by the early Peripatetics and Academics, who agreed in substance though they differed in terminology."What a vast amount they have written on politics and on jurisprudence! how many precepts of oratory they have left us in their treatises, and how many examples in their discourses! In the first place, even the topics that required close reasoning they handled in a neat and polished manner, employing now definition, now division; as indeed your school does also, but your style is rather out-atâ\x80\x91elbows, while theirs is noticeably elegant. <
4.8 \xa0"Next come Logic and Natural Science; for the problem of Ethics, as I\xa0said, we shall notice later, concentrating the whole force of the discussion upon its solution. In these two departments then, there was nothing that Zeno need have desired to alter; since all was in a most satisfactory state, and that in both departments. For in the subject of Logic, what had the ancients left undealt with? They defined a multitude of terms, and left treatises in Definition; of the kindred art of the Division of a thing into its parts they give practical examples, and lay down rules for the process; and the same with the Law of Contradictories, from which they arrived at genera and species within genera. Then, in Deductive reasoning, they start with what they term self-evident propositions; from these they proceed by rule, and finally the conclusion gives the inference valid in the particular case. < 4.9 \xa0Again, how many different forms of Deduction they distinguish, and how widely these differ from sophistical syllogisms! Think how almost solemnly they reiterate that we must not expect to find truth in sensation unaided by reason, nor in reason without sensation, and that we are not to divorce the one from the other! Was it not they who first laid down the rules that form the stock-inâ\x80\x91trade of professors of logic toâ\x80\x91day? Logic, no doubt, was very fully worked out Chrysippus, but much less was done in it by Zeno than by the older schools; and in some parts of the subject his work was no improvement on that of his predecessors, while other parts he neglected altogether. <
4.11 \xa0"Much the same may be said about Natural Philosophy, which is pursued both by the Peripatetics and by your school, and that not merely for the two objects, recognized by Epicurus, of banishing superstition and the fear of death. Besides these benefits, the study of the heavenly phenomena bestows a power of self-control that arises from the perception of the consummate restraint and order that obtain even among the gods; also loftiness of mind is inspired by contemplating the creations and actions of the gods, and justice by realizing the will, design and purpose of the Supreme Lord and Ruler to whose nature we are told by philosophers that the True Reason and Supreme Law are conformed. < 4.12 \xa0The study of Natural Philosophy also affords the inexhaustible pleasure of acquiring knowledge, the sole pursuit which can afford an honourable and elevated occupation for the hours of leisure left when business has been finished. Now in the whole of this branch of philosophy, on most of the important points the Stoics followed the Peripatetics, maintaining that the gods exist and that the world is composed of the four elements. Then, coming to the very difficult question, whether we are to believe in the existence of a fifth substance, as the source of reason and intellect, and also the connected further question which element constitutes the soul, Zeno declared this substance to be fire; next, as to some details, but only a\xa0few, he diverged from his predecessors, but on the main question he agreed that the universe as a whole and its chief parts are governed by a divine mind and substance. In point of fullness, however, and fertility of treatment we will find the Stoics meagre, whereas the Peripatetics are copious in the extreme. < 4.13 \xa0What stores of facts they observed and recorded about the classification, reproduction, morphology and life-history of animals of every kind! and again about plants! How copious and wide in range their explanations of the causes and demonstrations of the mode of different natural phenomena! and all these stores supply them with numerous and conclusive arguments to explain the nature of each particular thing. So far then, as far as I\xa0at least can understand the case, there appears to have been no reason for the change of name; that Zeno was not prepared to follow the Peripatetics in every detail did not alter the fact that he had sprung from them. For my own part I\xa0consider Epicurus also, at all events in natural philosophy, simply a pupil of Democritus. He makes a\xa0few modifications, or indeed a good many; but on most points, and unquestionably the most important, he merely echoes his master. Your leaders do the same, yet neglect to acknowledge their full debt to the original discoverers. <' "
4.20 \xa0As I\xa0understand, they will accuse the ancients of certain grave errors in other matters, which that ardent seeker after truth found himself quite unable to tolerate. What, he asked, could have been more insufferably foolish and perverse than to take good health, freedom from all pain, or soundness of eyesight and of the other senses, and class them as goods, instead of saying that there was nothing whatever to choose between these things and their opposites? According to him, all these things which the ancients called good, were not good, but 'preferred'; and so also with bodily excellences, it was foolish of the ancients to call them 'desirable for their own sakes'; they were not 'desirable' but 'worth taking'; and in short, speaking generally, a life bountifully supplied with all the other things in accordance with nature, in addition to virtue, was not 'more desirable,' but only 'more worth taking' than a life of virtue and virtue alone; and although virtue of itself can render life as happy as it is possible for it to be, yet there are some things that Wise Men lack at the very moment of supreme happiness; and accordingly they do their best to protect themselves from pain, disease and infirmity. <" "
4.22 \xa0Could an advocate wind up his defence of a client by declaring that exile and confiscation of property are not evils? that they are 'to be rejected,' but not 'to be shunned'? that it is not a judge's duty to show mercy? Or supposing him to be addressing a meeting of the people; Hannibal is at the gates and has flung a javelin over the city walls; could he say that captivity, enslavement, death, loss of country are no evils? Could the senate, decreeing a triumph to Africanus, use the formula, 'whereas by reason of his valour,' or 'good fortune,' if no one but the Wise Man can truly be said to possess either valour or good fortune? What sort of philosophy then is this, which speaks the ordinary language in public, but in its treatises employs an idiom of its own? and that though the doctrines which the Stoics express in their own peculiar terms contain no actual novelty the ideas remain the same, though clothed in another dress. <" "
4.36 \xa0But as a matter of fact the creature whose Chief Good we are seeking is man. Surely then our course is to inquire what has been achieved in the whole of man's nature. All are agreed that the duty and function of Wisdom is entirely centred in the work of perfecting man; but then some thinkers (for you must not imagine that I\xa0am tilting at the Stoics only) produce theories which place the Chief Good in the class of things entirely outside our control, as though they were discussing some creature devoid of a mind; while others on the contrary ignore everything but mind, just as if man had no body; and that though even the mind is not an empty, impalpable something (a\xa0conception to me unintelligible), but belongs to a certain kind of material substance, and therefore even the mind is not satisfied with virtue alone, but desires freedom from pain. In fact, with each school alike it is just as if they should ignore the left side of their bodies and protect the right, or, in the mind, like Erillus, recognize cognition but leave the practical faculty out of account. They pick and choose, pass over a great deal and fasten on a single aspect; so all their systems are oneâ\x80\x91sided. The full and perfect philosophy was that which, investigating the Chief Good of man, left no part either of his mind or body uncaredâ\x80\x91for. <" 4.43 \xa0"In my view, therefore, while all who have defined the End of Goods as the life of moral conduct are in error, some are more wrong than others. The most mistaken no doubt is Pyrrho, because his conception of virtue leaves nothing as an object of desire whatever. Next in error comes Aristo, who did not venture to leave a mere negation, but introduced as the Wise Man\'s motives of desire \'whatever chanced to enter his mind\' and \'whatever struck him.\' Aristo is better than Pyrrho in so far as he allowed desire of some sort, but worse than the rest because he departed so utterly from nature. Now the Stoics in placing the End of Goods in virtue alone resemble the philosophers already mentioned; but in trying to find a foundation for virtuous action they are an improvement upon Pyrrho, and in not finding this in imaginary \'things that strike the mind\' they do better than Aristo; though in speaking of certain things as \'suitable to nature\' and \'to be adopted for their own sakes,\' and then refusing to include them in the End of Goods, they desert nature and approximate in some degree to Aristo. For Aristo invented his vague \'things that strike the mind\'; while the Stoics, though recognizing, it is true, the primary objects of nature, yet allow no connection between these and their Ends or sum of Goods. In making the primary objects \'preferred,\' so as to admit a certain principle of choice among things, they seem to be following nature, but in refusing to allow them to have anything to do with happiness, they again abandon nature. <
4.51 \xa0The minor premise Polemo will concede to Zeno, and so will his master and the whole of their clan, as well as all the other philosophers that while ranking virtue far above all else yet couple some other thing with it in defining the Chief Good; since if virtue is a thing to be proud of, as it is, and excels everything else to a degree hardly to be expressed in words, Polemo will be able to be happy if endowed solely with virtue, and destitute of all besides, and yet he will not grant you that nothing except virtue is to be reckoned as a good. Those on the other hand whose Supreme Good dispenses with virtue will perhaps decline to grant that happiness contains any just ground for pride; although they, it is true, sometimes represent even pleasures as things to be proud of. <
4.61 \xa0What if those pupils of Plato were to come to life again, and their pupils again in succession, and were to address you in this fashion? \'As we listened, Marcus Cato, to so devoted a student of philosophy, so just a man, so upright a judge, so scrupulous a witness as yourself, we marvelled what reason could induce you to reject us for the Stoics, whose views on good and evil were the views that Zeno learnt from Polemo here, but who expressed those views in terms at first sight startling but upon examination ridiculous. If you accepted those views on their merits, why did you not hold them under their own terminology? or if you were swayed by authority, could you prefer that nobody to all of us, even to Plato himself? especially when you aspired to play a leading part in the state, and we were the very persons to arm and equip you to protect the state with the highest honour to yourself. Why, it is we who invented political philosophy; and reduced it to a system; its nomenclature, its principles are our creation; on all the various forms of government, their stability, their revolutions, the laws, institutions and customs of states, we have written exhaustively. Oratory again is the proudest distinction of the statesman, and in it you, we are told, are preâ\x80\x91eminent; but how vastly you might have enriched your eloquence from the records of our genius.\' What answer, pray, could you give to these words from such men as those?" <
4.74 \xa0"The same verbal legerdemain supplies you with your kingdoms and empires and riches, riches so vast that you declare that everything the world contains is the property of the Wise Man. He alone, you say, is handsome, he alone a free man and a citizen: while the foolish are the opposite of all these, and according to you insane into the bargain. The Stoics call these paradoxa, as we might say \'startling truths.\' But what is there so startling about them viewed at close quarters? I\xa0will consult you as to the meaning you attach to each term; there shall be no dispute. You Stoics say that all transgressions are equal. I\xa0won\'t jest with you now, as I\xa0did on the same subjects when you were prosecuting and I\xa0defending Lucius Murena. On that occasion I\xa0was addressing a jury, not an audience of scholars, and I\xa0even had to play to the gallery a little; but now I\xa0must reason more closely. < 4.75 \xa0Transgressions are equal. â\x80\x94 How so, pray? â\x80\x94 Because nothing can be better than good or baser than base. â\x80\x94 Explain further, for there is much disagreement on this point; let us have your special arguments to prove how all transgressions are equal. â\x80\x94 Suppose, says my opponent, of a\xa0number of lyres not one is so strung as to be in tune; then all are equally out of tune; similarly with transgressions, since all are departures from rule, all are equally departures from rule; therefore all are equal. â\x80\x94 Here we are put off with an equivocation. All the lyres equally are out of tune; but it does not follow that all are equally out of tune. So your comparison does not help you; for it does not follow that because we pronounce every case of avarice equally to be avarice, we must therefore pronounce them all to be equal. < 4.76 \xa0Here is another of these false analogies: A\xa0skipper, says my adversary, commits an equal transgression if he loses his ship with a cargo of straw and if he does so when laden with gold; similarly a man is an equal transgressor if he beats his parent or his slave without due cause. â\x80\x94 Fancy not seeing that the nature of the cargo has nothing to do with the skill of the navigator! so that whether he carries gold or straw makes no differences as regards good or bad seamanship; whereas the distinction between a parent and a mere slave is one that cannot and ought not to be overlooked. Hence the nature of the other upon which the offence is committed, which in navigation makes no difference, in conduct makes all the difference. Indeed in the case of navigation too, if the loss of the ship is due to negligence, the offence is greater with a cargo of gold than with one of straw. For the virtue known generally as prudence is an attribute as we hold of all the arts, and every master craftsman in each branch of art ought to possess it. Hence this proof also of the equality of transgression breaks down. < 4.77 \xa0"However, they press the matter, and will not give way. Every transgression, they argue, is a proof of weakness and instability of character; but all the foolish possess these vices in an equal manner; therefore all transgressions must be equal. As though it were admitted that all foolish people possess an equal degree of vice, and that Lucius Tubulus was exactly as weak and unstable as Publius Scaevola who brought in the bill for his condemnation; and as though there were no difference also between the respective circumstances in which the transgressions are committed, so that the magnitude of the transgression varies in proportion to the importance of the circumstances! < 4.78 \xa0And therefore (since my discourse must now conclude) this is the one chief defect under which your friends the Stoics seem to me to labour, â\x80\x94 they think they can maintain two contrary opinions at once. How can you have a greater inconsistency than for the same person to say both that Moral Worth is the sole good and that we have a natural instinct to seek the things conducive to life? Thus in their desire to retain ideas consot with the former doctrine they are landed in the position of Aristo; and when they try to escape from this they adopt what is in reality the position of the Peripatetics, though still clinging tooth and nail to their own terminology. Unwilling again to take the next step and weed out this terminology, they end by being rougher and more uncouth than ever, full of asperities of style and even of manners. <' "
5.1 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" '5.2 \xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." < 5.3 \xa0"Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I\xa0myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I\xa0had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, \'What place is this?\' â\x80\x94 a\xa0mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I\xa0do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus\'s Gardens which we passed just now; but I\xa0obey the old saw: I\xa0\'think of those that are alive.\' Still I\xa0could not forget Epicurus, even if I\xa0wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." <
5.6 \xa0"Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you â\x80\x94 though I\xa0hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed â\x80\x94 to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said\xa0I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad\'s improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus\'s lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I\xa0try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to." < 5.7 \xa0"Perhaps," said Piso, "it will not be altogether easy, while our friend here" (meaning me) "is by, still I\xa0will venture to urge you to leave the present New Academy for the Old, which includes, as you heard Antiochus declare, not only those who bear the name of Academics, Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo, Crantor and the rest, but also the early Peripatetics, headed by their chief, Aristotle, who, if Plato be excepted, I\xa0almost think deserves to be called the prince of philosophers. Do you then join them, I\xa0beg of you. From their writings and teachings can be learnt the whole of liberal culture, of history and of style; moreover they include such a variety of sciences, that without the equipment that they give no one can be adequately prepared to embark on any of the higher careers. They have produced orators, generals and statesmen. To come to the less distinguished professions, this factory of experts in all the sciences has turned out mathematicians, poets, musicians and physicians." < 5.8 \xa0"You know that I\xa0agree with you about that, Piso," I\xa0replied; "but you have raised the point most opportunely; for my cousin Cicero is eager to hear the doctrine of the Old Academy of which you speak, and of the Peripatetics, on the subject of the Ends of Goods. We feel sure you can expound it with the greatest ease, for you have had Staseas from Naples in your household for many years, and also we know you have been studying this very subject under Antiochus for several months at Athens." "Here goes, then," replied Piso, smiling, "(for you have rather craftily arranged for our discussion to start with me), let me see what I\xa0can do to give the lad a lecture. If an oracle had foretold that I\xa0should find myself discoursing in the Academy like a philosopher, I\xa0should not have believed it, but here I\xa0am, thanks to our having the place to ourselves. Only don\'t let me bore the rest of you while I\xa0am obliging our young friend." "What, bore me?" said\xa0I. "Why, it is\xa0I who asked you to speak." Thereupon Quintus and Pomponius having declared that they wished it too, Piso began. And I\xa0will ask you, Brutus, kindly to consider whether you think his discourse a satisfactory summary of the doctrine of Antiochus, which I\xa0believe to be the system which you most approve, as you have often attended the lectures of his brother Aristus. < 5.9 \xa0Accordingly Piso spoke as follows: "About the educational value of the Peripatetic system I\xa0have said enough, in the briefest possible way, a\xa0few moments ago. Its arrangement, like that of most other systems, is threefold: one part deals with nature, the second with discourse, and the third with conduct. Natural Philosophy the Peripatetics have investigated so thoroughly that no region in sky or sea or land (to speak poetically) has been passed over. Nay more, in treating of the elements of being and the constitution of the universe they have established much of their doctrine not merely by probable arguments but by conclusive mathematical demonstration, applying a quantity of material derived from facts that they have themselves investigated to the discovery of other facts beyond the reach of observation. <
5.10 \xa0Aristotle gave a complete account of the birth, nutrition and structure of all living creatures, Theophrastus of the natural history of plants and the causes and constitution of vegetable organisms in general; and the knowledge thus attained facilitated the investigation of the most obscure questions. In Logic their teachings include the rules of rhetoric as well as of dialectic; and Aristotle their founder started the practice of arguing both pro and contra upon every topic, not like Arcesilas, always controverting every proposition, but setting out all the possible arguments on either side in every subject. <
5.11 \xa0The third division of philosophy investigates the rules of human well-being; this too was treated by the Peripatetics, so as to comprise not only the principles of individual conduct but also of the government of states. From Aristotle we learn the manners, customs and institutions, and from Theophrastus the laws also, of nearly all the states not only of Greece but of the barbarians as well. Both described the proper qualifications of a statesman, both moreover wrote lengthy treatises on the best form of constitution; Theophrastus treated the subject more fully, discussing the forces and occasions of political change, and their control as circumstances demand. Among the alternative ideals of conduct they gave the highest place to the life of retirement, devoted to contemplation and to study. This was pronounced to be most worthy of the Wise Man, as most nearly resembling the life of the gods. And these topics they handle in a style as brilliant as it is illuminating. <
5.12 \xa0"Their books on the subject of the Chief Good fall into two classes, one popular in style, and this class they used to call their exoteric works; the other more carefully wrought. The latter treatises they left in the form of note-books. This distinction occasionally gives them an appearance of inconsistency; but as a matter of fact in the main body of their doctrine there is no divergence, at all events among the philosophers I\xa0have mentioned, nor did they disagree among themselves. But on the chief object of inquiry, namely Happiness, and the one question which philosophy has to consider and to investigate, whether this lies entirely within the control of the Wise Man, or whether it can be impaired or destroyed by adversity, here there does appear sometimes to exist among them some divergence and uncertainty. This effect is chiefly produced by Theophrastus\'s book On\xa0Happiness, in which a very considerable amount of importance is assigned to fortune; though if this be correct, wisdom alone could not guarantee happiness. This theory seems to me to be, if I\xa0may so call it, too enervating and unmanly to be adequate to the force and dignity of virtue. Hence we had better keep to Aristotle and his son Nicomachus; the latter\'s elaborate volumes on Ethics are ascribed, it is true, to Aristotle, but I\xa0do not see why the son should not have been capable of emulating the father. Still, we may use Theophrastus on most points, so long as we maintain a larger element of strength and solidity in virtue than he did. <' "
5.13 \xa0Let us then limit ourselves to these authorities. Their successors are indeed in my opinion superior to the philosophers of any other school, but are so unworthy of their ancestry that one might imagine them to have been their own teachers. To begin with, Theophrastus's pupil Strato set up to be a natural philosopher; but great as he is in this department, he is nevertheless for the most part an innovator; and on ethics he has hardly anything. His successor Lyco has a copious style, but his matter is somewhat barren. Lyco's pupil Aristo is polished and graceful, but has not the authority that we expect to find in a great thinker; he wrote much, it is true, and he wrote well, but his style is somehow lacking in weight. <" 5.14 \xa0"I\xa0pass over a\xa0number of writers, including the learned and entertaining Hieronymus. Indeed I\xa0know no reason for calling the latter a Peripatetic at all; for he defined the Chief Good as freedom from pain: and to hold a different view of the Chief Good is to hold a different system of philosophy altogether. Critolaus professed to imitate the ancients; and he does in fact come nearest to them in weight, and has a flowing style; all the same, even he is not true to the principles of his ancestors. Diodorus, his pupil, couples with Moral Worth freedom from pain. He too stands by himself; differing about the Chief Good he cannot correctly be called a Peripatetic. Our master Antiochus seems to me to adhere most scrupulously to the doctrine of the ancients, which according to his teaching was common to Aristotle and to Polemo. <
5.15 \xa0"Our young friend Lucius is therefore well advised in desiring most of all to hear about the Chief Good; for when you have settled that point in a system of philosophy, you have settled everything. On any other topic, some degree of incompleteness or uncertainty causes no more mischief than is proportionate to the importance of the particular topic on which the neglect has occurred; but uncertainty as to the Chief Good necessarily involves uncertainty as to the principles of conduct, and this must carry men so far out of their course that they cannot know what harbour to steer for. On the other hand when we have ascertained the Ends of things, knowing the ultimate Good and ultimate Evil, we have discovered a map of life, a chart of all the duties; <
5.16 \xa0and therefore have discovered a standard to which each action may be referred; and from this we can discover and construct that rule of happiness which all desire. "Now there is great difference of opinion as to what constitutes the Chief Good. Let us therefore adopt the classification of Carneades, which our teacher Antiochus is very fond of employing. Carneades passed in review all the opinions as of that Chief Good, not only that actually had been held by philosophers hitherto, but that it was possible to hold. He then pointed out that no science or art can supply its own starting-point; its subject-matter must always lie outside it. There is no need to enlarge upon or illustrate this point; for it is evident that no art is occupied with itself: the art is distinct from the subject with which it deals; since therefore, as medicine is the art of health and navigation the art of sailing the ship, so Prudence or Practical Wisdom is the art of conduct, it follows that Prudence also must have something as its base and point of departure. <
5.21 \xa0"These then are the six simple views about the End of Goods and Evils; two of them without a champion, and four actually upheld. of composite or dualistic definitions of the Supreme Good there have been three in all; nor were more than three possible, if you examine the nature of the case closely. There is the combination of Morality with pleasure, adopted by Callipho and Dinomachus; with freedom from pain, by Diodorus; or with the primary objects of nature, the view of the ancients, as we entitle both the Academics and the Peripatetics."But it is impossible to set forth the whole of our position at once; so for the present we need only notice that pleasure must be discarded, on the ground that, as will be shown later, we are intended by nature for greater things. Freedom from pain is open to practically the same objections as pleasure. < 5.22 \xa0Nor need we look for other arguments to refute the opinion of Carneades; for any conceivable account of the Chief Good which does not include the factor of Moral Worth gives a system under which there is no room either for duty, virtue or friendship. Moreover the combination with Moral Worth either of pleasure or of freedom from pain debases the very morality that it aims at supporting. For to uphold two standards of conduct jointly, one of which declares freedom from evil to be the Supreme Good, while the other is a thing concerned with the most frivolous part of our nature, is to dim, if not to defile, all the radiance of Moral Worth. There remain the Stoics, who took over their whole system from the Peripatetics and the Academics, adopting the same ideas under other names. "The best way to deal with these different schools would be to refute each separately; but for the present we must keep to the business in hand; we will discuss these other schools at our leisure. < 5.23 \xa0"The calmness or tranquillity of mind which is the Chief Good of Democritus, euthumia as he calls it, has had to be excluded from this discussion, because this mental tranquillity is in itself the happiness in question; and we are inquiring not what happiness is, but what produces it. Again, the discredited and abandoned theories of Pyrrho, Aristo and Erillus cannot be brought within the circle we have drawn, and so we have not been concerned to consider them at all. For the whole of this inquiry into the Ends or, so to speak, the limits of Goods and Evils must begin from that which we have spoken of as adapted and suited to nature and which is the earliest object of desire for its own sake; now this is entirely done away with by those who maintain that, in the sphere of things which contain no element of Moral Worth or baseness, there is no reason why any one thing should be preferred to any other, and who consider these things to be absolutely indifferent; and Erillus also, if he actually held that there is nothing good but knowledge, destroyed every motive of rational action and every clue to right conduct. "Thus we have eliminated the views of all the other philosophers; and no other view is possible; therefore this doctrine of the Ancients must hold good. Let us then follow the practice of the old philosophers, adopted also by the Stoics, and start as follows. < 5.24 \xa0"Every living creature loves itself, and from the moment of birth strives to secure its own preservation; because the earliest impulse bestowed on it by nature for its life-long protection is the instinct for self-preservation and for the maintece of itself in the best condition possible to it in accordance with its nature. At the outset this tendency is vague and uncertain, so that it merely aims at protecting itself whatever its character may be; it does not understand itself nor its own capacities and nature. When, however, it has grown a little older, and has begun to understand the degree in which different things affect and concern itself, it now gradually commences to make progress. Self-consciousness dawns, and the creature begins to comprehend the reason why it possesses the instinctive appetition aforesaid, and to try to obtain the things which it perceives to be adapted to its nature and to repel their opposites. Every living creature therefore finds its object of appetition in the thing suited to its nature. Thus arises The End of Goods, namely to live in accordance with nature and in that condition which is the best and most suited to nature that is possible. <' "
5.33 \xa0But do\xa0I speak of the human race or of animals generally, when the nature of trees and plants is almost the same? For whether it be, as very learned men have thought, that this capacity has been engendered in them by some higher and diviner power, or whether it is the result of chance, we see that the vegetable species secure by means of their bark and roots that support and protection which animals derive from the distribution of the sensory organs and from the well-knit framework of the limbs. On this matter I\xa0agree, it is true, with those who hold that all these things are regulated by nature, because if nature were to neglect them her own existence would be impossible; yet I\xa0allow those who think otherwise on this point to hold whatever view they please: whenever I\xa0mention 'the nature of man,' let them, if they like, understand me to mean 'man,' as it makes no difference. For the individual can no more lose the instinct to seek the things that are good for him than he can divest himself of his own personality. The wisest authorities have therefore been right in finding the basis of the Chief Good in nature, and in holding that this instinctive desire for things suited to our nature is innate in all men, because it is founded on that natural attraction which makes them love themselves. <" '5.34 \xa0"Having made it sufficiently clear that self-love is an instinct of nature, we must next examine what is the nature of man; for it is human nature that is the object of our investigation. Now it is manifest that man consists of body and mind, although the mind plays the more important part and the body the less. Next we further observe both that man\'s body is of a structure surpassing that of other animals, and that his mind is so constituted as not only to be equipped with senses but also to possess the domit factor of intellect, which commands the obedience of the whole of man\'s nature, being endowed with the marvellous faculties of reason, of cognition, of knowledge and of all the virtues. In fact the faculties of the body are not comparable in importance with the parts of the mind. Moreover they are easier to understand. We will therefore begin with them. < 5.35 \xa0"It is manifest how well the parts of our body, and its entire shape, form and attitude are adapted to our nature; and that special conformation of the brow, eyes, ears and other parts which is appropriate to man can be recognized without hesitation by the understanding. But of course it is necessary that these organs should be healthy and vigorous and possessed of their natural motions and uses; no part must be lacking and none must be diseased or enfeebled â\x80\x94 this is a requirement of nature. Again, there is also a certain form of bodily activity which keeps the motions and postures in harmony with nature; and any error in these, due to distortion or abnormality of movement or posture, â\x80\x94 for example, if a man were to walk on his hands, or backwards instead of forwards, â\x80\x94 would make a man appear alienated from himself, as if he had stripped off his proper humanity and hated his own nature. Hence certain attitudes in sitting, and slouching, languishing movements, such as are affected by the wanton and the effeminate, are contrary to nature, and though really arising from a defect of mind, suggest to the eye a bodily perversion of man\'s nature. < 5.36 \xa0And so, on the contrary, a controlled and well-regulated bearing, condition and movement of the body has the appearance of being in harmony with nature. "Turning now to the mind, this must not only exist, but also be of a certain character; it must have all its parts intact and lack none of the virtues. The senses also possess their several virtues or excellences, consisting in the unimpeded performance of their several functions of swiftly and readily perceiving sensible objects. \xa0The mind, on the other hand, and that domit part of the mind which is called the intellect, possess many excellences or virtues, but these are of two main classes; one class consists of those excellences which are implanted by their own nature, and which are called nonâ\x80\x91volitional; and the other of those which, depending on our volition, are usually styled \'virtues\' in the more special sense; and the latter are the preâ\x80\x91eminent glory and distinction of the mind. To the former class belong receptiveness and memory; and practically all the excellences of this class are included under one name of \'talent,\' and their possessors are spoken of as \'talented.\' The other class consists of the lofty virtues properly so called, which we speak of as dependent on volition, for instance, Prudence, Temperance, Courage, Justice, and the others of the same kind. < 5.37 \xa0"Such is the account, a brief one, it is true, that it was necessary to give of the body and the mind. It has indicated in outline what the requirements of man\'s nature are; and it has clearly shown that, since we love ourselves, and desire all our faculties both of mind and body to be perfect, those faculties are themselves dear to us for their own sakes, and are of the highest importance for our general well-being. For he who aims at the preservation of himself, must necessarily feel an affection for the parts of himself also, and the more so, the more perfect and admirable in their own kind they are. For the life we desire is one fully equipped with the virtues of mind and body; and such a life must constitute the Chief Good, inasmuch as it must necessarily be such as to be the limit of things desirable. This truth realized, it cannot be doubted that, as men feel an affection towards themselves for their own sakes and of their own accord, the parts also of the body and mind, and of those faculties which are displayed in each while in motion or at rest, are esteemed for their own attractiveness and desired for their own sake. <' "5.38 \xa0From these explanations, it may readily be inferred that the most desirable of our faculties are those possessed of the highest intrinsic worth; so that the most desirable excellences are the excellences of the noblest parts of us, which are desirable for their own sake. The result will be that excellence of mind will be rated higher than excellence of body, and the volitional virtues of the mind will surpass the nonâ\x80\x91volitional; the former, indeed, are the 'virtues' specially so called, and are far superior, in that they spring from reason, the most divine element in man. For the iimate or nearly iimate creatures that are under nature's charge, all of them have their supreme good in the body; hence it has been cleverly said, as I\xa0think, about the pig, that a mind has been bestowed upon this animal to serve as salt and keep it from going bad. But there are some animals which possess something resembling virtue, for example, lions, dogs and horses; in these we observe not only bodily movements as in pigs, but in some degree a sort of mental activity also. In man, however, the whole importance belongs to the mind, and to the rational part of the mind, which is the source of virtue; and virtue is defined as the perfection of reason, a doctrine which the Peripatetics think cannot be expounded too often. <" '5.39 \xa0"Plants also have a development and progress to maturity that is not unlike that of animals; hence we speak of a vine living and dying, or of a tree as young or old, in the prime of life or decrepit; consequently it is appropriate to suppose that with them as with animals certain things are suited and certain other things foreign to their nature; and that their growth and nurture is tended by a foster-mother, the science and art of husbandry, which trims and prunes, straightens, raises and props, enabling them to advance to the goal that nature prescribes, till the vines themselves, could they speak, would acknowledge this to be their proper mode of treatment and of tendance. In reality, of course, the power that tends the vine, to take that particular instance, is something outside of it; for the vine does not possess force enough in itself to be able to attain its highest possible development without the aid of cultivation. < 5.40 \xa0But suppose the vine to receive the gift of sensation, bestowing on it some degree of appetition and power of movement; then what do you think it will do? Will it not endeavour to provide for itself the benefits which it previously obtained by the aid of the vine-dresser? But do you mark how it will further be concerned to protect its sensory faculties also and all their appetitive instincts, and any additional organs it may have developed? Thus with the properties that it always possessed it will combine those subsequently added to it, and it will not have the same end as the husbandman who tended it had, but will desire to live in accordance with that nature which it has subsequently acquired. And so its End or Good will be similar to, but not the same as, what it was before; it will no longer seek the Good of a plant, but that of an animal. Suppose again that it have bestowed upon it not merely sensation but also a human mind. Will it not result that while its former properties remain objects of its care, these added properties will be far more dear to it, and that the best parts of the mind will be the dearest of all? Will it not find its End or Chief Good in this crowning development of its nature, inasmuch as intellect and reason are far and away the highest of all faculties? Thus there has emerged the final term of the series of objects of desire; thus starting from the primary attraction of nature, by gradual stages of ascent we have arrived at the summit, the consummation of perfect bodily integrity combined with the full development of the mental faculty of reason. < 5.41 \xa0"The plan of our nature being then that which I\xa0have explained, if, as I\xa0said at the outset, every man as soon as he is born could know himself and could appreciate the powers of his nature as a whole and of its several parts, he would at once perceive the true essence of the thing that is the subject of our inquiry, namely the highest and last of the objects of our desires, and he would be incapable of error in anything. But as it is, our nature at all events at the outset is curiously hidden from us, and we cannot fully realize or understand it; yet as we grow older we gradually or I\xa0should say tardily come, as it were, to know ourselves. Accordingly, the earliest feeling of attraction which nature has created in us towards ourselves is vague and obscure, and the earliest instinct of appetition only strives to secure our safety and freedom from injury. When, however, we begin to look about us and to perceive what we are and how we differ from the rest of living creatures, we then commence to pursue the objects for which we are intended by nature. < 5.42 \xa0Some resemblance to this process we observe in the lower animals. At first they do not move from the place where they were born. Then they begin to move, under the influence of their several instincts of appetition; we see little snakes gliding, ducklings swimming, blackbirds flying, oxen using their horns, scorpions their stings; each in fact has its own nature as its guide to life. A\xa0similar process is clearly seen in the human race. Infants just born lie helpless, as if absolutely iimate; when they have acquired a little more strength, they exercise their mind and senses; they strive to stand erect, they use their hands, they recognize their nurses; then they take pleasure in the society of other children, and enjoy meeting them, they take part in games and love to hear stories; they desire to bestow of their own abundance in bounty to others; they take an inquisitive interest in what goes on in their homes; they begin to reflect and to learn, and want to know the names of the people they see; in their contests with their companions they are elated by victory, discouraged and disheartened by defeat. For every stage of this development there must be supposed to be a reason. <' "5.43 \xa0It is that human capacity is so constituted by nature that it appears designed to achieve every kind of virtue; hence children, without instruction, are actuated by semblances of the virtues, of which they possess in themselves the seeds, for these are primary elements of our nature, and they sprout and blossom into virtue. For we are so constituted from birth as to contain within us the primary instincts of action, of affection, of liberality and of gratitude; we are also gifted with minds that are adapted to knowledge, prudence and courage, and averse from their opposites; hence there is a reason why we observe in children those sparks of virtue I\xa0have mentioned, from which the philosopher's torch of reason must be kindled, that he may follow reason as his divine guide and so arrive at nature's goal. For as I\xa0have repeatedly said already, in the years of immaturity when the intellect is weak the powers of our nature are discerned as through a mist; but as the mind grows older and stronger it learns to know the capacity of our nature, while recognizing that this nature is susceptible of further development and has by itself only reached an incomplete condition. <" '5.44 \xa0"We must therefore penetrate into the nature of things, and come to understand thoroughly its requirements; otherwise we cannot know ourselves. That maxim was too lofty for it to be thought to have emanated from a human being, and it was therefore ascribed to a god. Accordingly the Pythian Apollo bids us \'learn to know ourselves\'; but the sole road to self-knowledge is to know our powers of body and of mind, and to follow the path of life that gives us their full employment."Now inasmuch as our original instinct of desire was for the possession of the parts aforesaid in their fullest natural perfection, it must be allowed that, when we have attained the object of our desire, our nature takes its stand in this as its final End, and this constitutes our Chief Good; and that this End as a whole must be desired intrinsically and in and for itself, follows of necessity from the fact that the several parts of it also have already been proved to be desirable for themselves. <
5.53 \xa0The old philosophers picture what the life of the Wise will be in the Islands of the Blest, and think that being released from all anxiety and needing none of the necessary equipment or accessories of life, they will do nothing but spend their whole time upon study and research in the science of nature. We on the other hand see in such studies not only the amusement of a life of happiness, but also the alleviation of misfortune; hence the numbers of men who when they had fallen into the power of enemies or tyrants, or when they were in prison or in exile, have solaced their sorrow with the pursuit of learning. <' "
5.59 \xa0In generating and developing the human body, Nature's procedure was to make some parts perfect at birth, and to fashion other parts as it grew up, without making much use of external and artificial aids. The mind on the other hand she endowed with its remaining faculties in the same perfection as the body, equipping it with senses already adapted to their function of perception and requiring little or no assistance of any kind to complete their development; but the highest and noblest part of man's nature she neglected. It is true she bestowed an intellect capable of receiving every virtue, and implanted in it at birth and without instruction embryonic notions of the loftiest ideas, laying the foundation of its education, and introducing among its endowments the elementary constituents, so to speak, of virtue. But of virtue itself she merely gave the germ and no more. <" 5.71 \xa0Come now, my dear Lucius, build in your imagination the lofty and towering structure of the virtues; then you will feel no doubt that those who achieve them, guiding themselves by magimity and uprightness, are always happy; realizing as they do that all the vicissitudes of fortune, the ebb and flow of time and of circumstance, will be trifling and feeble if brought into conflict with virtue. The things we reckon as bodily goods do, it is true, form a factor in supreme happiness, but yet happiness is possible without them. For those supplementary goods are so small and slight in the full radiance of the virtues they are as invisible as the stars in sunlight. <
5.74 \xa0Even the votaries of pleasure take refuge in evasions: the name of virtue is on their lips all the time, and they declare that pleasure is only at first the object of desire, and that later habit produces a sort of second nature, which supplies a motive for many actions not aiming at pleasure at all. There remain the Stoics. The Stoics have conveyed from us not some one or other item, but our entire system of philosophy. It is a regular practice of thieves to alter the marks upon stolen goods; and the Stoics, in order to pass off our opinions as their own, have changed the names, which are the marks of things. Our system therefore is left as the sole philosophy worthy of the student of the liberal arts, of the learned and the eminent, of statesmen and princes." <
5.87 \xa0On this your cousin and\xa0I are agreed. Hence what we have to consider is this, can the systems of the philosophers give us happiness? They certainly profess to do so. Whether it not so, why did Plato travel through Egypt to learn arithmetic and astronomy from barbarian priests? Why did he later visit Archytas at Tarentum, or the other Pythagoreans, Echecrates, Timaeus and Arion, at Locri, intending to append to his picture of Socrates an account of the Pythagorean system and to extend his studies into those branches which Socrates repudiated? Why did Pythagoras himself scour Egypt and visit the Persian magi? why did he travel on foot through those vast barbarian lands and sail across those many seas? Why did Democritus do the same? It is related of Democritus (whether truly or falsely we are not concerned to inquire) that he deprived himself of eyesight; and it is certain that in order that his mind should be distracted as little as possible from reflection, he neglected his paternal estate and left his land uncultivated, engrossed in the search for what else but happiness? Even if he supposed happiness to consist in knowledge, still he designed that his study of natural philosophy should bring him cheerfulness of mind; since that is his conception of the Chief Good, which he entitles euthumia, or often athambia, that is freedom from alarm. <' "5.88 \xa0But what he said on this subject, however excellent, nevertheless lacks the finishing touches; for indeed about virtue he said very little, and that not clearly expressed. For it was later that these inquiries began to be pursued at Athens by Socrates, first in the city, and afterwards the study was transferred to the place where we now are; and no one doubted that all hope alike of right conduct and of happiness lay in virtue. Zeno having learnt this doctrine from our school proceeded to deal with 'the same matter in another manner,' as the common preamble to an indictment has it. You now approve of this procedure on his part. He, no doubt, can change the names of things and be acquitted of inconsistency, but we cannot! He denies that the life of Metellus was happier than that of Regulus, yet calls it 'preferable'; not more desirable, but 'more worthy of adoption'; and given the choice, that of Metellus is 'to be selected' and that of Regulus 'rejected.' Whereas the life he called 'preferable' and 'more worthy to be selected' I\xa0term happier, though I\xa0do not assign any the minutest fraction more value to that life than do the Stoics. <" "5.89 \xa0What is the difference, except that I\xa0call familiar things familiar names, whereas they invent new terms to express the same meaning? Thus just as in the senate there is always some one who demands an interpreter, so we must use an interpreter when we give audience to your school. I\xa0call whatever is in accordance with nature good and what is contrary to nature bad; nor am\xa0I alone in this: you, Chrysippus, do so too in business and in private life, but you leave off doing so in the lecture-room. What then? do you think philosophers should speak a different language from ordinary human beings? The learned and the unlearned may differ as to the values of things; but when the learned are agreed what each thing's value is, â\x80\x94 if they were human beings, they would adopt the recognized form of expression; but so long as the substance remains the same, â\x80\x94 let them coin new words at their pleasure. <" ' None |
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27. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.6, 1.10, 1.16, 1.18-1.20, 2.95, 3.92, 3.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020), Fate, Providence and Free Will: Philosophy and Religion in Dialogue in the Early Imperial Age, 66, 75; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 264, 270, 280; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 94, 108; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 288, 289, 293; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 9, 36, 110, 124, 125, 128, 136, 139, 140; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 264, 270, 280; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 79, 271
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1.6 I observe however that a great deal of talk has been current about the large number of books that I have produced within a short space of time, and that such comment has not been all of one kind; some people have been curious as to the cause of this sudden outburst of philosophical interest on my part, while others have been eager to learn what positive opinions I hold on the various questions. Many also, as I have noticed, are surprised at my choosing to espouse a philosophy that in their view robs the world of daylight and floods it with a darkness as of night; and they wonder at my coming forward so unexpectedly as the champion of a derelict system and one that has long been given up. As a matter of fact however I am no new convert to the study of philosophy. From my earliest youth I have devoted no small amount of time and energy to it, and I pursued it most keenly at the very periods when I least appeared to be doing so, witness the philosophical maxims of which my speeches are full, and my intimacy with the learned men who have always graced my household, as well as those eminent professors, Diodotus, Philo, Antiochus and Posidonius, who were my instructors. ' "
1.10 Those however who seek to learn my personal opinion on the various questions show an unreasonable degree of curiosity. In discussion it is not so much weight of authority as force of argument that should be demanded. Indeed the authority of those who profess to teach is often a positive hindrance to those who desire to learn; they cease to employ their own judgement, and take what they perceive to be the verdict of their chosen master as settling the question. In fact I am not disposed to approve the practice traditionally ascribed to the Pythagoreans, who, when questioned as to the grounds of any assertion that they advanced in debate, are said to have been accustomed to reply 'He himself said so, he himself' being Pythagoras. So potent was an opinion already decided, making authority prevail unsupported by reason. " 1.16 "Well, I too," I replied, "think I have come at the right moment, as you say. For here are you, three leaders of three schools of philosophy, met in congress. In fact we only want Marcus Piso to have every considerable school represented." "Oh," rejoined Cotta, "if what is said in the book which our master Antiochus lately dedicated to our good Balbus here is true, you have no need to regret the absence of your friend Piso. Antiochus holds the view that the doctrines of the Stoics, though differing in form of expression, agree in substance with those of the Peripatetics. I should like to know your opinion of the book, Balbus." "My opinion?" said Balbus, "Why, I am surprised that a man of first-rate intellect like Antiochus should have failed to see what a gulf divides the Stoics, who distinguish expediency and right not in name only but in essential nature, from the Peripatetics, who class the right and the expedient together, and only recognize differences of quantity or degree, not of kind, between them. This is not a slight verbal discrepancy but a fundamental difference of doctrine.
1.18 Hereupon Velleius began, in the confident manner (I need not say) that is customary with Epicureans, afraid of nothing so much as lest he should appear to have doubts about anything. One would have supposed he had just come down from the assembly of the gods in the intermundane spaces of Epicurus! "I am not going to expound to you doctrines that are mere baseless figments of the imagination, such as the artisan deity and world-builder of Plato\'s Timaeus, or that old hag of a fortune-teller, the Pronoia (which we may render \'Providence\') of the Stoics; nor yet a world endowed with a mind and senses of its own, a spherical, rotatory god of burning fire; these are the marvels and monstrosities of philosophers who do not reason but dream. 1.19 What power of mental vision enabled your master Plato to descry the vast and elaborate architectural process which, as he makes out, the deity adopted in building the structure of the universe? What method of engineering was employed? What tools and levers and derricks? What agents carried out so vast an undertaking? And how were air, fire, water and earth enabled to obey and execute the will of the architect? How did the five regular solids, which are the basis of all other forms of matter, come into existence so nicely adapted to make impressions on our minds and produce sensations? It would be a lengthy task to advert upon every detail of a system that is such as to seem the result of idle theorizing rather than of real research; ' "1.20 but the prize example is that the thinker who represented the world not merely as having had an origin but even as almost made by hand, also declared that it will exist for ever. Can you suppose that a man can have even dipped into natural philosophy if he imagines that anything that has come into being can be eternal? What composite whole is not capable of dissolution? What thing is there that has a beginning but not an end? While as for your Stoic Providence, Lucilius, if it is the same thing as Plato's creator, I repeat my previous questions, what were its agents and instruments, and how was the entire undertaking planned out and carried though? If on the contrary it is something different, I ask why it made the world mortal, and not everlasting as did Plato's divine creator? " "
2.95 So Aristotle says brilliantly: 'If there were beings who had always lived beneath the earth, in comfortable, well‑lit dwellings, decorated with statues and pictures and furnished with all the luxuries enjoyed by persons thought to be supremely happy, and who though they had never come forth above the ground had learnt by report and by hearsay of the existence of certain deities or divine powers; and then if at some time the jaws of the earth were opened and they were able to escape from their hidden abode and to come forth into the regions which we inhabit; when they suddenly had sight of the earth and the seas and the sky, and came to know of the vast clouds and mighty winds, and beheld the sun, and realized not only its size and beauty but also its Ptolemaic in causing the day by shedding light over all the sky, and, after night had darkened the earth, they then saw the whole sky spangled and adorned with stars, and the changing phases of the moon's light, now waxing and now waning, and the risings and settings of all these heavenly bodies and their courses fixed and changeless throughout all eternity, — when they saw these things, surely they would think that the gods exist and that these mighty marvels are their handiwork.' " "
3.92 But at all events a god could have come to the aid of those great and splendid cities and have preserved them — for you yourselves are fond of saying that there is nothing that a god cannot accomplish, and that without any toil; as man's limbs are effortlessly moved merely by his mind and will, so, as you say, the god's power can mould and move and alter all things. Nor do you say this as some superstitious fable or old wives' tale, but you give a scientific and systematic account of it: you allege that matter, which constitutes and contains all things, is in its entirety flexible and subject to change, so that there is nothing that cannot be moulded and transmuted out of it however suddenly, but the moulder and manipulator of this universal substance is divine providence, and therefore providence, whithersoever it moves, is able to perform whatever it will. Accordingly either providence does not know its own powers, or it does not regard human affairs, or it lacks power of judgement to discern what is the best. " 3.95 "I on my side," replied Cotta, "only desire to be refuted. My purpose was rather to discuss the doctrines I have expounded than to pronounce judgement upon them, and I am confident that you can easily defeat me." "Oh, no doubt," interposed Velleius; "why, he thinks that even our dreams are sent to us by Jupiter — though dreams themselves are not so unsubstantial as a Stoic disquisition on the nature of the gods." Here the conversation ended, and we parted, Velleius thinking Cotta\'s discourse to be the truer, while I felt that that of Balbus approximated more nearly to a semblance of the truth. '' None |
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28. Cicero, On Duties, 1.6, 3.69, 4.36, 5.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos/Antiochus IV • Antiochus of Ascalon • Antiochus of Ascalon,
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 19; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 50; Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 254; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 293; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 29, 154; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 30, 109
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3.69 Hoc quamquam video propter depravationem consuetudinis neque more turpe haberi neque aut lege sanciri aut iure civili, tamen naturae lege sanctum est. Societas est enim (quod etsi saepe dictum est, dicendum est tamen saepius), latissime quidem quae pateat, omnium inter omnes, interior eorum, qui eiusdem gentis sint, propior eorum, qui eiusdem civitatis. Itaque maiores aliud ius gentium, aliud ius civile esse voluerunt; quod civile, non idem continuo gentium, quod autem gentium, idem civile esse debet. Sed nos veri iuris germanaeque iustitiae solidam et expressam effigiem nullam tenemus, umbra et imaginibus utimur. Eas ipsas utinam sequeremur! feruntur enim ex optimis naturae et veritatis exemplis.' ' None | sup>
3.69 \xa0Owing to the low ebb of public sentiment, such a method of procedure, I\xa0find, is neither by custom accounted morally wrong nor forbidden either by statute or by civil law; nevertheless it is forbidden by the moral law. For there is a bond of fellowship â\x80\x94 although I\xa0have often made this statement, I\xa0must still repeat it again and again â\x80\x94 which has the very widest application, uniting all men together and each to each. This bond of union is closer between those who belong to the same nation, and more intimate still between those who are citizens of the same city-state. It is for this reason that our forefathers chose to understand one thing by the universal law and another by the civil law. The civil law is not necessarily also the universal law; but the universal law ought to be also the civil law. But we possess no substantial, life-like image of true Law and genuine Justice; a\xa0mere outline sketch is all that we enjoy. I\xa0only wish that we were true even to this; for, even as it is, it is drawn from the excellent models which Nature and Truth afford. <' ' None |
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29. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2.9, 2.11, 2.27, 2.36, 2.47, 3.13, 3.19, 3.28-3.29, 3.32, 5.23, 7.8, 7.20, 7.24-7.25, 8.3-8.14, 8.23-8.25, 9.7, 9.12, 9.16, 9.24-9.27, 10.13-10.14, 10.21, 11.3-11.4, 11.14, 11.20-11.45, 12.1-12.3, 12.7, 12.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos • Antiochos/Antiochus IV • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus III • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes (Seleucid ruler) • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Campaign to Egypt • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Decrees Against Judaism • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Visits to Jerusalem • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, motivation for persecution • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutes Jews • Antiochus V (Eupator) • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022), Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity, 133; Avemarie, van Henten, and Furstenberg (2023), Jewish Martyrdom in Antiquity, 25, 26, 29; Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 20, 21, 185; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 93; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 12, 409, 412, 413, 453, 460, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466, 467; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 99; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 282, 339, 457, 458, 464, 1045, 1050, 1051, 1053, 1078, 1080, 1088, 1103, 1109, 1112, 1117, 1124, 1127, 1128; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 209; Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 13, 14, 150; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 91, 92, 104, 105; Gera (2014), Judith, 128, 164; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 92; Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 96, 97; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 294; Levison (2023), The Greek Life of Adam and Eve. 294; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 259, 261; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 48; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 103, 129, 132, 329; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 181, 182; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 372, 373, 533, 541; Stuckenbruck (2007), 1 Enoch 91-108, 450, 653; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 359, 418; Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 31; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 59; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 71, 72, 76, 91, 92
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2.9 דִּי הֵן־חֶלְמָא לָא תְהוֹדְעֻנַּנִי חֲדָה־הִיא דָתְכוֹן וּמִלָּה כִדְבָה וּשְׁחִיתָה הזמנתון הִזְדְּמִנְתּוּן לְמֵאמַר קָדָמַי עַד דִּי עִדָּנָא יִשְׁתַּנֵּא לָהֵן חֶלְמָא אֱמַרוּ לִי וְאִנְדַּע דִּי פִשְׁרֵהּ תְּהַחֲוֻנַּנִי׃
2.11 וּמִלְּתָא דִי־מַלְכָּה שָׁאֵל יַקִּירָה וְאָחֳרָן לָא אִיתַי דִּי יְחַוִּנַּהּ קֳדָם מַלְכָּא לָהֵן אֱלָהִין דִּי מְדָרְהוֹן עִם־בִּשְׂרָא לָא אִיתוֹהִי׃
2.27 עָנֵה דָנִיֵּאל קֳדָם מַלְכָּא וְאָמַר רָזָה דִּי־מַלְכָּא שָׁאֵל לָא חַכִּימִין אָשְׁפִין חַרְטֻמִּין גָּזְרִין יָכְלִין לְהַחֲוָיָה לְמַלְכָּא׃
2.36 דְּנָה חֶלְמָא וּפִשְׁרֵהּ נֵאמַר קֳדָם־מַלְכָּא׃
2.47 עָנֵה מַלְכָּא לְדָנִיֵּאל וְאָמַר מִן־קְשֹׁט דִּי אֱלָהֲכוֹן הוּא אֱלָהּ אֱלָהִין וּמָרֵא מַלְכִין וְגָלֵה רָזִין דִּי יְכֵלְתָּ לְמִגְלֵא רָזָה דְנָה׃
3.13 בֵּאדַיִן נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר בִּרְגַז וַחֲמָה אֲמַר לְהַיְתָיָה לְשַׁדְרַךְ מֵישַׁךְ וַעֲבֵד נְגוֹ בֵּאדַיִן גֻּבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ הֵיתָיוּ קֳדָם מַלְכָּא׃
3.19 בֵּאדַיִן נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הִתְמְלִי חֱמָא וּצְלֵם אַנְפּוֹהִי אשתנו אֶשְׁתַּנִּי עַל־שַׁדְרַךְ מֵישַׁךְ וַעֲבֵד נְגוֹ עָנֵה וְאָמַר לְמֵזֵא לְאַתּוּנָא חַד־שִׁבְעָה עַל דִּי חֲזֵה לְמֵזְיֵהּ׃
3.28 עָנֵה נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר וְאָמַר בְּרִיךְ אֱלָהֲהוֹן דִּי־שַׁדְרַךְ מֵישַׁךְ וַעֲבֵד נְגוֹ דִּי־שְׁלַח מַלְאֲכֵהּ וְשֵׁיזִב לְעַבְדוֹהִי דִּי הִתְרְחִצוּ עֲלוֹהִי וּמִלַּת מַלְכָּא שַׁנִּיו וִיהַבוּ גשמיהון גֶשְׁמְהוֹן דִּי לָא־יִפְלְחוּן וְלָא־יִסְגְּדוּן לְכָל־אֱלָהּ לָהֵן לֵאלָהֲהוֹן׃ 3.29 וּמִנִּי שִׂים טְעֵם דִּי כָל־עַם אֻמָּה וְלִשָּׁן דִּי־יֵאמַר שלה שָׁלוּ עַל אֱלָהֲהוֹן דִּי־שַׁדְרַךְ מֵישַׁךְ וַעֲבֵד נְגוֹא הַדָּמִין יִתְעֲבֵד וּבַיְתֵהּ נְוָלִי יִשְׁתַּוֵּה כָּל־קֳבֵל דִּי לָא אִיתַי אֱלָה אָחֳרָן דִּי־יִכֻּל לְהַצָּלָה כִּדְנָה׃
3.32 אָתַיָּא וְתִמְהַיָּא דִּי עֲבַד עִמִּי אֱלָהָא עליא עִלָּאָה שְׁפַר קָדָמַי לְהַחֲוָיָה׃
5.23 וְעַל מָרֵא־שְׁמַיָּא הִתְרוֹמַמְתָּ וּלְמָאנַיָּא דִי־בַיְתֵהּ הַיְתִיו קדמיך קָדָמָךְ ואנתה וְאַנְתְּ ורברבניך וְרַבְרְבָנָךְ שֵׁגְלָתָךְ וּלְחֵנָתָךְ חַמְרָא שָׁתַיִן בְּהוֹן וְלֵאלָהֵי כַסְפָּא־וְדַהֲבָא נְחָשָׁא פַרְזְלָא אָעָא וְאַבְנָא דִּי לָא־חָזַיִן וְלָא־שָׁמְעִין וְלָא יָדְעִין שַׁבַּחְתָּ וְלֵאלָהָא דִּי־נִשְׁמְתָךְ בִּידֵהּ וְכָל־אֹרְחָתָךְ לֵהּ לָא הַדַּרְתָּ׃
7.8 מִשְׂתַּכַּל הֲוֵית בְּקַרְנַיָּא וַאֲלוּ קֶרֶן אָחֳרִי זְעֵירָה סִלְקָת ביניהון בֵּינֵיהֵן וּתְלָת מִן־קַרְנַיָּא קַדְמָיָתָא אתעקרו אֶתְעֲקַרָה מִן־קדמיה קֳדָמַהּ וַאֲלוּ עַיְנִין כְּעַיְנֵי אֲנָשָׁא בְּקַרְנָא־דָא וּפֻם מְמַלִּל רַבְרְבָן׃' 7.24 וְקַרְנַיָּא עֲשַׂר מִנַּהּ מַלְכוּתָה עַשְׂרָה מַלְכִין יְקֻמוּן וְאָחֳרָן יְקוּם אַחֲרֵיהוֹן וְהוּא יִשְׁנֵא מִן־קַדְמָיֵא וּתְלָתָה מַלְכִין יְהַשְׁפִּל׃ 7.25 וּמִלִּין לְצַד עליא עִלָּאָה יְמַלִּל וּלְקַדִּישֵׁי עֶלְיוֹנִין יְבַלֵּא וְיִסְבַּר לְהַשְׁנָיָה זִמְנִין וְדָת וְיִתְיַהֲבוּן בִּידֵהּ עַד־עִדָּן וְעִדָּנִין וּפְלַג עִדָּן׃
8.3 וָאֶשָּׂא עֵינַי וָאֶרְאֶה וְהִנֵּה אַיִל אֶחָד עֹמֵד לִפְנֵי הָאֻבָל וְלוֹ קְרָנָיִם וְהַקְּרָנַיִם גְּבֹהוֹת וְהָאַחַת גְּבֹהָה מִן־הַשֵּׁנִית וְהַגְּבֹהָה עֹלָה בָּאַחֲרֹנָה׃ 8.4 רָאִיתִי אֶת־הָאַיִל מְנַגֵּחַ יָמָּה וְצָפוֹנָה וָנֶגְבָּה וְכָל־חַיּוֹת לֹא־יַעַמְדוּ לְפָנָיו וְאֵין מַצִּיל מִיָּדוֹ וְעָשָׂה כִרְצֹנוֹ וְהִגְדִּיל׃ 8.5 וַאֲנִי הָיִיתִי מֵבִין וְהִנֵּה צְפִיר־הָעִזִּים בָּא מִן־הַמַּעֲרָב עַל־פְּנֵי כָל־הָאָרֶץ וְאֵין נוֹגֵעַ בָּאָרֶץ וְהַצָּפִיר קֶרֶן חָזוּת בֵּין עֵינָיו׃ 8.6 וַיָּבֹא עַד־הָאַיִל בַּעַל הַקְּרָנַיִם אֲשֶׁר רָאִיתִי עֹמֵד לִפְנֵי הָאֻבָל וַיָּרָץ אֵלָיו בַּחֲמַת כֹּחוֹ׃ 8.7 וּרְאִיתִיו מַגִּיעַ אֵצֶל הָאַיִל וַיִּתְמַרְמַר אֵלָיו וַיַּךְ אֶת־הָאַיִל וַיְשַׁבֵּר אֶת־שְׁתֵּי קְרָנָיו וְלֹא־הָיָה כֹחַ בָּאַיִל לַעֲמֹד לְפָנָיו וַיַּשְׁלִיכֵהוּ אַרְצָה וַיִּרְמְסֵהוּ וְלֹא־הָיָה מַצִּיל לָאַיִל מִיָּדוֹ׃ 8.8 וּצְפִיר הָעִזִּים הִגְדִּיל עַד־מְאֹד וּכְעָצְמוֹ נִשְׁבְּרָה הַקֶּרֶן הַגְּדוֹלָה וַתַּעֲלֶנָה חָזוּת אַרְבַּע תַּחְתֶּיהָ לְאַרְבַּע רוּחוֹת הַשָּׁמָיִם׃ 8.9 וּמִן־הָאַחַת מֵהֶם יָצָא קֶרֶן־אַחַת מִצְּעִירָה וַתִּגְדַּל־יֶתֶר אֶל־הַנֶּגֶב וְאֶל־הַמִּזְרָח וְאֶל־הַצֶּבִי׃ 8.11 וְעַד שַׂר־הַצָּבָא הִגְדִּיל וּמִמֶּנּוּ הרים הוּרַם הַתָּמִיד וְהֻשְׁלַךְ מְכוֹן מִקְדָּשׁוֹ׃ 8.12 וְצָבָא תִּנָּתֵן עַל־הַתָּמִיד בְּפָשַׁע וְתַשְׁלֵךְ אֱמֶת אַרְצָה וְעָשְׂתָה וְהִצְלִיחָה׃ 8.13 וָאֶשְׁמְעָה אֶחָד־קָדוֹשׁ מְדַבֵּר וַיֹּאמֶר אֶחָד קָדוֹשׁ לַפַּלְמוֹנִי הַמְדַבֵּר עַד־מָתַי הֶחָזוֹן הַתָּמִיד וְהַפֶּשַׁע שֹׁמֵם תֵּת וְקֹדֶשׁ וְצָבָא מִרְמָס׃ 8.14 וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלַי עַד עֶרֶב בֹּקֶר אַלְפַּיִם וּשְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת וְנִצְדַּק קֹדֶשׁ׃
8.23 וּבְאַחֲרִית מַלְכוּתָם כְּהָתֵם הַפֹּשְׁעִים יַעֲמֹד מֶלֶךְ עַז־פָּנִים וּמֵבִין חִידוֹת׃ 8.24 וְעָצַם כֹּחוֹ וְלֹא בְכֹחוֹ וְנִפְלָאוֹת יַשְׁחִית וְהִצְלִיחַ וְעָשָׂה וְהִשְׁחִית עֲצוּמִים וְעַם־קְדֹשִׁים׃ 8.25 וְעַל־שִׂכְלוֹ וְהִצְלִיחַ מִרְמָה בְּיָדוֹ וּבִלְבָבוֹ יַגְדִּיל וּבְשַׁלְוָה יַשְׁחִית רַבִּים וְעַל־שַׂר־שָׂרִים יַעֲמֹד וּבְאֶפֶס יָד יִשָּׁבֵר׃
9.7 לְךָ אֲדֹנָי הַצְּדָקָה וְלָנוּ בֹּשֶׁת הַפָּנִים כַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה לְאִישׁ יְהוּדָה וּלְיוֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם וּלְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל הַקְּרֹבִים וְהָרְחֹקִים בְּכָל־הָאֲרָצוֹת אֲשֶׁר הִדַּחְתָּם שָׁם בְּמַעֲלָם אֲשֶׁר מָעֲלוּ־בָךְ׃
9.12 וַיָּקֶם אֶת־דבריו דְּבָרוֹ אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּר עָלֵינוּ וְעַל שֹׁפְטֵינוּ אֲשֶׁר שְׁפָטוּנוּ לְהָבִיא עָלֵינוּ רָעָה גְדֹלָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־נֶעֶשְׂתָה תַּחַת כָּל־הַשָּׁמַיִם כַּאֲשֶׁר נֶעֶשְׂתָה בִּירוּשָׁלִָם׃
9.16 אֲדֹנָי כְּכָל־צִדְקֹתֶךָ יָשָׁב־נָא אַפְּךָ וַחֲמָתְךָ מֵעִירְךָ יְרוּשָׁלִַם הַר־קָדְשֶׁךָ כִּי בַחֲטָאֵינוּ וּבַעֲוֺנוֹת אֲבֹתֵינוּ יְרוּשָׁלִַם וְעַמְּךָ לְחֶרְפָּה לְכָל־סְבִיבֹתֵינוּ׃
9.24 שָׁבֻעִים שִׁבְעִים נֶחְתַּךְ עַל־עַמְּךָ וְעַל־עִיר קָדְשֶׁךָ לְכַלֵּא הַפֶּשַׁע ולחתם וּלְהָתֵם חטאות חַטָּאת וּלְכַפֵּר עָוֺן וּלְהָבִיא צֶדֶק עֹלָמִים וְלַחְתֹּם חָזוֹן וְנָבִיא וְלִמְשֹׁחַ קֹדֶשׁ קָדָשִׁים׃ 9.25 וְתֵדַע וְתַשְׂכֵּל מִן־מֹצָא דָבָר לְהָשִׁיב וְלִבְנוֹת יְרוּשָׁלִַם עַד־מָשִׁיחַ נָגִיד שָׁבֻעִים שִׁבְעָה וְשָׁבֻעִים שִׁשִּׁים וּשְׁנַיִם תָּשׁוּב וְנִבְנְתָה רְחוֹב וְחָרוּץ וּבְצוֹק הָעִתִּים׃ 9.26 וְאַחֲרֵי הַשָּׁבֻעִים שִׁשִּׁים וּשְׁנַיִם יִכָּרֵת מָשִׁיחַ וְאֵין לוֹ וְהָעִיר וְהַקֹּדֶשׁ יַשְׁחִית עַם נָגִיד הַבָּא וְקִצּוֹ בַשֶּׁטֶף וְעַד קֵץ מִלְחָמָה נֶחֱרֶצֶת שֹׁמֵמוֹת׃ 9.27 וְהִגְבִּיר בְּרִית לָרַבִּים שָׁבוּעַ אֶחָד וַחֲצִי הַשָּׁבוּעַ יַשְׁבִּית זֶבַח וּמִנְחָה וְעַל כְּנַף שִׁקּוּצִים מְשֹׁמֵם וְעַד־כָּלָה וְנֶחֱרָצָה תִּתַּךְ עַל־שֹׁמֵם׃
10.13 וְשַׂר מַלְכוּת פָּרַס עֹמֵד לְנֶגְדִּי עֶשְׂרִים וְאֶחָד יוֹם וְהִנֵּה מִיכָאֵל אַחַד הַשָּׂרִים הָרִאשֹׁנִים בָּא לְעָזְרֵנִי וַאֲנִי נוֹתַרְתִּי שָׁם אֵצֶל מַלְכֵי פָרָס׃ 10.14 וּבָאתִי לַהֲבִינְךָ אֵת אֲשֶׁר־יִקְרָה לְעַמְּךָ בְּאַחֲרִית הַיָּמִים כִּי־עוֹד חָזוֹן לַיָּמִים׃
10.21 אֲבָל אַגִּיד לְךָ אֶת־הָרָשׁוּם בִּכְתָב אֱמֶת וְאֵין אֶחָד מִתְחַזֵּק עִמִּי עַל־אֵלֶּה כִּי אִם־מִיכָאֵל שַׂרְכֶם׃
11.14 וּבָעִתִּים הָהֵם רַבִּים יַעַמְדוּ עַל־מֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב וּבְנֵי פָּרִיצֵי עַמְּךָ יִנַּשְּׂאוּ לְהַעֲמִיד חָזוֹן וְנִכְשָׁלוּ׃ 11.21 וְעָמַד עַל־כַּנּוֹ נִבְזֶה וְלֹא־נָתְנוּ עָלָיו הוֹד מַלְכוּת וּבָא בְשַׁלְוָה וְהֶחֱזִיק מַלְכוּת בַּחֲלַקְלַקּוֹת׃ 11.22 וּזְרֹעוֹת הַשֶּׁטֶף יִשָּׁטְפוּ מִלְּפָנָיו וְיִשָּׁבֵרוּ וְגַם נְגִיד בְּרִית׃ 11.23 וּמִן־הִתְחַבְּרוּת אֵלָיו יַעֲשֶׂה מִרְמָה וְעָלָה וְעָצַם בִּמְעַט־גּוֹי׃ 11.24 בְּשַׁלְוָה וּבְמִשְׁמַנֵּי מְדִינָה יָבוֹא וְעָשָׂה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־עָשׂוּ אֲבֹתָיו וַאֲבוֹת אֲבֹתָיו בִּזָּה וְשָׁלָל וּרְכוּשׁ לָהֶם יִבְזוֹר וְעַל מִבְצָרִים יְחַשֵּׁב מַחְשְׁבֹתָיו וְעַד־עֵת׃ 11.25 וְיָעֵר כֹּחוֹ וּלְבָבוֹ עַל־מֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב בְּחַיִל גָּדוֹל וּמֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב יִתְגָּרֶה לַמִּלְחָמָה בְּחַיִל־גָּדוֹל וְעָצוּם עַד־מְאֹד וְלֹא יַעֲמֹד כִּי־יַחְשְׁבוּ עָלָיו מַחֲשָׁבוֹת׃ 11.26 וְאֹכְלֵי פַת־בָּגוֹ יִשְׁבְּרוּהוּ וְחֵילוֹ יִשְׁטוֹף וְנָפְלוּ חֲלָלִים רַבִּים׃ 11.27 וּשְׁנֵיהֶם הַמְּלָכִים לְבָבָם לְמֵרָע וְעַל־שֻׁלְחָן אֶחָד כָּזָב יְדַבֵּרוּ וְלֹא תִצְלָח כִּי־עוֹד קֵץ לַמּוֹעֵד׃ 11.28 וְיָשֹׁב אַרְצוֹ בִּרְכוּשׁ גָּדוֹל וּלְבָבוֹ עַל־בְּרִית קֹדֶשׁ וְעָשָׂה וְשָׁב לְאַרְצוֹ׃ 11.29 לַמּוֹעֵד יָשׁוּב וּבָא בַנֶּגֶב וְלֹא־תִהְיֶה כָרִאשֹׁנָה וְכָאַחֲרֹנָה׃
11.31 וּזְרֹעִים מִמֶּנּוּ יַעֲמֹדוּ וְחִלְּלוּ הַמִּקְדָּשׁ הַמָּעוֹז וְהֵסִירוּ הַתָּמִיד וְנָתְנוּ הַשִּׁקּוּץ מְשׁוֹמֵם׃
11.32 וּמַרְשִׁיעֵי בְרִית יַחֲנִיף בַּחֲלַקּוֹת וְעַם יֹדְעֵי אֱלֹהָיו יַחֲזִקוּ וְעָשׂוּ׃
11.33 וּמַשְׂכִּילֵי עָם יָבִינוּ לָרַבִּים וְנִכְשְׁלוּ בְּחֶרֶב וּבְלֶהָבָה בִּשְׁבִי וּבְבִזָּה יָמִים׃
11.34 וּבְהִכָּשְׁלָם יֵעָזְרוּ עֵזֶר מְעָט וְנִלְווּ עֲלֵיהֶם רַבִּים בַּחֲלַקְלַקּוֹת׃
11.35 וּמִן־הַמַּשְׂכִּילִים יִכָּשְׁלוּ לִצְרוֹף בָּהֶם וּלְבָרֵר וְלַלְבֵּן עַד־עֵת קֵץ כִּי־עוֹד לַמּוֹעֵד׃
11.36 וְעָשָׂה כִרְצוֹנוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ וְיִתְרוֹמֵם וְיִתְגַּדֵּל עַל־כָּל־אֵל וְעַל אֵל אֵלִים יְדַבֵּר נִפְלָאוֹת וְהִצְלִיחַ עַד־כָּלָה זַעַם כִּי נֶחֱרָצָה נֶעֱשָׂתָה׃
11.37 וְעַל־אֱלֹהֵי אֲבֹתָיו לֹא יָבִין וְעַל־חֶמְדַּת נָשִׁים וְעַל־כָּל־אֱלוֹהַּ לֹא יָבִין כִּי עַל־כֹּל יִתְגַּדָּל׃
11.38 וְלֶאֱלֹהַּ מָעֻזִּים עַל־כַּנּוֹ יְכַבֵּד וְלֶאֱלוֹהַּ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יְדָעֻהוּ אֲבֹתָיו יְכַבֵּד בְּזָהָב וּבְכֶסֶף וּבְאֶבֶן יְקָרָה וּבַחֲמֻדוֹת׃
11.39 וְעָשָׂה לְמִבְצְרֵי מָעֻזִּים עִם־אֱלוֹהַּ נֵכָר אֲשֶׁר הכיר יַכִּיר יַרְבֶּה כָבוֹד וְהִמְשִׁילָם בָּרַבִּים וַאֲדָמָה יְחַלֵּק בִּמְחִיר׃ 11.41 וּבָא בְּאֶרֶץ הַצְּבִי וְרַבּוֹת יִכָּשֵׁלוּ וְאֵלֶּה יִמָּלְטוּ מִיָּדוֹ אֱדוֹם וּמוֹאָב וְרֵאשִׁית בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן׃ 11.42 וְיִשְׁלַח יָדוֹ בַּאֲרָצוֹת וְאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם לֹא תִהְיֶה לִפְלֵיטָה׃ 11.43 וּמָשַׁל בְּמִכְמַנֵּי הַזָּהָב וְהַכֶּסֶף וּבְכֹל חֲמֻדוֹת מִצְרָיִם וְלֻבִים וְכֻשִׁים בְּמִצְעָדָיו׃ 11.44 וּשְׁמֻעוֹת יְבַהֲלֻהוּ מִמִּזְרָח וּמִצָּפוֹן וְיָצָא בְּחֵמָא גְדֹלָה לְהַשְׁמִיד וּלְהַחֲרִים רַבִּים׃ 11.45 וְיִטַּע אָהֳלֶי אַפַּדְנוֹ בֵּין יַמִּים לְהַר־צְבִי־קֹדֶשׁ וּבָא עַד־קִצּוֹ וְאֵין עוֹזֵר לוֹ׃
12.1 וּבָעֵת הַהִיא יַעֲמֹד מִיכָאֵל הַשַּׂר הַגָּדוֹל הָעֹמֵד עַל־בְּנֵי עַמֶּךָ וְהָיְתָה עֵת צָרָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־נִהְיְתָה מִהְיוֹת גּוֹי עַד הָעֵת הַהִיא וּבָעֵת הַהִיא יִמָּלֵט עַמְּךָ כָּל־הַנִּמְצָא כָּתוּב בַּסֵּפֶר׃
12.1 יִתְבָּרֲרוּ וְיִתְלַבְּנוּ וְיִצָּרְפוּ רַבִּים וְהִרְשִׁיעוּ רְשָׁעִים וְלֹא יָבִינוּ כָּל־רְשָׁעִים וְהַמַּשְׂכִּלִים יָבִינוּ׃ 12.2 וְרַבִּים מִיְּשֵׁנֵי אַדְמַת־עָפָר יָקִיצוּ אֵלֶּה לְחַיֵּי עוֹלָם וְאֵלֶּה לַחֲרָפוֹת לְדִרְאוֹן עוֹלָם׃ 12.3 וְהַמַּשְׂכִּלִים יַזְהִרוּ כְּזֹהַר הָרָקִיעַ וּמַצְדִּיקֵי הָרַבִּים כַּכּוֹכָבִים לְעוֹלָם וָעֶד׃
12.7 וָאֶשְׁמַע אֶת־הָאִישׁ לְבוּשׁ הַבַּדִּים אֲשֶׁר מִמַּעַל לְמֵימֵי הַיְאֹר וַיָּרֶם יְמִינוֹ וּשְׂמֹאלוֹ אֶל־הַשָּׁמַיִם וַיִּשָּׁבַע בְּחֵי הָעוֹלָם כִּי לְמוֹעֵד מוֹעֲדִים וָחֵצִי וּכְכַלּוֹת נַפֵּץ יַד־עַם־קֹדֶשׁ תִּכְלֶינָה כָל־אֵלֶּה׃
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2.11 וּמֵעֵת הוּסַר הַתָּמִיד וְלָתֵת שִׁקּוּץ שֹׁמֵם יָמִים אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם וְתִשְׁעִים׃'' None | sup>
2.9 that, if ye make not known unto me the dream, there is but one law for you; and ye have agreed together to speak before me lying and corrupt words, till the time be changed; only tell me the dream, and I shall know that ye can declare unto me the interpretation thereof.’
2.11 And it is a hard thing that the king asketh, and there is none other that can declare it before the king, except the gods, whose dwelling is not with flesh.’
2.27 Daniel answered before the king, and said: ‘The secret which the king hath asked can neither wise men, enchanters, magicians, nor astrologers, declare unto the king;
2.36 This is the dream; and we will tell the interpretation thereof before the king.
2.47 The king spoke unto Daniel, and said: ‘of a truth it is, that your God is the God of gods, and the Lord of kings, and a revealer of secrets, seeing thou hast been able to reveal this secret.’
3.13 Then Nebuchadnezzar in his rage and fury commanded to bring Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego. Then were these men brought before the king.
3.19 Then was Nebuchadnezzar filled with fury, and the form of his visage was changed, against Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego; he spoke, and commanded that they should heat the furnace seven times more than it was wont to be heated.
3.28 Nebuchadnezzar spoke and said: ‘Blessed be the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, who hath sent His angel, and delivered His servants that trusted in Him, and have changed the king’s word, and have yielded their bodies, that they might not serve nor worship any god, except their own God. 3.29 Therefore I make a decree, that every people, nation, and language, which speak any thing amiss against the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, shall be cut in pieces, and their houses shall be made a dunghill; because there is no other god that is able to deliver after this sort.’
3.32 It hath seemed good unto me to declare the signs and wonders that God Most High hath wrought toward me.
5.23 but hast lifted up thyself against the Lord of heaven; and they have brought the vessels of His house before thee, and thou and thy lords, thy consorts and thy concubines, have drunk wine in them; and thou hast praised the gods of silver, and gold, of brass, iron, wood, and stone, which see not, nor hear, nor know; and the God in whose hand thy breath is, and whose are all thy ways, hast thou not glorified;
7.8 I considered the horns, and, behold, there came up among them another horn, a little one, before which three of the first horns were plucked up by the roots; and, behold, in this horn were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great things.
7.20 and concerning the ten horns that were on its head, and the other horn which came up, and before which three fell; even that horn that had eyes, and a mouth that spoke great things, whose appearance was greater than that of its fellows.
7.24 And as for the ten horns, out of this kingdom shall ten kings arise; and another shall arise after them; and he shall be diverse from the former, and he shall put down three kings. 7.25 And he shall speak words against the Most High, and shall wear out the saints of the Most High; and he shall think to change the seasons and the law; and they shall be given into his hand until a time and times and half a time.
8.3 And I lifted up mine eyes, and saw, and, behold, there stood before the stream a ram which had two horns; and the two horns were high; but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last. 8.4 I saw the ram pushing westward, and northward, and southward; and no beasts could stand before him, neither was there any that could deliver out of his hand; but he did according to his will, and magnified himself. 8.5 And as I was considering, behold, a he-goat came from the west over the face of the whole earth, and touched not the ground; and the goat had a conspicuous horn between his eyes. 8.6 And he came to the ram that had the two horns, which I saw standing before the stream, and ran at him in the fury of his power. 8.7 And I saw him come close unto the ram, and he was moved with choler against him, and smote the ram, and broke his two horns; and there was no power in the ram to stand before him; but he cast him down to the ground, and trampled upon him; and there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand. 8.8 And the he-goat magnified himself exceedingly; and when he was strong, the great horn was broken; and instead of it there came up the appearance of four horns toward the four winds of heaven. 8.9 And out of one of them came forth a little horn, which waxed exceeding great, toward the south, and toward the east, and toward the beauteous land. 8.10 And it waxed great, even to the host of heaven; and some of the host and of the stars it cast down to the ground, and trampled upon them. 8.11 Yea, it magnified itself, even to the prince of the host; and from him the continual burnt-offering was taken away, and the place of his sanctuary was cast down. 8.12 And the host was given over to it together with the continual burnt-offering through transgression; and it cast down truth to the ground, and it wrought, and prospered. 8.13 Then I heard a holy one speaking; and another holy one said unto that certain one who spoke: ‘How long shall be the vision concerning the continual burnt-offering, and the transgression that causes appalment, to give both the sanctuary and the host to be trampled under foot?’ 8.14 And he said unto me: ‘Unto two thousand and three hundred evenings and mornings; then shall the sanctuary be victorious.’
8.23 And in the latter time of their kingdom, when the transgressors have completed their transgression, there shall stand up a king of fierce countece, and understanding stratagems. 8.24 And his power shall be mighty, but not by his own power; and he shall destroy wonderfully, and shall prosper and do; and he shall destroy them that are mighty and the people of the saints. 8.25 And through his cunning he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand; and he shall magnify himself in his heart, and in time of security shall he destroy many; he shall also stand up against the prince of princes; but he shall be broken without hand.
9.7 Unto Thee, O Lord, belongeth righteousness, but unto us confusion of face, as at this day; to the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and unto all Israel, that are near, and that are far off, through all the countries whither Thou hast driven them, because they dealt treacherously with Thee.
9.12 And He hath confirmed His word, which He spoke against us, and against our judges that judged us, by bringing upon us a great evil; so that under the whole heaven hath not been done as hath been done upon Jerusalem.
9.16 O Lord, according to all Thy righteousness, let Thine anger and Thy fury, I pray Thee, be turned away from Thy city Jerusalem, Thy holy mountain; because for our sins, and for the iniquities of our fathers, Jerusalem and Thy people are become a reproach to all that are about us.
9.24 Seventy weeks are decreed upon thy people and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to forgive iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint the most holy place. 9.25 Know therefore and discern, that from the going forth of the word to restore and to build Jerusalem unto one anointed, a prince, shall be seven weeks; and for threescore and two weeks, it shall be built again, with broad place and moat, but in troublous times. 9.26 And after the threescore and two weeks shall an anointed one be cut off, and be no more; and the people of a prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary; but his end shall be with a flood; and unto the end of the war desolations are determined. 9.27 And he shall make a firm covet with many for one week; and for half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the offering to cease; and upon the wing of detestable things shall be that which causeth appalment; and that until the extermination wholly determined be poured out upon that which causeth appalment.’
10.13 But the prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me one and twenty days; but, lo, Michael, one of the chief princes, came to help me; and I was left over there beside the kings of Persia. 10.14 Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the end of days; for there is yet a vision for the days.’
10.21 Howbeit I will declare unto thee that which is inscribed in the writing of truth; and there is none that holdeth with me against these, except Michael your prince.
11.14 And in those times there shall many stand up against the king of the south; also the children of the violent among thy people shall lift themselves up to establish the vision; but they shall stumble.
11.20 Then shall stand up in his place one that shall cause an exactor to pass through the glory of the kingdom; but within few days he shall be destroyed, neither in anger, nor in battle. 11.21 And in his place shall stand up a contemptible person, upon whom had not been conferred the majesty of the kingdom; but he shall come in time of security, and shall obtain the kingdom by blandishments. 11.22 And the arms of the flood shall be swept away from before him, and shall be broken; yea, also the prince of the covet. 11.23 And after the league made with him he shall work deceitfully; and he shall come up and become strong, with a little nation. 11.24 In time of security shall he come even upon the fattest places of the province; and he shall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his fathers’fathers: he shall scatter among them prey, and spoil, and substance; yea, he shall devise his devices against fortresses, but only until the time. 11.25 And he shall stir up his power and his courage against the king of the south with a great army; and the king of the south shall stir himself up to battle with a very great and mighty army; but he shall not stand, for they shall devise devices against him. 11.26 Yea, they that eat of his food shall destroy him, and his army shall be swept away; and many shall fall down slain. 11.27 And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper, for the end remaineth yet for the time appointed. 11.28 And he shall return to his own land with great substance; and his heart shall be against the holy covet; and he shall do his pleasure, and return to his own land. 11.29 At the time appointed he shall return, and come into the south; but it shall not be in the latter time as it was in the former.
11.30 For ships of Kittim shall come against him, and he shall be cowed, and he shall return, and have indignation against the holy covet, and shall do his pleasure; and he shall return, and have regard unto them that forsake the holy covet.
11.31 And arms shall stand on his part, and they shall profane the sanctuary, even the stronghold, and shall take away the continual burnt-offering, and they shall set up the detestable thing that causeth appalment.
11.32 And such as do wickedly against the covet shall be corrupt by blandishments; but the people that know their God shall show strength, and prevail.
11.33 And they that are wise among the people shall cause the many to understand; yet they shall stumble by the sword and by flame, by captivity and by spoil, many days.
11.34 Now when they shall stumble, they shall be helped with a little help; but many shall join themselves unto them with blandishments.
11.35 And some of them that are wise shall stumble, to refine among them, and to purify, and to make white, even to the time of the end; for it is yet for the time appointed.
11.36 And the king shall do according to his will; and he shall exalt himself, and magnify himself above every god, and shall speak strange things against the God of gods; and he shall prosper till the indignation be accomplished; for that which is determined shall be done.
11.37 Neither shall he regard the gods of his fathers; and neither the desire of women, nor any god, shall he regard; for he shall magnify himself above all.
11.38 But in his place shall he honour the god of strongholds; and a god whom his fathers knew not shall he honour with gold, and silver, and with precious stones, and costly things. .
11.39 And he shall deal with the strongest fortresses with the help of a foreign god; whom he shall acknowledge, shall increase glory; and he shall cause them to rule over many, and shall divide the land for a price. 11.40 And at the time of the end shall the king of the south push at him; and the king of the north shall come against him like a whirlwind, with chariots, and with horsemen, and with many ships; and he shall enter into the countries, and shall overflow, as he passes through. 11.41 He shall enter also into the beauteous land, and many countries shall be overthrown; but these shall be delivered out of his hand, Edom, and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon. 11.42 He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries; and the land of Egypt shall not escape. 11.43 But he shall have power over the treasures of gold and silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt; and the Libyans and the Ethiopians shall be at his steps. 11.44 But tidings out of the east and out of the north shall affright him; and he shall go forth with great fury to destroy and utterly to take away many. 11.45 And he shall plant the tents of his palace between the seas and the beauteous holy mountain; and he shall come to his end, and none shall help him.
12.1 And at that time shall Michael stand up, the great prince who standeth for the children of thy people; and there shall be a time of trouble, such as never was since there was a nation even to that same time; and at that time thy people shall be delivered, every one that shall be found written in the book. 12.2 And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to reproaches and everlasting abhorrence. 12.3 And they that are wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that turn the many to righteousness as the stars for ever and ever.
12.7 And I heard the man clothed in linen, who was above the waters of the river, when he lifted up his right hand and his left hand unto heaven, and swore by Him that liveth for ever that it shall be for a time, times, and a half; and when they have made an end of breaking in pieces the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished.
1
2.11 And from the time that the continual burnt-offering shall be taken away, and the detestable thing that causes appalment set up, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days.' ' None |
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30. Polybius, Histories, 4.65.6, 5.34.7, 5.50.1, 5.51-5.55, 5.57.5, 5.65.3, 5.104-5.106, 5.107.1-5.107.3, 8.21.11, 11.34.5-11.34.6, 30.26.9, 31.1.6, 31.11-31.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos Hierax, Seleucid usurper • Antiochos II, Seleucid • Antiochos III • Antiochos III Megas • Antiochus • Antiochus I Soter • Antiochus II, • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III, • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus V (Eupator) • Antiochus V Eupator • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, n. • Berenike, daughter of Ptolemaios II and wife of Antiochos II • Laodike, wife of Antiochos II • Lydia/Lydians, Antiochos III • Pergamon, Rome’s ally against Philip V and Antiochos III • Rhodes/Rhodians, alliance with Pergamon and Rome against Philip V and Antiochos III
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 453; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 317, 322, 512, 514, 795; Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 37; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 21, 64; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 148; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 50; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 35; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 213, 218; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 78, 81, 138, 144; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 190, 411, 468, 547; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 344, 353, 372
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4.65.6 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν καὶ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ἐξ αὐτῆς προελθὼν κατεστρατοπέδευσε τῆς Καλυδωνίας πρός τι χωρίον ὀχυρόν, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Ἔλαος, ἠσφάλισται δὲ τείχεσι καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς παρασκευαῖς διαφερόντως, Ἀττάλου τὴν περὶ αὐτὸ κατασκευὴν ἀναδεξαμένου τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.' 5.57.5 παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς Λαοδίκειαν τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διάδημά τε περιέθετο καὶ βασιλεὺς τότε πρῶτον ἐτόλμησε χρηματίζειν καὶ γράφειν πρὸς τὰς πόλεις; Γαρσυήριδος αὐτὸν τοῦ φυγάδος εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος μάλιστα προτρεψαμένου. προάγοντος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς αὐτοῦ,
5.65.3 ὁ δʼ Ἀχαιὸς Φοξίδας καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Θρασέου, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀνδρόμαχος ὁ Ἀσπένδιος, συνεγύμναζον μὲν ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας,
5.107.1 εστώτων ἀκρισίαν. Πτολεμαίῳ γε μὴν εὐθέως ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους πόλεμον. 5.107.2 ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς καθοπλίσας τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἐνδεχομένως ἐβουλεύσατο, τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος ἠστόχησε· 5.107.3 φρονηματισθέντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Ῥαφίαν προτερήματος, οὐκέτι τὸ προσταττόμενον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὑπομένειν, ἀλλʼ ἐζήτουν ἡγεμόνα καὶ πρόσωπον, ὡς ἱκανοὶ βοηθεῖν ὄντες αὑτοῖς. ὃ καὶ τέλος ἐποίησαν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον.
11.34.5 πλήθη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγα παρεῖναι τῶν Νομάδων, διʼ ὧν κινδυνεύειν μὲν ἀμφοτέρους, ἐκβαρβαρωθήσεσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν ὁμολογουμένως, ἐὰν ἐκείνους προσδέχωνται. 11.34.6 ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Τηλέαν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον.'' None | sup>
4.65.6 \xa0The king, taking possession of this town too, advanced from it and encamped before a strong place in the territory of Calydon called Elaus admirably fortified by walls and other defences, Attalus having undertaken for the Aetolians the expense of construction. <' "
5.51 1. \xa0Antiochus, on reaching the Euphrates, gave his troops a rest and then resumed his march. Arriving at Antioch in Mygdonia at about the winter solstice, he remained there, wishing to wait until the extreme rigour of the winter should be over.,2. \xa0After passing forty days there he went off to Libba,,3. \xa0and at a council held to determine what was the best line of advance against Molon and whence supplies for the march should be obtained â\x80\x94 Molon being now in the neighbourhood of Babylon â\x80\x94,4. \xa0Hermeias advised marching along the Tigris, so that their flank should be covered by this river and by the Lycus and Caprus.,5. \xa0Zeuxis, having the fate of Epigenes before his eyes, was afraid of the consequences if he stated his own view, but nevertheless, as Hermeias was obviously wrong, he plucked up courage to advise crossing the Tigris,,6. \xa0giving as his reasons the general difficulty of the march along the river, and the fact that they would, after passing through a considerable extent of country, have to undertake a six days' march through the desert before reaching the king's canal.,7. \xa0As this was held by the enemy, it would be impossible to cross, and a subsequent retreat through the desert would obviously be attended with great risk, especially as they would be badly off for provisions.,8. \xa0If, on the contrary, they crossed the Tigris, he pointed out that the population of the Apolloniatis would evidently resume their allegiance and join the king, since it was not by their own choice but from necessity and fear that they now yielded obedience to Molon.,9. \xa0It was also evident, he said, that the army would be plenteously furnished with provisions owing to the fertility of the country.,10. \xa0But the most important consideration was that Molon's retreat to Media and his sources of supplies from that province would be cut off,,11. \xa0and that therefore he would be obliged to give battle, or if he refused, his troops would soon go over to the king." "5.52 1. \xa0Zeuxis' advice was approved, and dividing the army into three parts they speedily crossed the river with their baggage at three different places,,2. \xa0and marching on Dura, which city was then besieged by one of Molon's generals,,3. \xa0forced the enemy at their first assault to raise the siege. Advancing hence and marching continuously for eight days they crossed the mountain called Oreicum and arrived at Apollonia.,4. Meanwhile Molon had heard of the king's arrival, and mistrusting the population of Susiana and Babylonia, as his conquest of these provinces was so recent and sudden, fearing also that his return to Media might be cut off, he decided to bridge the Tigris and cross it with his army,,5. \xa0being anxious if possible to gain the hilly part of the territory of Apollonia, as he relied on the numbers of his force of slingers known as Cyrtii.,6. \xa0Having crossed the river he advanced marching rapidly and uninterruptedly.,7. \xa0He was approaching the district in question at the very time that king had left Apollonia with the whole of his army, and the light infantry of both, which had been sent on in advance, came into contact in crossing a certain range of hills.,8. \xa0At first they engaged in a skirmish with each other, but on the main bodies coming up they separated. The armies now withdrew to their separate camps, which were distant from each other about forty stades,,9. \xa0but when evening set in Molon, reflecting that a direct attack by day on their king by the rebels would be hazardous and difficult, determined to attack Antiochus by night.,10. \xa0Choosing the most competent and vigorous men in his whole army, he took them round in a certain direction, with the design of falling on the enemy from higher ground.,11. \xa0But learning on his march that ten soldiers in a body had deserted to Antiochus,,12. \xa0he abandoned this plan and retiring hastily appeared about daybreak at his own camp, where his arrival threw the whole army into confusion and panic;,13. \xa0for the men there, started out of their sleep by the advancing force, were very nearly rushing out of the camp.,14. \xa0Molon, however, quieted the panic as far as he could," '5.53 1. \xa0and at dawn the king, who was quite prepared for battle, moved his whole army out of camp.,2. \xa0On his right wing he posted first his lancers under the command of Ardys, an officer of proved ability in the field,,3. \xa0next them the Cretan allies and next them the Gallic Rhigosages. After these he placed the mercenaries from Greece and last of all the phalanx.,4. \xa0The left wing he assigned to the cavalry known as "Companions." His elephants, which were ten in number, he posted at certain intervals in front of the line.,5. \xa0He distributed his reserves of infantry and cavalry between the two wings with orders to outflank the enemy as soon as the battle had begun.,6. \xa0After this he passed along the line and addressed his troops in a\xa0few words suitable to the occasion. He entrusted the left wing to Hermeias and Zeuxis and took command of the right wing himself.,7. \xa0As for Molon, in consequence of the absurd panic that occurred during the night, it was with difficulty that he drew out his forces from camp, and there was much confusion in getting them into position.,8. \xa0However, he divided his cavalry between his two wings, taking into consideration the enemy\'s disposition, and between the two bodies of cavalry he placed the scutati, the Gauls, and in general all his heavy-armed troops.,9. \xa0His archers, slingers, and all such kind of troops he posted beyond the cavalry on either wing,,10. \xa0and his scythed chariots at intervals in front of his line.,11. \xa0He gave the command of his left wing to his brother Neolaus and took command of the right wing himself.' "5.54 1. \xa0When the armies now advanced against each other, Molon's right wing remained faithful and vigorously engaged Zeuxis' force, but the left wing, as soon as they closed and came in sight of the king, went over to the enemy, upon which Molon's whole force lost heart, while the confidence of the king's army was redoubled.,3. \xa0Molon, aware of what had happened and already surrounded on every side, haunted by the tortures he would suffer if he were taken alive, put an end to his life, and all who had taken any part in the plot escaped each to his home and perished in like manner.,5. \xa0Neolaus, escaping from the battle to his brother Alexander in Persia, killed his mother and Molon's children and afterwards himself, persuading Alexander to follow his example.,6. \xa0The king after plundering the enemy's camp ordered Molon's body to be crucified in the most conspicuous place in Media.,7. \xa0This sentence was at once executed by the officials charged with it, who took the body to the Callonitis and crucified it at the foot of the ascent to Mount Zagrus.,8. \xa0After this Antiochus rebuked the rebel troops at some length, and then giving them his right hand in sign of pardon charged certain officers with the task of conducting them back to Media and setting affairs there in order.,9. \xa0He himself went down to Seleucia and restored order to the neighbouring satrapies, treating all offenders with mildness and wisdom.,10. \xa0But Hermeias, keeping up his character for harshness, brought accusations against the people of Seleucia and fined the city a\xa0thousand talents; sent the magistrates called Adeiganes into exile and destroyed many of the Seleucians by mutilation, the sword, or the rack.,11. \xa0It was with much difficulty that the king, by talking over Hermeias or by taking matters into his own hands, at length succeeded in quieting and pacifying the citizens, imposing a fine of only a\xa0hundred and fifty talents in punishment for their offense.,12. \xa0After arranging these matters he left Diogenes in command of Media and Apollodorus of Susiana, and sent Tychon, the chief secretary of the army, to take the command of the Persian gulf province.,13. Thus were the rebellion of Molon and the consequent rising in the upper satrapies suppressed and quieted." '5.55 1. \xa0Elated by his success and wishing to overawe and intimidate the barbarous princes whose dominions bordered on and lay beyond his own provinces, so as to prevent their furnishing anyone who rebelled against him with supplies or armed assistance, the king decided to march against them and in the first place against Artabarzanes,,2. \xa0who was considered the most important and energetic of these potentates, being master of the soâ\x80\x91called satrapies and the tribes on their borders.,3. \xa0But Hermeias at that time was afraid of an expedition into the interior owing to its danger and continued to yearn for the campaign against Ptolemy which he had originally planned.,4. \xa0When, however, the news came that a son had been born to Antiochus, thinking that possibly in the interior Antiochus might meet with some misfortune at the hands of the barbarians and give him the opportunity of compassing his death, he gave his consent to the expedition, feeling sure,5. \xa0that if he could put Antiochus out of the way he would be himself the child\'s guardian and master of the kingdom.,6. \xa0The campaign once decided on, they crossed \')" onMouseOut="nd();"Mount Zagrus,7. \xa0into the territory of Artabarzanes which borders on Media, from which it is separated by the intervening chain of mountains. Above it lies that part of Pontus which descends to the river Phasis. It reaches as far as the Caspian Sea,8. \xa0and has a large and warlike population chiefly mounted, while its natural resources provide every kind of warlike material.,9. \xa0The principality still remains under Persian rule, having been overlooked in the time of Alexander.,10. \xa0Artabarzanes, terror-struck at the king\'s attack, chiefly owing to his years as he was quite an old man, yielded to circumstances and made terms which satisfied Antiochus.
5.57.5 \xa0On reaching Laodicea in Phrygia he assumed the diadem and for the first time ventured to take the title of king and use it in his letters to towns, taking this step chiefly at the instigation of the exile Garsyeris. <
5.65.3 \xa0Phoxidas the Achaean, Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus exercised together in one body the phalanx and the Greek mercenaries, <
5.104 1. \xa0"It would be best of all if the Greeks never made war on each other, but regarded it as the highest favour in the gift of the gods could they speak ever with one heart and voice, and marching arm in arm like men fording a river, repel barbarian invaders and unite in preserving themselves and their cities.,2. \xa0And if such a union is indeed unattainable as a whole, I\xa0would counsel you at the present moment at least to agree together and to take due precautions for your safety, in view of the vast armaments now in the field and the greatness of this war in the west.,3. \xa0For it is evident even to those of us who give but scanty attention to affairs of state, that whether the Carthaginians beat the Romans or the Romans the Carthaginians in this war, it is not in the least likely that the victors will be content with the sovereignty of Italy and Sicily, but they are sure to come here and extend their ambitions beyond the bounds of justice.,4. \xa0Therefore I\xa0implore you all to secure yourselves against this danger, and I\xa0address myself especially to King Philip.,5. \xa0For you, Sire, the best security is, instead of exhausting the Greeks and making them an easy prey to the invader, on the contrary to take thought for them as for your own body, and to attend to the safety of every province of Greece as if it were part and parcel of your own dominions.,6. \xa0For if such be your policy the Greeks will bear you affection and render sure help to you in case of attack, while foreigners will be less disposed to plot against your throne, impressed as they will be by the loyalty of the Greeks to you.,7. \xa0If you desire a field of action, turn to the west and keep your eyes on the war in Italy, so that, wisely biding your time, you may some day at the proper moment compete for the sovereignty of the world.,8. \xa0And the present times are by no means such as to exclude any hope of the kind.,9. \xa0But defer your differences with the Greeks and your wars here until you have repose enough for such matters, and give your whole attention now to the more urgent question, so that the power may still be yours of making war or peace with them at your pleasure.,10. \xa0For if once you wait for these clouds that loom in the west to settle on Greece, I\xa0very much fear lest we may all of us find these truces and wars and games at which we now play, so rudely interrupted,11. \xa0that we shall be fain to pray to the gods to give us still the power of fighting in general with each other and making peace when we will, the power, in a word, of deciding our differences for ourselves." ' "5.105 1. \xa0Agelaus by this speech made all the allies disposed for peace and especially Philip, as the words in which he addressed him accorded well with his present inclination, Demetrius having previously prepared the ground by his advice.,2. \xa0So that they came to an agreement on all the points of detail, and after ratifying the peace the conference broke up, each carrying back to his home peace instead of war.,3. All these events took place in the third year of the 140th Olympiad, â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean the battle of the Romans in Etruria, that of Antiochus in Coele-Syria and the treaty of the Achaeans and Philip with the Aetolians.,4. It was at this time and at this conference that the affairs of Greece, Italy, and Africa were first brought into contact.,5. \xa0For Philip and the leading statesmen of Greece ceased henceforth, in making war and peace with each other, to base their action on events in Greece, but the eyes of all were turned to the issues in Italy.,6. \xa0And very soon the same thing happened to the islanders and the inhabitants of Asia Minor.,7. \xa0For those who had grievances against Philip and some of the adversaries of Attalus no longer turned to the south and east, to Antiochus and Ptolemy, but henceforth looked to the west, some sending embassies to Carthage and others to Rome,,8. \xa0and the Romans also sending embassies to the Greeks, afraid as they were of Philip's venturesome character and guarding themselves against an attack by him now they were in difficulties.,9. \xa0Now that I\xa0have, as I\xa0promised, shown, I\xa0think clearly, how, when, and for what reason Greek affairs became involved with those of Italy and Africa,,10. \xa0I\xa0shall continue my narrative of Greek history up to the date of the battle at Cannae in which the Romans were defeated by the Carthaginians, the decisive event with which I\xa0broke off my account of the war in Italy and will thus bring this book to a close, not overstepping the above date. " '5.106 1. \xa0As soon as the Achaeans had the war off their shoulders, electing Timoxenus as their strategus and resuming their normal customs and mode of life,,2. \xa0they set themselves, like the rest of the Peloponnesian towns, to re-establishing their private fortunes, to repairing the damage done to their lands, and to reviving their traditional sacrifices and festivals and various local religious rites.,3. \xa0Such matters had indeed almost sunk into oblivion owing to the late uninterrupted state of war.,4. \xa0For somehow or other the Peloponnesians, who are above all men disposed to a quiet and sociable life, have enjoyed less of it in former times at least than any other people, having been rather as Euripides expresses it "aye vexed with toil, their spears never at rest.",5. \xa0It is only natural that this should be so, for as they are all naturally both ambitious of supremacy and fond of liberty, they are in a state of constant warfare, none being disposed to yield the first place to his neighbour.,6. The Athenians were now delivered from the fear of Macedonia and regarded their liberty as securely established.,7. \xa0Following the policy and inclination of their leading statesmen Eurycleidas and Micion, they took no part in the affairs of the rest of Greece, but were profuse in their adulation of all the kings, and chiefly of Ptolemy,,8. \xa0consenting to every variety of decree and proclamation however humiliating, and paid little heed to decency in this respect owing to the lack of judgement of their leaders.
5.107.1 \xa0As for Ptolemy, his war against the Egyptians followed immediately on these events. < 5.107.2 \xa0This king, by arming the Egyptians for his war against Antiochus, took a step which was of great service for the time, but which was a mistake as regards the future. < 5.107.3 \xa0The soldiers, highly proud of their victory at Raphia, were no longer disposed to obey orders, but were on the look out for a leader and figure-head, thinking themselves well able to maintain themselves as an independent power, an attempt in which they finally succeeded not long afterwards. Antiochus, after making preparations on a large scale during the winter, crossed the Taurus at the beginning of summer and, coming to an understanding with King Attalus, arranged for a joint campaign against Achaeus. <
11.34.5 \xa0for considerable hordes of Nomads were approaching, and this was not only a grave danger to both of them, but if they consented to admit them, the country would certainly relapse into barbarism. < 11.34.6 \xa0After speaking thus he dispatched Teleas to Antiochus. <
30.26.9 \xa0All the above display and outlay was provided for by the robberies he had committed in Egypt when he treacherously attacked King Philometor while yet a child, and partly by contributions from his friends. He had also sacrilegiously despoiled most of the temples. <
31.11 1. \xa0At this time when the news arrived of the calamity that had happened to Gnaeus Octavius,,2. \xa0how he had been assassinated, and when the envoys sent by Lysias on behalf of King Antiochus appeared and were profuse in their assurances that the friends of the king had had no part in the deed,,3. \xa0the senate paid scant attention to the embassy, not wishing to pronounce any decision on the matter or to express in any manner their opinion.,4. \xa0But Demetrius, excited by the news, at once sent for Polybius and submitted to him his doubt as to whether or not he should address the senate again on the question of his own situation.,5. \xa0Polybius begged him not to stumble twice on the same stone, but to trust in himself and take some bold course worthy of a throne; for, he said, there were many opportunities for action suggested by the present situation.,6. \xa0Demetrius understood this advice and held his peace for the present, but shortly afterwards communicated with one of his intimate friends, Apollonius, about the same matter.,7. \xa0This man, being of an unsuspecting character and quite young, advised him to try the senate once more, for he felt sure, that as they had unjustly deprived him of his kingdom, they would at least release him from his position as hostage,,8. \xa0since it was quite unreasonable that now, when the young Antiochus had succeeded to the throne of Syria, Demetrius should serve as hostage for him.,9. \xa0Persuaded by this reasoning Demetrius again appeared before the senate and begged the house to release him at least from his obligation as hostage, as they had decided to secure the throne to Antiochus.,10. \xa0After he had spoken at some length in this sense, the senate adhered to its original resolve, as was only to be expected.,11. \xa0For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest.,12. \xa0And as the conditions remained the same, it was to be expected that the decision of the senate should be based on the same policy. ' "31.12 1. \xa0But Demetrius, having sung his swan's song in vain and recognizing the soundness of Polybius's advice not to stumble twice on the same stone,,2. \xa0repented of what he had done, but, being naturally high-spirited and having courage adequate to carry out his designs, at once called Diodorus who had recently arrived from Syria and informed him of his position.,3. \xa0Diodorus had been the foster-father of Demetrius; he was an able man and had carefully studied the situation in Syria, and he now pointed out to Demetrius that since great disturbance prevailed there owing to the murder of Octavius, since Lysias and the populace mutually distrusted each other, and since the senate was convinced that the outrage on their envoys had been due to the king's friends, the time was very favourable for his appearing suddenly on the scene.,5. \xa0For the Syrians would at once transfer the crown to him, even if he appeared accompanied only by a single slave, while the senate would not go so far as to help and support Lysias after his conduct.,6. \xa0All that remained then was to escape from Rome secretly without anyone having any notion of his plan.,7. \xa0Having come to this decision, Demetrius sent for Polybius and communicated the project to him, begging him to assist him in it and join him in planning the best means of escape.,8. \xa0At that time it happened that there was a certain Menyllus of Alabanda present, on an embassy from the elder Ptolemy, with the object of confronting and answering the younger Ptolemy. Polybius had long been intimate with this Menyllus, and had great confidence in him.,9. \xa0So that, thinking him to be the proper person to engage in the present service, he introduced him to Demetrius, recommending him very cordially and warmly.,10. \xa0Menyllus consented to take part in the project, and engaged to have a ship ready and to provide all else that was required for the voyage.,11. \xa0Finding a Carthaginian ship that had carried sacred offerings anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, he hired it.,12. \xa0Such ships were specially selected at Carthage for the conveyance of the traditional offering of first-fruits to their gods that the Carthaginians send to Tyre. Menyllus chartered her openly to convey himself home;,13. \xa0so that he could without any suspicion send on board a\xa0month's stock of provisions and could speak openly to the ship's officers and make arrangements with them. " ' None |
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31. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 7.6, 7.10-7.15, 7.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, desecration of Temple • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, n.
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 453; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 457, 491; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 172; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 181, 182, 186
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7.6 But we very severely threatened them for these acts, and in accordance with the clemency which we have toward all men we barely spared their lives. Since we have come to realize that the God of heaven surely defends the Jews, always taking their part as a father does for his children,' "7.11 For they declared that those who for the belly's sake had transgressed the divine commandments would never be favorably disposed toward the king's government." '7.12 The king then, admitting and approving the truth of what they said, granted them a general license so that freely and without royal authority or supervision they might destroy those everywhere in his kingdom who had transgressed the law of God. 7.13 When they had applauded him in fitting manner, their priests and the whole multitude shouted the Hallelujah and joyfully departed. 7.14 And so on their way they punished and put to a public and shameful death any whom they met of their fellow-countrymen who had become defiled. 7.15 In that day they put to death more than three hundred men; and they kept the day as a joyful festival, since they had destroyed the profaners.' ' None |
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32. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.1-1.2, 1.5, 1.9-1.64, 2.1-2.14, 2.16-2.20, 2.22-2.68, 2.70, 3.3-3.5, 3.7-3.8, 3.10, 3.13-3.27, 3.29-3.30, 3.32-3.33, 3.37, 3.51, 4.28, 4.30, 4.36, 4.38, 4.42-4.52, 4.61, 5.9-5.10, 5.43, 5.61-5.62, 5.65, 5.68, 6.1, 6.7-6.16, 6.18-6.19, 6.21-6.23, 6.26, 6.43-6.46, 6.55-6.63, 7.1, 7.3-7.6, 7.33-7.49, 8.17-8.18, 8.20, 8.23-8.27, 9.21-9.22, 10.14, 10.18, 10.25-10.26, 10.29-10.31, 10.34, 10.36-10.40, 10.42, 10.84, 11.1-11.8, 11.18, 11.20-11.23, 11.25, 11.30-11.37, 11.41-11.43, 12.1-12.4, 12.16, 12.35, 13.11, 13.36, 13.39-13.41, 13.47, 14.4, 14.28, 14.33, 15.2, 15.6, 15.16, 15.21, 16.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus III, • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Attachment to Athens • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Campaign to Egypt • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Devotion to Apollo • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Epistles to the Jews • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Visits to Jerusalem • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, as instrument of God • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, defiles Temple • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, desecration of Temple • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, motivation for persecution • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutions • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, son of Belial • Antiochus IX Cyzicenus • Antiochus V (Eupator) • Antiochus V Eupator • Antiochus V Sidetes • Antiochus VII • Antiochus VII Sidetes • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus the apostate • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, IV, Titles • Antiochus, VI • Antiochus, VII • Antiochus, emotions of • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus V Eupator • Samaritan Petition, Explanations of Persecution of Antiochus IV
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022), Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity, 149; Avemarie, van Henten, and Furstenberg (2023), Jewish Martyrdom in Antiquity, 20, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33; Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 17, 21; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 129, 161, 164, 277, 278; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 170, 182, 212, 218, 224, 461, 465; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 281, 282, 286, 299, 312, 327, 329, 330, 337, 340, 341, 345, 353, 360, 363, 376, 383, 386, 406, 409, 415, 433, 440, 481, 1039, 1045, 1048, 1050, 1051, 1052, 1053, 1054, 1055, 1063, 1068, 1069, 1070, 1076, 1077, 1080, 1081, 1083, 1084, 1085, 1087, 1088, 1089, 1090, 1091, 1093, 1099, 1102, 1103, 1105, 1106, 1112, 1113, 1114, 1115, 1118, 1119, 1122, 1123, 1124, 1125, 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130; Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 13, 105, 141; Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 43; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 109; Gera (2014), Judith, 39, 116, 171, 173, 189, 316, 317, 389; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 121, 138, 140, 141, 143; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 132, 134, 135; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 69; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 41, 125; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 15; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 294; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 258, 259, 261; Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 119, 120, 126, 127, 128; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 40; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36, 48, 50; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 103, 119, 129, 329, 336; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 103; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 14, 26, 29, 30, 32, 40, 41, 60, 86, 156, 221, 250, 274, 275, 300, 331, 352, 372, 373, 382, 394, 395, 396, 397, 406, 419, 430, 459, 468, 520, 533, 534, 535, 536, 542, 544; Stuckenbruck (2007), 1 Enoch 91-108, 212; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 222; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 575; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 59, 64, 109; Zetterholm (2003), The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation Between Judaism and Christianity. 20, 77, 79; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 62, 64, 65, 67, 109, 111, 124, 135
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1.1 After Alexander son of Philip, the Macedonian, who came from the land of Kittim, had defeated Darius, king of the Persians and the Medes, he succeeded him as king. (He had previously become king of Greece.) 1.2 He fought many battles, conquered strongholds, and put to death the kings of the earth.
1.5 After this he fell sick and perceived that he was dying.
1.10 From them came forth a sinful root, Antiochus Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king; he had been a hostage in Rome. He began to reign in the one hundred and thirty-seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks.
1.11 In those days lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, "Let us go and make a covet with the Gentiles round about us, for since we separated from them many evils have come upon us."
1.12 This proposal pleased them,
1.13 and some of the people eagerly went to the king. He authorized them to observe the ordices of the Gentiles.
1.14 So they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, according to Gentile custom,
1.15 and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covet. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil.
1.16 When Antiochus saw that his kingdom was established, he determined to become king of the land of Egypt, that he might reign over both kingdoms.
1.17 So he invaded Egypt with a strong force, with chariots and elephants and cavalry and with a large fleet.
1.18 He engaged Ptolemy king of Egypt in battle, and Ptolemy turned and fled before him, and many were wounded and fell.
1.19 And they captured the fortified cities in the land of Egypt, and he plundered the land of Egypt. 1.20 After subduing Egypt, Antiochus returned in the one hundred and forty-third year. He went up against Israel and came to Jerusalem with a strong force. 1.21 He arrogantly entered the sanctuary and took the golden altar, the lampstand for the light, and all its utensils. 1.22 He took also the table for the bread of the Presence, the cups for drink offerings, the bowls, the golden censers, the curtain, the crowns, and the gold decoration on the front of the temple; he stripped it all off. 1.23 He took the silver and the gold, and the costly vessels; he took also the hidden treasures which he found. 1.24 Taking them all, he departed to his own land. He committed deeds of murder,and spoke with great arrogance. 1.25 Israel mourned deeply in every community, 1.26 rulers and elders groaned,maidens and young men became faint,the beauty of women faded. 1.27 Every bridegroom took up the lament;she who sat in the bridal chamber was mourning. 1.28 Even the land shook for its inhabitants,and all the house of Jacob was clothed with shame. 1.29 Two years later the king sent to the cities of Judah a chief collector of tribute, and he came to Jerusalem with a large force. 1.30 Deceitfully he spoke peaceable words to them, and they believed him; but he suddenly fell upon the city, dealt it a severe blow, and destroyed many people of Israel. 1.31 He plundered the city, burned it with fire, and tore down its houses and its surrounding walls. 1.32 And they took captive the women and children, and seized the cattle. 1.33 Then they fortified the city of David with a great strong wall and strong towers, and it became their citadel. 1.34 And they stationed there a sinful people, lawless men. These strengthened their position; 1.35 they stored up arms and food, and collecting the spoils of Jerusalem they stored them there, and became a great snare. 1.36 It became an ambush against the sanctuary,an evil adversary of Israel continually. 1.37 On every side of the sanctuary they shed innocent blood;they even defiled the sanctuary. 1.38 Because of them the residents of Jerusalem fled;she became a dwelling of strangers;she became strange to her offspring,and her children forsook her. 1.39 Her sanctuary became desolate as a desert;her feasts were turned into mourning,her sabbaths into a reproach,her honor into contempt. 1.40 Her dishonor now grew as great as her glory;her exaltation was turned into mourning. 1.41 Then the king wrote to his whole kingdom that all should be one people, 1.42 and that each should give up his customs. 1.43 All the Gentiles accepted the command of the king. Many even from Israel gladly adopted his religion; they sacrificed to idols and profaned the sabbath. 1.44 And the king sent letters by messengers to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah; he directed them to follow customs strange to the land, 1.45 to forbid burnt offerings and sacrifices and drink offerings in the sanctuary, to profane sabbaths and feasts, 1.46 to defile the sanctuary and the priests, 1.47 to build altars and sacred precincts and shrines for idols, to sacrifice swine and unclean animals, 1.48 and to leave their sons uncircumcised. They were to make themselves abominable by everything unclean and profane, 1.49 so that they should forget the law and change all the ordices.
1.50 "And whoever does not obey the command of the king shall die."
1.51 In such words he wrote to his whole kingdom. And he appointed inspectors over all the people and commanded the cities of Judah to offer sacrifice, city by city.
1.52 Many of the people, every one who forsook the law, joined them, and they did evil in the land;
1.53 they drove Israel into hiding in every place of refuge they had.
1.54 Now on the fifteenth day of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-fifth year, they erected a desolating sacrilege upon the altar of burnt offering. They also built altars in the surrounding cities of Judah,
1.55 and burned incense at the doors of the houses and in the streets.
1.56 The books of the law which they found they tore to pieces and burned with fire.
1.57 Where the book of the covet was found in the possession of any one, or if any one adhered to the law, the decree of the king condemned him to death.
1.58 They kept using violence against Israel, against those found month after month in the cities.
1.59 And on the twenty-fifth day of the month they offered sacrifice on the altar which was upon the altar of burnt offering. 1.60 According to the decree, they put to death the women who had their children circumcised, 1.61 and their families and those who circumcised them; and they hung the infants from their mothers necks. 1.62 But many in Israel stood firm and were resolved in their hearts not to eat unclean food. 1.63 They chose to die rather than to be defiled by food or to profane the holy covet; and they did die. 1.64 And very great wrath came upon Israel.
2.1 In those days Mattathias the son of John, son of Simeon, a priest of the sons of Joarib, moved from Jerusalem and settled in Modein. 2.2 He had five sons, John surnamed Gaddi, 2.3 Simon called Thassi, 2.4 Judas called Maccabeus, 2.5 Eleazar called Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. 2.6 He saw the blasphemies being committed in Judah and Jerusalem, 2.7 and said, "Alas! Why was I born to see this,the ruin of my people, the ruin of the holy city,and to dwell there when it was given over to the enemy,the sanctuary given over to aliens? 2.8 Her temple has become like a man without honor; 2.9 her glorious vessels have been carried into captivity. Her babes have been killed in her streets,her youths by the sword of the foe.
2.10 What nation has not inherited her palaces and has not seized her spoils?
2.11 All her adornment has been taken away;no longer free, she has become a slave.
2.12 And behold, our holy place, our beauty,and our glory have been laid waste;the Gentiles have profaned it.
2.13 Why should we live any longer?"
2.14 And Mattathias and his sons rent their clothes, put on sackcloth, and mourned greatly.
2.16 Many from Israel came to them; and Mattathias and his sons were assembled.
2.17 Then the kings officers spoke to Mattathias as follows: "You are a leader, honored and great in this city, and supported by sons and brothers.
2.18 Now be the first to come and do what the king commands, as all the Gentiles and the men of Judah and those that are left in Jerusalem have done. Then you and your sons will be numbered among the friends of the king, and you and your sons will be honored with silver and gold and many gifts."
2.19 But Mattathias answered and said in a loud voice: "Even if all the nations that live under the rule of the king obey him, and have chosen to do his commandments, departing each one from the religion of his fathers, 2.20 yet I and my sons and my brothers will live by the covet of our fathers.
2.22 We will not obey the kings words by turning aside from our religion to the right hand or to the left." 2.23 When he had finished speaking these words, a Jew came forward in the sight of all to offer sacrifice upon the altar in Modein, according to the kings command. 2.24 When Mattathias saw it, be burned with zeal and his heart was stirred. He gave vent to righteous anger; he ran and killed him upon the altar. 2.25 At the same time he killed the kings officer who was forcing them to sacrifice, and he tore down the altar. 2.26 Thus he burned with zeal for the law, as Phinehas did against Zimri the son of Salu. 2.27 Then Mattathias cried out in the city with a loud voice, saying: "Let every one who is zealous for the law and supports the covet come out with me!" 2.28 And he and his sons fled to the hills and left all that they had in the city. 2.29 Then many who were seeking righteousness and justice went down to the wilderness to dwell there, 2.30 they, their sons, their wives, and their cattle, because evils pressed heavily upon them. 2.31 And it was reported to the kings officers, and to the troops in Jerusalem the city of David, that men who had rejected the kings command had gone down to the hiding places in the wilderness. 2.32 Many pursued them, and overtook them; they encamped opposite them and prepared for battle against them on the sabbath day. 2.33 And they said to them, "Enough of this! Come out and do what the king commands, and you will live." 2.34 But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day." 2.35 Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36 But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places, 2.37 for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly." 2.38 So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons. 2.39 When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40 And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41 So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 2.42 Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 2.43 And all who became fugitives to escape their troubles joined them and reinforced them. 2.44 They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety. 2.45 And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 2.46 they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel. 2.47 They hunted down the arrogant men, and the work prospered in their hands. 2.48 They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand. 2.49 Now the days drew near for Mattathias to die, and he said to his sons: "Arrogance and reproach have now become strong; it is a time of ruin and furious anger. 2.50 Now, my children, show zeal for the law, and give your lives for the covet of our fathers. 2.51 Remember the deeds of the fathers, which they did in their generations; and receive great honor and an everlasting name. 2.52 Was not Abraham found faithful when tested, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness? 2.53 Joseph in the time of his distress kept the commandment, and became lord of Egypt. 2.54 Phinehas our father, because he was deeply zealous, received the covet of everlasting priesthood. 2.55 Joshua, because he fulfilled the command, became a judge in Israel. 2.56 Caleb, because he testified in the assembly, received an inheritance in the land. 2.57 David, because he was merciful, inherited the throne of the kingdom for ever. 2.58 Elijah because of great zeal for the law was taken up into heaven. 2.59 Haniah, Azariah, and Mishael believed and were saved from the flame. 2.60 Daniel because of his innocence was delivered from the mouth of the lions. 2.61 And so observe, from generation to generation, that none who put their trust in him will lack strength. 2.62 Do not fear the words of a sinner, for his splendor will turn into dung and worms. 2.63 Today he will be exalted, but tomorrow he will not be found, because he has returned to the dust, and his plans will perish. 2.64 My children, be courageous and grow strong in the law, for by it you will gain honor. 2.65 Now behold, I know that Simeon your brother is wise in counsel; always listen to him; he shall be your father. 2.66 Judas Maccabeus has been a mighty warrior from his youth; he shall command the army for you and fight the battle against the peoples. 2.67 You shall rally about you all who observe the law, and avenge the wrong done to your people. 2.68 Pay back the Gentiles in full, and heed what the law commands."
2.70 He died in the one hundred and forty-sixth year and was buried in the tomb of his fathers at Modein. And all Israel mourned for him with great lamentation.
3.3 He extended the glory of his people. Like a giant he put on his breastplate;he girded on his armor of war and waged battles,protecting the host by his sword. 3.4 He was like a lion in his deeds,like a lions cub roaring for prey. 3.5 He searched out and pursued the lawless;he burned those who troubled his people.
3.7 He embittered many kings,but he made Jacob glad by his deeds,and his memory is blessed for ever. 3.8 He went through the cities of Judah;he destroyed the ungodly out of the land;thus he turned away wrath from Israel.
3.10 But Apollonius gathered together Gentiles and a large force from Samaria to fight against Israel.
3.13 Now when Seron, the commander of the Syrian army, heard that Judas had gathered a large company, including a body of faithful men who stayed with him and went out to battle, 3.14 he said, "I will make a name for myself and win honor in the kingdom. I will make war on Judas and his companions, who scorn the kings command." 3.15 And again a strong army of ungodly men went up with him to help him, to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 3.16 When he approached the ascent of Beth-horon, Judas went out to meet him with a small company. 3.17 But when they saw the army coming to meet them, they said to Judas, "How can we, few as we are, fight against so great and strong a multitude? And we are faint, for we have eaten nothing today." 3.18 Judas replied, "It is easy for many to be hemmed in by few, for in the sight of Heaven there is no difference between saving by many or by few. 3.19 It is not on the size of the army that victory in battle depends, but strength comes from Heaven. 3.20 They come against us in great pride and lawlessness to destroy us and our wives and our children, and to despoil us; 3.21 but we fight for our lives and our laws. 3.22 He himself will crush them before us; as for you, do not be afraid of them." 3.23 When he finished speaking, he rushed suddenly against Seron and his army, and they were crushed before him. 3.24 They pursued them down the descent of Beth-horon to the plain; eight hundred of them fell, and the rest fled into the land of the Philistines. 3.25 Then Judas and his brothers began to be feared, and terror fell upon the Gentiles round about them. 3.26 His fame reached the king, and the Gentiles talked of the battles of Judas. 3.27 When king Antiochus heard these reports, he was greatly angered; and he sent and gathered all the forces of his kingdom, a very strong army.
3.29 Then he saw that the money in the treasury was exhausted, and that the revenues from the country were small because of the dissension and disaster which he had caused in the land by abolishing the laws that had existed from the earliest days.
3.30 He feared that he might not have such funds as he had before for his expenses and for the gifts which he used to give more lavishly than preceding kings.
3.32 He left Lysias, a distinguished man of royal lineage, in charge of the kings affairs from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt.
3.33 Lysias was also to take care of Antiochus his son until he returned.
3.37 Then the king took the remaining half of his troops and departed from Antioch his capital in the one hundred and forty-seventh year. He crossed the Euphrates river and went through the upper provinces.
3.51 Thy sanctuary is trampled down and profaned,and thy priests mourn in humiliation.
4.28 But the next year he mustered sixty thousand picked infantrymen and five thousand cavalry to subdue them.
4.30 When he saw that the army was strong, he prayed, saying, "Blessed art thou, O Savior of Israel, who didst crush the attack of the mighty warrior by the hand of thy servant David, and didst give the camp of the Philistines into the hands of Jonathan, the son of Saul, and of the man who carried his armor.
4.36 Then said Judas and his brothers, "Behold, our enemies are crushed; let us go up to cleanse the sanctuary and dedicate it."
4.38 And they saw the sanctuary desolate, the altar profaned, and the gates burned. In the courts they saw bushes sprung up as in a thicket, or as on one of the mountains. They saw also the chambers of the priests in ruins.
4.42 He chose blameless priests devoted to the law, 4.43 and they cleansed the sanctuary and removed the defiled stones to an unclean place. 4.44 They deliberated what to do about the altar of burnt offering, which had been profaned. 4.45 And they thought it best to tear it down, lest it bring reproach upon them, for the Gentiles had defiled it. So they tore down the altar, 4.46 and stored the stones in a convenient place on the temple hill until there should come a prophet to tell what to do with them. 4.47 Then they took unhewn stones, as the law directs, and built a new altar like the former one. 4.48 They also rebuilt the sanctuary and the interior of the temple, and consecrated the courts. 4.49 They made new holy vessels, and brought the lampstand, the altar of incense, and the table into the temple. 4.50 Then they burned incense on the altar and lighted the lamps on the lampstand, and these gave light in the temple. 4.51 They placed the bread on the table and hung up the curtains. Thus they finished all the work they had undertaken. 4.52 Early in the morning on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month, which is the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-eighth year,
4.61 And he stationed a garrison there to hold it. He also fortified Beth-zur, so that the people might have a stronghold that faced Idumea.
5.9 Now the Gentiles in Gilead gathered together against the Israelites who lived in their territory, and planned to destroy them. But they fled to the stronghold of Dathema, 5.10 and sent to Judas and his brothers a letter which said, "The Gentiles around us have gathered together against us to destroy us.
5.43 Then he crossed over against them first, and the whole army followed him. All the Gentiles were defeated before him, and they threw away their arms and fled into the sacred precincts at Carnaim.
5.61 Thus the people suffered a great rout because, thinking to do a brave deed, they did not listen to Judas and his brothers. 5.62 But they did not belong to the family of those men through whom deliverance was given to Israel.
5.65 Then Judas and his brothers went forth and fought the sons of Esau in the land to the south. He struck Hebron and its villages and tore down its strongholds and burned its towers round about.
5.68 But Judas turned aside to Azotus in the land of the Philistines; he tore down their altars, and the graven images of their gods he burned with fire; he plundered the cities and returned to the land of Judah.
6.1 King Antiochus was going through the upper provinces when he heard that Elymais in Persia was a city famed for its wealth in silver and gold.
6.7 that they had torn down the abomination which he had erected upon the altar in Jerusalem; and that they had surrounded the sanctuary with high walls as before, and also Beth-zur, his city. 6.8 When the king heard this news, he was astounded and badly shaken. He took to his bed and became sick from grief, because things had not turned out for him as he had planned. 6.9 He lay there for many days, because deep grief continually gripped him, and he concluded that he was dying.
6.10 So he called all his friends and said to them, "Sleep departs from my eyes and I am downhearted with worry.
6.11 I said to myself, `To what distress I have come! And into what a great flood I now am plunged! For I was kind and beloved in my power.
6.12 But now I remember the evils I did in Jerusalem. I seized all her vessels of silver and gold; and I sent to destroy the inhabitants of Judah without good reason.
6.13 I know that it is because of this that these evils have come upon me; and behold, I am perishing of deep grief in a strange land."
6.14 Then he called for Philip, one of his friends, and made him ruler over all his kingdom.
6.15 He gave him the crown and his robe and the signet, that he might guide Antiochus his son and bring him up to be king.
6.16 Thus Antiochus the king died there in the one hundred and forty-ninth year.
6.18 Now the men in the citadel kept hemming Israel in around the sanctuary. They were trying in every way to harm them and strengthen the Gentiles.
6.19 So Judas decided to destroy them, and assembled all the people to besiege them.
6.21 But some of the garrison escaped from the siege and some of the ungodly Israelites joined them. 6.22 They went to the king and said, "How long will you fail to do justice and to avenge our brethren? 6.23 We were happy to serve your father, to live by what he said and to follow his commands.
6.26 And behold, today they have encamped against the citadel in Jerusalem to take it; they have fortified both the sanctuary and Beth-zur;
6.43 And Eleazar, called Avaran, saw that one of the beasts was equipped with royal armor. It was taller than all the others, and he supposed that the king was upon it. 6.44 So he gave his life to save his people and to win for himself an everlasting name. 6.45 He courageously ran into the midst of the phalanx to reach it; he killed men right and left, and they parted before him on both sides. 6.46 He got under the elephant, stabbed it from beneath, and killed it; but it fell to the ground upon him and he died.
6.55 Then Lysias heard that Philip, whom King Antiochus while still living had appointed to bring up Antiochus his son to be king, 6.56 had returned from Persia and Media with the forces that had gone with the king, and that he was trying to seize control of the government. 6.57 So he quickly gave orders to depart, and said to the king, to the commanders of the forces, and to the men, "We daily grow weaker, our food supply is scant, the place against which we are fighting is strong, and the affairs of the kingdom press urgently upon us. 6.58 Now then let us come to terms with these men, and make peace with them and with all their nation, 6.59 and agree to let them live by their laws as they did before; for it was on account of their laws which we abolished that they became angry and did all these things." 6.60 The speech pleased the king and the commanders, and he sent to the Jews an offer of peace, and they accepted it. 6.61 So the king and the commanders gave them their oath. On these conditions the Jews evacuated the stronghold. 6.62 But when the king entered Mount Zion and saw what a strong fortress the place was, he broke the oath he had sworn and gave orders to tear down the wall all around. 6.63 Then he departed with haste and returned to Antioch. He found Philip in control of the city, but he fought against him, and took the city by force.
7.1 In the one hundred and fifty-first year Demetrius the son of Seleucus set forth from Rome, sailed with a few men to a city by the sea, and there began to reign.
7.3 But when this act became known to him, he said, "Do not let me see their faces!" 7.4 So the army killed them, and Demetrius took his seat upon the throne of his kingdom. 7.5 Then there came to him all the lawless and ungodly men of Israel; they were led by Alcimus, who wanted to be high priest. 7.6 And they brought to the king this accusation against the people: "Judas and his brothers have destroyed all your friends, and have driven us out of our land.
7.33 After these events Nicanor went up to Mount Zion. Some of the priests came out of the sanctuary, and some of the elders of the people, to greet him peaceably and to show him the burnt offering that was being offered for the king.
7.34 But he mocked them and derided them and defiled them and spoke arrogantly,
7.35 and in anger he swore this oath, "Unless Judas and his army are delivered into my hands this time, then if I return safely I will burn up this house." And he went out in great anger.
7.36 Then the priests went in and stood before the altar and the temple, and they wept and said,
7.37 "Thou didst choose this house to be called by thy name,and to be for thy people a house of prayer and supplication.
7.38 Take vengeance on this man and on his army,and let them fall by the sword;remember their blasphemies,and let them live no longer."
7.39 Now Nicanor went out from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-horon, and the Syrian army joined him. 7.40 And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men. Then Judas prayed and said, 7.41 "When the messengers from the king spoke blasphemy, thy angel went forth and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the Assyrians. 7.42 So also crush this army before us today; let the rest learn that Nicanor has spoken wickedly against the sanctuary, and judge him according to this wickedness." 7.43 So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.44 When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 7.45 The Jews pursued them a days journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 7.46 And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 7.47 Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanors head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 7.48 The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness. 7.49 And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar.
8.17 So Judas chose Eupolemus the son of John, son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and sent them to Rome to establish friendship and alliance, 8.18 and to free themselves from the yoke; for they saw that the kingdom of the Greeks was completely enslaving Israel.
8.20 "Judas, who is also called Maccabeus, and his brothers and the people of the Jews have sent us to you to establish alliance and peace with you, that we may be enrolled as your allies and friends."
8.23 May all go well with the Romans and with the nation of the Jews at sea and on land for ever, and may sword and enemy be far from them. 8.24 If war comes first to Rome or to any of their allies in all their dominion, 8.25 the nation of the Jews shall act as their allies wholeheartedly, as the occasion may indicate to them. 8.26 And to the enemy who makes war they shall not give or supply grain, arms, money, or ships, as Rome has decided; and they shall keep their obligations without receiving any return. 8.27 In the same way, if war comes first to the nation of the Jews, the Romans shall willingly act as their allies, as the occasion may indicate to them.
9.21 "How is the mighty fallen,the savior of Israel!" 9.22 Now the rest of the acts of Judas, and his wars and the brave deeds that he did, and his greatness, have not been recorded, for they were very many.
10.14 Only in Beth-zur did some remain who had forsaken the law and the commandments, for it served as a place of refuge.
10.18 King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greeting.
10.25 So he sent a message to them in the following words:"King Demetrius to the nation of the Jews, greeting. 10.26 Since you have kept your agreement with us and have continued your friendship with us, and have not sided with our enemies, we have heard of it and rejoiced.
10.29 And now I free you and exempt all the Jews from payment of tribute and salt tax and crown levies, 10.30 and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time. 10.31 And let Jerusalem and her environs, her tithes and her revenues, be holy and free from tax.
10.34 And all the feasts and sabbaths and new moons and appointed days, and the three days before a feast and the three after a feast -- let them all be days of immunity and release for all the Jews who are in my kingdom.
10.36 Let Jews be enrolled in the kings forces to the number of thirty thousand men, and let the maintece be given them that is due to all the forces of the king. 10.37 Let some of them be stationed in the great strongholds of the king, and let some of them be put in positions of trust in the kingdom. Let their officers and leaders be of their own number, and let them live by their own laws, just as the king has commanded in the land of Judah. 10.38 As for the three districts that have been added to Judea from the country of Samaria, let them be so annexed to Judea that they are considered to be under one ruler and obey no other authority but the high priest. 10.39 Ptolemais and the land adjoining it I have given as a gift to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, to meet the necessary expenses of the sanctuary. 10.40 I also grant fifteen thousand shekels of silver yearly out of the kings revenues from appropriate places.
10.42 Moreover, the five thousand shekels of silver which my officials have received every year from the income of the services of the temple, this too is canceled, because it belongs to the priests who minister there.
10.84 But Jonathan burned Azotus and the surrounding towns and plundered them; and the temple of Dagon, and those who had taken refuge in it he burned with fire. 1
1.1 Then the king of Egypt gathered great forces, like the sand by the seashore, and many ships; and he tried to get possession of Alexanders kingdom by trickery and add it to his own kingdom. 11.2 He set out for Syria with peaceable words, and the people of the cities opened their gates to him and went to meet him, for Alexander the king had commanded them to meet him, since he was Alexanders father-in-law. 11.3 But when Ptolemy entered the cities he stationed forces as a garrison in each city. 11.4 When he approached Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon burned down, and Azotus and its suburbs destroyed, and the corpses lying about, and the charred bodies of those whom Jonathan had burned in the war, for they had piled them in heaps along his route. 1
1.5 They also told the king what Jonathan had done, to throw blame on him; but the king kept silent. 11.6 Jonathan met the king at Joppa with pomp, and they greeted one another and spent the night there. 11.7 And Jonathan went with the king as far as the river called Eleutherus; then he returned to Jerusalem. 11.8 So King Ptolemy gained control of the coastal cities as far as Seleucia by the sea, and he kept devising evil designs against Alexander. 1
1.18 But King Ptolemy died three days later, and his troops in the strongholds were killed by the inhabitants of the strongholds.
11.20 In those days Jonathan assembled the men of Judea to attack the citadel in Jerusalem, and he built many engines of war to use against it. 11.21 But certain lawless men who hated their nation went to the king and reported to him that Jonathan was besieging the citadel. 11.22 When he heard this he was angry, and as soon as he heard it he set out and came to Ptolemais; and he wrote Jonathan not to continue the siege, but to meet him for a conference at Ptolemais as quickly as possible. 11.23 When Jonathan heard this, he gave orders to continue the siege; and he chose some of the elders of Israel and some of the priests, and put himself in danger,
11.25 Although certain lawless men of his nation kept making complaints against him,
11.30 King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother and to the nation of the Jews, greeting. 11.31 This copy of the letter which we wrote concerning you to Lasthenes our kinsman we have written to you also, so that you may know what it says. 11.32 `King Demetrius to Lasthenes his father, greeting. 11.33 To the nation of the Jews, who are our friends and fulfil their obligations to us, we have determined to do good, because of the good will they show toward us. 11.34 We have confirmed as their possession both the territory of Judea and the three districts of Aphairema and Lydda and Rathamin; the latter, with all the region bordering them, were added to Judea from Samaria. To all those who offer sacrifice in Jerusalem, we have granted release from the royal taxes which the king formerly received from them each year, from the crops of the land and the fruit of the trees. 11.35 And the other payments henceforth due to us of the tithes, and the taxes due to us, and the salt pits and the crown taxes due to us -- from all these we shall grant them release. 11.36 And not one of these grants shall be canceled from this time forth for ever. 11.37 Now therefore take care to make a copy of this, and let it be given to Jonathan and put up in a conspicuous place on the holy mountain."
11.41 Now Jonathan sent to Demetrius the king the request that he remove the troops of the citadel from Jerusalem, and the troops in the strongholds; for they kept fighting against Israel. 11.42 And Demetrius sent this message to Jonathan, "Not only will I do these things for you and your nation, but I will confer great honor on you and your nation, if I find an opportunity. 11.43 Now then you will do well to send me men who will help me, for all my troops have revolted."
1
2.1 Now when Jonathan saw that the time was favorable for him, he chose men and sent them to Rome to confirm and renew the friendship with them. 12.2 He also sent letters to the same effect to the Spartans and to other places. 12.3 So they went to Rome and entered the senate chamber and said, "Jonathan the high priest and the Jewish nation have sent us to renew the former friendship and alliance with them." 12.4 And the Romans gave them letters to the people in every place, asking them to provide for the envoys safe conduct to the land of Judah.
1
2.16 We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them.
12.35 When Jonathan returned he convened the elders of the people and planned with them to build strongholds in Judea,
13.11 He sent Jonathan the son of Absalom to Joppa, and with him a considerable army; he drove out its occupants and remained there.
1
3.36 "King Demetrius to Simon, the high priest and friend of kings, and to the elders and nation of the Jews, greeting.
1
3.39 We pardon any errors and offenses committed to this day, and cancel the crown tax which you owe; and whatever other tax has been collected in Jerusalem shall be collected no longer. 13.40 And if any of you are qualified to be enrolled in our bodyguard, let them be enrolled, and let there be peace between us." 13.41 In the one hundred and seventieth year the yoke of the Gentiles was removed from Israel,
13.47 So Simon reached an agreement with them and stopped fighting against them. But he expelled them from the city and cleansed the houses in which the idols were, and then entered it with hymns and praise.
14.4 The land had rest all the days of Simon. He sought the good of his nation;his rule was pleasing to them,as was the honor shown him, all his days.
1
4.28 in Asaramel, in the great assembly of the priests and the people and the rulers of the nation and the elders of the country, the following was proclaimed to us:
14.33 He fortified the cities of Judea, and Beth-zur on the borders of Judea, where formerly the arms of the enemy had been stored, and he placed there a garrison of Jews.
15.2 its contents were as follows: "King Antiochus to Simon the high priest and ethnarch and to the nation of the Jews, greeting.
15.6 I permit you to mint your own coinage as money for your country,
15.16 "Lucius, consul of the Romans, to King Ptolemy, greeting.
15.21 Therefore if any pestilent men have fled to you from their country, hand them over to Simon the high priest, that he may punish them according to their law."
16.23 The rest of the acts of John and his wars and the brave deeds which he did, and the building of the walls which he built, and his achievements,' ' None |
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33. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1, 1.1-2.18, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.18, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 3, 3.1, 3.1-4.6, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 3.27, 3.28, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.35, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17, 4.18, 4.19, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25, 4.26, 4.27, 4.28, 4.30, 4.31, 4.32, 4.33, 4.36, 4.38, 4.39, 4.44, 4.45, 4.46, 4.49, 4.50, 5, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.11-6.11, 5.12, 5.13, 5.14, 5.15, 5.16, 5.17, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.27, 6, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15, 6.16, 6.17, 6.18, 6.18-7.42, 6.21, 7, 7.1, 7.2, 7.4, 7.5, 7.9, 7.14, 7.15, 7.19, 7.23, 7.28, 7.31, 7.32, 7.33, 7.34, 7.35, 7.36, 7.37, 7.38, 7.42, 8, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.14, 8.15, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 8.19, 8.20, 8.21, 8.22, 8.23, 8.24, 8.25, 8.26, 8.27, 8.28, 8.29, 8.30, 8.31, 8.32, 8.33, 8.34, 8.35, 8.36, 9, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21, 9.22, 9.23, 9.24, 9.25, 9.26, 9.27, 9.28, 9.29, 10, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.15, 10.16, 10.19, 10.21, 10.25, 10.29, 10.30, 10.31, 10.33, 10.35, 10.38, 11, 11.1, 11.6, 11.8, 11.10, 11.13, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 11.19, 11.20, 11.21, 11.22, 11.23, 11.24, 11.25, 11.26, 11.27, 11.29, 11.30, 11.31, 11.33, 11.34, 11.35, 11.36, 11.38, 12, 12.1, 12.2, 12.6, 12.8, 12.15, 12.16, 12.20, 12.24, 12.28, 12.30, 12.40, 12.43, 12.45, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9, 13.10, 13.12, 13.13, 13.14, 13.15, 13.16, 13.17, 13.23, 13.24, 13.25, 13.26, 14, 14.1, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.7, 14.8, 14.9, 14.10, 14.11, 14.12, 14.13, 14.14, 14.17, 14.19, 14.21, 14.25, 14.26, 14.27, 14.28, 14.29, 14.30, 14.31, 14.32, 14.33, 14.34, 14.35, 14.36, 14.37, 14.38, 14.39, 14.40, 14.41, 14.42, 14.43, 14.44, 14.45, 14.46, 15, 15.1, 15.2, 15.3, 15.4, 15.5, 15.6, 15.7, 15.8, 15.9, 15.12, 15.13, 15.14, 15.15, 15.16, 15.21, 15.22, 15.23, 15.24, 15.27, 15.28, 15.29, 15.30, 15.31, 15.32, 15.33, 15.34, 15.35, 15.36, 15.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus Syrian king, liberal toward Jews • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus II Theos • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Attachment to Athens • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Campaign to Egypt • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Decrees Against Judaism • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Epistles to the Jews • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Syrian king, Hellenization introduced by • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Visits to Jerusalem • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, as instrument of God • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, motivation for persecution • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutes Jews • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutions • Antiochus V • Antiochus V (Eupator) • Antiochus V Eupator • Antiochus VII • Antiochus VII Sidetes • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, V • Antiochus, VI • Antiochus, VII • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus V Eupator • Samaritan Petition, Explanations of Persecution of Antiochus IV • tyrant, Antiochus as
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 311; Avemarie, van Henten, and Furstenberg (2023), Jewish Martyrdom in Antiquity, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 30, 31, 76; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 301; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 165; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 212, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 220, 221, 224, 231, 409, 413, 465, 466; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 306, 319, 324, 328, 337, 343, 345, 353, 360, 361, 377, 403, 406, 409, 412, 415, 416, 429, 430, 433, 437, 440, 457, 458, 462, 464, 467, 470, 511, 514, 633, 635, 1048, 1053, 1055, 1056, 1066, 1068, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1075, 1076, 1077, 1080, 1081, 1083, 1084, 1087, 1090, 1091, 1096, 1102, 1105, 1106, 1107, 1108, 1113, 1115, 1117, 1122, 1124, 1126, 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 209, 242, 243; Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 200; Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 12, 13, 14, 105; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 91, 92, 145, 218, 233, 234, 266; Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 43; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 3; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 25; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 76; Garcia (2021), On Human Nature in Early Judaism: Creation, Composition, and Condition, 105, 110; Gera (2014), Judith, 36, 130, 142, 171, 317, 421, 468; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 92; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 137, 143, 177; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 135, 136; Legaspi (2018), Wisdom in Classical and Biblical Tradition, 205; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 41, 154; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 390, 391, 392; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 40, 43; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 36; Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 55; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 103, 119, 129, 328, 329, 336, 337; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 329; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 212; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 181, 182, 186; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 40; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 4, 14, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 40, 41, 53, 60, 62, 86, 90, 92, 133, 141, 156, 157, 195, 220, 225, 228, 229, 234, 243, 249, 250, 251, 274, 275, 286, 300, 303, 331, 351, 352, 357, 360, 371, 372, 373, 380, 382, 389, 394, 395, 396, 397, 405, 406, 411, 412, 419, 421, 430, 447, 459, 468, 503, 520, 521, 527, 530, 531, 533, 534, 535, 536, 541, 544; Stuckenbruck (2007), 1 Enoch 91-108, 212, 275, 450, 653; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 162; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 64; Zetterholm (2003), The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation Between Judaism and Christianity. 81; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 62, 64, 65, 67
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1.1 The Jewish brethren in Jerusalem and those in the land of Judea, To their Jewish brethren in Egypt, Greeting, and good peace.'" "
1.2 May God do good to you, and may he remember his covet with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, his faithful servants.'" 1.
3 May he give you all a heart to worship him and to do his will with a strong heart and a willing spirit."' "
1.4 May he open your heart to his law and his commandments, and may he bring peace.'" "
1.
5 May he hear your prayers and be reconciled to you, and may he not forsake you in time of evil.'" 1.
6 We are now praying for you here."' "
1.
7 In the reign of Demetrius, in the one hundred and sixty-ninth year, we Jews wrote to you, in the critical distress which came upon us in those years after Jason and his company revolted from the holy land and the kingdom'" "
1.
8 and burned the gate and shed innocent blood. We besought the Lord and we were heard, and we offered sacrifice and cereal offering, and we lighted the lamps and we set out the loaves.'" "
1.
9 And now see that you keep the feast of booths in the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and eighty-eighth year.'" "
1.
10 Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.'"
1.
12 For he drove out those who fought against the holy city."' "
1.1
3 For when the leader reached Persia with a force that seemed irresistible, they were cut to pieces in the temple of Nanea by a deception employed by the priests of Nanea.'" "
1.
14 For under pretext of intending to marry her, Antiochus came to the place together with his friends, to secure most of its treasures as a dowry.'" "
1.1
8 Since on the twenty-fifth day of Chislev we shall celebrate the purification of the temple, we thought it necessary to notify you, in order that you also may celebrate the feast of booths and the feast of the fire given when Nehemiah, who built the temple and the altar, offered sacrifices.'" "
2.1
6 Since, therefore, we are about to celebrate the purification, we write to you. Will you therefore please keep the days?'" "
2.1
7 It is God who has saved all his people, and has returned the inheritance to all, and the kingship and priesthood and consecration,'" "
2.1
8 as he promised through the law. For we have hope in God that he will soon have mercy upon us and will gather us from everywhere under heaven into his holy place, for he has rescued us from great evils and has purified the place.'" "
2.1
9 The story of Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, and the purification of the great temple, and the dedication of the altar,'" "
2.20 and further the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes and his son Eupator,'" "
2.21 and the appearances which came from heaven to those who strove zealously on behalf of Judaism, so that though few in number they seized the whole land and pursued the barbarian hordes,'" "
2.22 and recovered the temple famous throughout the world and freed the city and restored the laws that were about to be abolished, while the Lord with great kindness became gracious to them --'" "
2.2
3 all this, which has been set forth by Jason of Cyrene in five volumes, we shall attempt to condense into a single book.'" "
3.1 While the holy city was inhabited in unbroken peace and the laws were very well observed because of the piety of the high priest Onias and his hatred of wickedness,'" "
3.2 it came about that the kings themselves honored the place and glorified the temple with the finest presents,'" "
3.
3 o that even Seleucus, the king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses connected with the service of the sacrifices.'" "
3.4 But a man named Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, who had been made captain of the temple, had a disagreement with the high priest about the administration of the city market;'"
3.
5 and when he could not prevail over Onias he went to Apollonius of Tarsus, who at that time was governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia.'" "
3.
6 He reported to him that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of untold sums of money, so that the amount of the funds could not be reckoned, and that they did not belong to the account of the sacrifices, but that it was possible for them to fall under the control of the king.'" "
3.
7 When Apollonius met the king, he told him of the money about which he had been informed. The king chose Heliodorus, who was in charge of his affairs, and sent him with commands to effect the removal of the aforesaid money.'" "
3.
8 Heliodorus at once set out on his journey, ostensibly to make a tour of inspection of the cities of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, but in fact to carry out the king's purpose.'" "
3.
9 When he had arrived at Jerusalem and had been kindly welcomed by the high priest of the city, he told about the disclosure that had been made and stated why he had come, and he inquired whether this really was the situation.'" "
3.
10 The high priest explained that there were some deposits belonging to widows and orphans,'" "
3.
11 and also some money of Hyrcanus, son of Tobias, a man of very prominent position, and that it totaled in all four hundred talents of silver and two hundred of gold. To such an extent the impious Simon had misrepresented the facts.'"
3.
12 And he said that it was utterly impossible that wrong should be done to those people who had trusted in the holiness of the place and in the sanctity and inviolability of the temple which is honored throughout the whole world."' "
3.1
3 But Heliodorus, because of the king's commands which he had, said that this money must in any case be confiscated for the king's treasury.'"
3.
14 So he set a day and went in to direct the inspection of these funds.There was no little distress throughout the whole city."' "
3.1
5 The priests prostrated themselves before the altar in their priestly garments and called toward heaven upon him who had given the law about deposits, that he should keep them safe for those who had deposited them.'" "
3.1
6 To see the appearance of the high priest was to be wounded at heart, for his face and the change in his color disclosed the anguish of his soul.'" "
3.1
7 For terror and bodily trembling had come over the man, which plainly showed to those who looked at him the pain lodged in his heart.'"
3.1
8 People also hurried out of their houses in crowds to make a general supplication because the holy place was about to be brought into contempt."' "
3.1
9 Women, girded with sackcloth under their breasts, thronged the streets. Some of the maidens who were kept indoors ran together to the gates, and some to the walls, while others peered out of the windows.'" "
3.20 And holding up their hands to heaven, they all made entreaty.'"
3.21 There was something pitiable in the prostration of the whole populace and the anxiety of the high priest in his great anguish."' "
3.22 While they were calling upon the Almighty Lord that he would keep what had been entrusted safe and secure for those who had entrusted it,'"
3.2
3 Heliodorus went on with what had been decided."' "
3.24 But when he arrived at the treasury with his bodyguard, then and there the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority caused so great a manifestation that all who had been so bold as to accompany him were astounded by the power of God, and became faint with terror.'" "
3.2
5 For there appeared to them a magnificently caparisoned horse, with a rider of frightening mien, and it rushed furiously at Heliodorus and struck at him with its front hoofs. Its rider was seen to have armor and weapons of gold.'" "
3.2
6 Two young men also appeared to him, remarkably strong, gloriously beautiful and splendidly dressed, who stood on each side of him and scourged him continuously, inflicting many blows on him.'" "
3.2
7 When he suddenly fell to the ground and deep darkness came over him, his men took him up and put him on a stretcher'" "
3.2
8 and carried him away, this man who had just entered the aforesaid treasury with a great retinue and all his bodyguard but was now unable to help himself; and they recognized clearly the sovereign power of God.'" "
3.2
9 While he lay prostrate, speechless because of the divine intervention and deprived of any hope of recovery,'" "
3.
30 they praised the Lord who had acted marvelously for his own place. And the temple, which a little while before was full of fear and disturbance, was filled with joy and gladness, now that the Almighty Lord had appeared.'" 3.
31 Quickly some of Heliodorus\' friends asked Onias to call upon the Most High and to grant life to one who was lying quite at his last breath."' "
3.
32 And the high priest, fearing that the king might get the notion that some foul play had been perpetrated by the Jews with regard to Heliodorus, offered sacrifice for the man's recovery.'" "
3.
3
3 While the high priest was making the offering of atonement, the same young men appeared again to Heliodorus dressed in the same clothing, and they stood and said, 'Be very grateful to Onias the high priest, since for his sake the Lord has granted you your life.'" "
3.
34 And see that you, who have been scourged by heaven, report to all men the majestic power of God.'Having said this they vanished.'" "
3.
3
5 Then Heliodorus offered sacrifice to the Lord and made very great vows to the Savior of his life, and having bidden Onias farewell, he marched off with his forces to the king.'" "
3.
3
6 And he bore testimony to all men of the deeds of the supreme God, which he had seen with his own eyes.'" "
3.
3
7 When the king asked Heliodorus what sort of person would be suitable to send on another mission to Jerusalem, he replied,'" "
3.
3
8 If you have any enemy or plotter against your government, send him there, for you will get him back thoroughly scourged, if he escapes at all, for there certainly is about the place some power of God.'" "
3.
3
9 For he who has his dwelling in heaven watches over that place himself and brings it aid, and he strikes and destroys those who come to do it injury.'" "
3.40 This was the outcome of the episode of Heliodorus and the protection of the treasury."' "
4.1 The previously mentioned Simon, who had informed about the money against his own country, slandered Onias, saying that it was he who had incited Heliodorus and had been the real cause of the misfortune.'" "
4.2 He dared to designate as a plotter against the government the man who was the benefactor of the city, the protector of his fellow countrymen, and a zealot for the laws.'" "4.
3 When his hatred progressed to such a degree that even murders were committed by one of Simon's approved agents,'" "
4.4 Onias recognized that the rivalry was serious and that Apollonius, the son of Menestheus and governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, was intensifying the malice of Simon.'" "
4.
5 So he betook himself to the king, not accusing his fellow citizens but having in view the welfare, both public and private, of all the people.'" "
4.
6 For he saw that without the king's attention public affairs could not again reach a peaceful settlement, and that Simon would not stop his folly.'" "
4.
7 When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,'" "
4.
8 promising the king at an interview three hundred and sixty talents of silver and, from another source of revenue, eighty talents.'" "
4.
9 In addition to this he promised to pay one hundred and fifty more if permission were given to establish by his authority a gymnasium and a body of youth for it, and to enrol the men of Jerusalem as citizens of Antioch.'"
4.
10 When the king assented and Jason came to office, he at once shifted his countrymen over to the Greek way of life.'" "
4.
11 He set aside the existing royal concessions to the Jews, secured through John the father of Eupolemus, who went on the mission to establish friendship and alliance with the Romans; and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and introduced new customs contrary to the law.'" "
4.
12 For with alacrity he founded a gymnasium right under the citadel, and he induced the noblest of the young men to wear the Greek hat.'" "
4.1
3 There was such an extreme of Hellenization and increase in the adoption of foreign ways because of the surpassing wickedness of Jason, who was ungodly and no high priest,'" "
4.
14 that the priests were no longer intent upon their service at the altar. Despising the sanctuary and neglecting the sacrifices, they hastened to take part in the unlawful proceedings in the wrestling arena after the call to the discus,'"
4.1
5 disdaining the honors prized by their fathers and putting the highest value upon Greek forms of prestige."' "
4.1
6 For this reason heavy disaster overtook them, and those whose ways of living they admired and wished to imitate completely became their enemies and punished them.'"
4.1
7 For it is no light thing to show irreverence to the divine laws -- a fact which later events will make clear."' "
4.1
8 When the quadrennial games were being held at Tyre and the king was present,'" "
4.1
9 the vile Jason sent envoys, chosen as being Antiochian citizens from Jerusalem, to carry three hundred silver drachmas for the sacrifice to Hercules. Those who carried the money, however, thought best not to use it for sacrifice, because that was inappropriate, but to expend it for another purpose.'" "
4.20 So this money was intended by the sender for the sacrifice to Hercules, but by the decision of its carriers it was applied to the construction of triremes.'" "
4.21 When Apollonius the son of Menestheus was sent to Egypt for the coronation of Philometor as king, Antiochus learned that Philometor had become hostile to his government, and he took measures for his own security. Therefore upon arriving at Joppa he proceeded to Jerusalem.'" "
4.22 He was welcomed magnificently by Jason and the city, and ushered in with a blaze of torches and with shouts. Then he marched into Phoenicia.'" "
4.2
3 After a period of three years Jason sent Menelaus, the brother of the previously mentioned Simon, to carry the money to the king and to complete the records of essential business.'" "
4.24 But he, when presented to the king, extolled him with an air of authority, and secured the high priesthood for himself, outbidding Jason by three hundred talents of silver.'" "
4.2
5 After receiving the king's orders he returned, possessing no qualification for the high priesthood, but having the hot temper of a cruel tyrant and the rage of a savage wild beast.'" "
4.2
6 So Jason, who after supplanting his own brother was supplanted by another man, was driven as a fugitive into the land of Ammon.'" "
4.2
7 And Menelaus held the office, but he did not pay regularly any of the money promised to the king.'" "
4.2
8 When Sostratus the captain of the citadel kept requesting payment, for the collection of the revenue was his responsibility, the two of them were summoned by the king on account of this issue.'" "4.
30 While such was the state of affairs, it happened that the people of Tarsus and of Mallus revolted because their cities had been given as a present to Antiochis, the king's concubine.'" "4.
31 So the king went hastily to settle the trouble, leaving Andronicus, a man of high rank, to act as his deputy.'" "4.
32 But Menelaus, thinking he had obtained a suitable opportunity, stole some of the gold vessels of the temple and gave them to Andronicus; other vessels, as it happened, he had sold to Tyre and the neighboring cities.'" "4.
3
3 When Onias became fully aware of these acts he publicly exposed them, having first withdrawn to a place of sanctuary at Daphne near Antioch.'" "4.
3
6 When the king returned from the region of Cilicia, the Jews in the city appealed to him with regard to the unreasonable murder of Onias, and the Greeks shared their hatred of the crime.'" "4.
3
8 and inflamed with anger, he immediately stripped off the purple robe from Andronicus, tore off his garments, and led him about the whole city to that very place where he had committed the outrage against Onias, and there he dispatched the bloodthirsty fellow. The Lord thus repaid him with the punishment he deserved.'" "4.
3
9 When many acts of sacrilege had been committed in the city by Lysimachus with the connivance of Menelaus, and when report of them had spread abroad, the populace gathered against Lysimachus, because many of the gold vessels had already been stolen.'" "
4.44 When the king came to Tyre, three men sent by the senate presented the case before him.'" "
4.4
5 But Menelaus, already as good as beaten, promised a substantial bribe to Ptolemy son of Dorymenes to win over the king.'" "
4.4
6 Therefore Ptolemy, taking the king aside into a colonnade as if for refreshment, induced the king to change his mind.'" "
4.4
9 Therefore even the Tyrians, showing their hatred of the crime, provided magnificently for their funeral.'" "
4.
50 But Menelaus, because of the cupidity of those in power, remained in office, growing in wickedness, having become the chief plotter against his fellow citizens.'" "
5.1 About this time Antiochus made his second invasion of Egypt."
5.2 And it happened that over all the city, for almost forty days, there appeared golden-clad horsemen charging through the air, in companies fully armed with lances and drawn swords --'" 5.
3 troops of horsemen drawn up, attacks and counterattacks made on this side and on that, brandishing of shields, massing of spears, hurling of missiles, the flash of golden trappings, and armor of all sorts.'"
5.4 Therefore all men prayed that the apparition might prove to have been a good omen."' "
5.
5 When a false rumor arose that Antiochus was dead, Jason took no less than a thousand men and suddenly made an assault upon the city. When the troops upon the wall had been forced back and at last the city was being taken, Menelaus took refuge in the citadel.'" "
5.
6 But Jason kept relentlessly slaughtering his fellow citizens, not realizing that success at the cost of one's kindred is the greatest misfortune, but imagining that he was setting up trophies of victory over enemies and not over fellow countrymen.'" "
5.
7 He did not gain control of the government, however; and in the end got only disgrace from his conspiracy, and fled again into the country of the Ammonites.'" "
5.
8 Finally he met a miserable end. Accused before Aretas the ruler of the Arabs, fleeing from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as a rebel against the laws, and abhorred as the executioner of his country and his fellow citizens, he was cast ashore in Egypt;'" "
5.
9 and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.'" "
5.
10 He who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers."' "
5.
11 When news of what had happened reached the king, he took it to mean that Judea was in revolt. So, raging inwardly, he left Egypt and took the city by storm.'"
5.
12 And he commanded his soldiers to cut down relentlessly every one they met and to slay those who went into the houses."' "
5.1
3 Then there was killing of young and old, destruction of boys, women, and children, and slaughter of virgins and infants.'" "
5.
14 Within the total of three days eighty thousand were destroyed, forty thousand in hand-to-hand fighting; and as many were sold into slavery as were slain.'" "
5.1
5 Not content with this, Antiochus dared to enter the most holy temple in all the world, guided by Menelaus, who had become a traitor both to the laws and to his country.'" "
5.1
6 He took the holy vessels with his polluted hands, and swept away with profane hands the votive offerings which other kings had made to enhance the glory and honor of the place.'" "
5.1
7 Antiochus was elated in spirit, and did not perceive that the Lord was angered for a little while because of the sins of those who dwelt in the city, and that therefore he was disregarding the holy place.'" "
5.1
8 But if it had not happened that they were involved in many sins, this man would have been scourged and turned back from his rash act as soon as he came forward, just as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the king sent to inspect the treasury.'" "
5.1
9 But the Lord did not choose the nation for the sake of the holy place, but the place for the sake of the nation.'" "
5.20 Therefore the place itself shared in the misfortunes that befell the nation and afterward participated in its benefits; and what was forsaken in the wrath of the Almighty was restored again in all its glory when the great Lord became reconciled."' "
5.21 So Antiochus carried off eighteen hundred talents from the temple, and hurried away to Antioch, thinking in his arrogance that he could sail on the land and walk on the sea, because his mind was elated.'" "
5.22 And he left governors to afflict the people: at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian and in character more barbarous than the man who appointed him;'" "
5.2
3 and at Gerizim, Andronicus; and besides these Menelaus, who lorded it over his fellow citizens worse than the others did. In his malice toward the Jewish citizens,'" "
5.2
7 But Judas Maccabeus, with about nine others, got away to the wilderness, and kept himself and his companions alive in the mountains as wild animals do; they continued to live on what grew wild, so that they might not share in the defilement.'" "
6.1 Not long after this, the king sent an Athenian senator to compel the Jews to forsake the laws of their fathers and cease to live by the laws of God,'" "
6.2 and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.'" "
6.
3 Harsh and utterly grievous was the onslaught of evil."' "
6.4 For the temple was filled with debauchery and reveling by the Gentiles, who dallied with harlots and had intercourse with women within the sacred precincts, and besides brought in things for sacrifice that were unfit.'" 6.
5 The altar was covered with abominable offerings which were forbidden by the laws."' "
6.
6 A man could neither keep the sabbath, nor observe the feasts of his fathers, nor so much as confess himself to be a Jew.'" "
6.
7 On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.'" "
6.
8 At the suggestion of Ptolemy a decree was issued to the neighboring Greek cities, that they should adopt the same policy toward the Jews and make them partake of the sacrifices,'" "
6.
9 and should slay those who did not choose to change over to Greek customs. One could see, therefore, the misery that had come upon them.'" "
6.
10 For example, two women were brought in for having circumcised their children. These women they publicly paraded about the city, with their babies hung at their breasts, then hurled them down headlong from the wall.'" "
6.
11 Others who had assembled in the caves near by, to observe the seventh day secretly, were betrayed to Philip and were all burned together, because their piety kept them from defending themselves, in view of their regard for that most holy day.'" "
6.
12 Now I urge those who read this book not to be depressed by such calamities, but to recognize that these punishments were designed not to destroy but to discipline our people.'" "
6.1
3 In fact, not to let the impious alone for long, but to punish them immediately, is a sign of great kindness.'" "
6.
14 For in the case of the other nations the Lord waits patiently to punish them until they have reached the full measure of their sins; but he does not deal in this way with us,'"
6.1
5 in order that he may not take vengeance on us afterward when our sins have reached their height."' "
6.1
6 Therefore he never withdraws his mercy from us. Though he disciplines us with calamities, he does not forsake his own people.'"
6.1
7 Let what we have said serve as a reminder; we must go on briefly with the story."' "
6.1
8 Eleazar, one of the scribes in high position, a man now advanced in age and of noble presence, was being forced to open his mouth to eat swine's flesh.'" "
6.21 Those who were in charge of that unlawful sacrifice took the man aside, because of their long acquaintance with him, and privately urged him to bring meat of his own providing, proper for him to use, and pretend that he was eating the flesh of the sacrificial meal which had been commanded by the king,'"
7.1 It happened also that seven brothers and their mother were arrested and were being compelled by the king, under torture with whips and cords, to partake of unlawful swine's flesh.'" "
7.2 One of them, acting as their spokesman, said, 'What do you intend to ask and learn from us? For we are ready to die rather than transgress the laws of our fathers.'" "
7.4 These were heated immediately, and he commanded that the tongue of their spokesman be cut out and that they scalp him and cut off his hands and feet, while the rest of the brothers and the mother looked on.'" "
7.
5 When he was utterly helpless, the king ordered them to take him to the fire, still breathing, and to fry him in a pan. The smoke from the pan spread widely, but the brothers and their mother encouraged one another to die nobly, saying,'" "
7.
9 And when he was at his last breath, he said, 'You accursed wretch, you dismiss us from this present life, but the King of the universe will raise us up to an everlasting renewal of life, because we have died for his laws.'" "
7.
14 And when he was near death, he said, 'One cannot but choose to die at the hands of men and to cherish the hope that God gives of being raised again by him. But for you there will be no resurrection to life!'"
7.1
5 Next they brought forward the fifth and maltreated him."' "
7.1
9 But do not think that you will go unpunished for having tried to fight against God!'" "
7.2
3 Therefore the Creator of the world, who shaped the beginning of man and devised the origin of all things, will in his mercy give life and breath back to you again, since you now forget yourselves for the sake of his laws.'" "
7.2
8 I beseech you, my child, to look at the heaven and the earth and see everything that is in them, and recognize that God did not make them out of things that existed. Thus also mankind comes into being.'" "
7.
31 But you, who have contrived all sorts of evil against the Hebrews, will certainly not escape the hands of God.'" 7.
32 For we are suffering because of our own sins."' "
7.
3
3 And if our living Lord is angry for a little while, to rebuke and discipline us, he will again be reconciled with his own servants.'" "
7.
34 But you, unholy wretch, you most defiled of all men, do not be elated in vain and puffed up by uncertain hopes, when you raise your hand against the children of heaven.'" "
7.
3
5 You have not yet escaped the judgment of the almighty, all-seeing God.'" "
7.
3
6 For our brothers after enduring a brief suffering have drunk of everflowing life under God's covet; but you, by the judgment of God, will receive just punishment for your arrogance.'" "
7.
3
7 I, like my brothers, give up body and life for the laws of our fathers, appealing to God to show mercy soon to our nation and by afflictions and plagues to make you confess that he alone is God,'" "
7.
3
8 and through me and my brothers to bring to an end the wrath of the Almighty which has justly fallen on our whole nation.'" "
7.42 Let this be enough, then, about the eating of sacrifices and the extreme tortures.'" "
8.1 But Judas, who was also called Maccabeus, and his companions secretly entered the villages and summoned their kinsmen and enlisted those who had continued in the Jewish faith, and so they gathered about six thousand men.'" "
8.2 They besought the Lord to look upon the people who were oppressed by all, and to have pity on the temple which had been profaned by ungodly men,'" "
8.
3 and to have mercy on the city which was being destroyed and about to be leveled to the ground, and to hearken to the blood that cried out to him,'" "
8.4 and to remember also the lawless destruction of the innocent babies and the blasphemies committed against his name, and to show his hatred of evil.'" "
8.
5 As soon as Maccabeus got his army organized, the Gentiles could not withstand him, for the wrath of the Lord had turned to mercy.'" "
8.
6 Coming without warning, he would set fire to towns and villages. He captured strategic positions and put to flight not a few of the enemy.'" 8.
7 He found the nights most advantageous for such attacks. And talk of his valor spread everywhere."' "
8.
8 When Philip saw that the man was gaining ground little by little, and that he was pushing ahead with more frequent successes, he wrote to Ptolemy, the governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, for aid to the king's government.'" "
8.
9 And Ptolemy promptly appointed Nicanor the son of Patroclus, one of the king's chief friends, and sent him, in command of no fewer than twenty thousand Gentiles of all nations, to wipe out the whole race of Judea. He associated with him Gorgias, a general and a man of experience in military service.'" "
8.
10 Nicanor determined to make up for the king the tribute due to the Romans, two thousand talents, by selling the captured Jews into slavery.'" "
8.
11 And he immediately sent to the cities on the seacoast, inviting them to buy Jewish slaves and promising to hand over ninety slaves for a talent, not expecting the judgment from the Almighty that was about to overtake him.'" "
8.
12 Word came to Judas concerning Nicanor's invasion; and when he told his companions of the arrival of the army,'"
8.1
3 those who were cowardly and distrustful of God\'s justice ran off and got away."' "
8.
14 Others sold all their remaining property, and at the same time besought the Lord to rescue those who had been sold by the ungodly Nicanor before he ever met them,'" "
8.1
5 if not for their own sake, yet for the sake of the covets made with their fathers, and because he had called them by his holy and glorious name.'" "
8.1
6 But Maccabeus gathered his men together, to the number six thousand, and exhorted them not to be frightened by the enemy and not to fear the great multitude of Gentiles who were wickedly coming against them, but to fight nobly,'" "
8.1
7 keeping before their eyes the lawless outrage which the Gentiles had committed against the holy place, and the torture of the derided city, and besides, the overthrow of their ancestral way of life.'" "
8.1
8 For they trust to arms and acts of daring,'he said, 'but we trust in the Almighty God, who is able with a single nod to strike down those who are coming against us and even the whole world.'" "
8.1
9 Moreover, he told them of the times when help came to their ancestors; both the time of Sennacherib, when one hundred and eighty-five thousand perished,'" "
8.20 and the time of the battle with the Galatians that took place in Babylonia, when eight thousand in all went into the affair, with four thousand Macedonians; and when the Macedonians were hard pressed, the eight thousand, by the help that came to them from heaven, destroyed one hundred and twenty thousand and took much booty.'"
8.21 With these words he filled them with good courage and made them ready to die for their laws and their country; then he divided his army into four parts."' "
8.22 He appointed his brothers also, Simon and Joseph and Jonathan, each to command a division, putting fifteen hundred men under each.'" "
8.2
3 Besides, he appointed Eleazar to read aloud from the holy book, and gave the watchword, 'God's help'; then, leading the first division himself, he joined battle with Nicanor.'" "
8.24 With the Almighty as their ally, they slew more than nine thousand of the enemy, and wounded and disabled most of Nicanor's army, and forced them all to flee.'" "
8.2
5 They captured the money of those who had come to buy them as slaves. After pursuing them for some distance, they were obliged to return because the hour was late.'" "
8.2
6 For it was the day before the sabbath, and for that reason they did not continue their pursuit.'" "
8.2
7 And when they had collected the arms of the enemy and stripped them of their spoils, they kept the sabbath, giving great praise and thanks to the Lord, who had preserved them for that day and allotted it to them as the beginning of mercy.'" "
8.2
8 After the sabbath they gave some of the spoils to those who had been tortured and to the widows and orphans, and distributed the rest among themselves and their children.'" "
8.2
9 When they had done this, they made common supplication and besought the merciful Lord to be wholly reconciled with his servants.'" "
8.
30 In encounters with the forces of Timothy and Bacchides they killed more than twenty thousand of them and got possession of some exceedingly high strongholds, and they divided very much plunder, giving to those who had been tortured and to the orphans and widows, and also to the aged, shares equal to their own.'" "
8.
31 Collecting the arms of the enemy, they stored them all carefully in strategic places, and carried the rest of the spoils to Jerusalem.'" "
8.
32 They killed the commander of Timothy's forces, a most unholy man, and one who had greatly troubled the Jews.'" "
8.
3
3 While they were celebrating the victory in the city of their fathers, they burned those who had set fire to the sacred gates, Callisthenes and some others, who had fled into one little house; so these received the proper recompense for their impiety.'" "
8.
34 The thrice-accursed Nicanor, who had brought the thousand merchants to buy the Jews,'" "
8.
3
5 having been humbled with the help of the Lord by opponents whom he regarded as of the least account, took off his splendid uniform and made his way alone like a runaway slave across the country till he reached Antioch, having succeeded chiefly in the destruction of his own army!'" "
8.
3
6 Thus he who had undertaken to secure tribute for the Romans by the capture of the people of Jerusalem proclaimed that the Jews had a Defender, and that therefore the Jews were invulnerable, because they followed the laws ordained by him.'" "
9.1 About that time, as it happened, Antiochus had retreated in disorder from the region of Persia.'"
9.2 For he had entered the city called Persepolis, and attempted to rob the temples and control the city. Therefore the people rushed to the rescue with arms, and Antiochus and his men were defeated, with the result that Antiochus was put to flight by the inhabitants and beat a shameful retreat.'" "
9.
3 While he was in Ecbatana, news came to him of what had happened to Nicanor and the forces of Timothy.'" "
9.4 Transported with rage, he conceived the idea of turning upon the Jews the injury done by those who had put him to flight; so he ordered his charioteer to drive without stopping until he completed the journey. But the judgment of heaven rode with him! For in his arrogance he said, 'When I get there I will make Jerusalem a cemetery of Jews.'" "
9.
5 But the all-seeing Lord, the God of Israel, struck him an incurable and unseen blow. As soon as he ceased speaking he was seized with a pain in his bowels for which there was no relief and with sharp internal tortures --'" "
9.
6 and that very justly, for he had tortured the bowels of others with many and strange inflictions.'" "
9.
7 Yet he did not in any way stop his insolence, but was even more filled with arrogance, breathing fire in his rage against the Jews, and giving orders to hasten the journey. And so it came about that he fell out of his chariot as it was rushing along, and the fall was so hard as to torture every limb of his body.'" "
9.
8 Thus he who had just been thinking that he could command the waves of the sea, in his superhuman arrogance, and imagining that he could weigh the high mountains in a balance, was brought down to earth and carried in a litter, making the power of God manifest to all.'" "
9.
9 And so the ungodly man's body swarmed with worms, and while he was still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, and because of his stench the whole army felt revulsion at his decay.'"
9.
10 Because of his intolerable stench no one was able to carry the man who a little while before had thought that he could touch the stars of heaven."' "
9.
11 Then it was that, broken in spirit, he began to lose much of his arrogance and to come to his senses under the scourge of God, for he was tortured with pain every moment.'" "
9.
12 And when he could not endure his own stench, he uttered these words: 'It is right to be subject to God, and no mortal should think that he is equal to God.'" "
9.1
3 Then the abominable fellow made a vow to the Lord, who would no longer have mercy on him, stating'" "
9.
14 that the holy city, which he was hastening to level to the ground and to make a cemetery, he was now declaring to be free;'" "
9.1
5 and the Jews, whom he had not considered worth burying but had planned to throw out with their children to the beasts, for the birds to pick, he would make, all of them, equal to citizens of Athens;'" "
9.1
6 and the holy sanctuary, which he had formerly plundered, he would adorn with the finest offerings; and the holy vessels he would give back, all of them, many times over; and the expenses incurred for the sacrifices he would provide from his own revenues;'"
9.1
7 and in addition to all this he also would become a Jew and would visit every inhabited place to proclaim the power of God."' "
9.1
8 But when his sufferings did not in any way abate, for the judgment of God had justly come upon him, he gave up all hope for himself and wrote to the Jews the following letter, in the form of a supplication. This was its content:'" "
9.1
9 To his worthy Jewish citizens, Antiochus their king and general sends hearty greetings and good wishes for their health and prosperity.'" "
9.20 If you and your children are well and your affairs are as you wish, I am glad. As my hope is in heaven,'" "
9.21 I remember with affection your esteem and good will. On my way back from the region of Persia I suffered an annoying illness, and I have deemed it necessary to take thought for the general security of all.'" "
9.22 I do not despair of my condition, for I have good hope of recovering from my illness,'" "
9.2
3 but I observed that my father, on the occasions when he made expeditions into the upper country, appointed his successor,'" "
9.24 o that, if anything unexpected happened or any unwelcome news came, the people throughout the realm would not be troubled, for they would know to whom the government was left.'" "
9.2
5 Moreover, I understand how the princes along the borders and the neighbors to my kingdom keep watching for opportunities and waiting to see what will happen. So I have appointed my son Antiochus to be king, whom I have often entrusted and commended to most of you when I hastened off to the upper provinces; and I have written to him what is written here.'" "
9.2
6 I therefore urge and beseech you to remember the public and private services rendered to you and to maintain your present good will, each of you, toward me and my son.'" "
9.2
7 For I am sure that he will follow my policy and will treat you with moderation and kindness.'" "
9.2
8 So the murderer and blasphemer, having endured the more intense suffering, such as he had inflicted on others, came to the end of his life by a most pitiable fate, among the mountains in a strange land.'" "
9.2
9 And Philip, one of his courtiers, took his body home; then, fearing the son of Antiochus, he betook himself to Ptolemy Philometor in Egypt.'" "
10.1 Now Maccabeus and his followers, the Lord leading them on, recovered the temple and the city;'" "
10.2 and they tore down the altars which had been built in the public square by the foreigners, and also destroyed the sacred precincts.'" "
10.
3 They purified the sanctuary, and made another altar of sacrifice; then, striking fire out of flint, they offered sacrifices, after a lapse of two years, and they burned incense and lighted lamps and set out the bread of the Presence.'" "
10.4 And when they had done this, they fell prostrate and besought the Lord that they might never again fall into such misfortunes, but that, if they should ever sin, they might be disciplined by him with forbearance and not be handed over to blasphemous and barbarous nations.'" "
10.
5 It happened that on the same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by the foreigners, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is, on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Chislev.'" "
10.
6 And they celebrated it for eight days with rejoicing, in the manner of the feast of booths, remembering how not long before, during the feast of booths, they had been wandering in the mountains and caves like wild animals.'" "
10.
7 Therefore bearing ivy-wreathed wands and beautiful branches and also fronds of palm, they offered hymns of thanksgiving to him who had given success to the purifying of his own holy place.'" 10.
8 They decreed by public ordice and vote that the whole nation of the Jews should observe these days every year."' "
10.
9 Such then was the end of Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes.'" "
10.
10 Now we will tell what took place under Antiochus Eupator, who was the son of that ungodly man, and will give a brief summary of the principal calamities of the wars.'" "
10.
11 This man, when he succeeded to the kingdom, appointed one Lysias to have charge of the government and to be chief governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia.'" "
10.1
5 Besides this, the Idumeans, who had control of important strongholds, were harassing the Jews; they received those who were banished from Jerusalem, and endeavored to keep up the war.'" "
10.1
6 But Maccabeus and his men, after making solemn supplication and beseeching God to fight on their side, rushed to the strongholds of the Idumeans.'" "
10.1
9 Maccabeus left Simon and Joseph, and also Zacchaeus and his men, a force sufficient to besiege them; and he himself set off for places where he was more urgently needed.'" "
10.21 When word of what had happened came to Maccabeus, he gathered the leaders of the people, and accused these men of having sold their brethren for money by setting their enemies free to fight against them.'" "
10.2
5 As he drew near, Maccabeus and his men sprinkled dust upon their heads and girded their loins with sackcloth, in supplication to God.'" "
10.2
9 When the battle became fierce, there appeared to the enemy from heaven five resplendent men on horses with golden bridles, and they were leading the Jews.'" "
10.
30 Surrounding Maccabeus and protecting him with their own armor and weapons, they kept him from being wounded. And they showered arrows and thunderbolts upon the enemy, so that, confused and blinded, they were thrown into disorder and cut to pieces.'" "
10.
31 Twenty thousand five hundred were slaughtered, besides six hundred horsemen.'" "
10.
3
3 Then Maccabeus and his men were glad, and they besieged the fort for four days.'" "
10.
3
5 But at dawn of the fifth day, twenty young men in the army of Maccabeus, fired with anger because of the blasphemies, bravely stormed the wall and with savage fury cut down every one they met.'" "
10.
3
8 When they had accomplished these things, with hymns and thanksgivings they blessed the Lord who shows great kindness to Israel and gives them the victory.'" "1
1.1 Very soon after this, Lysias, the king's guardian and kinsman, who was in charge of the government, being vexed at what had happened,'" "1
1.
6 When Maccabeus and his men got word that Lysias was besieging the strongholds, they and all the people, with lamentations and tears, besought the Lord to send a good angel to save Israel.'" "1
1.
8 And there, while they were still near Jerusalem, a horseman appeared at their head, clothed in white and brandishing weapons of gold.'" "1
1.
10 They advanced in battle order, having their heavenly ally, for the Lord had mercy on them.'" "1
1.1
3 And as he was not without intelligence, he pondered over the defeat which had befallen him, and realized that the Hebrews were invincible because the mighty God fought on their side. So he sent to them'" "1
1.1
5 Maccabeus, having regard for the common good, agreed to all that Lysias urged. For the king granted every request in behalf of the Jews which Maccabeus delivered to Lysias in writing.'" "1
1.1
6 The letter written to the Jews by Lysias was to this effect:'Lysias to the people of the Jews, greeting.'" "1
1.1
7 John and Absalom, who were sent by you, have delivered your signed communication and have asked about the matters indicated therein.'" "1
1.1
8 I have informed the king of everything that needed to be brought before him, and he has agreed to what was possible.'" "1
1.1
9 If you will maintain your good will toward the government, I will endeavor for the future to help promote your welfare.'" "1
1.21 Farewell. The one hundred and forty-eighth year, Dioscorinthius twenty-fourth.'" "1
1.22 The king's letter ran thus:'King Antiochus to his brother Lysias, greeting.'" "1
1.2
3 Now that our father has gone on to the gods, we desire that the subjects of the kingdom be undisturbed in caring for their own affairs.'" '1
1.24 We have heard that the Jews do not consent to our father\'s change to Greek customs but prefer their own way of living and ask that their own customs be allowed them."' "1
1.2
5 Accordingly, since we choose that this nation also be free from disturbance, our decision is that their temple be restored to them and that they live according to the customs of their ancestors.'" "1
1.2
6 You will do well, therefore, to send word to them and give them pledges of friendship, so that they may know our policy and be of good cheer and go on happily in the conduct of their own affairs.'" "1
1.2
7 To the nation the king's letter was as follows:'King Antiochus to the senate of the Jews and to the other Jews, greeting.'" '1
1.2
9 Menelaus has informed us that you wish to return home and look after your own affairs." 1
1.
30 Therefore those who go home by the thirtieth day of Xanthicus will have our pledge of friendship and full permission"' "1
1.
31 for the Jews to enjoy their own food and laws, just as formerly, and none of them shall be molested in any way for what he may have done in ignorance.'" "1
1.
3
3 Farewell. The one hundred and forty-eighth year, Xanthicus fifteenth.'" "1
1.
34 The Romans also sent them a letter, which read thus:'Quintus Memmius and Titus Manius, envoys of the Romans, to the people of the Jews, greeting.'" "1
1.
3
5 With regard to what Lysias the kinsman of the king has granted you, we also give consent.'" "1
1.
3
6 But as to the matters which he decided are to be referred to the king, as soon as you have considered them, send some one promptly, so that we may make proposals appropriate for you. For we are on our way to Antioch.'" "
12.1 When this agreement had been reached, Lysias returned to the king, and the Jews went about their farming.'" "
12.2 But some of the governors in various places, Timothy and Apollonius the son of Gennaeus, as well as Hieronymus and Demophon, and in addition to these Nicanor the governor of Cyprus, would not let them live quietly and in peace.'" "
12.
6 and, calling upon God the righteous Judge, attacked the murderers of his brethren. He set fire to the harbor by night, and burned the boats, and massacred those who had taken refuge there.'" "
12.
8 But learning that the men in Jamnia meant in the same way to wipe out the Jews who were living among them,'" "
12.1
5 But Judas and his men, calling upon the great Sovereign of the world, who without battering-rams or engines of war overthrew Jericho in the days of Joshua, rushed furiously upon the walls.'" "1
2.1
6 They took the city by the will of God, and slaughtered untold numbers, so that the adjoining lake, a quarter of a mile wide, appeared to be running over with blood.'" "1
2.20 But Maccabeus arranged his army in divisions, set men in command of the divisions, and hastened after Timothy, who had with him a hundred and twenty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry.'" "
12.24 Timothy himself fell into the hands of Dositheus and Sosipater and their men. With great guile he besought them to let him go in safety, because he held the parents of most of them and the brothers of some and no consideration would be shown them.'" "
12.2
8 But the Jews called upon the Sovereign who with power shatters the might of his enemies, and they got the city into their hands, and killed as many as twenty-five thousand of those who were within it.'" "
12.
30 But when the Jews who dwelt there bore witness to the good will which the people of Scythopolis had shown them and their kind treatment of them in times of misfortune,'" "
12.40 Then under the tunic of every one of the dead they found sacred tokens of the idols of Jamnia, which the law forbids the Jews to wear. And it became clear to all that this was why these men had fallen.'" "
12.4
3 He also took up a collection, man by man, to the amount of two thousand drachmas of silver, and sent it to Jerusalem to provide for a sin offering. In doing this he acted very well and honorably, taking account of the resurrection.'" "
12.4
5 But if he was looking to the splendid reward that is laid up for those who fall asleep in godliness, it was a holy and pious thought. Therefore he made atonement for the dead, that they might be delivered from their sin.'" "1
3.1 In the one hundred and forty-ninth year word came to Judas and his men that Antiochus Eupator was coming with a great army against Judea,'" "1
3.2 and with him Lysias, his guardian, who had charge of the government. Each of them had a Greek force of one hundred and ten thousand infantry, five thousand three hundred cavalry, twenty-two elephants, and three hundred chariots armed with scythes.'" "1
3.
3 Menelaus also joined them and with utter hypocrisy urged Antiochus on, not for the sake of his country's welfare, but because he thought that he would be established in office.'" "1
3.4 But the King of kings aroused the anger of Antiochus against the scoundrel; and when Lysias informed him that this man was to blame for all the trouble, he ordered them to take him to Beroea and to put him to death by the method which is the custom in that place.'" "1
3.
5 For there is a tower in that place, fifty cubits high, full of ashes, and it has a rim running around it which on all sides inclines precipitously into the ashes.'" '1
3.
6 There they all push to destruction any man guilty of sacrilege or notorious for other crimes."' "1
3.
7 By such a fate it came about that Menelaus the lawbreaker died, without even burial in the earth.'" "1
3.
8 And this was eminently just; because he had committed many sins against the altar whose fire and ashes were holy, he met his death in ashes.'" '1
3.
9 The king with barbarous arrogance was coming to show the Jews things far worse than those that had been done in his father\'s time."' "1
3.
10 But when Judas heard of this, he ordered the people to call upon the Lord day and night, now if ever to help those who were on the point of being deprived of the law and their country and the holy temple,'" "1
3.
12 When they had all joined in the same petition and had besought the merciful Lord with weeping and fasting and lying prostrate for three days without ceasing, Judas exhorted them and ordered them to stand ready.'" "1
3.1
3 After consulting privately with the elders, he determined to march out and decide the matter by the help of God before the king's army could enter Judea and get possession of the city.'" "1
3.
14 So, committing the decision to the Creator of the world and exhorting his men to fight nobly to the death for the laws, temple, city, country, and commonwealth, he pitched his camp near Modein.'" "1
3.1
5 He gave his men the watchword, 'God's victory,'and with a picked force of the bravest young men, he attacked the king's pavilion at night and slew as many as two thousand men in the camp. He stabbed the leading elephant and its rider.'" '1
3.1
6 In the end they filled the camp with terror and confusion and withdrew in triumph."' "1
3.1
7 This happened, just as day was dawning, because the Lord's help protected him.'" "1
3.2
3 he got word that Philip, who had been left in charge of the government, had revolted in Antioch; he was dismayed, called in the Jews, yielded and swore to observe all their rights, settled with them and offered sacrifice, honored the sanctuary and showed generosity to the holy place.'" "1
3.24 He received Maccabeus, left Hegemonides as governor from Ptolemais to Gerar,'" '1
3.2
5 and went to Ptolemais. The people of Ptolemais were indigt over the treaty; in fact they were so angry that they wanted to annul its terms."' "1
3.2
6 Lysias took the public platform, made the best possible defense, convinced them, appeased them, gained their good will, and set out for Antioch. This is how the king's attack and withdrawal turned out.'" "1
4.1 Three years later, word came to Judas and his men that Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, had sailed into the harbor of Tripolis with a strong army and a fleet,'" "1
4.2 and had taken possession of the country, having made away with Antiochus and his guardian Lysias.'" 14.
3 Now a certain Alcimus, who had formerly been high priest but had wilfully defiled himself in the times of separation, realized that there was no way for him to be safe or to have access again to the holy altar,'" "1
4.4 and went to King Demetrius in about the one hundred and fifty-first year, presenting to him a crown of gold and a palm, and besides these some of the customary olive branches from the temple. During that day he kept quiet.'" '1
4.
5 But he found an opportunity that furthered his mad purpose when he was invited by Demetrius to a meeting of the council and was asked about the disposition and intentions of the Jews. He answered:"' "1
4.
6 Those of the Jews who are called Hasideans, whose leader is Judas Maccabeus, are keeping up war and stirring up sedition, and will not let the kingdom attain tranquillity.'" "1
4.
7 Therefore I have laid aside my ancestral glory -- I mean the high priesthood -- and have now come here,'" "1
4.
8 first because I am genuinely concerned for the interests of the king, and second because I have regard also for my fellow citizens. For through the folly of those whom I have mentioned our whole nation is now in no small misfortune.'" "1
4.
9 Since you are acquainted, O king, with the details of this matter, deign to take thought for our country and our hard-pressed nation with the gracious kindness which you show to all.'" "1
4.
10 For as long as Judas lives, it is impossible for the government to find peace.'" "1
4.
11 When he had said this, the rest of the king's friends, who were hostile to Judas, quickly inflamed Demetrius still more.'" "1
4.
12 And he immediately chose Nicanor, who had been in command of the elephants, appointed him governor of Judea, and sent him off'" "1
4.1
3 with orders to kill Judas and scatter his men, and to set up Alcimus as high priest of the greatest temple.'" "1
4.
14 And the Gentiles throughout Judea, who had fled before Judas, flocked to join Nicanor, thinking that the misfortunes and calamities of the Jews would mean prosperity for themselves.'" "1
4.1
7 Simon, the brother of Judas, had encountered Nicanor, but had been temporarily checked because of the sudden consternation created by the enemy.'" '1
4.1
9 Therefore he sent Posidonius and Theodotus and Mattathias to give and receive pledges of friendship."' "1
4.21 And the leaders set a day on which to meet by themselves. A chariot came forward from each army; seats of honor were set in place;"' "1
4.2
5 And he urged him to marry and have children; so he married, settled down, and shared the common life.'" "1
4.2
6 But when Alcimus noticed their good will for one another, he took the covet that had been made and went to Demetrius. He told him that Nicanor was disloyal to the government, for he had appointed that conspirator against the kingdom, Judas, to be his successor.'" "1
4.2
7 The king became excited and, provoked by the false accusations of that depraved man, wrote to Nicanor, stating that he was displeased with the covet and commanding him to send Maccabeus to Antioch as a prisoner without delay.'" "1
4.2
8 When this message came to Nicanor, he was troubled and grieved that he had to annul their agreement when the man had done no wrong.'" "1
4.2
9 Since it was not possible to oppose the king, he watched for an opportunity to accomplish this by a stratagem.'" "
14.
30 But Maccabeus, noticing that Nicanor was more austere in his dealings with him and was meeting him more rudely than had been his custom, concluded that this austerity did not spring from the best motives. So he gathered not a few of his men, and went into hiding from Nicanor.'" "
14.
31 When the latter became aware that he had been cleverly outwitted by the man, he went to the great and holy temple while the priests were offering the customary sacrifices, and commanded them to hand the man over.'" "
14.
32 And when they declared on oath that they did not know where the man was whom he sought,'" "
14.
3
3 he stretched out his right hand toward the sanctuary, and swore this oath: 'If you do not hand Judas over to me as a prisoner, I will level this precinct of God to the ground and tear down the altar, and I will build here a splendid temple to Dionysus.'" "
14.
34 Having said this, he went away. Then the priests stretched forth their hands toward heaven and called upon the constant Defender of our nation, in these words:'" "
14.
3
5 O Lord of all, who hast need of nothing, thou wast pleased that there be a temple for thy habitation among us;'" "
14.
3
6 o now, O holy One, Lord of all holiness, keep undefiled for ever this house that has been so recently purified.'" "
14.
3
7 A certain Razis, one of the elders of Jerusalem, was denounced to Nicanor as a man who loved his fellow citizens and was very well thought of and for his good will was called father of the Jews.'" "
14.
3
8 For in former times, when there was no mingling with the Gentiles, he had been accused of Judaism, and for Judaism he had with all zeal risked body and life.'" "
14.
3
9 Nicanor, wishing to exhibit the enmity which he had for the Jews, sent more than five hundred soldiers to arrest him;'" "1
4.40 for he thought that by arresting him he would do them an injury."' "1
4.41 When the troops were about to capture the tower and were forcing the door of the courtyard, they ordered that fire be brought and the doors burned. Being surrounded, Razis fell upon his own sword,'" '1
4.42 preferring to die nobly rather than to fall into the hands of sinners and suffer outrages unworthy of his noble birth."' "1
4.4
3 But in the heat of the struggle he did not hit exactly, and the crowd was now rushing in through the doors. He bravely ran up on the wall, and manfully threw himself down into the crowd.'" "1
4.44 But as they quickly drew back, a space opened and he fell in the middle of the empty space.'" "1
4.4
5 Still alive and aflame with anger, he rose, and though his blood gushed forth and his wounds were severe he ran through the crowd; and standing upon a steep rock,'" "1
4.4
6 with his blood now completely drained from him, he tore out his entrails, took them with both hands and hurled them at the crowd, calling upon the Lord of life and spirit to give them back to him again. This was the manner of his death.'" '1
5.1 When Nicanor heard that Judas and his men were in the region of Samaria, he made plans to attack them with complete safety on the day of rest.'" "1
5.2 And when the Jews who were compelled to follow him said, 'Do not destroy so savagely and barbarously, but show respect for the day which he who sees all things has honored and hallowed above other days,'" "1
5.
3 the thrice-accursed wretch asked if there were a sovereign in heaven who had commanded the keeping of the sabbath day."' "1
5.4 And when they declared, 'It is the living Lord himself, the Sovereign in heaven, who ordered us to observe the seventh day,'" "1
5.
5 he replied, 'And I am a sovereign also, on earth, and I command you to take up arms and finish the king's business.'Nevertheless, he did not succeed in carrying out his abominable design.'" '1
5.
6 This Nicanor in his utter boastfulness and arrogance had determined to erect a public monument of victory over Judas and his men." 1
5.
7 But Maccabeus did not cease to trust with all confidence that he would get help from the Lord."' "1
5.
8 And he exhorted his men not to fear the attack of the Gentiles, but to keep in mind the former times when help had come to them from heaven, and now to look for the victory which the Almighty would give them.'" "1
5.
9 Encouraging them from the law and the prophets, and reminding them also of the struggles they had won, he made them the more eager.'" "1
5.
12 What he saw was this: Onias, who had been high priest, a noble and good man, of modest bearing and gentle manner, one who spoke fittingly and had been trained from childhood in all that belongs to excellence, was praying with outstretched hands for the whole body of the Jews.'" "1
5.1
3 Then likewise a man appeared, distinguished by his gray hair and dignity, and of marvelous majesty and authority.'" "1
5.
14 And Onias spoke, saying, 'This is a man who loves the brethren and prays much for the people and the holy city, Jeremiah, the prophet of God.'" "1
5.1
5 Jeremiah stretched out his right hand and gave to Judas a golden sword, and as he gave it he addressed him thus:'" "1
5.1
6 Take this holy sword, a gift from God, with which you will strike down your adversaries.'" "1
5.21 Maccabeus, perceiving the hosts that were before him and the varied supply of arms and the savagery of the elephants, stretched out his hands toward heaven and called upon the Lord who works wonders; for he knew that it is not by arms, but as the Lord decides, that he gains the victory for those who deserve it.'" "1
5.22 And he called upon him in these words: 'O Lord, thou didst send thy angel in the time of Hezekiah king of Judea, and he slew fully a hundred and eighty-five thousand in the camp of Sennacherib.'" "1
5.2
3 So now, O Sovereign of the heavens, send a good angel to carry terror and trembling before us.'" "1
5.24 By the might of thy arm may these blasphemers who come against thy holy people be struck down.'With these words he ended his prayer.'" "1
5.2
7 So, fighting with their hands and praying to God in their hearts, they laid low no less than thirty-five thousand men, and were greatly gladdened by God's manifestation.'" "1
5.2
8 When the action was over and they were returning with joy, they recognized Nicanor, lying dead, in full armor.'" "1
5.2
9 Then there was shouting and tumult, and they blessed the Sovereign Lord in the language of their fathers.'" '1
5.
30 And the man who was ever in body and soul the defender of his fellow citizens, the man who maintained his youthful good will toward his countrymen, ordered them to cut off Nicanor's head and arm and carry them to Jerusalem.'" "1
5.
31 And when he arrived there and had called his countrymen together and stationed the priests before the altar, he sent for those who were in the citadel.'" "1
5.
32 He showed them the vile Nicanor's head and that profane man's arm, which had been boastfully stretched out against the holy house of the Almighty;'" '1
5.
3
3 and he cut out the tongue of the ungodly Nicanor and said that he would give it piecemeal to the birds and hang up these rewards of his folly opposite the sanctuary."' "1
5.
34 And they all, looking to heaven, blessed the Lord who had manifested himself, saying, 'Blessed is he who has kept his own place undefiled.'" "1
5.
3
5 And he hung Nicanor's head from the citadel, a clear and conspicuous sign to every one of the help of the Lord.'" "1
5.
3
6 And they all decreed by public vote never to let this day go unobserved, but to celebrate the thirteenth day of the twelfth month -- which is called Adar in the Syrian language -- the day before Mordecai's day.'" "1
5.
3
7 This, then, is how matters turned out with Nicanor. And from that time the city has been in the possession of the Hebrews. So I too will here end my story.'" "" None |
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34. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 6.37, 7.29-7.31, 36.2, 36.5-36.7, 36.11, 36.13, 36.16-36.18, 36.20-36.22, 38.24, 39.4, 39.6-39.8, 44.20, 45.6-45.19, 45.21-45.22, 50.1-50.9, 50.11-50.19, 50.21-50.26, 51.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IX (Cyzicenus) • Antiochus VIII (Aspendius) • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022), Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity, 9; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 170, 187, 409, 410, 412; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 332, 335, 379, 392, 395, 525, 1071, 1076; Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 12, 79, 105, 111, 208; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 58; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 118; Levison (2023), The Greek Life of Adam and Eve. 1036; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 63; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 95; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 191; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 156, 220, 286; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 57, 69, 75
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7.29 With all your soul fear the Lord,and honor his priests. 7.31 Fear the Lord and honor the priest,and give him his portion, as is commanded you:the first fruits, the guilt offering, the gift of the shoulders,the sacrifice of sanctification,and the first fruits of the holy things.
36.2 A perverse mind will cause grief,but a man of experience will pay him back.
36.2 and cause the fear of thee to fall upon all the nations.
36.5 and let them know thee, as we have known that there is not God but thee, O Lord. 36.6 Show signs anew, and work further wonders;make thy hand and thy right arm glorious. 36.7 Rouse thy anger and pour out thy wrath;destroy the adversary and wipe out the enemy.
36.11 Gather all the tribes of Jacob,and give them their inheritance, as at the beginning.
36.13 Have pity on the city of thy sanctuary,Jerusalem, the place of thy rest.
36.16 Reward those who wait for thee,and let thy prophets be found trustworthy. 36.17 Hearken, O Lord, to the prayer of thy servants,according to the blessing of Aaron for thy people,and all who are on the earth will know that thou art the Lord, the God of the ages. 36.18 The stomach will take any food,yet one food is better than another.
36.21 A woman will accept any man,but one daughter is better than another.
36.22 A womans beauty gladdens the countece,and surpasses every human desire.
38.24 The wisdom of the scribe depends on the opportunity of leisure;and he who has little business may become wise.
39.4 He will serve among great men and appear before rulers;he will travel through the lands of foreign nations,for he tests the good and the evil among men.
39.6 If the great Lord is willing,he will be filled with the spirit of understanding;he will pour forth words of wisdom and give thanks to the Lord in prayer. 39.7 He will direct his counsel and knowledge aright,and meditate on his secrets. 39.8 He will reveal instruction in his teaching,and will glory in the law of the Lords covet.
45.6 He exalted Aaron, the brother of Moses,a holy man like him, of the tribe of Levi. 45.7 He made an everlasting covet with him,and gave him the priesthood of the people. He blessed him with splendid vestments,and put a glorious robe upon him. 45.8 He clothed him with superb perfection,and strengthened him with the symbols of authority,the linen breeches, the long robe, and the ephod. 45.9 And he encircled him with pomegranates,with very many golden bells round about,to send forth a sound as he walked,to make their ringing heard in the temple as a reminder to the sons of his people; 45.11 with twisted scarlet, the work of a craftsman;with precious stones engraved like signets,in a setting of gold, the work of a jeweler,for a reminder, in engraved letters,according to the number of the tribes of Israel; 45.12 with a gold crown upon his turban,inscribed like a signet with "Holiness," a distinction to be prized, the work of an expert,the delight of the eyes, richly adorned. 45.13 Before his time there never were such beautiful things. No outsider ever put them on,but only his sons and his descendants perpetually. 45.14 His sacrifices shall be wholly burned twice every day continually. 45.15 Moses ordained him,and anointed him with holy oil;it was an everlasting covet for him and for his descendants all the days of heaven,to minister to the Lord and serve as priest and bless his people in his name. 45.16 He chose him out of all the living to offer sacrifice to the Lord,incense and a pleasing odor as a memorial portion,to make atonement for the people. 45.17 In his commandments he gave him authority and statutes and judgments,to teach Jacob the testimonies,and to enlighten Israel with his law. 45.18 Outsiders conspired against him,and envied him in the wilderness,Dathan and Abiram and their men and the company of Korah, in wrath and anger. 45.19 The Lord saw it and was not pleased,and in the wrath of his anger they were destroyed;he wrought wonders against them to consume them in flaming fire.
45.21 for they eat the sacrifices to the Lord,which he gave to him and his descendants. 45.22 But in the land of the people he has no inheritance,and he has no portion among the people;for the Lord himself is his portion and inheritance.
50.1 The leader of his brethren and the pride of his people was Simon the high priest, son of Onias,who in his life repaired the house,and in his time fortified the temple.
50.1 like an olive tree putting forth its fruit,and like a cypress towering in the clouds. 50.2 He laid the foundations for the high double walls,the high retaining walls for the temple enclosure. 50.2 Then Simon came down, and lifted up his hands over the whole congregation of the sons of Israel,to pronounce the blessing of the Lord with his lips,and to glory in his name; 50.3 In his days a cistern for water was quarried out,a reservoir like the sea in circumference. 50.4 He considered how to save his people from ruin,and fortified the city to withstand a seige. 50.5 How glorious he was when the people gathered round him as he came out of the inner sanctuary! 50.7 like the sun shining upon the temple of the Most High,and like the rainbow gleaming in glorious clouds; 50.8 like roses in the days of the first fruits,like lilies by a spring of water,like a green shoot on Lebanon on a summer day; 50.9 like fire and incense in the censer,like a vessel of hammered gold adorned with all kinds of precious stones;
50.11 When he put on his glorious robe and clothed himself with superb perfection and went up to the holy altar,he made the court of the sanctuary glorious.
50.12 And when he received the portions from the hands of the priests,as he stood by the hearth of the altar with a garland of brethren around him,he was like a young cedar on Lebanon;and they surrounded him like the trunks of palm trees,
50.13 all the sons of Aaron in their splendor with the Lords offering in their hands,before the whole congregation of Israel.
50.14 Finishing the service at the altars,and arranging the offering to the Most High, the Almighty,
50.15 he reached out his hand to the cup and poured a libation of the blood of the grape;he poured it out at the foot of the altar,a pleasing odor to the Most High, the King of all.
50.16 Then the sons of Aaron shouted,they sounded the trumpets of hammered work,they made a great noise to be heard for remembrance before the Most High.
50.17 Then all the people together made haste and fell to the ground upon their faces to worship their Lord,the Almighty, God Most High.
50.18 And the singers praised him with their voices in sweet and full-toned melody.
50.19 And the people besought the Lord Most High in prayer before him who is merciful,till the order of worship of the Lord was ended;so they completed his service.
50.21 and they bowed down in worship a second time,to receive the blessing from the Most High. 50.22 And now bless the God of all,who in every way does great things;who exalts our days from birth,and deals with us according to his mercy. 50.23 May he give us gladness of heart,and grant that peace may be in our days in Israel,as in the days of old. 50.24 May he entrust to us his mercy!And let him deliver us in our days! 50.26 Those who live on Mount Seir, and the Philistines,and the foolish people that dwell in Shechem.
51.14 Before the temple I asked for her,and I will search for her to the last.' ' None |
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35. Septuagint, Judith, 2.1, 8.18, 16.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutions • Antiochus V Eupator • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 156; Gera (2014), Judith, 163, 171, 189, 468; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 227; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 357
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2.1 In the eighteenth year, on the twenty-second day of the first month, there was talk in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar king of the Assyrians about carrying out his revenge on the whole region, just as he said.
8.18 "For never in our generation, nor in these present days, has there been any tribe or family or people or city of ours which worshiped gods made with hands, as was done in days gone by --
16.17 Woe to the nations that rise up against my people! The Lord Almighty will take vengeance on them in the day of judgment; fire and worms he will give to their flesh; they shall weep in pain for ever. '' None |
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36. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos/Antiochus IV • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon • Antiochus of Ascalon, • Antiochus of Ascalon, Sosus • Antiochus of Ascalon, and Stoicism • Antiochus of Ascalon, and causation • Antiochus of Ascalon, and fate • Antiochus of Ascalon, and providence • Antiochus, Platonist, Apatheia • Apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; Antiochus
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 34, 88, 110; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 50; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274; Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 254; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 180; Hankinson (1998), Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought, 336; Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 39; Inwood and Warren (2020), Body and Soul in Hellenistic Philosophy, 131; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 96, 108, 288, 289, 293, 294; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 203; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 196; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 29
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37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus of Ascalon • Antiochus of Ascalon,
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 19; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 10
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38. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 280; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 280; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 271
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39. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Academy, Old (i.e., Antiochus’) • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 100, 104, 105; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 94
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40. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 289; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 92
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41. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 268; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 266, 268
|
42. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 280; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 280
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43. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus of Ascalon • Antiochus, emotions of • Antiochus, power struggles of
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 273; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 105, 124, 125; Mermelstein (2021), Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation, 35; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 52; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 273
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44. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.11, 3.15, 3.38-3.39, 3.46-3.92, 3.175-3.190, 3.193, 3.213, 3.279, 3.318, 3.341-3.343, 3.396-3.397, 3.545-3.600, 3.608-3.618, 3.624-3.627, 3.629, 3.702, 3.732-3.740, 3.760, 3.767, 3.772-3.780 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, n.
Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 14, 17, 188; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 374, 633, 1091; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 121; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 221, 225, 227, 234
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3.11 O men, that in your image have a form
3.15 15 Sovereign, ineffable, dwelling in heaven,
3.38 And idols, and stone images of men, 3.39 And sit before the doors of godless temples;
3.46 Adulterous, idolous, designing fraud, 3.47 An evil madness raving in their hearts, 3.48 For themselves plundering, having shameless soul; 3.49 For no one who has riches will impart 3.50 50 To another, but dire wickedness shall be 3.51 Among all mortals, and for sake of gain 3.52 Will many widows not at all keep faith, 3.53 But secretly love others, and the bond 3.54 of life those who have husbands do not keep.' "3.55 55 But when Rome shall o'er Egypt also rule" '3.56 Governing always, then shall there appear 3.57 The greatest kingdom of the immortal King 3.58 Over men. And a holy Lord shall come 3.59 To hold the scepter over every land 3.60 60 Unto all ages of fast-hastening time. 3.61 And then shall come inexorable wrath 3.62 On Latin men; three shall by piteous fate 3.63 Endamage Rome. And perish shall all men, 3.64 With their own houses, when from heaven shall flow 3.65 65 A fiery cataract. Ah, wretched me! 3.66 When shall that day and when shall judgment come 3.67 of the immortal God, the mighty King? 3.68 But just now, O ye cities, ye are built 3.69 And all adorned with temples and race-grounds, 3.70 70 Markets, and images of wood, of gold, 3.71 of silver and of stone, that ye may come 3.72 Unto the bitter day. For it shall come, 3.73 When there shall pass among all men a stench 3.74 of brimstone. Yet each thing will I declare, 3.75 75 In all the cities where men suffer ills. 3.76 From the Sebastenes Beliar shall come 3.77 Hereafter, and the height of hills shall he 3.78 Establish, and shall make the sea stand still 3.79 And the great fiery sun and the bright moon 3.80 80 And he shall raise the dead, and many sign 3.81 Work before men: but nothing shall be brought 3.82 By him unto completion but deceit, 3.83 And many mortals shall be lead astray 3.84 Hebrews both true and choice, and lawless men' "3.85 85 Besides who never gave ear to God's word." '3.86 But when the threatenings of the mighty God 3.87 Shall draw near, and a flaming power shall come 3.88 By billow to the earth, it shall consume 3.89 Both Beliar and all the haughty men 3.90 90 Who put their trust in him. And thereupon 3.91 Shall the whole world be governed by the hand 3.92 of a woman and obedient everywhere.
3.175 175 And with Peneus mixed pours in the sea 3.176 Its water, and men call it Stygian. 3.177 But when the Titans heard that there were son 3.178 Kept secretly, whom Cronos and his wife 3.179 Rhea begat, then Titan sixty youth 3.180 180 Together gathered, and held fast in chain 3.181 Cronos and his wife Rhea, and concealed 3.182 Them in the earth and guarded them in bonds. 3.183 And then the sons of powerful Cronos heard, 3.184 And a great war and uproar they aroused. 3.185 185 And this is the beginning of dire war 3.186 Among all mortals. For it is indeed 3.187 With mortals the prime origin of war. 3.188 And then did God award the Titans evil. 3.189 And all of Titans and of Cronos born 3.190 190 Died. But then as time rolled around there rose
3.193 And of Assyria and Babylon,
3.213 And then shall be another kingdom, white' "
3.318 Make satisfaction, either at men's hand" 3.341 Unseemly images, and didst not fear 3.342 The immortal Father, God of all mankind, 3.343 Nor will to honor him; but image
3.396 And house of judgment among men be called, 3.397 And thy land of much dew shall drink black blood!
3.545 545 Shall an Ætolian youth sometime despoil. 3.546 Cyzicus, also thy vast wealth the sea 3.547 Shall break off. And, Byzantium of Ares, 3.548 Thou some time shalt by Asia be laid waste, 3.549 And also groans and blood immeasurable 3.550 550 Shalt thou receive. And Cragus, lofty mount 3.551 of Lycia, from thy peaks by yawning chasm 3.552 of opened rock shall babbling water flow,' "3.553 Until even Patara's oracles shall cease." '3.554 O Cyzicus, that dwellest by Proponti 3.555 555 The wine-producing, round thee Rhyndacu 3.556 Shall crash the crested billow. And thou, Rhodes, 3.557 Daughter of day, shalt long be unenslaved, 3.558 And great shall be thy happiness hereafter, 3.559 And on the sea thy power shall be supreme. 3.560 560 But afterwards a spoil shalt thou become 3.561 For greedy men, and put upon thy neck 3.562 By beauty and by wealth a fearful yoke. 3.563 A Lydian earthquake shall again despoil 3.564 The power of Persia, and most horribly 3.565 565 Shall the people of Europe and Asia suffer pain.' "3.566 And Sidon's hurtful king with battle-din" '3.567 Dreadful shall work a mournful overthrow 3.568 To the seafaring Samians. On the soil' "3.569 Shall slain men's dark blood babble to the sea;" '3.570 570 And wives together with the noble bride 3.571 Shall their outrageous insolence lament, 3.572 Some for their bridegrooms, some for fallen sons. 3.573 O sign of Cyprus, may an earthquake waste 3.574 Thy phalanxes away, and many soul 3.575 575 With one accord shall Hades bold in charge. 3.576 And Trallis near by Ephesus, and wall 3.577 Well made, and very precious wealth of men 3.578 Shall be dissolved by earthquake; and the land 3.579 Shall burst out with hot water; and the earth 3.580 580 Shall swallow down those who are by the fire 3.581 And stench of brimstone heavily oppressed. 3.582 And Samos shall in time build royal houses. 3.583 But to thee, Italy, no foreign war 3.584 Shall come, but lamentable tribal blood 3.585 585 Not easily exhausted, much renowned, 3.586 Shall make thee, impudent one, desolate. 3.587 And thou thyself beside hot ashes stretched, 3.588 As thou in thine own heart didst not foresee, 3.589 Shalt slay thyself. And thou shalt not of men 3.590 590 Be mother, but a nurse of beasts of prey. 3.591 But when from Italy shall come a man, 3.592 A spoiler, then, Laodicea, thou, 3.593 Beautiful city of the Carian' "3.594 By Lycus's wondrous water, falling prone," '3.595 595 Shalt weep in silence for thy boastful sire. 3.596 Thracian Crobyzi shall rise up on Hæmus. 3.597 Chatter of teeth to the Campanians come 3.598 Because of wasting famine; Corsica 3.599 Weeps her old father, and Sardinia 3.600 600 Shall by great storms of winter and the stroke
3.608 O happy land of Mysians, suddenly 3.609 A royal race shall be formed. Truly now 3.610 610 Not for a long time shall Chalcedon be. 3.610 610 Woe, woe to thee, O Thrace! So shalt thou come 3.611 And there shall be a very bitter grief 3.611 Beneath a servile yoke, when the Galatian 3.612 To the Galatians. And to Tenedo 3.612 United with the sons of Dardanu 3.613 Rush on to ravage Hellas, thine shall be 3.613 Shall there a last but greatest evil come. 3.614 And Sicyon, with strong yells, and Corinth, thou 3.614 The evil; and unto a foreign land' "3.615 615 Shalt boast o'er all, but flute shall sound like strain." '3.616 . . . . . . . Now, when my soul had. rest from inspired song. 3.617 Even again within my heart was set 3.618 A message of the mighty God, and he
3.624 Nor of life shall there any longer be 3.625 625 Number and tribe, because of unjust speech 3.626 And lawless life impure which they lived, 3.627 Opening a mouth impure, and fearful word
3.629 And stood against the God, the King,
3.702 Images many of gods that are dead,
3.732 On the great altar. And in righteousness, 3.733 Having obtained the law of the Most High, 3.734 Blest shall they dwell in cities and rich fields. 3.735 735 And prophets shall be set on high for them 3.736 By the Immortal, bringing great delight 3.737 Unto all mortals. For to them alone 3.738 The mighty God his gracious counsel gave 3.739 And faith and noblest thought within their hearts; 3.740 740 They have not by vain things been led astray,
3.760 760 Because they would not honor piously
3.767 Which countless Macedonian men shall rule;
3.772 The Egyptian kingdom down; and taking off 3.773 All its possessions carry them away 3.774 Over the spacious surface of the sea. 3.775 775 And then shall they before, the mighty God, 3.776 The King immortal, bend the fair white knee 3.777 On the much-nourishing earth; and all the work 3.778 Made with hands shall fall by a flame of fire. 3.779 And then will God bestow great joy on men; 3.780 780 For land and trees and countless flocks of sheep' ' None |
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45. Catullus, Poems, 61.185-61.188 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 236; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 236
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61.185 O Hymen Hymenaeus io, 61.186 0 Hymen Hymenaeus.' "61.187 Groom, now 'tis meet thou hither pace," '61.188 With bride in genial bed to blend,'' None |
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46. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 28.3, 31.2, 40.3.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos IV (Seleucid king) • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus III, • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, n.
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 498, 514; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 91, 109; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 103, 337; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 438; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 220
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28.3 1. \xa0Quite apart from his aggressive ambition, Philip, the king of the Macedonians, was so arrogant in prosperity that he had his friends put to death without benefit of trial, destroyed the tombs of earlier generations, and razed many temples to the ground. As for Antiochus, his project of pillaging the sanctuary of Zeus at Elymaïs brought him to appropriate disaster, and he perished with all his host. Both men, though convinced that their armies were irresistible, found themselves compelled by the outcome of a single battle to do the bidding of others. In consequence they ascribed to their own shortcomings the misfortunes that befell them, while for the generous treatment that they were accorded they were duly grateful to those who in the hour of victory practised such moderation. So it was that, as if following a design sketched in their own acts, they beheld the decline into which heaven was leading their kingdoms. The Romans, however, who both on this occasion and thereafter engaged only in just wars and were scrupulous in the observance of oaths and treaties, enjoyed, not without reason, the active support of the gods in all their undertakings.' "
31.2 1. \xa0As the Romans approached, Antiochus, after greeting them verbally from a distance, stretched out his hand in welcome. Popillius, however, who had in readiness the document in which the senate's decree was recorded, held it out and ordered Antiochus to read it. His purpose in acting thus, it was thought, was that he might avoid clasping the king's hand in friendship until it was evident from his decision whether he was, in fact, friend or foe. When the king, after reading the document, said that he would consult with his friends on these matters, Popillius, hearing this, acted in a manner that seemed offensive and arrogant in the extreme. Having a vinestock ready at hand, with the stick he drew a line about Antiochus, and directed him to give his answer in that circle.,2. \xa0The king, astonished by what had taken place, and awed, too, by the majesty and might of Rome, found himself in a hopeless quandary, and on full consideration said that he would do all that the Romans proposed. Popillius and his colleagues then took his hand and greeted him cordially. Now the purport of the letter was that he must break off at once his war against Ptolemy. Pursuant to these instructions the king withdrew his forces from Egypt, panic-stricken by the superior might of Rome, the more so as he had just had news of the Macedonian collapse. Indeed, had he not known that this had taken place, never of his own free will would he have heeded the decree." ' None |
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47. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.423, 4.332 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 236; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 236
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4.332 aut ebori tincto est, aut sub candore rubenti,' ' None | sup>
4.332 o when they all withdrew the god began,' ' None |
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48. Philo of Alexandria, On The Sacrifices of Cain And Abel, 43 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus of Ascalon
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 160; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 155
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43 And he learnt all these things from Abraham his grandfather, who was the author of his own education, who gave to the all-wise Isaac all that he had, leaving none of his substance to bastards, or to the spurious reasonings of concubines, but he gives them small gifts, as being inconsiderable persons. For the possessions of which he is possessed, namely, the perfect virtues, belong only to the perfect and legitimate son; but those which are of an intermediate character, are suitable to and fall to the share of those who are not perfect, but who have advanced as far as the encyclical branches of elementary education, of which Agar and Cheturah partake, Agar meaning "a dwelling near," and Cheturah meaning "sacrificing." '' None |
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49. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.74, 1.274 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, defiles Temple • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 161, 164; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 361; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 127
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1.74 But there is no grove of plantation in the space which surrounds it, in accordance with the prohibitions of the law, which for many reasons forbid this. In the first place, because a building which is truly a temple does not aim at pleasure and seductive allurements, but at a rigid and austere sanctity. Secondly, because it is not proper that those things which conduce to the verdure of trees should be introduced, such as the dung of irrational animals and of men. Thirdly, because those trees which do not admit of cultivation are of no use, but are as the poets say, the burden of the earth; while those which do admit of cultivation, and which are productive of wholesome fruit, draw off the attention of the fickle-minded from the thoughts of the respect due to the holy place itself, and to the ceremonies in which they are engaged.
1.274 for one is made of stones, carefully selected so to fit one another, and unhewn, and it is erected in the open air, near the steps of the temple, and it is for the purpose of sacrificing victims which contain blood in them. And the other is made of gold, and is erected in the inner part of the temple, within the first veil, and may not be seen by any other human being except those of the priests who keep themselves pure, and it is for the purpose of offering incense upon; '' None |
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50. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 245, 282, 291-293 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos III, Seleucid (“the Great”), settlement of Jews • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus VII Sidetes • Antiochus, n. • Jews/Judaism, settlement in Anatolia under Antiochos III
Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 181; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 513; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 398; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 243, 421
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245 he still had himself some sparks of the Jewish philosophy and piety, since he had long ago learnt something of it by reason of his eagerness for learning, and had studied it still more ever since he had come as governor of the countries in which there are vast numbers of Jews scattered over every city of Asia and Syria; or partly because he was so disposed in his mind from his spontaneous, and natural, and innate inclination for all things which are worthy of care and study. Moreover, God himself appears often to suggest virtuous ideas to virtuous men, by which, while benefiting others, they will likewise be benefited themselves, which now was the case with Petronius. What then was his resolution? '
282 And not only are the continents full of Jewish colonies, but also all the most celebrated islands are so too; such as Euboea, and Cyprus, and Crete. "I say nothing of the countries beyond the Euphrates, for all of them except a very small portion, and Babylon, and all the satrapies around, which have any advantages whatever of soil or climate, have Jews settled in them.
291 Agrippa, when he came to the temple, did honour to it, and he was thy grandfather; and so did Augustus, when by his letters he commanded all first fruits from all quarters to be sent thither; and by the continual sacrifice. And thy great grandmother ...( 292) "On which account, no one, whether Greek or barbarian, satrap, or king, or implacable enemy; no sedition, no war, no capture, no destruction, no occurrence that has ever taken place, has ever threatened this temple with such innovation as to place in it any image, or statue, or any work of any kind made with hands; 293 for, though enemies have displayed their hostility to the inhabitants of the country, still, either reverence or fear has possessed them sufficiently to prevent them from abrogating any of the laws which were established at the beginning, as tending to the honour of the Creator and Father of the universe; for they knew that it is these and similar actions which bring after them the irremediable calamities of heavensent afflictions. On which account they have been careful not to sow an impious seed, fearing lest they should be compelled to reap its natural harvest, in a fruit bearing utter destruction. XXXVII. ' None |
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51. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 85 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, as a tyrant • Jerusalem, desecration under Antiochus IV • tyrant, Antiochus as
Found in books: Avemarie, van Henten, and Furstenberg (2023), Jewish Martyrdom in Antiquity, 125; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 89
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85 In the first place, then, there is no one who has a house so absolutely his own private property, that it does not in some sense also belong to every one: for besides that they all dwell together in companies, the house is open to all those of the same notions, who come to them from other quarters; '' None |
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52. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus invasion of Judaea
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 236; Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 20, 21, 185; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 103; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 236
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53. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 2.288, 10.244, 10.276-10.280, 11.302-11.347, 12.3.3-12.3.4, 12.9, 12.62, 12.119-12.120, 12.137-12.146, 12.148, 12.150, 12.153-12.154, 12.158-12.159, 12.240, 12.242, 12.244, 12.246-12.264, 12.320, 12.322, 12.357, 12.381-12.385, 13.50, 13.62-13.80, 13.113, 13.230-13.266, 13.271-13.283, 13.285, 13.287-13.299, 13.395, 13.397, 14.117, 14.146-14.147, 14.247-14.255, 15.403, 15.409, 17.169, 18.19, 18.65, 18.91, 18.94, 18.279-18.288, 18.306, 18.312, 20.216, 20.237 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos I • Antiochos I Soter • Antiochos I, cylinder of • Antiochos III, Seleucid (“the Great”), settlement of Jews • Antiochos IV • Antiochos IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus II Theos • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus III, • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Syrian King • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, desecration of Temple • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, motivation for persecution • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutes Jews • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, son of Belial • Antiochus IV, • Antiochus IX (Cyzicenus) • Antiochus IX Cyzicenus • Antiochus Sidetes • Antiochus V Eupater • Antiochus V Eupator • Antiochus VII • Antiochus VII (Sidetes) • Antiochus VII Sidetes • Antiochus VII Sidetes, • Antiochus VIII (Aspendius) • Antiochus VIII Gryphus • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus the apostate • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, IV, Titles • Antiochus, V • Antiochus, VII • Antiochus, n. • Cilicia/Cilicians, Antiochos the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Jews/Judaism, settlement in Anatolia under Antiochos III • Lydia/Lydians, Antiochos III • Samaritan Petition, Explanations of Persecution of Antiochus IV • Zeuxis, governor of Antiochos III in Asia Minor • colonies/colonization, Jews in Lydia under Antiochos III • senatus consulta, on Antiochus, to return territory seized from Jews
Found in books: Avemarie, van Henten, and Furstenberg (2023), Jewish Martyrdom in Antiquity, 29; Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 21, 181; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 131, 135, 138, 220, 241, 242, 277, 278, 291, 292; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 36, 187; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 465; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 299, 300, 308, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 433, 437, 457, 470, 473, 480, 494, 633, 959, 1048, 1067, 1071, 1074, 1081, 1083, 1093, 1103, 1106, 1113, 1114, 1117; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman (2005), Religion and the Self in Antiquity. 98; Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 13; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 105, 233; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 2, 5; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 121, 127, 130, 135, 138, 177; Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 49; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 178, 179; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 150; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 67, 68, 218; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 125; Levison (2023), The Greek Life of Adam and Eve. 294, 424, 1036; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 258, 265; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 217; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 59, 60, 62, 63, 68, 77, 82; Petropoulou (2012), Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, 140; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 2, 34, 41, 79, 106, 119, 277, 282, 327, 329, 336, 337, 343, 415; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 209; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 138, 148, 280; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 103, 186; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 191, 192, 193, 195; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 14, 86, 157, 220, 234, 243, 286, 357, 373, 459; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 81; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 91; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 69; Zetterholm (2003), The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation Between Judaism and Christianity. 33, 119; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 33, 60, 64, 69, 75, 78, 109, 111, 124
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2.288 ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν τούτῳ μᾶλλον πραχθέντι καταπλήττεται, προσοργισθεὶς δὲ καὶ μηδὲν αὐτῷ προχωρήσειν εἰπὼν ἐκ τῆς κατ' Αἰγυπτίων σοφίας καὶ δεινότητος κελεύει τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ̔Εβραίων τεταγμένον μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς ἄνεσιν παρέχειν τοῦ πονεῖν, ἀλλὰ πλείοσι τῶν πρότερον κακοῖς αὐτοὺς καταναγκάζειν." "
10.244 θέκελ: σημαίνει τοῦτο τὸν σταθμόν: στήσας οὖν σου λέγει τὸν χρόνον τῆς βασιλείας ὁ θεὸς ἤδη καταφερομένην δηλοῖ. φαρές: καὶ τοῦτο κλάσμα δηλοῖ καθ' ̔Ελλάδα γλῶτταν: κλάσει τοιγαροῦν σου τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ Μήδοις αὐτὴν καὶ Πέρσαις διανεμεῖ." "
10.276 καὶ δὴ ταῦτα ἡμῶν συνέβη παθεῖν τῷ ἔθνει ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς, καθὼς εἶδεν ὁ Δανίηλος καὶ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνέγραψε τὰ γενησόμενα. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον ὁ Δανίηλος καὶ περὶ τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἀνέγραψε, καὶ ὅτι ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐρημωθήσεται." '10.277 ταῦτα πάντα ἐκεῖνος θεοῦ δείξαντος αὐτῷ συγγράψας κατέλειψεν: ὥστε τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα σκοποῦντας θαυμάζειν ἐπὶ τῇ παρὰ θεοῦ τιμῇ τὸν Δανίηλον καὶ τοὺς ̓Επικουρείους ἐκ τούτων εὑρίσκειν πεπλανημένους,' "10.278 οἳ τήν τε πρόνοιαν ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ βίου καὶ θεὸν οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐπιτροπεύειν τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐδ' ὑπὸ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ἀφθάρτου πρὸς διαμονὴν τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας κυβερνᾶσθαι τὰ σύμπαντα, ἄμοιρον δὲ ἡνιόχου καὶ ἀφρόντιστον τὸν κόσμον αὐτομάτως φέρεσθαι λέγουσιν." '10.279 ὃς εἰ τοῦτον ἀπροστάτητος ἦν τὸν τρόπον, καθάπερ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐρήμους κυβερνητῶν καταδυομένας ὁρῶμεν ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἢ καὶ τὰ ἅρματα περιτρεπόμενα μὴ ἔχοντα τοὺς ἡνιοχοῦντας, συντριβεὶς ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπρονοήτου συμφορᾶς ἀπωλώλει καὶ διεφθείρετο.
11.302 Καταστρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Ιωάννου τὸν βίον διαδέχεται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Ιαδδοῦς. ἦν δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ἀδελφὸς Μανασσῆς ὄνομα, ᾧ Σαναβαλλέτης ὁ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Σαμάρειαν ὑπὸ Δαρείου τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως σατράπης Χουθαῖος τὸ γένος, ἐξ ὧν καὶ οἱ Σαμαρεῖς εἰσιν, 11.303 εἰδὼς λαμπρὰν οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ κατοικοῦσιν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεῖς πράγματα παρασχόντας, ἀσμένως συνῴκισεν τὴν αὐτοῦ θυγατέρα Νικασὼ καλουμένην, οἰόμενος τὴν ἐπιγαμίαν ὅμηρον αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους παντὸς εὔνοιαν. 11.304 Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν καιρὸν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς ἐν Αἰγαῖς ὑπὸ Παυσανίου τοῦ Κεράστου ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ορεστῶν γένους δολοφονηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν.' "11.305 παραλαβὼν δ' ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ διαβὰς τὸν ̔Ελλήσποντον, νικᾷ μὲν τοὺς Δαρείου στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς, ἐπελθὼν δὲ τὴν Λυδίαν καὶ τὴν ̓Ιωνίαν δουλωσάμενος καὶ τὴν Καρίαν ἐπιδραμὼν τοῖς ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ τόποις ἐπέβαλεν, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." '11.306 Οἱ δὲ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πρεσβύτεροι δεινοπαθοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ̓Ιαδδοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφὸν ἀλλοφύλῳ συνοικοῦντα μετέχειν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἐστασίαζον πρὸς αὐτόν: 11.307 ἡγοῦντο γὰρ τὸν τούτου γάμον ἐπιβάθραν τοῖς παρανομεῖν περὶ τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν συνοικήσεις βουλησομένοις γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους αὐτοῖς κοινωνίας ἀρχὴν τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι. 11.308 ὑπάρξαι μέντοι καὶ τῆς προτέρας αἰχμαλωσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν κακῶν αἴτιον τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους πλημμελῆσαί τινας καὶ ἀγαγέσθαι γυναῖκας οὐκ ἐπιχωρίας. ἐκέλευον οὖν τὸν Μανασσῆν διαζεύγνυσθαι τῆς γυναικὸς ἢ μὴ προσιέναι τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ.' "11.309 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως τῷ λαῷ συναγανακτοῦντος καὶ εἴργοντος τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βωμοῦ, παραγενόμενος ὁ Μανασσῆς πρὸς τὸν πενθερὸν Σαναβαλλέτην στέργειν μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα Νικασώ, τῆς μέντοι γε ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς μεγίστης οὔσης ἐν τῷ ἔθνει καὶ τῷ γένει παραμενούσης οὐ βούλεσθαι δι' αὐτὴν στέρεσθαι." '11.311 καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου μετὰ τῆς Δαρείου γνώμης τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσιν ὁ Μανασσῆς παρέμενεν τῷ Σαναβαλλέτῃ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην οἰόμενος ἕξειν Δαρείου δόντος: καὶ γὰρ συνέβαινεν τὸν Σαναβαλλέτην ἤδη πρεσβύτερον εἶναι. 11.312 πολλῶν δὲ ἱερέων καὶ ̓Ισραηλιτῶν τοιούτοις γάμοις ἐπιπεπλεγμένων κατεῖχεν οὐ μικρὰ ταραχὴ τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας: ἀφίσταντο γὰρ ἅπαντες πρὸς τὸν Μανασσῆν τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου χορηγοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ χρήματα καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ κατοίκησιν ἀπομερίζοντος καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ τῷ γαμβρῷ συμφιλοκαλοῦντος. 11.313 Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Δαρεῖος ἀκούσας, ὅτι τὸν ̔Ελλήσποντον διαβὰς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τοὺς σατράπας αὐτοῦ τῇ κατὰ Γράνικον μάχῃ κρατήσας προσωτέρω χωρεῖ, στρατιὰν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικὴν συνήθροιζεν ἀπαντῆσαι διαγνοὺς τοῖς Μακεδόσιν πρὶν ἢ πᾶσαν αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας καταστρέψασθαι τὴν ̓Ασίαν. 11.314 περαιωσάμενος οὖν τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον τὸ Κιλίκιον ὄρος ὑπερελθὼν ἐν ̓Ισσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας τοὺς πολεμίους ὡς ἐκεῖ μαχησόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐξεδέχετο.' "11.315 ἡσθεὶς δὲ τῇ Δαρείου καταβάσει ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης εὐθὺς ἔλεγεν τῷ Μανασσῇ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις τελέσειν, ὡς ἂν Δαρεῖος κρατήσας τῶν πολεμίων ὑποστρέψῃ: πέπειστο γὰρ οὐκ αὐτὸς μόνος ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ μηδ' εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς Πέρσαις ἥξειν τοὺς Μακεδόνας διὰ τὸ πλῆθος." "11.316 ἀπέβη δ' οὐχ ὡς προσεδόκων: συμβαλὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἡττήθη καὶ πολλὴν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπολέσας ληφθέντων αἰχμαλώτων αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων ἔφυγεν εἰς Πέρσας." "11.317 ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' εἰς Συρίαν παραγενόμενος Δαμασκὸν αἱρεῖ καὶ Σιδῶνος κρατήσας ἐπολιόρκει Τύρον, ἠξίου τε ἀποστείλας γράμματα πρὸς τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα συμμαχίαν τε αὐτῷ πέμπειν καὶ ἀγορὰν τῷ στρατεύματι παρασχεῖν καὶ ὅσα Δαρείῳ πρότερον ἐτέλουν δῶρα τούτῳ διδόναι τὴν Μακεδόνων φιλίαν ἑλομένους:" "11.318 οὐ γὰρ μετανοήσειν ἐπὶ τούτοις. τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως ἀποκριναμένου τοῖς γραμματοφόροις, ὡς ὅρκους εἴη δεδωκὼς Δαρείῳ μὴ βαστάζειν ὅπλα κατ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ τούτους ἕως ἂν ᾖ Δαρεῖος ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν μὴ παραβήσεσθαι φήσαντος," '11.319 ἀκούσας ̓Αλέξανδρος παρωξύνθη, καὶ τὴν μὲν Τύρον οὐκ ἔκρινεν καταλιπεῖν ὅσον οὐδέπω μέλλουσαν αἱρεῖσθαι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ταύτην ἠπείλει στρατεύσειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα καὶ διδάξειν πάντας, πρὸς τίνας δὴ αὐτοῖς φυλακτέον τοὺς ὅρκους:' "11.321 Νομίσας δὲ καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς Δαρείου μὲν ἀπέγνω, λαβὼν δὲ ὀκτακισχιλίους τῶν ἀρχομένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ἧκεν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀρχόμενον τῆς Τύρου πολιορκίας, ὧν τε αὐτὸς ἄρχει τόπων ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τούτους καὶ δεσπότην αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἔχειν ἀντὶ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως." "11.322 ἀσμένως δ' αὐτὸν προσδεξαμένου θαρρῶν ἤδη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης αὐτῷ λόγους προσέφερεν δηλῶν, ὡς γαμβρὸν μὲν ἔχοι Μανασσῆ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιαδδοῦ ἀδελφόν, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλους αὐτῷ συμπαρόντας τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν θέλειν ἱερὸν ἐν τοῖς ὑπ' ἐκείνῳ τόποις ἤδη κατασκευάσαι." "11.323 τοῦτο δ' εἶναι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφέρον εἰς δύο διῃρῆσθαι τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων δύναμιν, ἵνα μὴ ὁμογνωμονοῦν τὸ ἔθνος μηδὲ συνεστός, εἰ νεωτερίσειέν ποτε, χαλεπὸν ᾖ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίων ἄρξασιν ἐγένετο." "11.324 συγχωρήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενος σπουδὴν ᾠκοδόμησεν ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης τὸν ναὸν καὶ ἱερέα τὸν Μανασσῆ κατέστησεν, μέγιστον γέρας ἡγησάμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς γενησομένοις τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι." "11.325 μηνῶν δ' ἑπτὰ τῇ Τύρου πολιορκίᾳ διεληλυθότων καὶ δύο τῇ Γάζης ὁ μὲν Σαναβαλλέτης ἀπέθανεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' ἐξελὼν τὴν Γάζαν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀναβαίνειν ἐσπουδάκει." "11.326 ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιαδδοῦς τοῦτ' ἀκούσας ἦν ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ καὶ δέει, πῶς ἀπαντήσει τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἀμηχανῶν ὀργιζομένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῇ πρότερον ἀπειθείᾳ. παραγγείλας οὖν ἱκεσίαν τῷ λαῷ καὶ θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ μετ' αὐτοῦ προσφέρων ἐδεῖτο ὑπερασπίσαι τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῶν ἐπερχομένων κινδύνων ἀπαλλάξαι." '11.327 κατακοιμηθέντι δὲ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐχρημάτισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς θαρρεῖν καὶ στεφανοῦντας τὴν πόλιν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων ταῖς νομίμοις στολαῖς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπάντησιν μηδὲν προσδοκῶντας πείσεσθαι δεινὸν προνοουμένου τοῦ θεοῦ. 11.328 διαναστὰς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου ἔχαιρέν τε μεγάλως αὐτὸς καὶ τὸ χρηματισθὲν αὐτῷ πᾶσι μηνύσας καὶ ποιήσας ὅσα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ παρηγγέλη τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν ἐξεδέχετο.' "11.329 Πυθόμενος δ' αὐτὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ὄντα πρόεισι μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους, ἱεροπρεπῆ καὶ διαφέρουσαν τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ποιούμενος τὴν ὑπάντησιν εἰς τόπον τινὰ Σαφειν λεγόμενον. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦτο μεταφερόμενον εἰς τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν γλῶτταν σκοπὸν σημαίνει: τά τε γὰρ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναὸν συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖθεν ἀφορᾶσθαι." "11.331 ὁ γὰρ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἰδὼν τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, τοὺς δὲ ἱερεῖς προεστῶτας ἐν ταῖς βυσσίναις αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἐν τῇ ὑακινθίνῳ καὶ διαχρύσῳ στολῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχοντα τὴν κίδαριν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἔλασμα, ᾧ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐγέγραπτο ὄνομα, προσελθὼν μόνος προσεκύνησεν τὸ ὄνομα καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα πρῶτος ἠσπάσατο." '11.332 τῶν δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ὁμοῦ πάντων μιᾷ φωνῇ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ἀσπασαμένων καὶ κυκλωσαμένων αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντος κατεπλάγησαν καὶ διεφθάρθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπελάμβανον, 11.333 Παρμενίωνος δὲ μόνου προσελθόντος αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένου, τί δήποτε προσκυνούντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων αὐτὸς προσκυνήσειεν τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα; “οὐ τοῦτον, εἶπεν, προσεκύνησα, τὸν δὲ θεόν, οὗ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην οὗτος τετίμηται: 11.334 τοῦτον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδον ἐν τῷ νῦν σχήματι ἐν Δίῳ τῆς Μακεδονίας τυγχάνων, καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διασκεπτομένῳ μοι, πῶς ἂν κρατήσαιμι τῆς ̓Ασίας, παρεκελεύετο μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντα διαβαίνειν: αὐτὸς γὰρ ἡγήσεσθαί μου τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τὴν Περσῶν παραδώσειν ἀρχήν.' "11.335 ὅθεν ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα θεασάμενος ἐν τοιαύτῃ στολῇ, τοῦτον δὲ νῦν ἰδὼν καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀναμνησθεὶς ὄψεώς τε καὶ παρακελεύσεως, νομίζω θείᾳ πομπῇ τὴν στρατείαν πεποιημένος Δαρεῖον νικήσειν καὶ τὴν Περσῶν καταλύσειν δύναμιν καὶ πάνθ' ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἐστί μοι προχωρήσειν.”" "11.336 ταῦτ' εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν Παρμενίωνα καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παραθεόντων εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγίνεται. καὶ ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν θύει μὲν τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὑφήγησιν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἀξιοπρεπῶς ἐτίμησεν." "11.337 δειχθείσης δ' αὐτῷ τῆς Δανιήλου βίβλου, ἐν ᾗ τινα τῶν ̔Ελλήνων καταλύσειν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐδήλου, νομίσας αὐτὸς εἶναι ὁ σημαινόμενος τότε μὲν ἡσθεὶς ἀπέλυσε τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς αἰτεῖσθαι δωρεάς, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέλωσιν." "11.338 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀνείσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησεν πάντα. παρακαλεσάντων δ' αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Μηδίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν." "11.339 εἰπόντος δ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ βούλονται συστρατεύειν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμμένοντες καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῶντες, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολλοὶ τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατείαν ἠγάπησαν." '11.341 εἰσὶν γὰρ οἱ Σαμαρεῖς τοιοῦτοι τὴν φύσιν, ὡς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν: ἐν μὲν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὄντας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀρνοῦνται συγγενεῖς ὁμολογοῦντες τότε τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ὅταν δέ τι λαμπρὸν περὶ αὐτοὺς ἴδωσιν ἐκ τύχης, ἐπιπηδῶσιν αὐτῶν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ προσήκειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν ̓Ιωσήπου γενεαλογοῦντες αὑτοὺς ἐκγόνων ̓Εφραίμου καὶ Μανασσοῦς.' "11.342 μετὰ λαμπρότητος οὖν καὶ πολλὴν ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν προθυμίαν ἀπήντησαν τῷ βασιλεῖ μικροῦ δεῖν ἐγγὺς τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων. ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ αὐτοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου οἱ Σικιμῖται προσῆλθον αὐτῷ προσπαραλαβόντες καὶ οὓς Σαναβαλλέτης πρὸς αὐτὸν στρατιώτας ἀπέστειλεν καὶ παρεκάλουν παραγενόμενον εἰς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν τιμῆσαι καὶ τὸ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἱερόν." "11.343 ὁ δ' ἐκεῖνο μὲν αὖθις ὑποστρέφων ἰδεῖν ὑπέσχετο πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀξιούντων δὲ ἀφεῖναι τὸν φόρον αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἑβδοματικοῦ ἔτους, οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ σπείρειν, τίνες ὄντες ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν ἐπυνθάνετο. τῶν δ' εἰπόντων ̔Εβραῖοι μὲν εἶναι," "11.344 χρηματίζειν δ' οἱ ἐν Σικίμοις Σιδώνιοι, πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐπηρώτησεν, εἰ τυγχάνουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι. τῶν δ' οὐκ εἶναι φαμένων “ἀλλ' ἔγωγε ταῦτ', εἶπεν, ̓Ιουδαίοις ἔδωκα, ὑποστρέψας μέντοι γε καὶ διδαχθεὶς ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἀκριβέστερον ποιήσω τὰ δόξαντα.” τοῖς μὲν οὖν Σικιμίταις οὕτως ἀπετάξατο." "11.345 τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου στρατιώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἕπεσθαι εἰς Αἴγυπτον: ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοῖς δώσειν κλήρους γῆς: ὃ καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον ἐποίησεν ἐν τῇ Θηβαί̈δι φρουρεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτοῖς προστάξας." '11.346 Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους ἐμερίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Γαριζεὶν ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν. εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν ἔσχεν παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγεν λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι.' "11.347 τετελευτήκει δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιαδδοῦς καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ονίας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ παρειλήφει. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας ἐν τούτοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα." "
12.9 οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ' οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον παρεγίγνοντο τῆς τε ἀρετῆς τῶν τόπων αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς τοῦ Πτολεμαίου φιλοτιμίας προκαλουμένης." "
12.9 ὡς δ' ἀποκαλύψαντες τῶν ἐνειλημάτων ἐπέδειξαν αὐτῷ, θαυμάσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἰσχνότητος τοὺς ὑμένας καὶ τῆς συμβολῆς τὸ ἀνεπίγνωστον, οὕτως γὰρ ἥρμοστο, καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας χρόνῳ πλείονι χάριν ἔχειν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς τε ἐλθοῦσιν καὶ μείζονα τῷ πέμψαντι, πρὸ δὲ πάντων τῷ θεῷ, οὗ τοὺς νόμους εἶναι συμβέβηκεν." "
12.62 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν προτέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ' οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ὑπερβαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι." 12.119 ̓́Ετυχον δὲ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τῆς ̓Ασίας τιμῆς, ἐπειδὴ συνεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς: καὶ γὰρ Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐν αἷς ἔκτισεν πόλεσιν ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ καὶ τῇ κάτω Συρίᾳ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μητροπόλει ̓Αντιοχείᾳ πολιτείας αὐτοὺς ἠξίωσεν καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικισθεῖσιν ἰσοτίμους ἀπέφηνεν Μακεδόσιν καὶ ̔́Ελλησιν, ὡς τὴν πολιτείαν ταύτην ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαμένειν:' "
12.137 καὶ Πολύβιος μὲν ταῦτα ἱστόρησεν. ἡμεῖς δ' ἐπανάξομεν τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν παραθέμενοι πρῶτον τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Αντιόχου." "12.138 Βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν.τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ παραυτίκα μέν, ἡνίκα τῆς χώρας ἐπέβημεν αὐτῶν, ἐπιδειξαμένων τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλότιμον καὶ παραγενομένους δ' εἰς τὴν πόλιν λαμπρῶς ἐκδεξαμένων καὶ μετὰ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπαντησάντων, ἄφθονον δὲ τὴν χορηγίαν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασι παρεσχημένων, συνεξελόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροὺς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων," '12.139 ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς ἀμείψασθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἀναλαβεῖν κατεφθαρμένην ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τοὺς πολέμους συμπεσόντων καὶ συνοικίσαι τῶν διεσπαρμένων εἰς αὐτὴν πάλιν συνελθόντων.' "12.141 τελεῖσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βούλομαι, καθὼς ἐπέσταλκα, καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπαρτισθῆναι ἔργον τάς τε στοὰς κἂν εἴ τι ἕτερον οἰκοδομῆσαι δέοι: ἡ δὲ τῶν ξύλων ὕλη κατακομιζέσθω ἐξ αὐτῆς τε τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου μηδενὸς πρασσομένου τέλος. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἐν οἷς ἂν ἐπιφανεστέραν γίγνεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπισκευὴν δέῃ." "12.142 πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων." '12.143 ἵνα δὲ θᾶττον ἡ πόλις κατοικισθῇ, δίδωμι τοῖς τε νῦν κατοικοῦσιν καὶ κατελευσομένοις ἕως τοῦ ̔Υπερβερεταίου μηνὸς ἀτελέσιν εἶναι μέχρι τριῶν ἐτῶν.' "12.144 ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν βλάβην. καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν." '12.145 ̔Η μὲν οὖν ἐπιστολὴ ταῦτα περιεῖχεν. σεμνύνων δὲ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πρόγραμμα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλείαν ἐξέθηκεν περιέχον τάδε: “μηδενὶ ἐξεῖναι ἀλλοφύλῳ εἰς τὸν περίβολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, εἰ μὴ οἷς ἁγνισθεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ τὸν πάτριον νόμον.' "12.146 μηδ' εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερέσθω ἵππεια κρέα μηδὲ ἡμιόνεια μηδὲ ἀγρίων ὄνων καὶ ἡμέρων παρδάλεών τε καὶ ἀλωπέκων καὶ λαγῶν καὶ καθόλου δὲ πάντων τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων ζῴων τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις: μηδὲ τὰς δορὰς εἰσφέρειν ἐξεῖναι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τρέφειν τι τούτων ἐν τῇ πόλει: μόνοις δὲ τοῖς προγονικοῖς θύμασιν, ἀφ' ὧν καὶ τῷ θεῷ δεῖ καλλιερεῖν, ἐπιτετράφθαι χρῆσθαι. ὁ δέ τι τούτων παραβὰς ἀποτινύτω τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τρισχιλίας.”" "
12.148 γράφει δ' οὕτως: “βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Ζεύξιδι τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσαι, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ὑγιαίνω δὲ καὶ αὐτός." 12.153 πρόνοιαν δὲ ποιοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, ὅπως ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ἐνοχλῆται.” περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς ̓Αντιόχου φιλίας τοῦ μεγάλου πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους ταῦτα ἡμῖν ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω μαρτύρια. 12.154 Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φιλίαν καὶ σπονδὰς πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ̓Αντίοχος ἐποιήσατο καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν θυγατέρα Κλεοπάτραν πρὸς γάμον παραχωρήσας αὐτῷ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Σαμαρείας καὶ ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ Φοινίκης φερνῆς ὀνόματι.
12.158 οὗτος ὁ ̓Ονίας βραχὺς ἦν τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ χρημάτων ἥττων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ φόρον, ὃν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν οἱ πατέρες αὐτοῦ ἐτέλουν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, τάλαντα εἴκοσιν ἀργυρίου μὴ δούς, εἰς ὀργὴν ἐκίνησεν τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Εὐεργέτην, ὃς ἦν πατὴρ τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος. 12.159 καὶ πέμψας εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα πρεσβευτὴν ᾐτιᾶτο τὸν ̓Ονίαν ὡς οὐκ ἀποδιδόντα τοὺς φόρους καὶ ἠπείλει κληρουχήσειν αὐτῶν τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἀπολαβὼν καὶ πέμψειν τοὺς ἐνοικήσοντας στρατιώτας. ἀκούσαντες δὲ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι συνεχύθησαν, τὸν δὲ ̓Ονίαν τούτων ἐδυσώπει διὰ τὴν φιλοχρηματίαν οὐδέν.
12.242 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ χωρούσης κατὰ τρόπον ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον διέγνω στρατεύσασθαι, πόθον αὐτῆς λαβὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν Πτολεμαίου παίδων καταφρονεῖν ἀσθενῶν ἔτι τυγχανόντων καὶ μηδέπω πράγματα τηλικαῦτα διέπειν δυναμένων.' "
12.244 ἀπεκρούσθη δ' οὐ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὅλης Αἰγύπτου, ̔Ρωμαίων αὐτῷ παραγγειλάντων ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν." 12.246 ̔Υποστρέψας ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου διὰ τὸ παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων δέος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἐξεστράτευσεν, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου βασιλεῖς ἀμαχητὶ λαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν ἀνοιξάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας ὅσοι τῆς ἐκείνου προαιρέσεως ἦσαν.' "12.247 ἐγκρατὴς δ' οὕτως τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων γενόμενος πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν τῶν τἀναντία φρονούντων καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ συλήσας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν." '12.248 Συνέβη δὲ μετὰ ἔτη δύο τῷ ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ πέμπτῳ ἔτει μηνὸς πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι, ὃς καλεῖται κατὰ μὲν ἡμᾶς ̓Εξελέους, κατὰ δὲ Μακεδόνας ̓Απελλαῖος, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τρίτῃ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἀναβῆναι τὸν βασιλέα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ προσποιησάμενον εἰρήνην ἀπάτῃ περιγενέσθαι τῆς πόλεως.' "12.249 ἐφείσατο δὲ τότε οὐδὲ τῶν εἰσδεξαμένων αὐτὸν διὰ τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πλοῦτον, ἀλλ' ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας, χρυσὸν γὰρ ἑώρα πολὺν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον τῶν ἀναθημάτων κόσμον πολυτελέστατον, ἵνα συλήσῃ τοῦτον, ὑπέμεινε τὰς πρὸς ἐκείνους αὐτῷ σπονδὰς παραβῆναι." "12.251 καὶ γὰρ τὰς καθημερινὰς θυσίας, ἃς προσέφερον τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς προσφέρειν, καὶ διαρπάσας πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς δ' αἰχμαλώτους γυναιξὶν ἅμα καὶ τέκνοις ἔλαβεν, ὡς τῶν ζωγρηθέντων περὶ μυρίους γενέσθαι τὸ πλῆθος." "12.252 ἐνέπρησε δ' αὐτῆς τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ καταβαλὼν τὰ τείχη τὴν ἐν τῇ κάτω πόλει ᾠκοδόμησεν ἄκραν: ἦν γὰρ ὑψηλὴ καὶ ὑπερκειμένη τὸ ἱερόν: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτὴν ὀχυρώσας τείχεσιν ὑψηλοῖς καὶ πύργοις φρουρὰν Μακεδονικὴν ἐγκατέστησεν. ἔμενον δ' οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ καὶ τοῦ πλήθους οἱ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ πονηροὶ τὸν τρόπον, ὑφ' ὧν πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ τοὺς πολίτας συνέβη παθεῖν." "12.253 ἐποικοδομήσας δὲ καὶ τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ βωμὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς σύας ἐπ' αὐτοῦ κατέσφαξε, θυσίαν οὐ νόμιμον οὐδὲ πάτριον τῇ ̓Ιουδαίων θρησκείᾳ ταύτην ἐπιτελῶν. ἠνάγκασε δ' αὐτοὺς ἀφεμένους τὴν περὶ τὸν αὐτῶν θεὸν θρησκείαν τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ νομιζομένους σέβεσθαι, οἰκοδομήσαντας δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει καὶ κώμῃ τεμένη αὐτῶν καὶ βωμοὺς καθιδρύσαντας θύειν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς σῦς καθ' ἡμέραν." '12.254 ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ μὴ περιτέμνειν αὐτοὺς τὰ τέκνα, κολάσειν ἀπειλήσας εἴ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῶν εὑρεθείη. κατέστησε δὲ καὶ ἐπισκόπους, οἳ προσαναγκάσουσιν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ποιεῖν.' "12.255 καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ μὲν ἑκοντὶ οἱ δὲ καὶ δι' εὐλάβειαν τῆς ἐπηγγελμένης τιμωρίας κατηκολούθουν οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς διετέτακτο, οἱ δὲ δοκιμώτατοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς εὐγενεῖς οὐκ ἐφρόντισαν αὐτοῦ, τῶν δὲ πατρίων ἐθῶν πλείονα λόγον ἔσχον ἢ τῆς τιμωρίας, ἣν οὐ πειθομένοις ἠπείλησεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν αἰκιζόμενοι καὶ πικρὰς βασάνους ὑπομένοντες ἀπέθνησκον." "12.257 Ταῦτα βλέποντες οἱ Σαμαρεῖται πάσχοντας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκέθ' ὡμολόγουν αὑτοὺς εἶναι συγγενεῖς αὐτῶν οὐδὲ τὸν ἐν Γαριζεὶν ναὸν τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, τῇ φύσει ποιοῦντες ἀκόλουθα, ἣν δεδηλώκαμεν, καὶ λέγοντες αὑτοὺς Μήδων ἀποίκους καὶ Περσῶν: καὶ γάρ εἰσιν τούτων ἄποικοι." '12.258 πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν ̓Αντίοχον πρέσβεις καὶ ἐπιστολὴν ἐδήλουν τὰ ὑπογεγραμμένα: “βασιλεῖ ̓Αντιόχῳ θεῷ ἐπιφανεῖ ὑπόμνημα παρὰ τῶν ἐν Σικίμοις Σιδωνίων.' "12.259 οἱ ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι διά τινας αὐχμοὺς τῆς χώρας παρακολουθήσαντες ἀρχαίᾳ τινὶ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ ἔθος ἐποίησαν σέβειν τὴν παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις λεγομένην σαββάτων ἡμέραν, ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἀνώνυμον ἐν τῷ Γαριζεὶν λεγομένῳ ὄρει ἱερὸν ἔθυον ἐπ' αὐτοῦ τὰς καθηκούσας θυσίας." "12.261 ἀξιοῦμεν οὖν σε τὸν εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα προστάξαι ̓Απολλωνίῳ τῷ μεριδάρχῃ καὶ Νικάνορι τῷ τὰ βασιλικὰ πράττοντι μηδὲν ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν προσάπτουσι τὰς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων αἰτίας, ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἀλλοτρίων ὑπαρχόντων, προσαγορευθῆναι δὲ τὸ ἀνώνυμον ἱερὸν Διὸς ̔Ελληνίου: γενομένου γὰρ τούτου παυσόμεθα μὲν ἐνοχλούμενοι, τοῖς δ' ἔργοις μετὰ ἀδείας προσανέχοντες μείζονάς σοι ποιήσομεν τὰς προσόδους.”" '12.262 ταῦτα τῶν Σαμαρέων δεηθέντων ἀντέγραψεν αὐτοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τάδε: “βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Νικάνορι. οἱ ἐν Σικίμοις Σιδώνιοι ἐπέδωκαν τὸ κατακεχωρισμένον ὑπόμνημα.' "12.263 ἐπεὶ οὖν συμβουλευομένοις ἡμῖν μετὰ τῶν φίλων παρέστησαν οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑπ' αὐτῶν, ὅτι μηδὲν τοῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐγκλήμασι προσήκουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ̔Ελληνικοῖς ἔθεσιν αἱροῦνται χρώμενοι ζῆν, ἀπολύομέν τε αὐτοὺς τῶν αἰτιῶν, καὶ τὸ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἱερόν, καθάπερ ἠξιώκασι, προσαγορευθήτω Διὸς ̔Ελληνίου.”" '12.264 ταῦτα δὲ καὶ ̓Απολλωνίῳ τῷ μεριδάρχῃ ἐπέστειλεν ἕκτῳ ἔτει καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ μηνὸς ̔Εκατομβαιῶνος ̔Υρκανίου ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῃ.' "
12.322 τὴν δ' ἐρήμωσιν τοῦ ναοῦ συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν Δανιήλου προφητείαν πρὸ τετρακοσίων καὶ ὀκτὼ γενομένην ἐτῶν: ἐδήλωσεν γάρ, ὅτι Μακεδόνες καταλύσουσιν αὐτόν." 12.357 προσγενομένης οὖν καὶ τῆς περὶ τούτων φροντίδος τῇ προτέρᾳ συγχυθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας εἰς νόσον κατέπεσεν, ἧς μηκυνομένης καὶ αὐξανόντων τῶν παθῶν συνείς, ὅτι μέλλοι τελευτᾶν, συγκαλεῖ τοὺς φίλους καὶ τήν τε νόσον αὐτοῖς χαλεπὴν οὖσαν ἐμήνυε καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα πάσχει κακώσας τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος παρεδήλου συλήσας τὸν ναὸν καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονήσας, καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἐξέπνευσεν.
12.381 καὶ ὡς δοκεῖ πολὺ κρεῖττον εἶναι σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους πρὸς τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς ὅλον αὐτῶν τὸ ἔθνος ἐπιτρέψαντας αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, ὧν ἀφαιρεθέντες νῦν ἐξεπολεμώθησαν, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα. ταῦτα τοῦ Λυσίου φήσαντος ἠρέσθη τό τε στράτευμα καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῇ γνώμῃ. 12.382 Καὶ πέμψας ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιούδαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πολιορκουμένους εἰρήνην τε ἐπηγγείλατο καὶ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρωμένους ζῆν. οἱ δὲ ἀσμένως δεξάμενοι τοὺς λόγους λαβόντες ὅρκους τε καὶ πίστεις ἐξῆλθον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ. 12.383 εἰσελθὼν δὲ ̓Αντίοχος εἰς αὐτὸ καὶ θεασάμενος ὀχυρὸν οὕτως τὸ χωρίον παρέβη τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ κελεύει τὴν δύναμιν παραστᾶσαν καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος εἰς ἔδαφος. καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν ἐπαγόμενος ̓Ονίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα, ὃς καὶ Μενέλαος ἐκαλεῖτο.' "12.384 Λυσίας γὰρ συνεβούλευσεν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Μενέλαον ἀνελεῖν, εἰ βούλεται τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἠρεμεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν αὐτῷ: τοῦτον γὰρ ἄρξαι τῶν κακῶν πείσαντ' αὐτοῦ τὸν πατέρα τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀναγκάσαι τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν καταλιπεῖν." '12.385 πέμψας οὖν τὸν Μενέλαον ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς Βέροιαν τῆς Συρίας διέφθειρεν ἀρχιερατεύσαντα μὲν ἔτη δέκα, πονηρὸν δὲ γενόμενον καὶ ἀσεβῆ καὶ ἵνα αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ τὸ ἔθνος ἀναγκάσαντα τοὺς ἰδίους παραβῆναι νόμους. ἀρχιερεὺς δὲ ἐγένετο μετὰ τὸν Μενελάου θάνατον ̓́Αλκιμος ὁ καὶ ̓Ιάκιμος κληθείς.
13.62 ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ὁμώνυμος δὲ ὢν τῷ πατρί, ὃς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Φιλομήτορα διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν,' "13.63 βουλόμενος αὑτῷ δόξαν καὶ μνήμην αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν Κλεοπάτραν αἰτήσασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειεν ναὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ Λευίτας καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ." "13.64 τοῦτο δ' ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ ̔Ησαί̈ᾳ, ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον γεγονὼς προεῖπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς ̓Ιουδαίου. διὰ ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος ̓Ονίας γράφει Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν:" '13.65 “πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ εἰς Λεόντων δὲ πόλιν τοῦ ̔Ηλιοπολίτου σὺν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους, 13.66 καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν,' "13.67 δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν' ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις:" '13.68 καὶ γὰρ ̔Ησαί̈ας ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν: ἔσται θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον.”' "13.69 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ̓Ονίας τῷ βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ' ἄν τις αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν ἐπιστολῆς: τὴν γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ονίου κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν:" "13.71 ἐπεὶ δὲ σὺ φῂς ̔Ησαί̈αν τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον: ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι.”" '13.72 Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον ὁ ̓Ονίας κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν: ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀναγέγραπται. 13.73 εὗρεν δὲ ̓Ονίας καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὁμοίους αὐτῷ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.' "13.74 Τοὺς δ' ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, οἳ τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμαρέων τὸ ἐν Γαριζείν." "13.75 παρεκάλεσάν τε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Σαμαρέων λόγον Σαββαῖος ἐποιήσατο καὶ Θεοδόσιος, τοὺς δ' ὑπὲρ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων ̓Ανδρόνικος ὁ Μεσαλάμου." '13.76 ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων.' "13.77 οἱ δ' ἐν τῇ ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τυγχάνοντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ: χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον, εἰ τοῦτό τινες καταλύσουσιν οὕτως ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον." "13.78 τοῦ δὲ Σαββαίου καὶ Θεοδοσίου συγχωρησάντων τῷ ̓Ανδρονίκῳ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀποδείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς ̓Ασίας βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ' ἐν Γαριζεὶν ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ' ἐπιστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο." '13.79 ταῦτα λέγων ̓Ανδρόνικος καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σαββαῖον καὶ Θεοδόσιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλομήτορα ταῦτα ἦν.' "
13.113 ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ̓Αντιοχεῖς Πτολεμαῖος βασιλεὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἀναδείκνυται καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς δύο περιτίθεται διαδήματα, ἓν μὲν τὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας, ἕτερον δὲ τὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου." "13.231 τούτους γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος ἀναγαγὼν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀπόπτου ᾐκίζετο καὶ κατακρημνίσειν οὐκ ἀφισταμένου τῆς πολιορκίας ἠπείλει. ὁ δ' ὅσον ἂν ἐνδοίη τῆς περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ χωρίου σπουδῆς, τοσοῦτο χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν, ἐξέλυε τὸ πρόθυμον." "13.232 ἡ μέντοι μήτηρ ὀρέγουσα τὰς χεῖρας ἱκέτευε μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι δι' αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ χρώμενον ἑλεῖν σπουδάσαι τὸ χωρίον καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν ὑπ' αὐτῷ ποιήσαντα τιμωρῆσαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις: ἡδὺν γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν μετ' αἰκίας εἶναι θάνατον, εἰ δίκην ὑπόσχοι τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομίας ὁ ταῦτα ποιῶν πολέμιος." "13.233 τὸν δὲ ̔Υρκανὸν ταῦτα μὲν λεγούσης τῆς μητρὸς ὁρμή τις ἐλάμβανεν πρὸς τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ φρουρίου, ἡνίκα δ' αὐτὴν ἴδοι τυπτομένην καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐξελύετο καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν μητέρα πραττομένοις συμπαθείας ἥττων ἐγίνετο." "13.234 ἑλκομένης δ' οὕτως εἰς χρόνον τῆς πολιορκίας ἐνίσταται τὸ ἔτος ἐκεῖνο, καθ' ὃ συμβαίνει τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀργεῖν: κατὰ δὲ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τοῦτο παρατηροῦσιν, ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἡμέραις." '13.235 καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνεθεὶς τοῦ πολέμου τῆς αἰτίας ἀποκτείνει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοῦτο δράσας πρὸς Ζήνωνα φεύγει τὸν ἐπικληθέντα Κοτυλᾶν, τυραννεύοντα τῆς Φιλαδελφέων πόλεως.' "13.236 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ χαλεπῶς ἔχων ἐφ' οἷς ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν τετάρτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχῆς, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ καὶ δευτέρᾳ." "13.237 δῃώσας δὲ τὴν χώραν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἑπτὰ στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν ἤνυσε μὲν οὐδὲν ὅλως τὸ πρῶτον διά τε τὴν τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ δι' ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐμπολιορκουμένων ἔτι γε μὴν ὕδατος ἀπορίαν, ἧς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὄμβρος κατενεχθεὶς πολὺς δυομένης πλειάδος." "13.238 κατὰ δὲ τὸ βόρειον μέρος τοῦ τείχους, καθ' ὃ συνέβαινεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, πύργους ἀναστήσας ἑκατὸν τριωρόφους ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα." '13.239 καὶ προσβολὰς ὁσημέραι ποιησάμενος τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὸ εὖρος καὶ διπλῆν τεμόμενος, ἀπετείχισεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας. οἱ δὲ πολλὰς ἐκδρομὰς ἀντεπινοοῦντες, εἰ μὲν ἀφυλάκτοις που προσπέσοιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ ἔδρων αὐτούς, αἰσθομένων δὲ ἀνεχώρουν εὐχερῶς.' "13.241 ̓Αντίοχος μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἀπολεχθέντας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκώλυεν, οἱ δ' ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ τείχεσι κακούμενοι ταῖς βασάνοις ἀπέθνησκον οἰκτρῶς. ἐπιστάσης γε μὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐλεοῦντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐντὸς πάλιν εἰσεδέξαντο." "13.242 πέμψαντος δ' ̔Υρκανοῦ πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον καὶ σπονδὰς ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀξιώσαντος γενέσθαι, τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ εἴκων σπένδεται καὶ προσέτι θυσίαν εἰσέπεμψε μεγαλοπρεπῆ, ταύρους χρυσοκέρωτας καὶ μεστὰ παντοίων ἀρωμάτων ἐκπώματα χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα." "13.243 καὶ τὴν μὲν θυσίαν δεξάμενοι παρὰ τῶν κομιζόντων οἱ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ὄντες ἄγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ̓Αντίοχος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἱστία, πλεῖστον ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς διενέγκας, ὃς τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ὗς μὲν κατέθυσεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν, τὸν νεὼν δὲ τῷ ζωμῷ τούτων περιέρρανε συγχέας τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πάτριον αὐτῶν εὐσέβειαν, ἐφ' οἷς ἐξεπολεμώθη τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως εἶχεν." "13.244 τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν ̓Αντίοχον δι' ὑπερβολὴν τῆς θρησκείας Εὐσεβῆ πάντες ἐκάλεσαν." '13.245 ̓Αποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ μαθὼν τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν πάτριον αὐτοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δὲ ἀπωσάμενος τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλλους αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν,' "13.246 πειθόμενος δὲ κατ' εὐσέβειαν πάντα ποιεῖν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίνατο, παραδοῦναι μὲν τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ δασμὸν αὐτῷ τελεῖν ̓Ιόππης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πάρεξ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας φρουράν τε δεξαμένους ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ πολέμου." '13.247 οἱ δὲ τἆλλα μὲν ὑπομένειν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐχ ὡμολόγουν διὰ τὴν ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφικνούμενοι πρὸς ἄλλους. ἀντὶ μέντοι γε τῆς φρουρᾶς ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια, ὧν εὐθὺς τὰ τριακόσια καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους προσδεξαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἔδοσαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀδελφός, καθεῖλεν δὲ καὶ τὴν στεφάνην τῆς πόλεως. 13.248 ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν ̓Αντίοχος τὴν πολιορκίαν λύσας ἀνεχώρησεν.' "13.249 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τούς ποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλεν, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δ' ὑπὸ τούτων πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο." '13.251 “τρόπαιον δὲ στήσας ̓Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τῷ Λύκῳ ποταμῷ νικήσας ̓Ινδάτην τὸν Πάρθων στρατηγὸν αὐτόθι ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας δύο δεηθέντος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίου διά τινα ἑορτὴν πάτριον, ἐν ᾗ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις οὐκ ἦν νόμιμον ἐξοδεύειν.” καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ ψεύδεται λέγων:' "13.252 ἐνέστη γὰρ ἡ πεντηκοστὴ ἑορτὴ μετὰ τὸ σάββατον, οὐκ ἔξεστι δ' ἡμῖν οὔτε τοῖς σαββάτοις οὔτ' ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ὁδεύειν." "13.253 συμβαλὼν δ' ̓Αντίοχος ̓Αρσάκῃ τῷ Πάρθῳ πολλήν τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπέβαλεν καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπόλλυται, τὴν δὲ τῶν Σύρων βασιλείαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ διαδέχεται Δημήτριος ̓Αρσάκου αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολύσαντος καθ' ὃν χρόνον ̓Αντίοχος εἰς τὴν Παρθυηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." '13.254 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν ̓Αντιόχου θάνατον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἐξεστράτευσεν οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων. 13.255 Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρηθείσης ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ Σίκιμά τε πρὸς τούτοις καὶ Γαριζεὶν τό τε Κουθαίων γένος, 13.256 ὃ περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν Μανασσῆν τὸν ̓Ιαδδοῦς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια. 13.257 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. 13.258 οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ̓Ιουδαίους.' "13.259 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀνανεώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν βουλόμενος πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβείαν. καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὰ παρ' αὐτοῦ γράμματα ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ:" '13.261 οἳ καὶ διελέχθησαν περὶ φιλίας τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τούτοις καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων, ὅπως τε ̓Ιόππη καὶ λιμένες καὶ Γάζωρα καὶ πηγαὶ καὶ ὅσας πόλεις αὐτῶν ἄλλας καὶ χωρία πολεμῶν ἔλαβεν ̓Αντίοχος παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ταῦτα ἀποκατασταθῇ, 13.262 ἵνα τε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ διὰ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων αὐτῶν διέρχεσθαι, καὶ ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἄκυρα γένηται,' "13.263 ἵνα τε πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀποδοθῆναί τε αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσιν τὰ ὑπ' ̓Αντιόχου ἀφαιρεθέντα καὶ τὴν χώραν διατιμήσωνται τὴν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διεφθαρμένην, ὅπως τε αὐτοῖς πρός τε βασιλεῖς καὶ δήμους ἐλευθέρους γράμματα δῶσιν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου." '13.264 ἔδοξεν οὖν περὶ τούτων ταῦτα: ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ δήμου πεμφθέντας ἀγαθοῦ καὶ φίλου. 13.265 περὶ μέντοι γραμμάτων ἀπεκρίναντο βουλεύσεσθαι, ὅταν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἡ σύγκλητος εὐσχολήσῃ, σπουδάσειν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα τοιοῦτο γενέσθαι, δοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατηγὸν Φάννιον χρήματα ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ὅπως ἂν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανέλθοιεν. 13.266 Φάννιος μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀποπέμπει τοὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πρέσβεις χρήματά τε δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ δόγμα συγκλήτου πρὸς τοὺς διαπέμψοντας καὶ ἀσφαλῆ παρεξομένους τὴν οἴκαδε παρουσίαν.' "
13.271 μένων δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔγνω παρασκευάζειν αὑτὸν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον τὴν τἀδελφοῦ, ὃς Κυζικηνὸς μὲν ἐπεκλήθη διὰ τὸ τραφῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, πατρὸς δ' ἦν ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπικληθέντος, ὃς ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπέθανεν: οὗτος δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἦν Δημητρίου τοῦ Γρυποῦ πατρός. συνέβη μέντοι μίαν τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς γῆμαι Κλεοπάτραν, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἱστορήκαμεν." '13.272 ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς ̓Αντίοχος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Συρίαν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν διετέλει. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν:' "13.273 καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μετὰ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου τελευτὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέστη καὶ οὔτε ὡς ὑπήκοος οὔτε ὡς φίλος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔτι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα ἐν ἐπιδόσει πολλῇ καὶ ἀκμῇ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ζαβιναίου καιρούς, καὶ μάλιστ' ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. ὁ γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς πόλεμος σχολὴν ̔Υρκανῷ καρποῦσθαι τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπ' ἀδείας παρεῖχεν, ὡς ἄπειρόν τι χρημάτων πλῆθος συναγαγεῖν." "13.274 τοῦ μέντοι γε Κυζικηνοῦ τὴν γῆν κακοῦντος φανερῶς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο, καὶ τῶν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου συμμάχων ἔρημον ὁρῶν τὸν ̓Αντίοχον καὶ αὐτόν τε πράττοντα κακῶς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγῶσιν, ἀμφοτέρων κατεφρόνησεν." "13.275 Καὶ στρατεύει μὲν ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν πόλιν ὀχυρωτάτην, περὶ ἧς, ὅτι καλεῖται νῦν Σεβαστὴ κτισθεῖσα ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου, κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν. προσβαλὼν δ' αὐτῇ φιλοπόνως ἐπολιόρκει μισοπονηρῶν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὑπὲρ ὧν Μαρισηνοὺς ἀποίκους ὄντας ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ συμμάχους ἠδίκησαν ὑπακούοντες τοῖς τῶν Σύρων βασιλεῦσιν." '13.276 περιβαλὼν οὖν τάφρον πανταχόθεν τῇ πόλει καὶ διπλοῦν τεῖχος ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐφίστησιν ̓Αντίγονον καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον. ὧν ἐπικειμένων εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ λιμοῦ προαχθῆναι τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς συνέπεσεν, ὡς ἅψασθαι μὲν καὶ τῶν ἀήθων, ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ βοηθὸν ̓Αντίοχον τὸν Κυζικηνόν.' "13.277 ὃς ἑτοίμως ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀφικόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται, διωχθεὶς δ' ἄχρι Σκυθοπόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διέφυγεν. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες συγκλείουσι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐπικαλέσασθαι σύμμαχον πέμψαντες τὸν αὐτὸν ̓Αντίοχον." '13.278 ὃς παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου μεταπεμψάμενος ἄνδρας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὓς ἀκούσης τῆς μητρὸς ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐκβεβληκυίας ἐξαπέστειλεν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ χώραν μετὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων λῃστρικῶς, μάχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐ τολμῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀξιόχρεως ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ, νομίζων δὲ τῇ κακώσει τῆς γῆς ἀναγκάσειν ̔Υρκανὸν λῦσαι τὴν τῆς Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν. 13.279 ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλλυεν ἐνέδραις περιπίπτων, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Τρίπολιν Καλλιμάνδρῳ καὶ ̓Επικράτει τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους πόλεμον ἐπιτρέψας.' "13.281 ̔Υρκανὸς μὲν οὖν τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας οὐκ ἠρκέσθη μόνῳ τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἠφάνισεν ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις ποιήσας: διασκάψας γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστ' εἰς χαράδρας μεταπεσεῖν τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ γενέσθαι ποτὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἀφείλετο." "13.282 παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ̔Υρκανοῦ λέγεται, τίνα τρόπον αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν: φασὶν γάρ, ὅτι κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ τῷ Κυζικηνῷ συνέβαλον, αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ θυμιῶν μόνος ὢν ἀρχιερεὺς ἀκούσειε φωνῆς, ὡς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νενικήκασιν ἀρτίως τὸν ̓Αντίοχον." '13.283 καὶ τοῦτο προελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει φανερὸν ἐποίησεν, καὶ συνέβη οὕτως γενέσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
13.285 Κλεοπάτρα γὰρ ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν στασιάζουσα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν υἱοὺς ὄντας ̓Ονίου τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν δεδηλώκαμεν.
13.287 “οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον: μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ονίου γενόμενοι ̓Ιουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ̓Ανανίαν.” ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν.' "13.288 ̔Υρκανῷ δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησεν παρὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἡ εὐπραγία, μάλιστα δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ὄντες μία τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει, ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ κατ' ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς πιστεύεσθαι." "13.289 μαθητὴς δὲ αὐτῶν ἦν καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ σφόδρα ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἠγαπᾶτο. καὶ δὴ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ἐφ' ἑστίασιν καὶ φιλοφρόνως ὑποδεξάμενος, ἐπεὶ σφόδρα ἡδομένους ἑώρα, λέγειν ἤρξατο πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς ἴσασιν μὲν αὐτὸν βουλόμενον εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντα ἐξ ὧν ἀρέσειεν ἂν τῷ θεῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς:" "13.291 εἷς δέ τις τῶν κατακειμένων ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα, κακοήθης ὢν φύσει καὶ στάσει χαίρων “ἐπεί, φησίν, ἠξίωσας γνῶναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, θέλεις δὲ εἶναι δίκαιος, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπόθου, καὶ μόνον ἀρκείτω σοι τὸ ἄρχειν τοῦ λαοῦ.” τὴν δ' αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ πυθομένου," "13.292 δι' ἣν ἀποθοῖτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην “ὅτι, φησίν, ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν μητέρα βασιλεύοντος ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς.” ψευδὴς λόγος ἦν: καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ̔Υρκανὸς παρωξύνθη καὶ πάντες δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν." "13.293 Τῶν δ' ἐκ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων τῆς αἱρέσεως, οἳ τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, ̓Ιωνάθης τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὢν ̔Υρκανῷ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων Φαρισαίων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἔλεγεν: καὶ τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ' ἐκείνων, τίνος ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως." '13.294 τοῦ δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας: πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι.' "13.295 πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνεν καὶ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνόμισεν. μάλιστα δ' αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν ̓Ιωνάθης καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως," "13.296 ὥστε τῇ Σαδδουκαίων ἐποίησεν προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ τῶν Φαρισαίων ἀποστάντα καὶ τά τε ὑπ' αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο." "13.297 περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν." '13.298 καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.' "13.299 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ παύσας τὴν στάσιν καὶ μετ' αὐτὴν βιώσας εὐδαιμόνως καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικησάμενος ἄριστον τρόπον ἔτεσιν ἑνὶ καὶ τριάκοντα τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν υἱοὺς πέντε, τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ἄξιος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριθείς, ἀρχῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς καὶ προφητείας:" 13.395 Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ ̓Ιδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον ̓Απολλωνίαν ̓Ιόππην ̓Ιάμνειαν ̓́Αζωτον Γάζαν ̓Ανθηδόνα ̔Ράφειαν ̔Ρινοκόρουρα,
13.397 Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.
14.117 ἐν γοῦν Αἰγύπτῳ κατοικία τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐστὶν ἀποδεδειγμένη χωρὶς καὶ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως ἀφώρισται μέγα μέρος τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ. καθίσταται δὲ καὶ ἐθνάρχης αὐτῶν, ὃς διοικεῖ τε τὸ ἔθνος καὶ διαιτᾷ κρίσεις καὶ συμβολαίων ἐπιμελεῖται καὶ προσταγμάτων, ὡς ἂν πολιτείας ἄρχων αὐτοτελοῦς.
14.146 περὶ ὧν ̓Αλέξανδρος ̓Ιάσονος καὶ Νουμήνιος ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Δωροθέου ̓Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι διελέχθησαν ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προϋπηργμένας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους χάριτας καὶ τὴν φιλίαν,' "14.147 καὶ ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας γενομένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ γράμματ' αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγχάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι," 14.247 Ψήφισμα Περγαμηνῶν. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Κρατίππου μηνὸς Δαισίου πρώτῃ γνώμη στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατακολουθοῦντες τῇ τῶν προγόνων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλείας κινδύνους ἀναδέχονται καὶ φιλοτιμοῦνται τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ βεβαίᾳ καταστῆσαι εἰρήνῃ, 14.248 πέμψαντος πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις Στράτωνα Θεοδότου ̓Απολλώνιον ̓Αλεξάνδρου Αἰνείαν ̓Αντιπάτρου ̓Αριστόβουλον ̓Αμύντου Σωσίπατρον Φιλίππου ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς,' "14.249 καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ̓Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ̓Ιουδαίους συμμάχους ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ' ἐξαγαγεῖν," '14.251 τῆς βουλῆς ἡμῶν Λούκιος Πέττιος ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς προσέταξεν, ἵνα φροντίσωμεν ταῦτα οὕτως γενέσθαι, καθὼς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδογμάτισεν, προνοῆσαί τε τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς εἰς οἶκον τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακομιδῆς.' "14.252 ἀπεδεξάμεθα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Θεόδωρον, ἀπολαβόντες δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, καὶ ποιησαμένου μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ ἐμφανίσαντος ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν," "14.253 καὶ ὅτι κοινῇ πάντας εὐεργετεῖ καὶ κατ' ἰδίαν τοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικομένους, τά τε γράμματα εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν ἀπεθέμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντα ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων σύμμαχοι ὄντες ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἐψηφισάμεθα." '14.254 ἐδεήθη δὲ καὶ Θεόδωρος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἡμῖν ἀποδοὺς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν, ἵνα πέμψωσι πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρέσβεις δηλώσοντας τὴν τοῦ ἡμετέρου δήμου σπουδὴν καὶ παρακαλέσοντας συντηρεῖν τε καὶ αὔξειν αὐτὸν τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ ἀγαθοῦ τινος αἴτιον γίνεσθαι, 14.255 ὡς ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀποληψόμενον μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ̓́Αβραμον καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων ̔Εβραίων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν.
15.403 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι. ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Ασαμωναίων γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν, ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν, ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται.' "
15.409 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τῶν ἐπισυμβεβηκότων παρεδηλώθη. τότε δ' οὖν ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ταύτην τὴν βᾶριν ὀχυρωτέραν κατασκευάσας ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, χαριζόμενος ̓Αντωνίῳ φίλῳ μὲν αὐτοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ἄρχοντι προσηγόρευσεν ̓Αντωνίαν." "
17.169 ἐπιθυμία δὲ δεινὴ τοῦ δέξασθαί τι ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν μὴ οὐχ ὑπουργεῖν, καὶ ἕλκωσις τῶν τε ἐντέρων καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ κόλου δειναὶ ἀλγηδόνες, καὶ φλέγμα ὑγρὸν περὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ διαυγές: παραπλησία δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον κάκωσις ἦν, ναὶ μὴν καὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα, πνεύματός τε ὀρθία ἔντασις καὶ αὐτὴ λίαν ἀηδὴς ἀχθηδόνι τε τῆς ἀποφορᾶς καὶ τῷ πυκνῷ τοῦ ἄσθματος, ἐσπασμένος τε περὶ πᾶν ἦν μέρος ἰσχὺν οὐχ ὑπομενητὴν προστιθέμενος." "
18.19 ἐπεὶ δ' ὁ Καῖσαρ περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἑστηκότα, “καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι”. τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, “̓Αγρίππαν γε” εἶπεν." 18.19 εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ' αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως ἄνδρες τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι." "
18.65 Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τὸ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν. καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν ̓Ισιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις γεγονότα.' "
18.91 τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ ̓Αντωνίᾳ, φρούριον δ' ἐστὶν οὕτως λεγόμενον, ἡ ἀπόθεσις αὐτῆς ἦν διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: τῶν ἱερέων τις ̔Υρκανός, πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων οἳ τόδε ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ ὄνομα ὁ πρῶτος, ἐπεὶ πλησίον τῷ ἱερῷ βᾶριν κατασκευασάμενος ταύτῃ τὰ πολλὰ τὴν δίαιταν εἶχεν καὶ τὴν στολήν, φύλαξ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ καὶ μόνῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῦ ἐνδύεσθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ταύτην εἶχεν ἀποκειμένην, ὁπότε εἰς τὴν πόλιν κατιὼν ἀναλαμβάνοι τὴν ἰδιωτικήν." "
18.94 ἑπτὰ δ' ἡμέραις πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀπεδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ φρουράρχου, καὶ ἁγνισθείσῃ χρησάμενος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέραν ἀπετίθετο αὖθις εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ᾗπερ ἔκειτο καὶ πρότερον. τοῦτο ἐπράττετο τρισὶν ἑορταῖς ἑκάστου ἔτους καὶ τὴν νηστείαν." "
18.279 Συγκαλέσας δὲ εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, οἱ δὲ ἀφίκοντο πολλαὶ μυριάδες, καταστὰς ἐπ' αὐτῶν τήν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι στρατείαν οὐ γνώμης ἀπέφαινε τῆς αὐτοῦ τοῦ δὲ αὐτοκράτορος τῶν προσταγμάτων, τὴν ὀργὴν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολάς, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν τοῖς παρακροᾶσθαι θάρσος εἰσφερομένοις: ᾧ καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶν τόν γε τιμῆς τοσαύτης ἐπιτετευχότα συγχωρήσει τῇ ἐκείνου οὐδὲν ἐναντίον πράσσειν:" "18.281 στέλλω δὲ ὡς Γάιον γνώμας τε τὰς ὑμετέρας διασαφῶν καί πῃ καὶ συνηγορίᾳ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην πεισομένην οἷς προύθεσθε ἀγαθοῖς. καὶ συμπράσσοι μὲν ὁ θεός, βελτίων γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἡ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἐξουσία, πρυτανεύων ὑμῖν τε τὴν τήρησιν τῶν πατρίων καὶ αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀνθρωπείαις παρὰ γνώμην βουλεύσεσι τιμῶν τῶν εἰωθυιῶν ἁμαρτεῖν." "18.282 εἰ δ' ἐκπικρανθεὶς Γάιος εἰς ἐμὲ τρέψει τὸ ἀνήκεστον τῆς ὀργῆς, τλήσομαι πάντα κίνδυνον καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν συνιοῦσαν τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς τοσούσδε ὄντας ἐπὶ οὕτως ἀγαθαῖς ταῖς πράξεσι διολλυμένους θεωρεῖν." "18.283 ἄπιτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἔργα τὰ αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι καὶ τῇ γῇ ἐπιπονεῖτε. πέμψω δ' αὐτὸς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης καὶ τὰ πάντα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν δι' ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἀποτραπήσομαι διακονεῖν.”" '18.284 Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὸν σύλλογον προμηθεῖσθαι τῶν εἰς τὴν γεωργίαν ἠξίου τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ καθομιλεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθυμεῖν τὸ πλῆθος ἔσπευδεν. ὁ θεὸς δὲ παρρησίαν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν αὐτοῦ Πετρωνίῳ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις σύλληψιν:' "18.285 ἅμα τε γὰρ ἐπαύετο τοῦ λόγου, ὃν πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους εἶπεν, καὶ αὐτίκα ὑετὸν ἠφίει μέγαν παρ' ἐλπίδα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις γενόμενον διὰ τὸ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αἴθριον ἕωθεν οὖσαν οὐδὲν ὄμβριον ἀποσημαίνειν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔτος αὐχμῷ μεγάλῳ κατεσχημένον ἐπ' ἀπογνώσει ποιεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὕδατος τοῦ ἄνωθεν, εἰ καὶ σύννεφόν ποτε θεάσαιντο τὸν οὐρανόν." "18.286 ὥστε δὴ τότε πολλοῦ καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἑτέρῳ δόξαν ἀφιγμένου ὕδατος τοῖς τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐλπὶς ἦν ἐπ' οὐδαμοῖς ἀτυχήσειν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δεόμενον, ὅ τε Πετρώνιος κατεπέπληκτο μειζόνως ὁρῶν ἐναργῶς τὸν θεὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προμηθούμενον καὶ πολλὴν ἀποσημήναντα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, ὡς μηδ' ἂν τοῖς ἔργῳ προθεμένοις τἀναντία φρονεῖν ἰσχὺν ἀντιλέξεως καταλελεῖφθαι." "18.287 ὡς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ὁπόσα ἔγραφεν, ἐπαγωγὰ δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα καὶ παντοίως παρακαλοῦντα μὴ τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἀπονοεῖν, ἃς εἰ κτείνοι, οὐ γὰρ δίχα γε πολέμου παραχωρήσειν τοῦ νομίμου τῆς θρησκείας, προσόδου τε τῆς ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἀποστερεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς ὑποτίθεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα." '18.288 κἄλλως θείου τοῦ προεστηκότος αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν ὡς ἀκραιφνῆ ἀπέφαινεν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοίαστον ἐπὶ δυνάμει τῇ αὐτῆς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι καταλείπουσαν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.' "
18.306 θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἄρ' ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε Πετρωνίῳ κινδύνων, οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ τὸν Γάιον ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε, τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν * συνευεργετεῖν τῷ Πετρωνίῳ ἥ τε ̔Ρώμη καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή, μάλιστα δ' ὁπόσοι τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι, διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν Γάιον." 18.312 ἔστιν δὲ καὶ Νίσιβις πόλις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ περίρρουν, ὅθεν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τῇ φύσει τῶν χωρίων πεπιστευκότες τό τε δίδραχμον, ὃ τῷ θεῷ καταβάλλειν ἑκάστοις πάτριον, ταύτῃ κατετίθεντο καὶ ὁπόσα δὲ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, ἐχρῶντό τε ὥσπερ ταμιείῳ ταῖσδε ταῖς πόλεσιν.' "
20.216 Τῶν δὲ Λευιτῶν, φυλὴ δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ πείθουσι τὸν βασιλέα καθίσαντα συνέδριον φορεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπίσης τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐπιτρέψαι λινῆν στολήν: πρέπειν γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνοις ἔφασκον ἀφ' ὧν μνημονευθήσεται καινοποιεῖν." "
20.237 ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ κατασκευασθέντος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλάκις ἐδηλώσαμεν. ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάκιμος ἔτη τρία τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐτελεύτησεν. διεδέξατο δ' αὐτὸν οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ διετέλεσεν ἡ πόλις ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτὰ χωρὶς ἀρχιερέως οὖσα."" None | sup>
2.288 4. However, the king was no more moved when was done than before; and being very angry, he said that he should gain nothing by this his cunning and shrewdness against the Egyptians;—and he commanded him that was the chief taskmaster over the Hebrews, to give them no relaxation from their labors, but to compel them to submit to greater oppressions than before;
10.244 —THEKEL. This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already.—PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians.”
10.276 And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. 10.277 All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 10.278 who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; 10.279 which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought.
11.302 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king of Persia, into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303 This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, 11.305 and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307 for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of strange wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, 11.308 although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, 11.309 the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.311 and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.312 But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 11.313 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutets in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. 11.314 So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. 11.315 Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. 11.316 But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. 11.317 So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318 But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319 and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.321 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322 So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323 that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324 Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325 but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326 and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327 whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328 Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.331 for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332 The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333 However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334 for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335 whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336 And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337 And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338 whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339 And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 11.341 for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 11.342 Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; 11.343 to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; 11.344 and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, “It was to the Jews,” said he, “that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.” And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; 11.345 but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 11.346 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, 11.347 he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time.
12.3.3 And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies.
12.3.3 And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had.
12.3.3 Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded.
12.9 Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy.
12.9 and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be.
12.62 According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials.
12.119 1. The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very day:
12.137 This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return to the series of the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus: 12.138 “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting.12.139 we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. 12.141 And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; 12.142 and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.143 And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.144 We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.” 12.145 4. And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which contained what follows: “It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified themselves. 12.146 Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver.”
12.148 “King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting.
12.153 Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one.” Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews. 12.154 1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry.
12.158 which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. 12.159 Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of things nature made him ashamed.
12.242 2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he condemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence;
12.244 But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly declared.
12.246 3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him. 12.247 And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a great deal of money, he returned to Antioch. 12.248 4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by treachery; 12.249 at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. 12.251 for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand. 12.252 He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the Jewish multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. 12.253 And when the king had built an idol altar upon God’s altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day. 12.254 He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded. 12.255 And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king’s commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; 12.257 5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs. 12.258 So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: “To king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem. 12.259 Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. 12.261 We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee.” 12.262 When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: “King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial enclosed. 12.263 When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius.” 12.264 He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom.
12.322 And this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship for some time.
12.357 When this concern about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while he plundered their temple, and condemned their God; and when he had said this, he gave up the ghost.
12.381 and that it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to become friends to their whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution. 12.382 7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged with them, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make use of, and live according to, the laws of their fathers; and they gladly received his proposals; and when they had gained security upon oath for their performance, they went out of the temple. 12.383 But when Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with him Onias the high priest, who was also called Menelaus; 12.384 for Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers. 12.385 So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest.
13.62 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63 out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64 The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65 “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66 where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67 I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68 for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.71 But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73 However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.74 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. 13.75 They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; 13.76 and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. 13.77 Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. 13.78 Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. 13.79 By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
13.113 Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: 13.231 for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. 13.232 However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. 13.233 Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. 13.234 And as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day; 13.235 o that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia. 13.236 2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years’ of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. 13.237 And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades. 13.238 However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; 13.239 and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease. 13.241 However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. 13.242 And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. 13.243 So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; 13.244 but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion. 13.245 3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said. 13.246 But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer. 13.247 But the Jews, although they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus’s brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city. 13.248 And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed. 13.249 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity, 13.251 “When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel.” 13.252 And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day. 13.253 But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly related elsewhere. 13.254 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.255 However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.256 who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 13.257 Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258 and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.259 2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following: 13.261 had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs of Jordan, and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them; 13.262 and that it might not be lawful for the king’s troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void; 13.263 and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. 13.264 It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people.” 13.265 But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses home. 13.266 And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety.
13.271 o he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. 13.272 But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; 13.273 for after the death of Antlochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. 13.274 However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both. 13.275 2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. 13.276 When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, 13.277 who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time to help them, 13.278 who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother’s consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; 13.279 but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates. 13.281 And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. 13.282 Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. 13.283 And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.
13.285 for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Aias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related.
13.287 “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo. 13.288 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. 13.289 Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. 13.291 a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said, “Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,” 13.292 And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294 for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295 At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, 13.296 that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297 but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298 And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 13.299 7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years, and then died, leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of the three privileges,—the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy;
13.395 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura;
13.397 in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.
14.117 Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.
14.146 concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. 14.147 They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury.
14.247 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, 14.248 and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.249 and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251 Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252 Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity, 14.253 and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254 Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, 14.255 as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have also found it set down in our public records.”
15.403 4. Now on the north side of the temple was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.
15.409 And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards about them are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.
17.169 for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an insufferable degree.
18.19 But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.”
18.19 and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry.
18.65 4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs.
18.91 although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the high priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments;
18.94 and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day;
18.279 5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:— 18.281 I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. 18.282 But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner. 18.283 Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.” 18.284 6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; 18.285 for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds; 18.286 insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. 18.287 This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. 18.288 Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.
18.306 for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them;
18.312 There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury,
20.216 6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing.
20.237 but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest.' ' None |
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54. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.19, 1.31-1.35, 1.61-1.62, 1.65, 1.89, 1.656, 2.186, 2.195-2.198, 2.350-2.354, 2.358, 2.361, 2.368, 2.591-2.592, 2.654, 4.323, 5.391-5.395, 7.43-7.53, 7.106, 7.110, 7.423-7.436, 7.453 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos IV (Epiphanes) • Antiochus • Antiochus Epiphanes • Antiochus III • Antiochus IV • Antiochus IV Epiphanes • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death Compared to that of Other Tyrants • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, death of • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, desecration of Temple • Antiochus IV Epiphanes, persecutions • Antiochus IV, • Antiochus IX (Cyzicenus) • Antiochus IX Cyzicenus • Antiochus Sidetes • Antiochus VII • Antiochus VII (Sidetes) • Antiochus VII Sidetes • Antiochus VII Sidetes, • Antiochus VIII (Aspendius) • Antiochus invasion of Egypt • Antiochus invasion of Judaea • Antiochus the apostate • Antiochus, III • Antiochus, IV, Death • Antiochus, IV, Persecution • Antiochus, n. • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus IV Epiphanes • senatus consulta, on Antiochus, to return territory seized from Jews
Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 181; Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 127, 138; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 77, 187, 284; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 124; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 299, 300, 347, 481, 514, 1046, 1113, 1114; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman (2005), Religion and the Self in Antiquity. 98; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 140; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 101, 220, 233, 234; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 189; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 121, 130; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 179; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 218; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 125, 227; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 161, 262; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 60, 63; Petropoulou (2012), Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, 140; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 2, 34, 41, 66, 103, 106, 277, 328, 329, 343, 415; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 329; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 195; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 357, 372, 421; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 562; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 69; Zetterholm (2003), The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation Between Judaism and Christianity. 21, 33, 35, 75, 76, 80, 84, 85, 87, 96, 98, 117, 199; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 64, 109
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1.19 Καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ' αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου προσαγορευομένην χώραν κατέχοντες: ἦσαν δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτους ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν: ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο Μιθριδάτῃ." "
1.19 ὡς ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ' ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον. καὶ ὡς ̔Ηρώδης ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατέλυσε τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν Σόσσιον," "
1.31 Στάσεως τοῖς δυνατοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐμπεσούσης καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς διεφέρετο περὶ ὅλης Συρίας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἕκτον, ἡ φιλοτιμία δ' ἦν αὐτοῖς περὶ δυναστείας ἑκάστου τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι μὴ φέροντος τοῖς ὁμοίοις ὑποτετάχθαι, ̓Ονίας μὲν εἷς τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἐπικρατήσας ἐξέβαλε τῆς πόλεως τοὺς Τωβία υἱούς." "
1.31 τὰ δὲ σπήλαια ταῦτα πρὸς ἀποκρήμνοις ὄρεσιν ἦν οὐδαμόθεν προσιτά, πλαγίας δὲ ἀνόδους μόνον ἔχοντα στενοτάτας. ἡ δὲ κατὰ μέτωπον αὐτῶν πέτρα κατέτεινεν εἰς βαθυτάτας φάραγγας ὄρθιος ἐπιρρέπουσα ταῖς χαράδραις, ὥστε τὸν βασιλέα μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν ἀπορεῖν πρὸς τὸ ἀμήχανον τοῦ τόπου, τελευταῖον δ' ἐπινοίᾳ χρήσασθαι σφαλερωτάτῃ." "1.32 ̓Εφ' οἷς χαλεπήνας ̔Ηρώδης ὥρμησεν μὲν ἀμύνασθαι Μαχαιρᾶν ὡς πολέμιον, κρατήσας δὲ τῆς ὀργῆς ἤλαυνεν πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον κατηγορήσων τῆς Μαχαιρᾶ παρανομίας. ὁ δ' ἐν διαλογισμῷ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων γενόμενος ταχέως μεταδιώκει τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ἑαυτῷ διαλλάττει." "1.32 οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον ἱκέτευσαν αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόσι χρώμενον εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. πείθεται δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡρμημένος πάλαι, καὶ μετὰ πλείστης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας τήν τε πόλιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος τῶν Πτολεμαίῳ προσεχόντων ἀναιρεῖ, ταῖς τε ἁρπαγαῖς ἀνέδην ἐπαφιεὶς τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτὸς καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐσύλησε καὶ τὸν ἐνδελεχισμὸν τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν ἐναγισμῶν ἔπαυσεν ἐπ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ." "1.33 καὶ προσέβαλλεν μὲν συνεχῶς τῷ φρουρίῳ, πρὶν δὲ ἑλεῖν χειμῶνι βιασθεὶς χαλεπωτάτῳ ταῖς πλησίον ἐνστρατοπεδεύεται κώμαις. ἐπεὶ δ' αὐτῷ μετ' ὀλίγας ἡμέρας καὶ τὸ δεύτερον παρὰ ̓Αντωνίου τάγμα συνέμιξεν, δείσαντες τὴν ἰσχὺν οἱ πολέμιοι διὰ νυκτὸς ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἔρυμα." "1.33 ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ονίας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον διαφυγὼν καὶ παρ' αὐτοῦ λαβὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πολίχνην τε τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀπεικασμένην καὶ ναὸν ἔκτισεν ὅμοιον: περὶ ὧν αὖθις κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν." "1.34 ̓Αντιόχῳ γε μὴν οὔτε τὸ παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατῆσαι τῆς πόλεως οὔτε αἱ ἁρπαγαὶ καὶ ὁ τοσοῦτος φόνος ἤρκεσεν, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀκρασίας παθῶν καὶ κατὰ μνήμην ὧν παρὰ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἔπαθεν ἠνάγκαζεν ̓Ιουδαίους καταλύσαντας τὰ πάτρια βρέφη τε αὐτῶν φυλάττειν ἀπερίτμητα καὶ σῦς ἐπιθύειν τῷ βωμῷ:" '1.34 ̔Ηρώδης δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἤδη τοὺς φίλους κεκμηκότας ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ σώματος διαφεὶς καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς ἦν ἔτι θερμὸς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων λουσόμενος ᾔει στρατιωτικώτερον: εἷς γοῦν αὐτῷ παῖς εἵπετο. καὶ πρὶν εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον εἰσελθεῖν ἐναντίον αὐτοῦ τις ἐκτρέχει τῶν πολεμίων ξιφήρης, ἔπειτα δεύτερος καὶ τρίτος, ἑξῆς δὲ πλείους.' "1.35 πρὸς ἃ ἅπαντες μὲν ἠπείθουν, ἐσφάττοντο δὲ οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. καὶ Βακχίδης ὁ πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου φρούραρχος, τῇ φυσικῇ προσλαβὼν ὠμότητι τὰ ἀσεβῆ παραγγέλματα παρανομίας οὐδεμίαν κατέλιπεν ὑπερβολὴν καὶ κατ' ἄνδρα τοὺς ἀξιολόγους αἰκιζόμενος καὶ κοινῇ καθ' ἡμέραν ἐνδεικνύμενος ὄψιν ἁλώσεως τῇ πόλει, μέχρι ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς τῶν ἀδικημάτων τοὺς πάσχοντας εἰς ἀμύνης τόλμαν ἠρέθισε." "1.35 φανερῶς μέν γε συνερρήγνυντο τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐπὶ προύπτῳ τῷ θανεῖν, διὰ δὲ τῶν ὑπονόμων ἐν μέσοις αὐτοῖς ἐξαπίνης ἐφαίνοντο, καὶ πρὶν κατασεισθῆναί τι τοῦ τείχους ἕτερον ἀντωχύρουν: καθόλου τε οὔτε χερσὶν οὔτ' ἐπινοίαις ἔκαμνον εἰς ἔσχατον ἀντισχεῖν διεγνωκότες." "
1.61 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ κατ' ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν, στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν προσκαθεζόμενος τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις. ὁ δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς δὴ πλουσιώτατος βασιλέων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὑφελόμενος ὑπὲρ τρισχίλια τάλαντα χρημάτων τόν τε ̓Αντίοχον ἀνίστησι τῆς πολιορκίας πείσας τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις καὶ δὴ καὶ ξενοτροφεῖν πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τῆς περιουσίας ἤρξατο." "
1.61 τότε δ' ἐν Κιλικίᾳ λαβὼν ἣν προειρήκαμεν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολὴν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔσπευδεν, ὡς δὲ εἰς Κελένδεριν κατέπλει, λαμβάνει τις αὐτὸν ἔννοια τῶν περὶ τὴν μητέρα κακῶν προμαντευομένης ἤδη καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς." '1.62 Αὖθίς γε μὴν ̓Αντίοχος ἐπὶ Μήδους στρατεύσας καιρὸν ἀμύνης αὐτῷ παρεῖχεν: εὐθέως γὰρ ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις, κενάς, ὅπερ ἦν, ὑπολαμβάνων τῶν μαχιμωτέρων εὑρήσειν.' "1.62 Τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ συνέδριον μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀθροίζει τῶν συγγενῶν καὶ φίλων, εἰσκαλεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς ̓Αντιπάτρου φίλους. προκαθέζεται δὲ αὐτὸς ἅμα Οὐάρῳ καὶ τοὺς μηνυτὰς πάντας ἐκέλευσεν εἰσαγαγεῖν, ἐν οἷς εἰσήχθησαν καὶ τῆς ̓Αντιπάτρου μητρὸς οἰκέται τινὲς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ συνειλημμένοι, κομίζοντες γράμματα παρ' αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν τοιάδε: “ἐπεὶ πεφώραται πάντα ἐκεῖνα τῷ πατρί σου, μὴ παραγίνου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἂν μή τινα πορίσῃ παρὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος" 1.65 ἀθέμιτον γὰρ εἶναι κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἢ εἰκόνας ἢ προτομὰς ἢ ζῴου τινὸς ἐπώνυμον ἔργον εἶναι: κατεσκευάκει δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τὴν μεγάλην πύλην ἀετὸν χρυσοῦν: ὃν δὴ τότε παρῄνουν ἐκκόπτειν οἱ σοφισταί, καλὸν εἶναι λέγοντες, εἰ καί τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος, ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρίου νόμου θνήσκειν: τοῖς γὰρ οὕτω τελευτῶσιν ἀθάνατόν τε τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὴν ἐν ἀγαθοῖς αἴσθησιν αἰώνιον παραμένειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀγενεῖς καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σοφίας ἀπείρους ἀγνοοῦντας φιλοψυχεῖν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δι' ἀρετῆς τὸν ἐκ νόσου θάνατον αἱρεῖσθαι." 1.65 ἐπικαλοῦνται δὲ βοηθὸν ̓Αντίοχον τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ̓Ασπένδιον: κἀκεῖνος ἑτοίμως ὑπακούσας ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται. καὶ ὁ μὲν μέχρι Σκυθοπόλεως διωχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐκφεύγει, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες τό τε πλῆθος πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος συγκλείουσιν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλόντες αὐτήν τε κατασκάπτουσιν καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.' "
1.89 κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν.
1.656 ̓́Ενθεν αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα πᾶν ἡ νόσος διαλαβοῦσα ποικίλοις πάθεσιν ἐμερίζετο: πυρετὸς μὲν γὰρ ἦν οὐ λάβρος, κνησμὸς δὲ ἀφόρητος τῆς ἐπιφανείας ὅλης καὶ κόλου συνεχεῖς ἀλγηδόνες περί τε τοὺς πόδας ὥσπερ ὑδρωπιῶντος οἰδήματα τοῦ τε ἤτρου φλεγμονὴ καὶ δὴ αἰδοίου σηπεδὼν σκώληκας γεννῶσα, πρὸς τούτοις ὀρθόπνοια καὶ δύσπνοια καὶ σπασμοὶ πάντων τῶν μελῶν, ὥστε τοὺς ἐπιθειάζοντας ποινὴν εἶναι τῶν σοφιστῶν τὰ νοσήματα λέγειν.' "
2.186 θεῷ δ' ἄρα τῶν προσταγμάτων ἔμελεν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν σὺν τρισὶ τάγμασι καὶ πολλοῖς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχοις εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἤλαυνεν ἐκ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας," "
2.195 Τῶν δὲ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος προτεινομένων καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ θεοῦ τι δείκηλον, οὐχ ὅπως ἀνδρός, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ναὸν μόνον ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἐν εἰκαίῳ τινὶ τόπῳ τῆς χώρας θέσθαι θεμιτὸν εἴη, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Πετρώνιος “ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐμοὶ φυλακτέος ὁ τοὐμοῦ δεσπότου νόμος”, ἔφη: “παραβὰς γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ φεισάμενος ὑμῶν ἀπολοῦμαι δικαίως. πολεμήσει δ' ὑμᾶς ὁ πέμψας με καὶ οὐκ ἐγώ:" "2.196 καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς, ἐπιτάσσομαι.” πρὸς ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος πάντ' ἐβόα πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάσχειν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν. καταστείλας δ' αὐτῶν ὁ Πετρώνιος τὴν βοήν, “πολεμήσετε, εἶπεν, ἄρα" '2.197 Καίσαρι;” καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι περὶ μὲν Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας θύειν ἔφασαν, εἰ δὲ βούλεται τὰς εἰκόνας ἐγκαθιδρύειν, πρότερον αὐτὸν δεῖν ἅπαν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος προθύσασθαι: παρέχειν δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὴν σφαγὴν ἅμα τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξίν. 2.198 ἐπὶ τούτοις θαῦμα καὶ οἶκτος εἰσῄει τὸν Πετρώνιον τῆς τε ἀνυπερβλήτου θρησκείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοίμου παραστήματος. καὶ τότε μὲν ἄπρακτοι διελύθησαν.' "2.351 ὅταν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τοὺς ἐξονειδισμοὺς ποιῆσθε μεγάλους, καθ' ἑαυτῶν τοὺς ὀνειδιζομένους ἀπελέγχετε, καὶ παρέντες τὸ λάθρα καὶ μετ' αἰδοῦς ὑμᾶς βλάπτειν πορθοῦσι φανερῶς. οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως τὰς πληγὰς ὡς τὸ φέρειν ἀναστέλλει, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἡσύχιον τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι γίνεται διατροπή." "2.352 φέρε δ' εἶναι τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπηρέτας ἀνηκέστως χαλεπούς: οὔπω ̔Ρωμαῖοι πάντες ἀδικοῦσιν ὑμᾶς οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, πρὸς οὓς αἱρεῖσθε τὸν πόλεμον: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἥκει τις πονηρὸς ἀπ' ἐκείνων, οὐδέ γε τοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οἱ ἀφ' ἑσπέρας ἐπιβλέπουσιν: ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ταχέως τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ ῥᾴδιον." "2.353 ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ δι' ἕνα πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μικρὰς αἰτίας τηλικούτοις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσιν ἃ μεμφόμεθα πολεμεῖν." "2.354 καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων ἐγκλημάτων ταχεῖα γένοιτ' ἂν διόρθωσις: οὔτε γὰρ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος μένει διὰ παντός, καὶ τοὺς διαδεξομένους εἰκὸς ἐλεύσεσθαι μετριωτέρους: κινηθέντα δ' ἅπαξ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε ἀποθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον δίχα συμφορῶν οὔτε βαστάζειν." 2.358 καὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον Ξέρξην διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν, πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα, οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες, περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην ̓Ασίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς ̔Ελλάδος πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας προστάγματα.' "
2.361 ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί;" 2.368 πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς;' "
2.591 ἔπειτα συνθεὶς σκηνὴν πανουργοτάτην, ὡς ἄρα φυλάττοιντο πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐλαίῳ χρῆσθαι μὴ δι' ὁμοφύλων ἐγκεχειρισμένῳ, πέμπειν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μεθορίαν ἐξῃτήσατο." '2.592 συνωνούμενος δὲ τοῦ Τυρίου νομίσματος, ὃ τέσσαρας ̓Αττικὰς δύναται, τέσσαρας ἀμφορεῖς, τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπίπρασκεν τιμῆς ἡμιαμφόριον. οὔσης δὲ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐλαιοφόρου μάλιστα καὶ τότε εὐφορηκυίας, εἰς σπανίζοντας εἰσπέμπων πολὺ καὶ μόνος ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος συνῆγεν χρημάτων, οἷς εὐθέως ἐχρῆτο κατὰ τοῦ τὴν ἐργασίαν παρασχόντος.' "
4.323 ἀλλ' οἶμαι κατακρίνας ὁ θεὸς ὡς μεμιασμένης τῆς πόλεως ἀπώλειαν καὶ πυρὶ βουλόμενος ἐκκαθαρθῆναι τὰ ἅγια τοὺς ἀντεχομένους αὐτῶν καὶ φιλοστοργοῦντας περιέκοπτεν." "
5.391 τοῦτο μέν, ἡνίκα βασιλεὺς Βαβυλωνίων ἐπολιόρκει ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, συμβαλὼν Σεδεκίας ὁ ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς παρὰ τὰς ̔Ιερεμίου προφητείας αὐτός τε ἑάλω καὶ τὸ ἄστυ μετὰ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκαπτόμενον εἶδε: καίτοι πόσῳ μετριώτερος ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖνος τῶν ὑμετέρων ἡγεμόνων ἦν, ὁ δ' ὑπ' αὐτῷ λαὸς ὑμῶν." "5.392 βοῶντα γοῦν τὸν ̔Ιερεμίαν, ὡς ἀπέχθοιντο μὲν τῷ θεῷ διὰ τὰς εἰς αὐτὸν πλημμελείας, ἁλώσοιντο δ' εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν τὴν πόλιν, οὔθ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὔθ' ὁ δῆμος ἀνεῖλεν." "5.393 ἀλλ' ὑμεῖς, ἵν' ἐάσω τἄνδον, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἑρμηνεῦσαι δυναίμην τὰς παρανομίας ὑμῶν ἀξίως, ἐμὲ τὸν παρακαλοῦντα πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὑμᾶς βλασφημεῖτε καὶ βάλλετε, παροξυνόμενοι πρὸς τὰς ὑπομνήσεις τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων καὶ μηδὲ τοὺς λόγους φέροντες ὧν τἆργα δρᾶτε καθ' ἡμέραν." "5.394 τοῦτο δ', ἡνίκα ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ κληθέντος ̓Επιφανοῦς προσκαθεζομένου τῇ πόλει πολλὰ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἐξυβρικότος, οἱ πρόγονοι μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων προῆλθον, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀπεσφάγησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, διηρπάγη δὲ τὸ ἄστυ τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἠρημώθη δ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἓξ τὸ ἅγιον. καὶ τί δεῖ τἆλλα λέγειν;" "5.395 ἀλλὰ ̔Ρωμαίους τίς ἐστρατολόγησε κατὰ τοῦ ἔθνους; οὐχ ἡ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἀσέβεια; πόθεν δ' ἠρξάμεθα δουλείας;" "
7.43 Τὸ γὰρ ̓Ιουδαίων γένος πολὺ μὲν κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην παρέσπαρται τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις, πλεῖστον δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ κατὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ἀναμεμιγμένον ἐξαιρέτως ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας ἦν πολὺ διὰ τὸ τῆς πόλεως μέγεθος: μάλιστα δ' αὐτοῖς ἀδεᾶ τὴν ἐκεῖ κατοίκησιν οἱ μετ' ̓Αντίοχον βασιλεῖς παρέσχον:" 7.43 ἀνῆκε δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς χρημάτων πρόσοδον, ὅπως εἴη καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀφθονία καὶ τῷ θεῷ πολλὰ τὰ πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν.' "7.44 ̓Αντίοχος μὲν γὰρ ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα πορθήσας τὸν νεὼν ἐσύλησεν, οἱ δὲ μετ' αὐτὸν τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντες τῶν ἀναθημάτων ὅσα χαλκᾶ πεποίητο πάντα τοῖς ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀπέδοσαν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν αὐτῶν ἀναθέντες, καὶ συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς ἐξ ἴσου τῆς πόλεως τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι μετέχειν." "7.44 ὁ δ' ἱππέας τε καὶ πεζοὺς ἀποστείλας ῥᾳδίως ἐκράτησεν ἀνόπλων, καὶ τὸ μὲν πλέον ἐν χερσὶν ἀπώλετο, τινὲς δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθέντες ἀνήχθησαν πρὸς τὸν Κάτυλλον." '7.45 Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑποπτεύσας ἀναζητεῖ τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ γνοὺς ἄδικον τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπενηνεγμένην τοὺς μὲν ἀφίησι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων Τίτου σπουδάσαντος, δίκην δ' ἐπέθηκεν ̓Ιωνάθῃ τὴν προσήκουσαν: ζῶν γὰρ κατεκαύθη πρότερον αἰκισθείς." "7.45 τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλέων αὐτοῖς προσφερομένων εἴς τε πλῆθος ἐπέδωκαν καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξελάμπρυναν, ἀεί τε προσαγόμενοι ταῖς θρησκείαις πολὺ πλῆθος ̔Ελλήνων, κἀκείνους τρόπῳ τινὶ μοῖραν αὐτῶν πεποίηντο.' "7.46 καθ' ὃν δὲ καιρὸν ὁ πόλεμος ἀνακεκήρυκτο, νεωστὶ δ' εἰς τὴν Συρίαν Οὐεσπασιανὸς καταπεπλεύκει, τὸ δὲ κατὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παρὰ πᾶσιν ἤκμαζε μῖσος," "7.47 τότε δή τις ̓Αντίοχος εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν τὰ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πατέρα τιμώμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἄρχων τῶν ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίων, τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ἐκκλησιάζοντος εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν τόν τε πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνεδείκνυτο κατηγορῶν, ὅτι νυκτὶ μιᾷ καταπρῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν διεγνώκεισαν, καὶ παρεδίδου ξένους ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὡς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν βεβουλευμένων." "7.48 ταῦτα ἀκούων ὁ δῆμος τὴν ὀργὴν οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς παραδοθέντας πῦρ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον κομίζειν, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατεφλέγησαν," '7.49 ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὥρμητο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐν τῷ τάχιον ἐκείνους τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα σώζειν νομίζοντες. 7.51 ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν: φανεροὺς γὰρ γενήσεσθαι τῷ μὴ θέλειν τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας. χρωμένων δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν. 7.52 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ στρατιώτας παρὰ τοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμόνος λαβὼν χαλεπὸς ἐφειστήκει τοῖς αὐτοῦ πολίταις, ἀργεῖν τὴν ἑβδόμην οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ βιαζόμενος πάντα πράττειν ὅσα δὴ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις.' "7.53 οὕτως τε τὴν ἀνάγκην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας καταλυθῆναι τὴν ἑβδομάδα ἀργὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πράγματος κἀν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁμοίως βραχύν τινα χρόνον." "
7.423 ̓Ονίας Σίμωνος υἱός, εἷς τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀρχιερέων, φεύγων ̓Αντίοχον τὸν Συρίας βασιλέα πολεμοῦντα τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἧκεν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν, καὶ δεξαμένου Πτολεμαίου φιλοφρόνως αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον ἀπέχθειαν ἔφη σύμμαχον αὐτῷ ποιήσειν τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος, εἰ πεισθείη τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένοις." '7.424 ποιήσειν δὲ τὰ δυνατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁμολογήσαντος ἠξίωσεν ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ νεών τε που τῆς Αἰγύπτου κατασκευάσασθαι καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι θεραπεύειν τὸν θεόν:' "7.425 οὕτως γὰρ ̓Αντιόχῳ μὲν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκπολεμώσεσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν πεπορθηκότι, πρὸς αὐτὸν δ' εὐνοϊκωτέρως ἕξειν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπ' ἀδείᾳ τῆς εὐσεβείας ἐπ' αὐτὸν συλλεγήσεσθαι." "7.426 Πεισθεὶς Πτολεμαῖος τοῖς λεγομένοις δίδωσιν αὐτῷ χώραν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους ἀπέχουσαν Μέμφεως: νομὸς δ' οὗτος ̔Ηλιοπολίτης καλεῖται." '7.427 φρούριον ἔνθα κατασκευασάμενος ̓Ονίας |
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