1. Herodotus, Histories, 1.49-1.53, 9.93 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 217 | 1.49. Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer. 1.50. After this, he tried to win the favor of the Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up three thousand beasts from all the kinds fit for sacrifice, and on a great pyre burnt couches covered with gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded that every Lydian sacrifice what he could. ,When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast store of gold and made ingots of it, the longer sides of which were of six and the shorter of three palms' length, and the height was one palm. There were a hundred and seventeen of these. Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with silver alloy, each of two talents' weight. ,He also had a figure of a lion made of refined gold, weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were the base on which it stood; and now it is in the treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and a half talents. 1.51. When these offerings were ready, Croesus sent them to Delphi , with other gifts besides: namely, two very large bowls, one of gold and one of silver. The golden bowl stood to the right, the silver to the left of the temple entrance. ,These too were removed about the time of the temple's burning, and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight and a half talents and twelve minae, is in the treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of the Divine Appearance. ,It is said by the Delphians to be the work of Theodorus of Samos , and I agree with them, for it seems to me to be of no common workmanship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription “Given by the Lacedaemonians,” who claim it as their offering. But they are wrong, ,for this, too, is Croesus' gift. The inscription was made by a certain Delphian, whose name I know but do not mention, out of his desire to please the Lacedaemonians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift; but they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. ,Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other offerings of no great distinction, certain round basins of silver, and a female figure five feet high, which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the woman who was Croesus' baker. Moreover, he dedicated his own wife's necklaces and girdles. 1.52. Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi . To Amphiaraus, of whose courage and fate he had heard, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both of these were until my time at Thebes , in the Theban temple of Ismenian Apollo. 1.53. The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to the temples were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the oracles whether he was to send an army against the Persians and whether he was to add an army of allies. ,When the Lydians came to the places where they were sent, they presented the offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, believing that here are the only true places of divination among men, endows you with such gifts as your wisdom deserves. And now he asks you whether he is to send an army against the Persians, and whether he is to add an army of allies.” ,Such was their inquiry; and the judgment given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the same: namely, that if he should send an army against the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And they advised him to discover the mightiest of the Greeks and make them his friends. 9.93. There is at Apollonia a certain flock sacred to the Sun, which in the daytime is pastured beside the river Chon, which flows from the mountain called Lacmon through the lands of Apollonia and empties into the sea by the harbor of Oricum. By night, those townsmen who are most notable for wealth or lineage are chosen to watch it, each man serving for a year, for the people of Apollonia set great store by this flock, being so taught by a certain oracle. It is kept in a cave far distant from the town. ,Now at the time of which I speak, Evenius was the chosen watchman. But one night he fell asleep, and wolves, coming past his guard into the cave, killed about sixty of the flock. When Evenius was aware of it, he held his peace and told no man, intending to restore what was lost by buying others. ,This matter was not, however, hidden from the people of Apollonia, and when it came to their knowledge they brought him to judgment and condemned him to lose his eyesight for sleeping at his watch. So they blinded Evenius, but from the day of their so doing their flocks bore no offspring, nor did their land yield fruit as before. ,Furthermore, a declaration was given to them at Dodona and Delphi, when they inquired of the prophets what might be the cause of their present ill: the gods told them by their prophets that they had done unjustly in blinding Evenius, the guardian of the sacred flock, “for we ourselves” (they said) “sent those wolves, and we will not cease from avenging him until you make him such restitution for what you did as he himself chooses and approves; when that is fully done, we ourselves will give Evenius such a gift as will make many men consider him happy.” |
|
| 2. Euripides, Ion, 299-302, 392, 394, 404-406, 393 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 51 |
| 3. Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.7.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 217 |
| 4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 8.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 217 |
| 5. Ennius, Varia, 24, 23 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
6. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.118 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 | 2.118. Not to bring forward further arguments (for they are countless in number), any sound commendation of Virtue must needs keep Pleasure at arm's length. Do not expect me further to argue the point; look within, study your own consciousness. Then after full and careful introspection, ask yourself the question, would you prefer to pass your whole life in that state of calm which you spoke of so often, amidst the enjoyment of unceasing pleasures, free from all pain, and even (an addition which your school is fond of postulating but which is really impossible) free from all fear of pain, or to be a benefactor of the entire human race, and to bring succour and safety to the distressed, even at the cost of enduring the dolours of a Hercules? Dolours â that was indeed the sad and gloomy name which our ancestors bestowed, even in the case of a god, upon labours which were not to be evaded. |
|
7. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.118 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299| 2.118. Ac ne plura complectar—sunt enim innumerabilia—, bene laudata virtus voluptatis aditus intercludat necesse est. quod iam a me expectare noli. tute introspice in mentem tuam ipse eamque omni cogitatione pertractans percontare ipse te perpetuisne malis voluptatibus perfruens in ea, quam saepe usurpabas, tranquillitate degere omnem aetatem sine dolore, adsumpto etiam illo, quod vos quidem adiungere soletis, sed fieri non potest, sine doloris metu, an, cum de omnibus gentibus optime mererere, mererere cod. Paris. Madvigii merere cum opem indigentibus salutemque ferres, vel Herculis perpeti aerumnas. sic enim maiores nostri labores non fugiendos fugiendos RNV figiendos A fingendo BE tristissimo tamen verbo aerumnas etiam in deo nominaverunt. | 2.118. Not to bring forward further arguments (for they are countless in number), any sound commendation of Virtue must needs keep Pleasure at arm's length. Do not expect me further to argue the point; look within, study your own consciousness. Then after full and careful introspection, ask yourself the question, would you prefer to pass your whole life in that state of calm which you spoke of so often, amidst the enjoyment of unceasing pleasures, free from all pain, and even (an addition which your school is fond of postulating but which is really impossible) free from all fear of pain, or to be a benefactor of the entire human race, and to bring succour and safety to the distressed, even at the cost of enduring the dolours of a Hercules? Dolours â that was indeed the sad and gloomy name which our ancestors bestowed, even in the case of a god, upon labours which were not to be evaded. |
|
| 8. Cicero, On Laws, 2.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
9. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 | 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. |
|
10. Cicero, On Duties, 3.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299| 3.25. Itemque magis est secundum naturam pro omnibus gentibus, si fieri possit, conservandis aut iuvandis maximos labores molestiasque suscipere imitantem Herculem illum, quem hominum fama beneficiorum memor in concilio caelestium collocavit, quam vivere in solitudine non modo sine ullis molestiis, sed etiam in maximis voluptatibus abundantem omnibus copiis, ut excellas etiam pulchritudine et viribus. Quocirca optimo quisque et splendidissimo ingenio longe illam vitam huic anteponit. Ex quo efficitur hominem naturae oboedientem homini nocere non posse. | 3.25. In like manner it is more in accord with Nature to emulate the great Hercules and undergo the greatest toil and trouble for the sake of aiding or saving the world, if possible, than to live in seclusion, not only free from all care, but revelling in pleasures and abounding in wealth, while excelling others also in beauty and strength. Thus Hercules denied himself and underwent toil and tribulation for the world, and, out of gratitude for his services, popular belief has given him a place in the council of the gods. The better and more noble, therefore, the character with which a man is endowed, the more does he prefer the life of service to the life of pleasure. Whence it follows that man, if he is obedient to Nature, cannot do harm to his fellow-man. |
|
11. Cicero, Republic, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299| 6.17. Quam cum magis intuerer, Quaeso, inquit Africanus, quousque humi defixa tua mens erit? Nonne aspicis, quae in templa veneris? Novem tibi orbibus vel potius globis conexa sunt omnia, quorum unus est caelestis, extumus, qui reliquos omnes complectitur, summus ipse deus arcens et continens ceteros; in quo sunt infixi illi, qui volvuntur, stellarum cursus sempiterni; cui subiecti sunt septem, qui versantur retro contrario motu atque caelum; ex quibus unum globum possidet illa, quam in terris Saturniam nomit. Deinde est hominum generi prosperus et salutaris ille fulgor, qui dicitur Iovis; tum rutilus horribilisque terris, quem Martium dicitis; deinde subter mediam fere regionem sol obtinet, dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio, tanta magnitudine, ut cuncta sua luce lustret et compleat. Hunc ut comites consequuntur Veneris alter, alter Mercurii cursus, in infimoque orbe luna radiis solis accensa convertitur. Infra autem iam nihil est nisi mortale et caducum praeter animos munere deorum hominum generi datos, supra lunam sunt aeterna omnia. Nam ea, quae est media et nona, tellus, neque movetur et infima est, et in eam feruntur omnia nutu suo pondera. | |
|
| 12. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 143 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
13. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.27-1.28, 1.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299| 1.27. idque idquae G 1 RV 1 cum multis aliis rebus, tum e pontificio iure et e caerimoniis caer. V cer. GKR sepulcrorum intellegi licet, quas maxumis ingeniis praediti nec tanta cura coluissent nec violatas tam inexpiabili inexpiabile X -i in r. V 1? s religione sanxissent, nisi haereret in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia tollentem atque delentem, sed quandam quasi migrationem commutationemque vitae, quae in claris viris et feminis dux in caelum soleret esse, in ceteris humi retineretur et permaneret tamen. 1.28. ex hoc et nostrorum opinione Romulus in caelo cum diis agit aevum ann. 115, ut famae adsentiens dixit Ennius, et apud Graecos indeque perlapsus ad nos et usque ad Oceanum Hercules et ante retin. add. V c et perm.... 20 hercules fere omnia in r. V 1 tantus et tam praesens habetur deus; hinc Liber Semela natus eademque famae celebritate Tyndaridae fratres, qui non modo adiutores in proeliis victoriae populi Romani, sed etiam nuntii fuisse perhibentur. quid? Ino ino sed o in r. V 1 Cadmi inhoc admi G 1 filia nonne nonne ex nomine K 2 LEGKOE |ea R LEGKOQEA GKV ( Q in r. ) *leukoqe/a nominata a Graecis Matuta mutata K 1 V 1 (ut v.) Nonii L 1 habetur a nostris? Quid?...nostris Non. 66, 13 quid? totum prope caelum, ne pluris persequar, persequar pluris K nonne humano genere completum est? 1.32. illud illũ K 1 num dubitas, quin specimen naturae capi deceat ex optima quaque natura? quae est melior igitur in hominum genere natura quam eorum, qui se natos ad homines iuvandos tutandos conservandos arbitrantur? abiit ad deos Hercules: numquam abisset, nisi, cum inter homines esset, eam sibi viam viam s. v. add. K 2 munivisset. vetera iam ista et religione omnium consecrata: quid in hac re p. tot tantosque viros ob rem p. ob rem p. b r in r. V 1 ob re p. K ob rē p. ( er. ublică) G interfectos cogitasse arbitramur? isdemne ut finibus nomen suum quibus vita terminaretur? nemo umquam sine magna spe inmortalitatis se pro patria offerret ad mortem. | |
|
14. Ovid, Fasti, 5.579-5.596 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251| 5.579. nec satis est meruisse semel cognomina Marti: 5.580. persequitur Parthi signa retenta manu. 5.581. gens fuit et campis et equis et tuta sagittis 5.582. et circumfusis invia fluminibus, 5.583. addiderant animos Crassorum funera genti, 5.584. cum periit miles signaque duxque simul. 5.585. signa, decus belli, Parthus Romana tenebat, 5.586. Romanaeque aquilae signifer hostis erat. 5.587. isque pudor mansisset adhuc, nisi fortibus armis 5.588. Caesaris Ausoniae protegerentur opes. 5.589. ille notas veteres et longi dedecus aevi 5.590. sustulit: agnorunt signa recepta suos. 5.591. quid tibi nunc solitae mitti post terga sagittae, 5.592. quid loca, quid rapidi profuit usus equi, 5.593. Parthe? refers aquilas, victos quoque porrigis arcus: 5.594. pignora iam nostri nulla pudoris habes. 5.595. rite deo templumque datum nomenque bis ulto, 5.596. et meritus voti debita solvit honor, | 5.579. A temple, and be called the Avenger, if I win.’ 5.580. So he vowed, and returned rejoicing from the rout. 5.581. Nor is he satisfied to have earned Mars that name, 5.582. But seeks the standards lost to Parthian hands, 5.583. That race protected by deserts, horses, arrows, 5.584. Inaccessible, behind their encircling rivers. 5.585. The nation’s pride had been roused by the death 5.586. of the Crassi, when army, leader, standards all were lost. 5.587. The Parthians kept the Roman standards, ornament 5.588. of war, and an enemy bore the Roman eagle. 5.589. That shame would have remained, if Italy’s power 5.590. Had not been defended by Caesar’s strong weapons. 5.591. He ended the old reproach, a generation of disgrace: 5.592. The standards were regained, and knew their own. 5.593. What use now the arrows fired from behind your backs, 5.594. Your deserts and your swift horses, you Parthians? 5.595. You carry the eagles home: offer your unstrung bows: 5.596. Now you no longer own the emblems of our shame. |
|
| 15. Horace, Letters, 2.1.5-2.1.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
| 16. Horace, Odes, 3.3.9-3.3.36, 4.8.29-4.8.34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
| 17. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 35 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 254 |
| 18. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 22.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 |
| 19. Lucan, Pharsalia, 10.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
| 20. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 1.13.2-1.13.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
| 21. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 51 |
| 22. Suetonius, Vitellius, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 |
| 23. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 |
| 24. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.632-13.633, 13.637-13.647, 13.767-13.768, 13.770-13.774, 15.71-15.83, 17.647-17.652 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 299; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 299 |
| 25. Plutarch, Nicias, 13-14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 217 |
| 26. Gellius, Attic Nights, 9.11.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 |
27. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.10.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 | 55.10.3. that the senate should take its votes there in regard to the granting of triumphs, and that the victors after celebrating them should dedicate to this Mars their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who receive triumphal honours should have their statues in bronze erected in the Forum; |
|
28. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 4.16.7, 4.32.5-4.32.6, 8.11.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 51, 217| 4.16.7. ἀφικόμενος καὶ ὥς οἱ προσέταξεν ἡ Πυθία καταβὰς ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον ἱερὸν τοῦ Τροφωνίου τὸ ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ. ὕστερον δὲ τὴν ἀσπίδα ἀνέθηκεν ἐς Λεβάδειαν φέρων, ᾗ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς εἶδον ἀνακειμένην· ἐπίθημα δέ ἐστιν αὐτῆς ἀετὸς τὰ πτερὰ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐκτετακὼς ἐς ἄκραν τὴν ἴτυν. τότε δὲ Ἀριστομένης ὡς ἐπανῆκεν ἐκ Βοιωτίας εὑρών τε παρὰ τῷ Τροφωνίῳ καὶ κομισάμενος τὴν ἀσπίδα, αὐτίκα ἔργων μειζόνων ἥπτετο. 4.32.5. ἃ δὲ αὐτὸς ἤκουσα ἐν Θήβαις, εἰκὸς μέν τι παρείχετο ἐς τὸν Μεσσηνίων λόγον, οὐ μὴν παντάπασί γέ ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ὡμολογηκότα. φασὶ δὲ οἱ Θηβαῖοι μελλούσης τῆς μάχης ἔσεσθαί σφισιν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἐς ἄλλα τε ἀποστεῖλαι χρηστήρια καὶ ἐρησομένους τὸν ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ θεόν. λέγεται μὲν οὖν καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Ἰσμηνίου καὶ τοῦ Πτῴου, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐν Ἄβαις τε χρησθέντα καὶ τὰ ἐν Δελφοῖς· Τροφώνιον δέ φασιν εἰπεῖν ἑξαμέτρῳ· πρὶν δορὶ συμβαλέειν ἐχθροῖς, στήσασθε τρόπαιον, ἀσπίδα κοσμήσαντες ἐμήν, τὴν εἵσατο νηῷ θοῦρος Ἀριστομένης Μεσσήνιος. αὐτὰρ ἐγώ τοι ἀνδρῶν δυσμενέων φθίσω στρατὸν ἀσπιστάων. 4.32.6. ἀφικομένου δὲ τοῦ χρησμοῦ δεηθῆναι Ξενοκράτους λέγουσιν Ἐπαμινώνδαν· ὁ δὲ τήν τε ἀσπίδα μεταπέμπεται τοῦ Ἀριστομένους καὶ ἐκόσμησεν ἀπʼ αὐτῆς τρόπαιον, ὅθεν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔσεσθαι σύνοπτον ἔμελλεν. ᾔδεσαν δὲ ἄρα τὴν ἀσπίδα οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ἑωρακότες, ἀκοῇ δὲ καὶ πάντες· ὡς δὲ ἐγένετο ἡ νίκη Θηβαίοις, ἀποδιδόασιν αὖθις τῷ Τροφωνίῳ τὸ ἀνάθημα. Ἀριστομένους δὲ καὶ χαλκοῦς ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐν τῷ Μεσσηνίων σταδίῳ· τοῦ θεάτρου δὲ οὐ πόρω Σαράπιδός ἐστι καὶ Ἴσιδος ἱερόν. 8.11.12. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ μάντευμα ἐκ Δωδώνης Σικελίαν ἦλθεν οἰκίζειν, ἡ δὲ οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ἡ Σικελία λόφος ἐστὶν οὐ μέγας· οἱ δὲ οὐ συμφρονήσαντες τὸ εἰρημένον ἔς τε ὑπερορίους στρατείας προήχθησαν καὶ ἐς τὸν Συρακοσίων πόλεμον. ἔχοι δʼ ἄν τις καὶ πλέονα τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἐοικότα ἄλλα ἐξευρεῖν. | 4.16.7. He recovered his shield also, going to Delphi and descending into the holy shrine of Trophonius at Lebadeia , as the Pythia bade. Afterwards he took the shield to Lebadeia and dedicated it, and I myself have seen it there among the offerings. The device on it is an eagle with both wings outspread to the rim. Now on his return from Boeotia having learnt of the shield at the shrine of Trophonius and recovered it, he at once engaged in greater deeds. 4.32.5. What I myself heard in Thebes gives probability to the Messenian account, although it does not coincide in all respects. The Thebans say that when the battle of Leuctra was imminent, they sent to other oracles and to enquire of the god of Lebadeia . The replies of the Ismenian and Ptoan Apollo are recorded, also the responses given at Abae and at Delphi . Trophonius, they say, answered in hexameters:— Or ever ye join battle with the foe, set up a trophy and deck it with my shield, which impetuous Aristomenes the Messenian placed in my temple. And I will destroy the host of foemen bearing shield. 4.32.6. When the oracle was brought, they say that Epaminondas urged Xenocrates, who sent for the shield of Aristomenes and used it to adorn a trophy in a spot where it could be seen by the Lacedaemonians. Those of them who had seen the shield at Lebadeia in peace-time knew it, and all knew it by repute. After their victory the Thebans restored the offering to Trophonius. There is also a bronze statue of Aristomenes in the Messenian running-ground. Not far from the theater is a sanctuary of Sarapis and Isis. 8.11.12. The Athenians received an oracle from Dodona ordering them to colonize Sicily , and Sicily is a small hill not far from Athens . But they, not understanding the order, were persuaded to undertake expeditions overseas, especially the Syracusan war. More examples could be found similar to those I have given. |
|
29. Origen, Against Celsus, 5.26, 5.34-5.35, 5.41, 8.66 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 116 | 5.26. We must, he says, observe the laws, not only because it has occurred to the mind of others to decide some things differently, but because it is a duty to protect what has been enacted for the public advantage, and also because, in all probability, the various quarters of the earth were from the beginning allotted to different superintending spirits, and were distributed among certain governing powers, and in this manner the administration of the world is carried on. Thus Celsus, as if he had forgotten what he had said against the Jews, now includes them in the general eulogy which he passes upon all who observe their ancestral customs, remarking: And whatever is done among each nation in this way, would be rightly done whenever agreeable to the wishes (of the superintendents). And observe here, whether he does not openly, so far as he can, express a wish that the Jew should live in the observance of his own laws, and not depart from them, because he would commit an act of impiety if he apostatized; for his words are: It would be an act of impiety to get rid of the institutions established from the beginning in the various places. Now I should like to ask him, and those who entertain his views, who it was that distributed the various quarters of the earth from the beginning among the different superintending spirits; and especially, who gave the country of the Jews, and the Jewish people themselves, to the one or more superintendents to whom it was allotted? Was it, as Celsus would say, Jupiter who assigned the Jewish people and their country to a certain spirit or spirits? And was it his wish, to whom they were thus assigned, to enact among them the laws which prevail, or was it against his will that it was done? You will observe that, whatever be his answer, he is in a strait. But if the various quarters of the earth were not allotted by some one being to the various superintending spirits, then each one at random, and without the superintendence of a higher power, divided the earth according to chance; and yet such a view is absurd, and destructive in no small degree of the providence of the God who presides over all things. 5.34. But, that we may not pass without notice what Celsus has said between these and the preceding paragraphs, let us quote his words: We might adduce Herodotus as a witness on this point, for he expresses himself as follows: 'For the people of the cities Marea and Apis, who inhabit those parts of Egypt that are adjacent to Libya, and who look upon themselves as Libyans, and not as Egyptians, finding their sacrificial worship oppressive, and wishing not to be excluded from the use of cows' flesh, sent to the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, saying that there was no relationship between them and the Egyptians, that they dwelt outside the Delta, that there was no community of sentiment between them and the Egyptians, and that they wished to be allowed to partake of all kinds of food. But the god would not allow them to do as they desired, saying that that country was a part of Egypt, which was watered by the inundation of the Nile, and that those were Egyptians who dwell to the south of the city of Elephantine, and drink of the river Nile.' Such is the narrative of Herodotus. But, continues Celsus, Ammon in divine things would not make a worse ambassador than the angels of the Jews, so that there is nothing wrong in each nation observing its established method of worship. of a truth, we shall find very great differences prevailing among the nations, and yet each seems to deem its own by far the best. Those inhabitants of Ethiopia who dwell in Meroe worship Jupiter and Bacchus alone; the Arabians, Urania and Bacchus only; all the Egyptians, Osiris and Isis; the Saïtes, Minerva; while the Naucratites have recently classed Serapis among their deities, and the rest according to their respective laws. And some abstain from the flesh of sheep, and others from that of crocodiles; others, again, from that of cows, while they regard swine's flesh with loathing. The Scythians, indeed, regard it as a noble act to banquet upon human beings. Among the Indians, too, there are some who deem themselves discharging a holy duty in eating their fathers, and this is mentioned in a certain passage by Herodotus. For the sake of credibility, I shall again quote his very words, for he writes as follows: 'For if any one were to make this proposal to all men, viz., to bid him select out of all existing laws the best, each would choose, after examination, those of his own country. Men each consider their own laws much the best, and therefore it is not likely than any other than a madman would make these things a subject of ridicule. But that such are the conclusions of all men regarding the laws, may be determined by many other evidences, and especially by the following illustration. Darius, during his reign, having summoned before him those Greeks who happened to be present at the time, inquired of them for how much they would be willing to eat their deceased fathers? Their answer was, that for no consideration would they do such a thing. After this, Darius summoned those Indians who are called Callatians, who are in the habit of eating their parents, and asked of them in the presence of these Greeks, who learned what passed through an interpreter, for what amount of money they would undertake to burn their deceased fathers with fire? On which they raised a loud shout, and bade the king say no more.' Such is the way, then, in which these matters are regarded. And Pindar appears to me to be right in saying that 'law' is the king of all things. 5.35. The argument of Celsus appears to point by these illustrations to this conclusion: that it is an obligation incumbent on all men to live according to their country's customs, in which case they will escape censure; whereas the Christians, who have abandoned their native usages, and who are not one nation like the Jews, are to be blamed for giving their adherence to the teaching of Jesus. Let him then tell us whether it is a becoming thing for philosophers, and those who have been taught not to yield to superstition, to abandon their country's customs, so as to eat of those articles of food which are prohibited in their respective cities? Or whether this proceeding of theirs is opposed to what is becoming? For if, on account of their philosophy, and the instructions which they have received against superstition, they should eat, in disregard of their native laws, what was interdicted by their fathers, why should the Christians (since the Gospel requires them not to busy themselves about statues and images, or even about any of the created works of God but to ascend on high, and present the soul to the Creator); when acting in a similar manner to the philosophers, be censured for so doing? But if, for the sake of defending the thesis which he has proposed to himself, Celsus, or those who think with him, should say, that even one who had studied philosophy would keep his country's laws, then philosophers in Egypt, for example, would act most ridiculously in avoiding the eating of onions, in order to observe their country's laws, or certain parts of the body, as the head and shoulders, in order not to transgress the traditions of their fathers. And I do not speak of those Egyptians who shudder with fear at the discharge of wind from the body, because if any one of these were to become a philosopher, and still observe the laws of his country, he would be a ridiculous philosopher, acting very unphilosophically. In the same way, then, he who has been led by the Gospel to worship the God of all things, and, from regard to his country's laws, lingers here below among images and statues of men, and does not desire to ascend to the Creator, will resemble those who have indeed learned philosophy, but who are afraid of things which ought to inspire no terrors, and who regard it as an act of impiety to eat of those things which have been enumerated. 5.41. Let us notice the charges which are next advanced by Celsus, in which there is exceedingly little that has reference to the Christians, as most of them refer to the Jews. His words are: If, then, in these respects the Jews were carefully to preserve their own law, they are not to be blamed for so doing, but those persons rather who have forsaken their own usages, and adopted those of the Jews. And if they pride themselves on it, as being possessed of superior wisdom, and keep aloof from intercourse with others, as not being equally pure with themselves, they have already heard that their doctrine concerning heaven is not peculiar to them, but, to pass by all others, is one which has long ago been received by the Persians, as Herodotus somewhere mentions. 'For they have a custom,' he says, 'of going up to the tops of the mountains, and of offering sacrifices to Jupiter, giving the name of Jupiter to the whole circle of the heavens.' And I think, continues Celsus, that it makes no difference whether you call the highest being Zeus, or Zen, or Adonai, or Sabaoth, or Ammoun like the Egyptians, or Papp us like the Scythians. Nor would they be deemed at all holier than others in this respect, that they observe the rite of circumcision, for this was done by the Egyptians and Colchians before them; nor because they abstain from swine's flesh, for the Egyptians practised abstinence not only from it, but from the flesh of goats, and sheep, and oxen, and fishes as well; while Pythagoras and his disciples do not eat beans, nor anything that contains life. It is not probable, however, that they enjoy God's favour, or are loved by Him differently from others, or that angels were sent from heaven to them alone, as if they had had allotted to them 'some region of the blessed,' for we see both themselves and the country of which they were deemed worthy. Let this band, then, take its departure, after paying the penalty of its vaunting, not having a knowledge of the great God, but being led away and deceived by the artifices of Moses, having become his pupil to no good end. 8.66. Then Celsus, following the example of those who are under the influence of demons- at one time recovering, at another relapsing, as though he were again becoming sensible - says: If, however, any worshipper of God should be ordered to do anything impious, or to say anything base, such a command should in no way be regarded; but we must encounter all kinds of torment, or submit to any kind of death, rather than say or even think anything unworthy of God. Again, however, from ignorance of our principles, and in entire confusion of thought, he says: But if any one commands you to celebrate the sun, or to sing a joyful triumphal song in praise of Minerva, you will by celebrating their praises seem to render the higher praise to God; for piety, in extending to all things, becomes more perfect. To this our answer is, that we do not wait for any command to celebrate the praises of the sun; for we have been taught to speak well not only of those creatures that are obedient to the will of God, but even of our enemies. We therefore praise the sun as the glorious workmanship of God, which obeys His laws and hearkens to the call, Praise the Lord, sun and moon, and with all your powers show forth the praises of the Father and Creator of all. Minerva, however, whom Celsus classes with the sun, is the subject of various Grecian myths, whether these contain any hidden meaning or not. They say that Minerva sprang fully armed from the brain of Jupiter; that when she was pursued by Vulcan, she fled from him to preserve her honour; and that from the seed which fell to the ground in the heat of Vulcan's passion, there grew a child whom Minerva brought up and called Erichthonius, That owed his nurture to the blue-eyed maid, But from the teeming furrow took his birth, The mighty offspring of the foodful earth. It is therefore evident, that if we admit Minerva the daughter of Jupiter, we must also admit many fables and fictions which can be allowed by no one who discards fables and seeks after truth. |
|
| 30. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 25.9, 26.4, 26.8, 28.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 251 |
| 31. Epigraphy, I 04/19/03, a b c d\n0 2.08/01/019) 2.08/01/019) 2 08/01/019) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, zeus ammon Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 157 |
| 32. Epigraphy, Sgo, None Tagged with subjects: •oracle, zeus ammon Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 157 |
| 33. Xenophon, Poroi, 6.2-6.3 Tagged with subjects: •zeus ammon Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 217 |
| 34. Epigraphy, I. Sultan Daği, 44 Tagged with subjects: •zeus, ammon •zeus, association with ammon Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 242 |
| 35. Epigraphy, Lss, 121 Tagged with subjects: •oracle, zeus ammon Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 157 |
