| 1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 757-759, 737-741 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 45 |
2. Homer, Odyssey, 23.67 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, hybris and •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, respect for religious conventions Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 47| 23.67. τῷ διʼ ἀτασθαλίας ἔπαθον κακόν· αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς | |
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3. Hesiod, Theogony, 209 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, hybris and •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, respect for religious conventions Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 47| 209. φάσκε δὲ τιταίνοντας ἀτασθαλίῃ μέγα ῥέξαι | |
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| 4. Simonides, Fragments, 119 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 31 |
| 5. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 567, 569, 568 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
6. Aeschylus, Persians, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 723-725, 745-754, 199 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 159| 199. Ξέρξης, πέπλους ῥήγνυσιν ἀμφὶ σώματι. | |
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| 7. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 802-803 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 8. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 7.1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200 |
| 9. Simonides, Fragments, 119 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 31 |
| 10. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 13.1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 215 |
11. Herodotus, Histories, 1.2, 1.3, 1.5, 1.8, 1.12, 1.14, 1.21, 1.27, 1.29, 1.30, 1.31, 1.32, 1.33, 1.34, 1.35, 1.36, 1.37, 1.38, 1.39, 1.40, 1.41, 1.42, 1.43, 1.44, 1.45, 1.46, 1.47, 1.48, 1.49, 1.50, 1.51, 1.52, 1.53, 1.54, 1.55, 1.56, 1.59, 1.65, 1.66, 1.75, 1.78, 1.85, 1.86, 1.87, 1.89, 1.90, 1.91, 1.92, 1.107, 1.108, 1.118, 1.121, 1.124, 1.127, 1.131, 1.132, 1.138, 1.141, 1.143, 1.153, 1.157, 1.158, 1.159, 1.160, 1.169, 1.181, 1.182, 1.183, 1.187, 1.189, 1.190, 1.193, 1.199, 1.204, 1.207, 1.209, 1.210, 2.12, 2.45, 2.53, 2.64, 2.83, 2.111, 2.112, 2.113, 2.114, 2.115, 2.116, 2.117, 2.123, 2.129, 2.142, 2.155, 2.156, 2.161, 2.170, 2.171, 3.1, 3.3, 3.4, 3.14, 3.16, 3.37, 3.38, 3.40, 3.41, 3.42, 3.43, 3.64, 3.65, 3.74, 3.76, 3.80, 3.81, 3.82, 3.108, 3.124, 3.125, 3.133, 3.142, 3.144, 3.149, 4.79, 4.164, 4.198, 4.205, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.33, 5.36, 5.46, 5.49, 5.55, 5.56, 5.59, 5.60, 5.61, 5.62, 5.63, 5.64, 5.66, 5.77, 5.79, 5.80, 5.81, 5.82, 5.83, 5.84, 5.85, 5.86, 5.87, 5.88, 5.89, 5.92, 5.94, 5.101, 5.102, 5.103, 5.104, 5.105, 5.106, 6.19, 6.25, 6.27, 6.43, 6.44, 6.45, 6.48, 6.62, 6.63, 6.64, 6.75, 6.76, 6.79, 6.80, 6.81, 6.82, 6.84, 6.86, 6.91, 6.94, 6.96, 6.97, 6.98, 6.101, 6.105, 6.106, 6.107, 6.108, 6.118, 6.125, 6.127, 6.132, 6.133, 6.134, 6.135, 6.136, 7.1, 7.4, 7.6, 7.8, 7.10.ε, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 7.15, 7.16, 7.17, 7.18, 7.19, 7.27, 7.28, 7.29, 7.34, 7.35, 7.37, 7.39, 7.42, 7.43, 7.46, 7.47, 7.52, 7.53, 7.54, 7.55, 7.56, 7.57, 7.113, 7.114, 7.117, 7.132, 7.133, 7.134, 7.135, 7.136, 7.137, 7.139, 7.140, 7.141, 7.142, 7.143, 7.144, 7.152, 7.178, 7.189, 7.191, 7.192, 7.197, 7.219, 7.220, 7.221, 7.223, 7.228, 7.238, 8.2, 8.13, 8.14, 8.27, 8.32, 8.33, 8.35, 8.36, 8.37, 8.38, 8.39, 8.51, 8.52, 8.53, 8.54, 8.55, 8.62, 8.65, 8.77, 8.84, 8.94, 8.96, 8.99, 8.109, 8.114, 8.121, 8.122, 8.133, 8.134, 8.135, 8.136, 8.137, 8.141, 8.143, 8.144, 9.1, 9.7, 9.12, 9.13, 9.16, 9.33, 9.34, 9.35, 9.36, 9.37, 9.38, 9.41, 9.42, 9.43, 9.61, 9.62, 9.64, 9.65, 9.76, 9.78, 9.79, 9.81, 9.90, 9.91, 9.95, 9.97, 9.100, 9.101, 9.106, 9.109, 9.116, 9.117, 9.118, 9.119, 9.120, 9.121 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 48, 159, 162, 163| 1.86. οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι τάς τε δὴ Σάρδις ἔσχον καὶ αὐτὸν Κροῖσον ἐζώγρησαν, ἄρξαντα ἔτεα τεσσερεσκαίδεκα καὶ τεσσερεσκαίδεκα ἡμέρας πολιορκηθέντα, κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριόν τε καταπαύσαντα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μεγάλην ἀρχήν. λαβόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ Πέρσαι ἤγαγον παρὰ Κῦρον. ὁ δὲ συννήσας πυρὴν μεγάλην ἀνεβίβασε ἐπʼ αὐτὴν τὸν Κροῖσόν τε ἐν πέδῃσι δεδεμένον καὶ δὶς ἑπτὰ Λυδῶν παρʼ αὐτὸν παῖδας, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων εἴτε δὴ ἀκροθίνια ταῦτα καταγιεῖν θεῶν ὅτεῳ δή, εἴτε καὶ εὐχὴν ἐπιτελέσαι θέλων, εἴτε καὶ πυθόμενος τὸν Κροῖσον εἶναι θεοσεβέα τοῦδε εἵνεκεν ἀνεβίβασε ἐπὶ τὴν πυρήν, βουλόμενος εἰδέναι εἴ τίς μιν δαιμόνων ῥύσεται τοῦ μὴ ζῶντα κατακαυθῆναι. τὸν μὲν δὴ ποιέειν ταῦτα· τῷ δὲ Κροίσῳ ἑστεῶτι ἐπὶ τῆς πυρῆς ἐσελθεῖν, καίπερ ἐν κακῷ ἐόντι τοσούτῳ, τὸ τοῦ Σόλωνος ὥς οἱ εἴη σὺν θεῷ εἰρημένον, τὸ μηδένα εἶναι τῶν ζωόντων ὄλβιον. ὡς δὲ ἄρα μιν προσστῆναι τοῦτο, ἀνενεικάμενόν τε καὶ ἀναστενάξαντα ἐκ πολλῆς ἡσυχίης ἐς τρὶς ὀνομάσαι “Σόλων.” καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκούσαντα κελεῦσαι τοὺς ἑρμηνέας ἐπειρέσθαι τὸν Κροῖσον τίνα τοῦτον ἐπικαλέοιτο, καὶ τοὺς προσελθόντας ἐπειρωτᾶν· Κροῖσον δὲ τέως μὲν σιγὴν ἔχειν εἰρωτώμενον, μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἠναγκάζετο, εἰπεῖν “τὸν ἂν ἐγὼ πᾶσι τυράννοισι προετίμησα μεγάλων χρημάτων ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν.” ὡς δέ σφι ἄσημα ἔφραζε, πάλιν ἐπειρώτων τὰ λεγόμενα. λιπαρεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ὄχλον παρεχόντων, ἔλεγε δὴ ὡς ἦλθε ἀρχὴν ὁ Σόλων ἐὼν Ἀθηναῖος, καὶ θεησάμενος πάντα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ ὄλβον ἀποφλαυρίσειε οἷα δὴ εἶπας, ὥς τε αὐτῷ πάντα ἀποβεβήκοι τῇ περ ἐκεῖνος εἶπε, οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐς ἑωυτὸν λέγων ἢ οὐκ ἐς ἅπαν τὸ ἀνθρώπινον καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι ὀλβίους δοκέοντας εἶναι. τὸν μὲν Κροῖσον ταῦτα ἀπηγέεσθαι, τῆς δὲ πυρῆς ἤδη ἁμμένης καίεσθαι τὰ περιέσχατα. καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκούσαντα τῶν ἑρμηνέων τὰ Κροῖσος εἶπε, μεταγνόντα τε καὶ ἐννώσαντα ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐὼν ἄλλον ἄνθρωπον, γενόμενον ἑωυτοῦ εὐδαιμονίῃ οὐκ ἐλάσσω, ζῶντα πυρὶ διδοίη, πρός τε τούτοισι δείσαντα τὴν τίσιν καὶ ἐπιλεξάμενον ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι ἀσφαλέως ἔχον, κελεύειν σβεννύναι τὴν ταχίστην τὸ καιόμενον πῦρ 1 καὶ καταβιβάζειν Κροῖσόν τε καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Κροίσου. καὶ τοὺς πειρωμένους οὐ δύνασθαι ἔτι τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπικρατῆσαι. | 1.86. The Persians gained Sardis and took Croesus prisoner. Croesus had ruled fourteen years and been besieged fourteen days. Fulfilling the oracle, he had destroyed his own great empire. The Persians took him and brought him to Cyrus, ,who erected a pyre and mounted Croesus atop it, bound in chains, with twice seven sons of the Lydians beside him. Cyrus may have intended to sacrifice him as a victory-offering to some god, or he may have wished to fulfill a vow, or perhaps he had heard that Croesus was pious and put him atop the pyre to find out if some divinity would deliver him from being burned alive. ,So Cyrus did this. As Croesus stood on the pyre, even though he was in such a wretched position it occurred to him that Solon had spoken with god's help when he had said that no one among the living is fortunate. When this occurred to him, he heaved a deep sigh and groaned aloud after long silence, calling out three times the name “Solon.” ,Cyrus heard and ordered the interpreters to ask Croesus who he was invoking. They approached and asked, but Croesus kept quiet at their questioning, until finally they forced him and he said, “I would prefer to great wealth his coming into discourse with all despots.” Since what he said was unintelligible, they again asked what he had said, ,persistently harassing him. He explained that first Solon the Athenian had come and seen all his fortune and spoken as if he despised it. Now everything had turned out for him as Solon had said, speaking no more of him than of every human being, especially those who think themselves fortunate. While Croesus was relating all this, the pyre had been lit and the edges were on fire. ,When Cyrus heard from the interpreters what Croesus said, he relented and considered that he, a human being, was burning alive another human being, one his equal in good fortune. In addition, he feared retribution, reflecting how there is nothing stable in human affairs. He ordered that the blazing fire be extinguished as quickly as possible, and that Croesus and those with him be taken down, but despite their efforts they could not master the fire. |
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12. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 1000-1005 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206| 1005. βίοτον αἰῶνός τε πόνους: | 1005. life in Hades’ halls, and of the pains of existence; yea, for ’tis the sweetest end to share the death of those we love, if only fate will sanction it. Choru |
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13. Euripides, Orestes, 1522 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206| 1522. δοῦλος ὢν φοβῇ τὸν ̔́Αιδην, ὅς ς' ἀπαλλάξει κακῶν; | 1522. A slave, and yet you fear death, which will release you from trouble? Phrygian |
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| 14. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 216 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 15. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1370-1373 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 16. Euripides, Alcestis, 938, 937 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 17. Euripides, Trojan Women, 271, 606, 641-642 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 18. Euripides, Fragments, 964 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 |
| 19. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, f 153 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 92 |
20. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1173 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 206 | 1173. my release from the toils laid upon me would be accomplished. And I expected prosperous days, but the meaning, it seems, was only that I would die. For toil comes no more to the dead. Since, then, my son, those words are clearly finding their fulfillment, |
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| 21. Isocrates, Orations, 4.156 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 92 |
| 22. Xenophon, Symposium, 4.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 215 |
| 23. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 7.8.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes, king of persia Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 31 |
24. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20.2, 1.126-1.127, 1.132, 1.134, 6.56-6.58, 8.1.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, oracles to Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38, 103, 200| 1.20.2. Ἀθηναίων γοῦν τὸ πλῆθος Ἵππαρχον οἴονται ὑφ’ Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος τύραννον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἴσασιν ὅτι Ἱππίας μὲν πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἦρχε τῶν Πεισιστράτου υἱέων, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ Θεσσαλὸς ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ὑποτοπήσαντες δέ τι ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ παραχρῆμα Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων ἐκ τῶν ξυνειδότων σφίσιν Ἱππίᾳ μεμηνῦσθαι τοῦ μὲν ἀπέσχοντο ὡς προειδότος, βουλόμενοι δὲ πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι δράσαντές τι καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι, τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ περιτυχόντες περὶ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον τὴν Παναθηναϊκὴν πομπὴν διακοσμοῦντι ἀπέκτειναν. 8.1.1. ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπειδὴ ἠγγέλθη, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἠπίστουν καὶ τοῖς πάνυ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου διαπεφευγόσι καὶ σαφῶς ἀγγέλλουσι, μὴ οὕτω γε ἄγαν πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνωσαν, χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς ξυμπροθυμηθεῖσι τῶν ῥητόρων τὸν ἔκπλουν, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ ψηφισάμενοι, ὠργίζοντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρησμολόγοις τε καὶ μάντεσι καὶ ὁπόσοι τι τότε αὐτοὺς θειάσαντες ἐπήλπισαν ὡς λήψονται Σικελίαν. | 1.20.2. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton; not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. 1.126. This interval was spent in sending embassies to Athens charged with complaints, in order to obtain as good a pretext for war as possible, in the event of her paying no attention to them. 2 The first Lacedaemonian embassy was to order the Athenians to drive out the curse of the goddess; the history of which is as follows. 3 In former generations there was an Athenian of the name of Cylon, a victor at the Olympic games, of good birth and powerful position, who had married a daughter of Theagenes, a Megarian, at that time tyrant of Megara. 4 Now this Cylon was inquiring at Delphi; when he was told by the god to seize the Acropolis of Athens on the grand festival of Zeus. 5 Accordingly, procuring a force from Theagenes and persuading his friends to join him, when the Olympic festival in Peloponnese came, he seized the Acropolis, with the intention of making himself tyrant, thinking that this was the grand festival of Zeus, and also an occasion appropriate for a victor at the Olympic games. 6 Whether the grand festival that was meant was in Attica or elsewhere was a question which he never thought of, and which the oracle did not offer to solve. For the Athenians also have a festival which is called the grand festival of Zeus Meilichios or Gracious, viz. the Diasia. It is celebrated outside the city, and the whole people sacrifice not real victims but a number of bloodless offerings peculiar to the country. However, fancying he had chosen the right time, he made the attempt. 7 As soon as the Athenians perceived it, they flocked in, one and all, from the country, and sat down, and laid siege to the Acropolis. 8 But as time went on, weary of the labour of blockade, most of them departed; the responsibility of keeping guard being left to the nine archons, with plenary powers to arrange everything according to their good judgment. It must be known that at that time most political functions were discharged by the nine archons. 9 Meanwhile Cylon and his besieged companions were distressed for want of food and water. 10 Accordingly Cylon and his brother made their escape; but the rest being hard pressed, and some even dying of famine, seated themselves as suppliants at the altar in the Acropolis. 11 The Athenians who were charged with the duty of keeping guard, when they saw them at the point of death in the sanctuary, raised them up on the understanding that no harm should be done to them, led them out and slew them. Some who as they passed by took refuge at the altars of the awful goddesses were despatched on the spot. From this deed the men who killed them were called accursed and guilty against the goddess, they and their descendants. 12 Accordingly these cursed ones were driven out by the Athenians, driven out again by Cleomenes of Lacedaemon and an Athenian faction; the living were driven out, and the bones of the dead were taken up; thus they were cast out. For all that, they came back afterwards, and their descendants are still in the city. 1.126. , This interval was spent in sending embassies to Athens charged with complaints, in order to obtain as good a pretext for war as possible, in the event of her paying no attention to them. , The first Lacedaemonian embassy was to order the Athenians to drive out the curse of the goddess; the history of which is as follows. ,In former generations there was an Athenian of the name of Cylon, a victor at the Olympic games, of good birth and powerful position, who had married a daughter of Theagenes, a Megarian, at that time tyrant of Megara . , Now this Cylon was inquiring at Delphi ; when he was told by the god to seize the Acropolis of Athens on the grand festival of Zeus. ,Accordingly, procuring a force from Theagenes and persuading his friends to join him, when the Olympic festival in Peloponnese came, he seized the Acropolis, with the intention of making himself tyrant, thinking that this was the grand festival of Zeus, and also an occasion appropriate for a victor at the Olympic games. ,Whether the grand festival that was meant was in Attica or elsewhere was a question which he never thought of, and which the oracle did not offer to solve. For the Athenians also have a festival which is called the grand festival of Zeus Meilichios or Gracious, viz. the Diasia. It is celebrated outside the city, and the whole people sacrifice not real victims but a number of bloodless offerings peculiar to the country. However, fancying he had chosen the right time, he made the attempt. ,As soon as the Athenians perceived it, they flocked in, one and all, from the country, and sat down, and laid siege to the citadel. ,But as time went on, weary of the labour of blockade, most of them departed; the responsibility of keeping guard being left to the nine archons, with plenary powers to arrange everything according to their good judgment. It must be known that at that time most political functions were discharged by the nine archons. , Meanwhile Cylon and his besieged companions were distressed for want of food and water. ,Accordingly Cylon and his brother made their escape; but the rest being hard pressed, and some even dying of famine, seated themselves as suppliants at the altar in the Acropolis. ,The Athenians who were charged with the duty of keeping guard, when they saw them at the point of death in the temple, raised them up on the understanding that no harm should be done to them, led them out and slew them. Some who as they passed by took refuge at the altars of the awful goddesses were despatched on the spot. From this deed the men who killed them were called accursed and guilty against the goddess, they and their descendants. ,Accordingly these cursed ones were driven out by the Athenians, driven out again by Cleomenes of Lacedaemon and an Athenian faction; the living were driven out, and the bones of the dead were taken up; thus they were cast out. For all that, they came back afterwards, and their descendants are still in the city. 1.127. This, then, was the curse that the Lacedaemonians ordered them to drive out. They were actuated primarily, as they pretended, by a care for the honor of the gods; but they also knew that Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was connected with the curse on his mother's side, and they thought that his banishment would materially advance their designs on Athens 2 Not that they really hoped to succeed in procuring this; they rather thought to create a prejudice against him in the eyes of his countrymen from the feeling that the war would be partly caused by his misfortune. 3 For being the most powerful man of his time, and the leading Athenian statesman, he opposed the Lacedaemonians in everything, and would have no concessions, but ever urged the Athenians on to war. 1.127. , This, then, was the curse that the Lacedaemonians ordered them to drive out. They were actuated primarily, as they pretended, by a care for the honor of the gods; but they also knew that Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was connected with the curse on his mother's side, and they thought that his banishment would materially advance their designs on Athens , Not that they really hoped to succeed in procuring this; they rather thought to create a prejudice against him in the eyes of his countrymen from the feeling that the war would be partly caused by his misfortune. ,For being the most powerful man of his time, and the leading Athenian statesman, he opposed the Lacedaemonians in everything, and would have no concessions, but ever urged the Athenians on to war. 1.132. Now the Spartans had no tangible proof against him — neither his enemies nor the nation — of that indubitable kind required for the punishment of a member of the royal family, and at that moment in high office; he being regent for his first cousin King Pleistarchus, Leonidas' son, who was still a minor. But by his contempt of the laws and imitation of the barbarians, 2 he gave grounds for much suspicion of his being discontented with things established; all the occasions on which he had in any way departed from the regular customs were passed in review, and it was remembered that he had taken upon himself to have inscribed on the tripod at Delphi, which was dedicated by the Hellenes as the first-fruits of the spoil of the Medes, the following couplet: 'The Mede defeated, great Pausanias raised This monument, that Phoebus might be praised.' 3 At the time the Lacedaemonians had at once erased the couplet, and inscribed the names of the cities that had aided in the overthrow of the barbarian and dedicated the offering. Yet it was considered that Pausanias had here been guilty of a grave offence, which, interpreted by the light of the attitude which he had since assumed, gained a new significance, and seemed to be quite in keeping with his present schemes. 4 Besides, they were informed that he was even intriguing with the Helots; and such indeed was the fact, for he promised them freedom and citizenship if they would join him in insurrection, and would help him to carry out his plans to the end. 5 Even now, mistrusting the evidence even of the Helots themselves, the Ephors would not consent to take any decided step against him; in accordance with their regular custom towards themselves, namely, to be slow in taking any irrevocable resolve in the matter of a Spartan citizen, without indisputable proof. At last, it is said, the person who was going to carry to Artabazus the last letter for the king, a man of Argilus, once the favorite and most trusty servant of Pausanias, turned informer. Alarmed by the reflection that none of the previous messengers had ever returned, having counterfeited the seal, in order that, if he found himself mistaken in his surmises, or if Pausanias should ask to make some correction, he might not be discovered, he undid the letter, and found the postscript that he had suspected, viz., an order to put him to death. 1.132. , Now the Spartans had no tangible proof against him—neither his enemies nor the nation—of that indubitable kind required for the punishment of a member of the royal family, and at that moment in high office; he being regent for his first cousin King Pleistarchus, Leonidas' son, who was still a minor. But by his contempt of the laws and imitation of the barbarians, ,he gave grounds for much suspicion of his being discontented with things established; all the occasions on which he had in any way departed from the regular customs were passed in review, and it was remembered that he had taken upon himself to have inscribed on the tripod at Delphi, which was dedicated by the Hellenes as the first-fruits of the spoil of the Medes, the following couplet:— The Mede defeated, great Pausanias raised This monument, that Phoebus might be praised. , At the time the Lacedaemonians had at once erased the couplet, and inscribed the names of the cities that had aided in the overthrow of the barbarian and dedicated the offering. Yet it was considered that Pausanias had here been guilty of a grave offence, which, interpreted by the light of the attitude which he had since assumed, gained a new significance, and seemed to be quite in keeping with his present schemes. ,Besides, they were informed that he was even intriguing with the Helots; and such indeed was the fact, for he promised them freedom and citizenship if they would join him in insurrection, and would help him to carry out his plans to the end. ,Even now, mistrusting the evidence even of the Helots themselves, the Ephors would not consent to take any decided step against him; in accordance with their regular custom towards themselves, namely, to be slow in taking any irrevocable resolve in the matter of a Spartan citizen, without indisputable proof. At last, it is said, the person who was going to carry to Artabazus the last letter for the king, a man of Argilus, once the favorite and most trusty servant of Pausanias, turned informer. Alarmed by the reflection that none of the previous messengers had ever returned, having counterfeited the seal, in order that, if he found himself mistaken in his surmises, or if Pausanias should ask to make some correction, he might not be discovered, he undid the letter, and found the postscript that he had suspected, viz., an order to put him to death. 1.134. The Ephors listened carefully, and then departed, taking no action for the moment, but, having at last attained to certainty, were preparing to arrest him in the city. It is reported that, as he was about to be arrested in the street, he saw from the face of one of the Ephors what he was coming for; another, too, made him a secret signal, and betrayed it to him from kindness. Setting off with a run for the sanctuary of the goddess of the Brazen House, the enclosure of which was near at hand, he succeeded in taking refuge before they took him, and entering into a small structure, which formed part of the sanctuary, to avoid being exposed to the weather, lay still there. 2 The Ephors, for the moment distanced in the pursuit, afterwards took off the roof of the structure, and having made sure that he was inside, shut him in, barricaded the doors, and staying before the place, reduced him by starvation. 3 When they found that he was on the point of expiring, just as he was, in the chamber, they brought him out of the sanctuary, while the breath was still in him, and as soon as he was brought out he died. 4 They were going to throw him into the Kaiadas, where they cast criminals, but finally decided to inter him somewhere near. But the god at Delphi afterwards ordered the Lacedaemonians to remove the tomb to the place of his death — where he now lies just outside the sacred enclosure, as an inscription on a monument declares — and, as what had been done was a curse to them, to give back two bodies instead of one to the goddess of the Brazen House. So they had two brazen statues made, and dedicated them as a substitute for Pausanias. 1.134. , The Ephors listened carefully, and then departed, taking no action for the moment, but, having at last attained to certainty, were preparing to arrest him in the city. It is reported that, as he was about to be arrested in the street, he saw from the face of one of the Ephors what he was coming for; another, too, made him a secret signal, and betrayed it to him from kindness. Setting off with a run for the temple of the goddess of the Brazen House, the enclosure of which was near at hand, he succeeded in taking sanctuary before they took him, and entering into a small chamber, which formed part of the temple, to avoid being exposed to the weather, lay still there. ,The Ephors, for the moment distanced in the pursuit, afterwards took off the roof of the chamber, and having made sure that he was inside, shut him in, barricaded the doors, and staying before the place, reduced him by starvation. ,When they found that he was on the point of expiring, just as he was, in the chamber, they brought him out of the temple, while the breath was still in him, and as soon as he was brought out he died. ,They were going to throw him into the Kaiadas, where they cast criminals, but finally decided to inter him somewhere near. But the god at Delphi afterwards ordered the Lacedaemonians to remove the tomb to the place of his death—where he now lies in the consecrated ground, as an inscription on a monument declares—and, as what had been done was a curse to them, to give back two bodies instead of one to the goddess of the Brazen House. So they had two brazen statues made, and dedicated them as a substitute for Pausanias. 6.56. To return to Harmodius; Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. 2 If Harmodius was indigt at this, Aristogiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. 3 The conspirators were not many, for better security, besides which they hoped that those not in the plot would be carried away by the example of a few daring spirits, and use the arms in their hands to recover their liberty. 6.56. , To return to Harmodius; Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. ,If Harmodius was indigt at this, Aristogiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. ,The conspirators were not many, for better security, besides which they hoped that those not in the plot would be carried away by the example of a few daring spirits, and use the arms in their hands to recover their liberty. 6.57. At last the festival arrived; and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act, 2 when seeing one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was easy of access to every one, they took fright, and concluded that they were discovered and on the point of being taken; 3 and eager if possible to be revenged first upon the man who had wronged them and for whom they had undertaken all this risk, they rushed, as they were, within the gates, and meeting with Hipparchus by the Leokoreion recklessly fell upon him at once, infuriated, Aristogiton by love, and Harmodius by insult, and smote him and slew him. 4 Aristogiton escaped the guards at the moment, through the crowd running up, but was afterwards taken and dispatched in no merciful way: Harmodius was killed on the spot. 6.57. , At last the festival arrived; and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act, ,when seeing one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was easy of access to every one, they took fright, and concluded that they were discovered and on the point of being taken; ,and eager if possible to be revenged first upon the man who had wronged them and for whom they had undertaken all this risk, they rushed, as they were, within the gates, and meeting with Hipparchus by the Leocorium recklessly fell upon him at once, infuriated, Aristogiton by love, and Harmodius by insult, and smote him and slew him. ,Aristogiton escaped the guards at the moment, through the crowd running up, but was afterwards taken and dispatched in no merciful way: Harmodius was killed on the spot. 6.58. When the news was brought to Hippias in the Ceramicus, he at once proceeded not to the scene of action, but to the armed men in the procession, before they, being some distance away, knew anything of the matter, and composing his features for the occasion, so as not to betray himself, pointed to a certain spot, and bade them repair thither without their arms. 2 They withdrew accordingly, fancying he had something to say; upon which he told the mercenaries to remove the arms, and there and then picked out the men he thought guilty and all found with daggers, the shield and spear being the usual weapons for a procession. 6.58. , When the news was brought to Hippias in the Ceramicus, he at once proceeded not to the scene of action, but to the armed men in the procession, before they, being some distance away, knew anything of the matter, and composing his features for the occasion, so as not to betray himself, pointed to a certain spot, and bade them repair thither without their arms. ,They withdrew accordingly, fancying he had something to say; upon which he told the mercenaries to remove the arms, and there and then picked out the men he thought guilty and all found with daggers, the shield and spear being the usual weapons for a procession. 8.1.1. Such were the events in Sicily . When the news was brought to Athens, for a long while they disbelieved even the most respectable of the soldiers who had themselves escaped from the scene of action and clearly reported the matter, a destruction so complete not being thought credible. When the conviction was forced upon them, they were angry with the orators who had joined in promoting the expedition, just as if they had not themselves voted it, and were enraged also with the reciters of oracles and soothsayers, and all other omenmongers of the time who had encouraged them to hope that they should conquer Sicily . |
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25. Aeschines, Letters, 3.116 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 102 | 3.116. The other Amphictyons took their seats. Now it was reported to us by one and another who wished to show friendship to our city, that the Amphissians, who were at that time dominated by the Thebans and were their abject servants, were in the act of bringing in a resolution against our city, to the effect that the people of Athens be fined fifty talents, because we had affixed gilded shields to the new temple and dedicated them before the temple had been consecrated, and had written the appropriate inscription, “The Athenians, from the Medes and Thebans when they fought against Hellas .” The hieromnemon sent for me and asked me to go into the council and speak to the Amphictyons in behalf of our city—indeed I had already determined of myself so to do. |
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| 26. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 109, 80-81 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 91, 92, 125 |
| 27. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 20.2-20.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200 |
28. Demosthenes, Orations, 21.144 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200 | 21.144. For Alcibiades, Athenians, was on his father’s side one of the Alcmaeonidae, who are said to have been banished by the tyrants because they belonged to the democratic faction, and who, with money borrowed from Delphi, liberated our city, expelling the sons of Peisistratus, and on his mother’s side he claimed descent from Hipponicus and that famous house to which the people are indebted for many eminent services. |
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29. Strabo, Geography, 9.4.2, 11.11.4, 14.1.5, 17.1.43 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 65, 215 | 9.4.2. Next, then, after Halae, where that part of the Boeotian coast which faces Euboea terminates, lies the Opuntian Gulf. Opus is the metropolis, as is clearly indicated by the inscription on the first of the five pillars in the neighborhood of Thermopylae, near the Polyandrium: Opoeis, metropolis of the Locrians of righteous laws, mourns for these who perished in defence of Greece against the Medes. It is about fifteen stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from the seaport. Cynus is the seaport, a cape which forms the end of the Opuntian Gulf, the gulf being about forty stadia in extent. Between Opus and Cynus is a fertile plain; and Cynus lies opposite Aedepsus in Euboea, where are the hot waters of Heracles, and is separated from it by a strait one hundred and sixty stadia wide. Deucalion is said to have lived in Cynus; and the grave of Pyrrha is to be seen there, though that of Deucalion is to be seen at Athens. Cynus is about fifty stadia distant from Mount Cnemis. The island Atalanta is also situated opposite Opus, and bears the same name as the island in front of Attica. It is said that a certain people in Eleia are also called Opuntians, but it is not worth while to mention them, except to say that they are reviving a kinship which exists between them and the Opuntians. Now Homer says that Patroclus was from Opus, and that after committing an involuntary murder he fled to Peleus, but that his father Menoetius remained in his native land; for thither Achilles says that he promised Menoetius to bring back Patroclus when Patroclus should return from the expedition. However, Menoetius was not king of the Opuntians, but Aias the Locrian, whose native land, as they say, was Narycus. They call the man who was slain by Patroclus Aeanes; and both a sacred precinct, the Aeaneium, and a spring, Aeanis, named after him, are to be seen. 11.11.4. Be this as it may, they say that Alexander founded eight cities in Bactriana and Sogdiana, and that he razed certain cities to the ground, among which was Cariatae in Bactriana, in which Callisthenes was seized and imprisoned, and Maracanda and Cyra in Sogdiana, Cyra being the last city founded by Cyrus and being situated on the Iaxartes River, which was the boundary of the Persian empire; and that although this settlement was fond of Cyrus, he razed it to the ground because of its frequent revolts; and that through a betrayal he took also two strongly fortified rocks, one in Bactriana, that of Sisimithres, where Oxyartes kept his daughter Rhoxana, and the other in Sogdiana, that of Oxus, though some call it the rock of Ariamazes. Now writers report that that of Sisimithres is fifteen stadia in height and eighty in circuit, and that on top it is level and has a fertile soil which can support five hundred men, and that here Alexander met with sumptuous hospitality and married Rhoxana, the daughter of Oxyartes; but the rock in Sogdiana, they say, is twice as high as that in Bactriana. And near these places, they say, Alexander destroyed also the city of the Branchidae, whom Xerxes had settled there — people who voluntarily accompanied him from their homeland — because of the fact that they had betrayed to him the riches and treasures of the god at Didymi. Alexander destroyed the city, they add, because he abominated the sacrilege and the betrayal. 14.1.5. Next after the Poseidium of the Milesians, eighteen stadia inland, is the oracle of Apollo Didymeus among the Branchidae. It was set on fire by Xerxes, as were also the other sanctuaries, except that at Ephesus. The Branchidae gave over the treasures of the god to the Persian king, and accompanied him in his flight in order to escape punishment for the robbing and the betrayal of the sanctuary. But later the Milesians erected the largest temple in the world, though on account of its size it remained without a roof. At any rate, the circuit of the sacred enclosure holds a village settlement; and there is a magnificent sacred grove both inside and outside the enclosure; and other sacred enclosures contain the oracle and sacred things. Here is laid the scene of the myth of Branchus and the love of Apollo. It is adorned with costliest offerings consisting of early works of art. Thence to the city is no long journey, by land or by sea. 17.1.43. Having before spoken at length of the temple of Ammon, we wish to add this only, that in ancient times divination in general and oracles were held in greater esteem than at present. Now they are greatly neglected ; for the Romans are satisfied with the oracles of the Sibyl, and with Tyrrhenian divination by the entrails of animals, the flight of birds, and portentous appearances. Hence the oracle of Ammon, which was formerly held in great esteem, is now nearly deserted. This appears chiefly from the historians who have recorded the actions of Alexander, adding, indeed, much that has the appearance of flattery, but yet relating what is worthy of credit. Callisthenes, for instance, says that Alexander was ambitious of the glory of visiting the oracle, because he knew that Perseus and Hercules had before performed the journey thither. He set out from Paraetonium, although the south winds were blowing, and succeeded in his undertaking by vigour and perseverance. When out of his way on the road, he escaped being overwhelmed in a sand-storm by a fall of rain, and by the guidance of two crows, which directed his course. These things are stated by way of flattery, as also what follows: that the priest permitted the king alone to pass into the temple in his usual dress, whereas the others changed theirs; that all heard the oracles on the outside of the temple, except Alexander, who was in the interior of the building; that the answers were not given, as at Delphi and at Branchidae, in words, but chiefly by nods and signs, as in Homer; the son of Saturn nodded with his sable brows, the prophet imitating Jupiter. This, however, the man told the king, in express terms, that he was the son of Jupiter. Callisthenes adds, (after the exaggerating style of tragedy,) that when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidae, on the temple being plundered by the Branchidae (who espoused the party of the Persians in the time of Xerxes,) and the spring had failed, it then re-appeared (on the arrival of Alexander); that the ambassadors also of the Milesians carried back to Memphis numerous answers of the oracle respecting the descent of Alexander from Jupiter, and the future victory which he should obtain at Arbela, the death of Darius, and the political changes at Lacedaemon. He says also that the Erythraean Athenais, who resembled the ancient Erythraean Sibyl, had declared the high descent of Alexander. Such are the accounts of historians. |
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30. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 11.29.1-11.29.4, 11.45.5-11.45.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 91, 92, 200 | 11.29.2. And when the Greek forces were assembled at the Isthmus, all of them agreed that they should swear an oath about the war, one that would make staunch the concord among them and would compel entrenchment nobly to endure the perils of the battle. 11.29.3. The oath ran as follows: "I will not hold life dearer than liberty, nor will I desert the leaders, whether they be living or dead, but I will bury all the allies who have perished in the battle; and if I overcome the barbarians in the war, I will not destroy any one of the cities which have participated in the struggle; nor will I rebuild any one of the sanctuaries which have been burnt or demolished, but I will let them be and leave them as a reminder to coming generations of the impiety of the barbarians." 11.45.7. And the Lacedaemonians, falling in with the mother's decision, walled up the entrance and in this manner forced Pausanias to meet his end through starvation. Now the body of the dead man was turned over to his relatives for burial; but the divinity showed its displeasure at the violation of the sanctity of suppliants, 11.45.8. for once when the Lacedaemonians were consulting the oracle at Delphi about some other matters, the god replied by commanding them to restore her suppliant to the goddess. 11.45.9. Consequently the Spartans, thinking the oracle's command to be impracticable, were at a loss for a considerable time, being unable to carry out the injunction of the god. Concluding, however, to do as much as was within their power, they made two bronze statues of Pausanias and set them up in the temple of Athena. |
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31. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 7.19.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 215| 7.19.2. ὅσους δὲ ἀνδριάντας ἢ ὅσα ἀγάλματα ἢ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ἀνάθημα ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ξέρξης ἀνεκόμισεν ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἢ ἐς Πασαργάδας ἢ ἐς Σοῦσα ἢ ὅπῃ ἄλλῃ τῆς Ἀσίας, ταῦτα δοῦναι ἄγειν τοῖς πρέσβεσι· καὶ τὰς Ἁρμοδίου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονος εἰκόνας τὰς χαλκᾶς οὕτω λέγεται ἀπενεχθῆναι ὀπίσω ἐς Ἀθήνας καὶ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς Κελκέας τὸ ἕδος. | |
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32. Plutarch, Solon, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 200 | 12. Now the Cylonian pollution had for a long time agitated the city, ever since Megacles the archon had persuaded Cylon and his fellow conspirators, who had taken sanctuary in the temple of Athena, to come down and stand their trial. About 636 B.C. Cf. Hdt. 5.71 ; Thuc. 1.126 . They fastened a braided thread to the image of the goddess and kept hold of it, but when they reached the shrine of the Erinyes on their way down, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which Megacles and his fellow-archons rushed to seize them, on the plea that the goddess refused them the rights of suppliants. Those who were outside of sacred precincts were stoned to death, and those who took refuge at the altars were slaughtered there; only those were spared who made supplication to the wives of the archons.,Therefore the archons were called polluted men and were held in execration. The survivors of the followers of Cylon also recovered strength, and were forever at variance with the descendants of Megacles. At this particular time the quarrel was at its height and the people divided between the two factions. Solon, therefore, being now in high repute, interposed between them, along with the noblest of the Athenians, and by his entreaties and injunctions persuaded the men who were held to be polluted to submit to a trial, and to abide by the decision of three hundred jurors selected from the nobility.,Myron of Phlya conducted the prosecution, and the family of Megacles was found guilty. Those who were alive were banished, and the bodies of the dead were dug up and cast forth beyond the borders of the country. During these disturbances the Megarians also attacked the Athenians, who lost Nisaea, and were driven out of Salamis once more. The city was also visited with superstitious fears and strange appearances, and the seers declared that their sacrifices indicated pollutions and defilements which demanded expiation.,Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list. See note on Plut. Sol. 3.5, and cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 1 . He was reputed to be a man beloved of the gods, and endowed with a mystical and heaven-sent wisdom in religious matters. Therefore the men of his time said that he was the son of a nymph named Balte, and called him a new Cures. The Curetes were Cretan priests of Idaean Zeus, who took their name from the demi-gods to whose care Rhea was said to have committed the infant Zeus. On coming to Athens he made Solon his friend, assisted him in many ways, and paved the way for his legislation.,For he made the Athenians decorous and careful in their religious services, and milder in their rites of mourning, by attaching certain sacrifices immediately to their funeral ceremonies and by taking away the harsh and barbaric practices in which their women had usually indulged up to that time. Most important of all, by sundry rites of propitiation and purification, and by sacred foundations, he hallowed and consecrated the city, and brought it to be observant of justice and more easily inclined to uimity. It is said that when he had seen Munychia The acropolis of the Peiraeus, stategically commanding not only that peninsula, but also Athens itself. garrisoned by conquerors of Athens and considered it for some time, he remarked to the bystanders that man was indeed blind to the future;,for if the Athenians only knew what mischiefs the place would bring upon their city, they would devour it with their own teeth. A similar insight into futurity is ascribed to Thales. They say that he gave directions for his burial in an obscure and neglected quarter of the city’s territory, predicting that it would one day be the market-place of Miletus. Well then, Epimenides was vastly admired by the Athenians, who offered him much money and large honors; but he asked for nothing more than a branch of the sacred olive-tree, with which he returned home. |
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| 33. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 34.69-34.70 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 215 |
| 34. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.5, 10.6, 11.3, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 17.6-18.2, 20.2, 20.3, 20.4, 20.5, 21.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 96, 97 |
35. Plutarch, Cimon, 5.2-5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 72| 5.2. ὅτε γὰρ τὸν δῆμον ἐπιόντων Μήδων Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔπειθε προέμενον τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκλιπόντα πρὸ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ τὰ ὅπλα θέσθαι καὶ διαγωνίσασθαι κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν πολλῶν τὸ τόλμημα πρῶτος Κίμων ὤφθη διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ φαιδρὸς ἀνιὼν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ἵππου τινὰ χαλινὸν ἀναθεῖναι τῇ θεῷ, διὰ χειρῶν κομίζων, ὡς οὐδὲν ἱππικῆς ἀλκῆς, ἀλλὰ ναυμάχων ἀνδρῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι τῆς πόλεως δεομένης. 5.3. ἀναθεὶς δὲ τὸν χαλινὸν καὶ λαβὼν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν κρεμαμένων ἀσπίδων, καὶ προσευξάμενος τῇ θεῷ, κατέβαινεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἀρχὴ τοῦ θαρρεῖν γενόμενος. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὴν ἰδέαν οὐ μεμπτός, ὡς Ἴων ὁ ποιητής φησιν, ἀλλὰ μέγας, οὔλῃ καὶ πολλῇ τριχὶ κομῶν τὴν κεφαλήν. φανεὶς δὲ καὶ κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ἀγῶνα λαμπρὸς καὶ ἀνδρώδης ταχὺ δόξαν ἐν τῇ πόλει μετʼ εὐνοίας ἔσχεν, ἀθροιζομένων πολλῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ παρακαλούντων ἄξια τοῦ Μαραθῶνος ἤδη διανοεῖσθαι καὶ πράσσειν. | 5.2. When the Medes made their invasion, and Themistocles was trying to persuade the people to give up their city, abandon their country, make a stand with their fleet off Salamis, and fight the issue at sea, most men were terrified at the boldness of the scheme; but lo, Cimon was first to act, and with a gay mien led a procession of his companions through the Cerameicus up to the Acropolis, to dedicate to the goddess there the horse's bridle which he carried in his hands, signifying thus that what the city needed then was not knightly prowess but sea-fighters. 5.3. After he had dedicated his bridle, he took one of the shields which were hung up about the temple, addressed his prayers to the goddess, and went down to the sea, whereat many were first made to take heart. He was also of no mean presence, as Ion the poet says, but tall and stately, with an abundant and curly head of hair. And since he displayed brilliant and heroic qualities in the actual struggle at Salamis, he soon acquired reputation and good will in the city. Many thronged to him and besought him to purpose and perform at once what would be worthy of Marathon. |
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| 36. Plutarch, Moralia, 557b, 860c, 860d, 870e, 873c, 873d, 869d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 103 |
37. Plutarch, Pericles, 17.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, omens to Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 125| 17.1. ἀρχομένων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄχθεσθαι τῇ αὐξήσει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐπαίρων ὁ Περικλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἔτι μᾶλλον μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μεγάλων αὑτὸν ἀξιοῦν πραγμάτων, γράφει ψήφισμα, πάντας Ἕλληνας τοὺς ὁπήποτε κατοικοῦντας Εὐρώπης ἢ τῆς Ἀσίας παρακαλεῖν, καὶ μικρὰν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλην, εἰς σύλλογον πέμπειν Ἀθήναζε τοὺς βουλευσομένους περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ἃ κατέπρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἃς ὀφείλουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς ὅτε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμάχοντο, καὶ τῆς θαλάττης, ὅπως πλέωσι πάντες ἀδεῶς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγωσιν. | 17.1. When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia, small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace. |
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| 38. Theseus, Fragments, 35.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 31 |
39. Plutarch, Themistocles, 1.3, 10.1-10.4, 13.2-13.3, 15.1, 22.1-22.2, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, omens to Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 50, 72, 75, 103, 125, 215| 1.3. εἴη μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἐκκαθαιρόμενον λόγῳ τὸ μυθῶδες ὑπακοῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἱστορίας ὄψιν, ὅπου δʼ ἂν αὐθαδῶς τοῦ πιθανοῦ περιφρονῇ καὶ μὴ δέχηται τὴν πρὸς τὸ εἰκὸς μῖξιν, εὐγνωμόνων ἀκροατῶν δεησόμεθα καὶ πρᾴως τὴν ἀρχαιολογίαν προσδεχομένων. 13.2. καὶ διελόντες ἑαυτοὺς οἱ μὲν ἐμφανῶς Σφηττόθεν ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ μετὰ τοῦ πατρός, οἱ δὲ Γαργηττοῖ κρύψαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐνήδρευον, ὡς διχόθεν ἐπιθησόμενοι τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις. ἦν δὲ κῆρυξ μετʼ αὐτῶν, ἀνὴρ Ἁγνούσιος, ὄνομα Λεώς. οὗτος ἐξήγγειλε τῷ Θησεῖ τὰ βεβουλευμένα τοῖς Παλλαντίδαις. 13.3. ὁ δὲ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς ἐνεδρεύουσι πάντας διέφθειρεν. οἱ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ Πάλλαντος πυθόμενοι διεσπάρησαν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τῷ Παλληνέων δήμῳ πρὸς τὸν Ἁγνουσίων ἐπιγαμίαν μὴ εἶναι, μηδὲ κηρύττεσθαι τοὐπιχώριον παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἀκούετε λεῷ· μισοῦσι γὰρ τοὔνομα διὰ τὴν προδοσίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός. 15.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἧκον ἐκ Κρήτης τὸ τρίτον οἱ τὸν δασμὸν ἀπάξοντες. ὅτι μὲν οὖν Ἀνδρόγεω περὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀποθανεῖν δόλῳ δόξαντος, ὅ τε Μίνως πολλὰ κακὰ πολεμῶν εἰργάζετο τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἔφθειρε τὴν χώραν (ἀφορία τε γὰρ καὶ νόσος ἐνέσκηψε πολλὴ καὶ ἀνέδυσαν οἱ ποταμοί), καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος ἱλασαμένοις τὸν Μίνω καὶ διαλλαγεῖσι λωφήσειν τὸ μήνιμα καὶ τῶν κακῶν ἔσεσθαι παῦλαν, ἐπικηρυκευσάμενοι καὶ δεηθέντες ἐποιήσαντο συνθήκας ὥστε πέμπειν διʼ ἐννέα ἐτῶν δασμὸν ἠϊθέους ἑπτὰ καὶ παρθένους τοσαύτας, ὁμολογοῦσιν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν συγγραφέων· 22.1. τῇ δὲ Ἀττικῇ προσφερομένων ἐκλαθέσθαι μὲν αὐτόν, ἐκλαθέσθαι δὲ τὸν κυβερνήτην ὑπὸ χαρᾶς ἐπάρασθαι τὸ ἱστίον ᾧ τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῶν ἔδει γνώριμον τῷ Αἰγεῖ γενέσθαι· τὸν δὲ ἀπογνόντα ῥῖψαι κατὰ τῆς πέτρας ἑαυτὸν καὶ διαφθαρῆναι. καταπλεύσας δὲ ὁ Θησεὺς ἔθυε μὲν αὐτὸς ἃς ἐκπλέων θυσίας εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς Φαληροῖ, κήρυκα δὲ ἀπέστειλε τῆς σωτηρίας ἄγγελον εἰς ἄστυ. 22.2. οὗτος ἐνέτυχεν ὀδυρομένοις τε πολλοῖς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως τελευτὴν καὶ χαίρουσιν, ὡς εἰκός, ἑτέροις καὶ φιλοφρονεῖσθαι καὶ στεφανοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ προθύμοις οὖσι. τοὺς μὲν οὖν στεφάνους δεχόμενος τὸ κηρύκειον ἀνέστεφεν, ἐπανελθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν οὔπω πεποιημένου σπονδὰς τοῦ Θησέως ἔξω περιέμεινε, μὴ βουλόμενος τὴν θυσίαν ταράξαι. 31.1. ἤδη δὲ πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονώς, ὥς φησιν Ἑλλάνικος, ἔπραξε τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἑλένην, οὐ καθʼ ὥραν. ὅθεν ὡς δὴ μέγιστον ἐπανορθούμενοι τοῦτο τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ἔνιοι λέγουσιν οὐκ αὐτὸν ἁρπάσαι τὴν Ἑλένην, ἀλλὰ Ἴδα καὶ Λυγκέως ἁρπασάντων παρακαταθήκην λαβόντα τηρεῖν καὶ μὴ προΐεσθαι τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἀπαιτοῦσιν· ἢ νὴ Δία Τυνδάρεω παραδόντος αὐτοῦ, φοβηθέντος Ἐναρσφόρον τὸν Ἱπποκόωντος ἔτι νηπίαν οὖσαν βιαζόμενον τὴν Ἑλένην λαβεῖν. τὰ δὲ εἰκότα καὶ πλείστους ἔχοντα μάρτυρας τοιαῦτά ἐστιν. | |
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40. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.8.5, 1.16.3, 1.27.1, 1.27.6, 1.28.4, 1.29.4, 1.32.3-1.32.5, 3.4.3-3.4.6, 8.46.3, 9.4.1-9.4.2, 9.32.9, 10.14.5-10.14.6, 10.35.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of •xerxes of persia, respect for religious conventions •xerxes of persia, omens to •xerxes of persia, dreams of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 27, 31, 65, 74, 75, 91, 92, 102, 103, 122, 200| 1.8.5. οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἑστᾶσιν Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων οἱ κτείναντες Ἵππαρχον· αἰτία δὲ ἥτις ἐγένετο καὶ τὸ ἔργον ὅντινα τρόπον ἔπραξαν, ἑτέροις ἐστὶν εἰρημένα. τῶν δὲ ἀνδριάντων οἱ μέν εἰσι Κριτίου τέχνη, τοὺς δὲ ἀρχαίους ἐποίησεν Ἀντήνωρ · Ξέρξου δέ, ὡς εἷλεν Ἀθήνας ἐκλιπόντων τὸ ἄστυ Ἀθηναίων, ἀπαγαγομένου καὶ τούτους ἅτε λάφυρα, κατέπεμψεν ὕστερον Ἀθηναίοις Ἀντίοχος. 1.16.3. Σέλευκον δὲ βασιλέων ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα πείθομαι καὶ ἄλλως γενέσθαι δίκαιον καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβῆ. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Σέλευκός ἐστιν ὁ Μιλησίοις τὸν χαλκοῦν καταπέμψας Ἀπόλλωνα ἐς Βραγχίδας, ἀνακομισθέντα ἐς Ἐκβάτανα τὰ Μηδικὰ ὑπὸ Ξέρξου· τοῦτο δὲ Σελεύκειαν οἰκίσας ἐπὶ Τίγρητι ποταμῷ καὶ Βαβυλωνίους οὗτος ἐπαγόμενος ἐς αὐτὴν συνοίκους ὑπελ ε ίπετο μὲν τὸ τεῖχος Βαβυλῶνος, ὑπελ ε ίπετο δὲ. τοῦ Βὴλ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸ τοὺς Χαλδαίους οἰκεῖν. 1.27.1. κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Πολιάδος Ἑρμῆς ξύλου, Κέκροπος εἶναι λεγόμενον ἀνάθημα, ὑπὸ κλάδων μυρσίνης οὐ σύνοπτον. ἀναθήματα δὲ ὁπόσα ἄξια λόγου, τῶν μὲν ἀρχαίων δίφρος ὀκλαδίας ἐστὶ Δαιδάλου ποίημα, λάφυρα δὲ ἀπὸ Μήδων Μασιστίου θώραξ, ὃς εἶχεν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς ἵππου, καὶ ἀκινάκης Μαρδονίου λεγόμενος εἶναι. Μασίστιον μὲν δὴ τελευτήσαντα ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἶδα ἱππέων· Μαρδονίου δὲ μαχεσαμένου Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐναντία καὶ ὑπὸ ἀνδρὸς Σπαρτιάτου πεσόντος οὐδʼ ἂν ὑπεδέξαντο ἀρχὴν οὐδὲ ἴσως Ἀθηναίοις παρῆκαν φέρεσθαι Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν ἀκινάκην. 1.28.4. καταβᾶσι δὲ οὐκ ἐς τὴν κάτω πόλιν ἀλλʼ ὅσον ὑπὸ τὰ προπύλαια πηγή τε ὕδατός ἐστι καὶ πλησίον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐν σπηλαίῳ· Κρεούσῃ δὲ θυγατρὶ Ἐρεχθέως Ἀπόλλωνα ἐνταῦθα συγγενέσθαι νομίζουσι. ὡς πεμφθείη Φιλιππίδης ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἄγγελος ἀποβεβηκότων Μήδων ἐς τὴν γῆν, ἐπανήκων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὑπερβαλέσθαι φαίη τὴν ἔξοδον, εἶναι γὰρ δὴ νόμον αὐτοῖς μὴ πρότερον μαχουμένους ἐξιέναι πρὶν ἢ πλήρη τὸν κύκλον τῆς σελήνης γενέσθαι· τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα ὁ Φιλιππίδης ἔλεγε περὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐντυχόντα οἱ τὸ Παρθένιον φάναι τε ὡς εὔνους Ἀθηναίοις εἴη καὶ ὅτι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἥξει συμμαχήσων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ἀγγελίᾳ τετίμηται· 1.29.4. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πᾶσι μνῆμα Ἀθηναίοις ὁπόσοις ἀποθανεῖν συνέπεσεν ἔν τε ναυμαχίαις καὶ ἐν μάχαις πεζαῖς πλὴν ὅσοι Μαραθῶνι αὐτῶν ἠγωνίσαντο· τούτοις γὰρ κατὰ χώραν εἰσὶν οἱ τάφοι διʼ ἀνδραγαθίαν, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν κεῖνται τὴν ἐς Ἀκαδημίαν, καὶ σφῶν ἑστᾶσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τάφοις στῆλαι τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἑκάστου λέγουσαι. πρῶτοι δὲ ἐτάφησαν οὓς ἐν Θρᾴκῃ ποτὲ ἐπικρατοῦντας μέχρι Δραβησκοῦ τῆς χώρας Ἠδωνοὶ φονεύουσιν ἀνέλπιστοι ἐπιθέμενοι· 1.32.3. πρὶν δὲ ἢ τῶν νήσων ἐς ἀφήγησιν τραπέσθαι, τὰ ἐς τοὺς δήμους ἔχοντα αὖθις ἐπέξειμι. δῆμός ἐστι Μαραθὼν ἴσον τῆς πόλεως τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπέχων καὶ Καρύστου τῆς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ· ταύτῃ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἔσχον οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ μάχῃ τε ἐκρατήθησαν καί τινας ὡς ἀνήγοντο ἀπώλεσαν τῶν νεῶν. τάφος δὲ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ Ἀθηναίων ἐστίν, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ στῆλαι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἀποθανόντων κατὰ φυλὰς ἑκάστων ἔχουσαι, καὶ ἕτερος Πλαταιεῦσι Βοιωτῶν καὶ δούλοις· ἐμαχέσαντο γὰρ καὶ δοῦλοι τότε πρῶτον. 1.32.4. καὶ ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἰδίᾳ μνῆμα Μιλτιάδου τοῦ Κίμωνος, συμβάσης ὕστερόν οἱ τῆς τελευτῆς Πάρου τε ἁμαρτόντι καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς κρίσιν Ἀθηναίοις καταστάντι. ἐνταῦθα ἀνὰ πᾶσαν νύκτα καὶ ἵππων χρεμετιζόντων καὶ ἀνδρῶν μαχομένων ἔστιν αἰσθέσθαι· καταστῆναι δὲ ἐς ἐναργῆ θέαν ἐπίτηδες μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ συνήνεγκεν, ἀνηκόῳ δὲ ὄντι καὶ ἄλλως συμβὰν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων ὀργή. σέβονται δὲ οἱ Μαραθώνιοι τούτους τε οἳ παρὰ τὴν μάχην ἀπέθανον ἥρωας ὀνομάζοντες καὶ Μαραθῶνα ἀφʼ οὗ τῷ δήμῳ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλέα, φάμενοι πρώτοις Ἑλλήνων σφίσιν Ἡρακλέα θεὸν νομισθῆναι. 1.32.5. συνέβη δὲ ὡς λέγουσιν ἄνδρα ἐν τῇ μάχῃ παρεῖναι τὸ εἶδος καὶ τὴν σκευὴν ἄγροικον· οὗτος τῶν βαρβάρων πολλοὺς καταφονεύσας ἀρότρῳ μετὰ τὸ ἔργον ἦν ἀφανής· ἐρομένοις δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἄλλο μὲν ὁ θεὸς ἐς αὐτὸν ἔχρησεν οὐδέν, τιμᾶν δὲ Ἐχετλαῖον ἐκέλευσεν ἥρωα. πεποίηται δὲ καὶ τρόπαιον λίθου λευκοῦ. τοὺς δὲ Μήδους Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν θάψαι λέγουσιν ὡς πάντως ὅσιον ἀνθρώπου νεκρὸν γῇ κρύψαι, τάφον δὲ οὐδένα εὑρεῖν ἐδυνάμην· οὔτε γὰρ χῶμα οὔτε ἄλλο σημεῖον ἦν ἰδεῖν, ἐς ὄρυγμα δὲ φέροντες σφᾶς ὡς τύχοιεν ἐσέβαλον. 3.4.3. διατρίβοντος δὲ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ Κλεομένους Δημάρατος ὁ τῆς οἰκίας βασιλεὺς τῆς ἑτέρας διέβαλλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ πλῆθος· Κλεομένης δὲ ὡς ἀνέστρεψεν ἐξ Αἰγίνης, ἔπρασσεν ὅπως Δημάρατον παύσειε βασιλεύοντα, καὶ τήν τε ἐν Δελφοῖς πρόμαντιν ὠνήσατο, Λακεδαιμονίοις αὐτὴν ὁπόσα αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκεν ἐς Δημάρατον χρῆσαι, καὶ Λεωτυχίδην ἄνδρα τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους καὶ οἰκίας Δημαράτῳ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπῆρεν ἀμφισβητεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς. 3.4.4. εἴχετο δὲ Λεωτυχίδης λόγων οὓς Ἀρίστων ποτὲ ἐς Δημάρατον τεχθέντα ἐξέβαλεν ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας οὐχ αὑτοῦ παῖδα εἶναι φήσας. τότε δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὸ χρηστήριον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰώθεσαν, ἀνάγουσι καὶ τὸ ἀμφισβήτημα τὸ ὑπὲρ Δημαράτου· ἡ δέ σφισιν ἔχρησεν ἡ πρόμαντις ὁπόσα ἦν Κλεομένει κατὰ γνώμην. 3.4.5. Δημάρατος μὲν δὴ κατὰ ἔχθος τὸ Κλεομένους καὶ οὐ σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ βασιλείας ἐπαύθη, Κλεομένην δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτὴ μανέντα· ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐλάβετο ξίφους, ἐτίτρωσκεν αὐτὸς αὑτὸν καὶ διεξῄει τὸ σῶμα ἅπαν κόπτων τε καὶ λυμαινόμενος. Ἀργεῖοι μὲν δὴ τοῖς ἱκέταις τοῦ Ἄργου διδόντα αὐτὸν δίκην τέλος τοῦ βίου φασὶν εὑρέσθαι τοιοῦτον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὅτι ἐδῄωσε τὴν Ὀργάδα, Δελφοὶ δὲ τῶν δώρων ἕνεκα ὧν τῇ προμάντιδι ἔδωκεν, ἀναπείσας ἐψευσμένα εἰπεῖν ἐς Δημάρατον. 3.4.6. εἴη δʼ ἂν καὶ τὰ μηνίματα ἔκ τε ἡρώων ὁμοῦ καὶ θεῶν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ Κλεομένει συνεληλυθότα, ἐπεί τοι καὶ ἰδίᾳ Πρωτεσίλαος ἐν Ἐλαιοῦντι οὐδὲν ἥρως Ἄργου φανερώτερος ἄνδρα Πέρσην ἐτιμωρήσατο Ἀρταΰκτην καὶ Μεγαρεῦσιν οὔ ποτε θεῶν τῶν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ὄντων ἐξεγένετο ἱλάσασθαι τὸ μήνιμα γῆν ἐπεργασαμένοις τὴν ἱεράν. τὰ δὲ ἐς τοῦ μαντείου τὴν διάπειραν οὐδὲ τὸ παράπαν ἄλλον γε οὐδένα ὅτι μὴ μόνον Κλεομένην τολμήσαντα ἴσμεν. 8.46.3. βασιλέα τε τῶν Περσῶν Ξέρξην τὸν Δαρείου, χωρὶς ἢ ὅσα ἐξεκόμισε τοῦ Ἀθηναίων ἄστεως, τοῦτο μὲν ἐκ Βραυρῶνος καὶ ἄγαλμα ἴσμεν τῆς Βραυρωνίας λαβόντα Ἀρτέμιδος, τοῦτο δὲ αἰτίαν ἐπενεγκὼν Μιλησίοις, ἐθελοκακῆσαι σφᾶς ἐναντία Ἀθηναίων ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ναυμαχήσαντας, τὸν χαλκοῦν ἔλαβεν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐν Βραγχίδαις· καὶ τὸν μὲν ὕστερον ἔμελλε χρόνῳ Σέλευκος καταπέμψειν Μιλησίοις, Ἀργείοις δὲ τὰ ἐκ Τίρυνθος ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ τὸ μὲν παρὰ τῇ Ἥρᾳ ξόανον, τὸ δὲ ἐν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν ἀνακείμενον τοῦ Λυκίου· 9.4.1. Πλαταιεῦσι δὲ Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν Ἀρείας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων ἃ τῆς μάχης σφίσιν Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς Μαραθῶνι ἀπένειμαν. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἄγαλμα ξόανόν ἐστιν ἐπίχρυσον, πρόσωπον δέ οἱ καὶ χεῖρες ἄκραι καὶ πόδες λίθου τοῦ Πεντελησίου εἰσί· μέγεθος μὲν οὐ πολὺ δή τι ἀποδεῖ τῆς ἐν ἀκροπόλει χαλκῆς, ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀθηναῖοι τοῦ Μαραθῶνι ἀπαρχὴν ἀγῶνος ἀνέθηκαν, Φειδίας δὲ καὶ Πλαταιεῦσιν ἦν ὁ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα ποιήσας. 9.4.2. γραφαὶ δέ εἰσιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Πολυγνώτου μὲν Ὀδυσσεὺς τοὺς μνηστῆρας ἤδη κατειργασμένος, Ὀνασία δὲ Ἀδράστου καὶ Ἀργείων ἐπὶ Θήβας ἡ προτέρα στρατεία. αὗται μὲν δή εἰσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ προνάου τῶν τοίχων αἱ γραφαί, κεῖται δὲ τοῦ ἀγάλματος πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶν εἰκὼν Ἀριμνήστου· ὁ δὲ Ἀρίμνηστος ἔν τε τῇ πρὸς Μαρδόνιον μάχῃ καὶ ἔτι πρότερον ἐς Μαραθῶνα Πλαταιεῦσιν ἡγήσατο. 10.14.5. Ἕλληνες δὲ οἱ ἐναντία βασιλέως πολεμήσαντες ἀνέθεσαν μὲν Δία ἐς Ὀλυμπίαν χαλκοῦν, ἀνέθεσαν δὲ καὶ ἐς Δελφοὺς Ἀπόλλωνα ἀπὸ ἔργων τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπί τε Ἀρτεμισίῳ καὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀφίκοιτο ἐς Δελφοὺς λαφύρων τῶν Μηδικῶν κομίζων τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι· ἐρωτήσαντα δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀναθημάτων εἰ ἐντὸς ἀναθήσει τοῦ ναοῦ, ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία τὰ παράπαν ἀποφέρειν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ. καὶ ἔχει οὕτω τὰ ἐς τοῦ τοῦ χρησμοῦ· μή μοι Περσῆος σκύλων περικαλλέα κόσμον νηῷ ἐγκαταθῇς· οἶκόνδʼ ἀπόπεμπε τάχιστα. 10.14.6. θαῦμα οὖν ἐποιούμεθα εἰ ἀπηξίωσεν ἐκείνου μόνου μὴ προσέσθαι τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπώσασθαι ἂν τὸν θεὸν καὶ ἅπαντα ὁμοίως ἡγοῦντο ὅσα ἀπὸ τοῦ Πέρσου, εἰ ὥσπερ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πρότερον ἢ ἀναθεῖναι σφᾶς ἐπήροντο τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα· οἱ δὲ εἰδότα τὸν θεὸν ὅτι ἱκέτης τοῦ Πέρσου γενήσοιτο ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς, ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὰ δῶρα ἔφασαν οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι λαβεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἀναθέντι τὸ ἔχθος ἄπαυστον ποιήσῃ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μήδου. στρατείαν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἔστιν εὑρεῖν προρρηθεῖσαν μὲν ἐν τοῖς Βάκιδος χρησμοῖς, πρότερον δʼ ἔτι Εὔκλῳ τὰ ἐς αὐτὴν πεποιημένα ἐστίν. 10.35.2. θεῷ δὲ τῷ ἐν Ἄβαις οὐχ ὁμοίως Ῥωμαῖοί τε ἀπένειμαν τὰ ἐς τιμὴν καὶ ὁ Πέρσης· ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν εὐσεβείᾳ τῇ ἐς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα Ἀβαίοις δεδώκασιν αὐτονόμους σφᾶς εἶναι, στρατιὰ δὲ ἡ μετὰ Ξέρξου κατέπρησε καὶ τὸ ἐν Ἄβαις ἱερόν. Ἑλλήνων δὲ τοῖς ἀντιστᾶσι τῷ βαρβάρῳ τὰ κατακαυθέντα ἱερὰ μὴ ἀνιστάναι σφίσιν ἔδοξεν, ἀλλὰ ἐς τὸν πάντα ὑπολείπεσθαι χρόνον τοῦ ἔχθους ὑπομνήματα· καὶ τοῦδε ἕνεκα οἵ τε ἐν τῇ Ἁλιαρτίᾳ ναοὶ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις τῆς Ἥρας ἐπὶ ὁδῷ τῇ Φαληρικῇ καὶ ὁ ἐπὶ Φαληρῷ τῆς Δήμητρος καὶ κατʼ ἐμὲ ἔτι ἡμίκαυτοι μένουσι. | 1.8.5. Hard by stand statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, who killed Hipparchus. 514 B.C. The reason of this act and the method of its execution have been related by others; of the figures some were made by Critius fl. c. 445 B.C., the old ones being the work of Antenor. When Xerxes took Athens after the Athenians had abandoned the city he took away these statues also among the spoils, but they were afterwards restored to the Athenians by Antiochus. 1.16.3. I am persuaded that Seleucus was the most righteous, and in particular the most religious of the kings. Firstly, it was Seleucus who sent back to Branchidae for the Milesians the bronze Apollo that had been carried by Xerxes to Ecbatana in Persia . Secondly, when he founded Seleucea on the river Tigris and brought to it Babylonian colonists he spared the wall of Babylon as well as the sanctuary of Bel, near which he permitted the Chaldeans to live. 1.27.1. In the temple of Athena Polias (of the City) is a wooden Hermes, said to have been dedicated by Cecrops, but not visible because of myrtle boughs. The votive offerings worth noting are, of the old ones, a folding chair made by Daedalus, Persian spoils, namely the breastplate of Masistius, who commanded the cavalry at Plataea 479 B.C., and a scimitar said to have belonged to Mardonius. Now Masistius I know was killed by the Athenian cavalry. But Mardonius was opposed by the Lacedaemonians and was killed by a Spartan; so the Athenians could not have taken the scimitar to begin with, and furthermore the Lacedaemonians would scarcely have suffered them to carry it off. 1.28.4. On descending, not to the lower city, but to just beneath the Gateway, you see a fountain and near it a sanctuary of Apollo in a cave. It is here that Apollo is believed to have met Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus.... when the Persians had landed in Attica Philippides was sent to carry the tidings to Lacedaemon . On his return he said that the Lacedacmonians had postponed their departure, because it was their custom not to go out to fight before the moon was full. Philippides went on to say that near Mount Parthenius he had been met by Pan, who told him that he was friendly to the Athenians and would come to Marathon to fight for them. This deity, then, has been honored for this announcement. 1.29.4. There is also a monument for all the Athenians whose fate it has been to fall in battle, whether at sea or on land, except such of them as fought at Marathon. These, for their valor, have their graves on the field of battle, but the others lie along the road to the Academy, and on their graves stand slabs bearing the name and parish of each. First were buried those who in Thrace, after a victorious advance as far as Drabescus c. 465 B.C., were unexpectedly attacked by the Edonians and slaughtered. There is also a legend that they were struck by lightning. 1.32.3. Before turning to a description of the islands, I must again proceed with my account of the parishes. There is a parish called Marathon, equally distant from Athens and Carystus in Euboea . It was at this point in Attica that the foreigners landed, were defeated in battle, and lost some of their vessels as they were putting off from the land. 490 B.C. On the plain is the grave of the Athenians, and upon it are slabs giving the names of the killed according to their tribes; and there is another grave for the Boeotian Plataeans and for the slaves, for slaves fought then for the first time by the side of their masters. 1.32.4. here is also a separate monument to one man, Miltiades, the son of Cimon, although his end came later, after he had failed to take Paros and for this reason had been brought to trial by the Athenians. At Marathon every night you can hear horses neighing and men fighting. No one who has expressly set himself to behold this vision has ever got any good from it, but the spirits are not wroth with such as in ignorance chance to be spectators. The Marathonians worship both those who died in the fighting, calling them heroes, and secondly Marathon, from whom the parish derives its name, and then Heracles, saying that they were the first among the Greeks to acknowledge him as a god. 1.32.5. They say too that there chanced to be present in the battle a man of rustic appearance and dress. Having slaughtered many of the foreigners with a plough he was seen no more after the engagement. When the Athenians made enquiries at the oracle the god merely ordered them to honor Echetlaeus (He of the Plough-tail) as a hero. A trophy too of white marble has been erected. Although the Athenians assert that they buried the Persians, because in every case the divine law applies that a corpse should be laid under the earth, yet I could find no grave. There was neither mound nor other trace to be seen, as the dead were carried to a trench and thrown in anyhow. 3.4.3. While Cleomenes was occupied in Aegina, Demaratus, the king of the other house, was slandering him to the Lacedaemonian populace. On his return from Aegina, Cleomenes began to intrigue for the deposition of king Demaratus. He bribed the Pythian prophetess to frame responses about Demaratus according to his instructions, and instigated Leotychides, a man of royal birth and of the same family as Demaratus, to put in a claim to the throne. 3.4.4. Leotychides seized upon the remark that Ariston in his ignorance blurted out when Demaratus was born, denying that he was his child. On the present occasion the Lacedaemonians, according to their wont, referred to the oracle at Delphi the claim against Demaratus, and the prophetess gave them a response which favoured the designs of Cleomenes. 3.4.5. So Demaratus was deposed, not rightfully, but because Cleomenes hated him. Subsequently Cleomenes met his end in a fit of madness for seizing a sword he began to wound himself, and hacked and maimed his body all over. The Argives assert that the manner of his end was a punishment for his treatment of the suppliants of Argus; the Athenians say that it was because he had devastated Orgas; the Delphians put it down to the bribes he gave the Pythian prophetess, persuading her to give lying responses about Demaratus. 3.4.6. It may well be too that the wrath of heroes and the wrath of gods united together to punish Cleomenes since it is a fact that for a personal wrong Protesilaus, a hero not a whit more illustrious than Argus, punished at Elaeus Artayctes, a Persian; while the Megarians never succeeded in propitiating the deities at Eleusis for having encroached upon the sacred land. As to the tampering with the oracle, we know of nobody, with the exception of Cleomenes, who has had the audacity even to attempt it. 8.46.3. Xerxes, too, the son of Dareius, the king of Persia, apart from the spoil he carried away from the city of Athens, took besides, as we know, from Brauron the image of Brauronian Artemis, and furthermore, accusing the Milesians of cowardice in a naval engagement against the Athenians in Greek waters, carried away from them the bronze Apollo at Branchidae . This it was to be the lot of Seleucus afterwards to restore to the Milesians, but the Argives down to the present still retain the images they took from Tiryns ; one, a wooden image, is by the Hera, the other is kept in the sanctuary of Lycian Apollo. 9.4.1. The Plataeans have also a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Warlike; it was built from the spoils given them by the Athenians as their share from the battle of Marathon. It is a wooden image gilded, but the face, hands and feet are of Pentelic marble. In size it is but little smaller than the bronze Athena on the Acropolis, the one which the Athenians also erected as first-fruits of the battle at Marathon; the Plataeans too had Pheidias for the maker of their image of Athena. 9.4.2. In the temple are paintings: one of them, by Polygnotus, represents Odysseus after he has killed the wooers; the other, painted by Onasias, is the former expedition of the Argives, under Adrastus, against Thebes . These paintings are on the walls of the fore-temple, while at the feet of the image is a portrait of Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans at the battle against Mardonius, and yet before that at Marathon. 10.14.5. The Greeks who fought against the king, besides dedicating at Olympia a bronze Zeus, dedicated also an Apollo at Delphi, from spoils taken in the naval actions at Artemisium and Salamis . There is also a story that Themistocles came to Delphi bringing with him for Apollo some of the Persian spoils. He asked whether he should dedicate them within the temple, but the Pythian priestess bade him carry them from the sanctuary altogether. The part of the oracle referring to this runs as follows:— The splendid beauty of the Persian's spoils Set not within my temple. Despatch them home speedily. 10.14.6. Now I greatly marveled that it was from Themistocles alone that the priestess refused to accept Persian spoils. Some thought that the god would have rejected alike all offerings from Persian spoils, if like Themistocles the others had inquired of Apollo before making their dedication. Others said that the god knew that Themistocles would become a suppliant of the Persian king, and refused to take the gifts so that Themistocles might not by a dedication render the Persian's enmity unappeasable. The expedition of the barbarian against Greece we find foretold in the oracles of Bacis, and Euclus wrote his verses about it at an even earlier date. 10.35.2. The treatment that the god at Abae received at the hands of the Persians was very different from the honor paid him by the Romans. For while the Romans have given freedom of government to Abae because of their reverence for Apollo, the army of Xerxes burned down, as it did others, the sanctuary at Abae. The Greeks who opposed the barbarians resolved not to rebuild the sanctuaries burnt down by them, but to leave them for all time as memorials of their hatred. This too is the reason why the temples in the territory of Haliartus, as well as the Athenian temples of Hera on the road to Phalerum and of Demeter at Phalerum, still remain half-burnt even at the present day. |
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41. Aeschines, Or., 3.116 Tagged with subjects: •xerxes of persia, impieties of Found in books: Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 102 | 3.116. The other Amphictyons took their seats. Now it was reported to us by one and another who wished to show friendship to our city, that the Amphissians, who were at that time dominated by the Thebans and were their abject servants, were in the act of bringing in a resolution against our city, to the effect that the people of Athens be fined fifty talents, because we had affixed gilded shields to the new temple and dedicated them before the temple had been consecrated, and had written the appropriate inscription, “The Athenians, from the Medes and Thebans when they fought against Hellas .” The hieromnemon sent for me and asked me to go into the council and speak to the Amphictyons in behalf of our city—indeed I had already determined of myself so to do. |
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