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5 results for "war"

1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 13.288, 13.404, 13.402, 13.401, 13.403, 13.368, 13.367, 13.366, 13.365, 13.364, 13.363, 13.362, 13.361, 13.360, 13.359, 13.358, 13.300, 13.299, 13.369, 13.370, 13.371, 13.374, 13.373, 13.372, 13.357, 13.356, 3.245, 13.400, 14.21, 14.22, 14.24, 14.29, 13.375, 13.376, 13.381, 13.382, 13.405, 13.406, 13.407, 13.408, 13.409, 13.410, 13.411, 13.412, 13.413, 13.414, 13.415, 13.416, 13.417, 13.418, 13.419, 14.20, 14.19, 13.420, 14.23, 14.25, 14.26, 14.27, 14.28, 14.30, 14.31, 14.32, 13.421, 13.423, 13.289, 13.296, 13.298, 17.41, 18.12, 18.15, 18.17, 13.424, 13.425, 13.426, 13.427, 13.428, 13.429, 13.430, 13.431, 13.432, 13.433, 13.422, 13.280, 13.281, 13.282, 13.283, 13.284, 13.285, 13.286, 13.279, 13.287, 13.290, 13.278, 13.276, 13.297, 13.277, 13.275, 13.291, 13.292, 13.293, 13.294, 13.295, 14.20a, 14.20b, 14.21a, 14.25b, 14.21b, 19a (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 69, 86, 87, 89, 141, 214, 215, 217

13.288. ̔Υρκανῷ δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησεν παρὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἡ εὐπραγία, μάλιστα δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ὄντες μία τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει, ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ κατ' ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς πιστεύεσθαι.

13.288. 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed.

2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.11, 1.64-1.89, 1.107-1.119, 1.126-1.129, 2.162 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiquities (josephus), comparison to war •war (josephus), comparison to antiquities Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 69, 86, 87, 89, 124, 125, 126, 163, 167, 198, 207, 214, 215

1.11. εἰ δή τις ὅσα πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἢ τὸ λῃστρικὸν αὐτῶν κατηγορικῶς λέγοιμεν ἢ τοῖς δυστυχήμασι τῆς πατρίδος ἐπιστένοντες συκοφαντοίη, διδότω παρὰ τὸν τῆς ἱστορίας νόμον συγγνώμην τῷ πάθει: πόλιν μὲν γὰρ δὴ τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις πασῶν τὴν ἡμετέραν ἐπὶ πλεῖστόν τε εὐδαιμονίας συνέβη προελθεῖν καὶ πρὸς ἔσχατον συμφορῶν αὖθις καταπεσεῖν: 1.11. Παραφύονται δὲ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν Φαρισαῖοι, σύνταγμά τι ̓Ιουδαίων δοκοῦν εὐσεβέστερον εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβέστερον ἀφηγεῖσθαι. 1.64. Προελθὼν δὲ καὶ μέχρι Σαμαρείας, ἔνθα νῦν ἐστιν Σεβαστὴ πόλις ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου κτισθεῖσα τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ πάντοθεν αὐτὴν ἀποτειχίσας τοὺς υἱεῖς ἐπέστησε τῇ πολιορκίᾳ ̓Αριστόβουλον καὶ ̓Αντίγονον: ὧν οὐδὲν ἀνιέντων λιμοῦ μὲν εἰς τοσοῦτον προῆλθον οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἅψασθαι καὶ τῶν ἀηθεστάτων. 1.64. τοῦ δὲ παραχρῆμα τελευτήσαντος ὁ μὲν ἀπορρήτους ποιήσας τὰς πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ὁμιλίας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸ συνέδριον Καίσαρι γράψας μετὰ μίαν ἡμέραν χωρίζεται. δεσμεῖ δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ πρὸς Καίσαρα τοὺς δηλώσοντας τὴν συμφορὰν ἐξέπεμψεν. 1.65. ἐπικαλοῦνται δὲ βοηθὸν ̓Αντίοχον τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ̓Ασπένδιον: κἀκεῖνος ἑτοίμως ὑπακούσας ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται. καὶ ὁ μὲν μέχρι Σκυθοπόλεως διωχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐκφεύγει, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες τό τε πλῆθος πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος συγκλείουσιν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλόντες αὐτήν τε κατασκάπτουσιν καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο. 1.65. ἀθέμιτον γὰρ εἶναι κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἢ εἰκόνας ἢ προτομὰς ἢ ζῴου τινὸς ἐπώνυμον ἔργον εἶναι: κατεσκευάκει δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τὴν μεγάλην πύλην ἀετὸν χρυσοῦν: ὃν δὴ τότε παρῄνουν ἐκκόπτειν οἱ σοφισταί, καλὸν εἶναι λέγοντες, εἰ καί τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος, ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρίου νόμου θνήσκειν: τοῖς γὰρ οὕτω τελευτῶσιν ἀθάνατόν τε τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὴν ἐν ἀγαθοῖς αἴσθησιν αἰώνιον παραμένειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀγενεῖς καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σοφίας ἀπείρους ἀγνοοῦντας φιλοψυχεῖν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δι' ἀρετῆς τὸν ἐκ νόσου θάνατον αἱρεῖσθαι. 1.66. προχωρούντων δὲ τῶν κατορθωμάτων τὴν ὁρμὴν οὐ κατέψυξαν, ἀλλὰ προελθόντες ἅμα τῇ δυνάμει μέχρι τῆς Σκυθοπόλεως ταύτην τε κατέδραμον καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Καρμήλου τοῦ ὄρους χώραν ἅπασαν κατενείμαντο. 1.66. προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ Σαλώμην τὴν ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ταύτης ̓Αλεξᾶν “οἶδα, ἔφη, ̓Ιουδαίους τὸν ἐμὸν ἑορτάσοντας θάνατον, δύναμαι δὲ πενθεῖσθαι δι' ἑτέρων καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐπιτάφιον ἔχειν, ἂν ὑμεῖς θελήσητε ταῖς ἐμαῖς ἐντολαῖς ὑπουργῆσαι. τούσδε τοὺς φρουρουμένους ἄνδρας ἐπειδὰν ἐκπνεύσω τάχιστα κτείνατε περιστήσαντες τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἵνα πᾶσα ̓Ιουδαία καὶ πᾶς οἶκος ἄκων ἐπ' ἐμοὶ δακρύσῃ.” 1.68. τὸ λοιπὸν δ' ἐπιβιοὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ ̓Ιωάννης καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν κάλλιστα διοικήσας ἐν τρισὶν ὅλοις καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτεσιν ἐπὶ πέντε υἱοῖς τελευτᾷ, μακαριστὸς ὄντως καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν ἐάσας ἐφ' ἑαυτῷ μεμφθῆναι τὴν τύχην. τρία γοῦν τὰ κρατιστεύοντα μόνος εἶχεν, τήν τε ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ προφητείαν: 1.69. ὡμίλει γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ δαιμόνιον ὡς μηδὲν τῶν μελλόντων ἀγνοεῖν, ὅς γε καὶ περὶ δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων υἱῶν ὅτι μὴ διαμενοῦσι κύριοι τῶν πραγμάτων προεῖδέν τε καὶ προεφήτευσεν: ὧν τὴν καταστροφὴν ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι, παρ' ὅσον τῆς πατρῴας εὐδαιμονίας ἀπέκλιναν. 1.73. ὡς δ' ὁ ̓Αντίγονος λαμπρὸς ἀπὸ στρατείας ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν ἑορτήν, ἐν ᾗ σκηνοποιεῖσθαι πάτριον τῷ θεῷ, συνέβη μὲν κατ' ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας νόσῳ χρήσασθαι τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον, τὸν δὲ ̓Αντίγονον ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀναβάντα μετὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα κεκοσμημένον προσκυνῆσαι τὸ πλέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ. 1.75. Τούτοις κατὰ μικρὸν ἄκων ἐπίστευσεν ὁ ̓Αριστόβουλος, καὶ προνοῶν τοῦ μήθ' ὑποπτεύων φανερὸς γενέσθαι καὶ προησφαλίσθαι πρὸς τὸ ἄδηλον καθίστησι μὲν τοὺς σωματοφύλακας ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογαίων ἀλαμπεῖ, κατέκειτο δ' ἐν τῇ βάρει πρότερον αὖθις δ' ̓Αντωνίᾳ μετονομασθείσῃ, προστάξας ἀνόπλου μὲν ἀπέχεσθαι, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν ̓Αντίγονον, εἰ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων προσίοι, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν τοὺς προεροῦντας ἄνοπλον ἐλθεῖν. 1.76. πρὸς τοῦτο πάνυ πανούργως ἡ βασίλισσα συντάσσεται μετὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων: τοὺς γὰρ πεμφθέντας πείθουσιν τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως σιωπῆσαι, λέγειν δὲ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας ὅπλα τε αὐτῷ παρεσκευακέναι κάλλιστα καὶ πολεμικὸν κόσμον ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ διὰ μὲν τὴν ἀσθένειαν αὐτὸς ἐπιδεῖν ἕκαστα κωλυθείη, νῦν δ' ἐπεὶ καὶ χωρίζεσθαι μέλλοις, θεάσαιτ' ἂν ἥδιστά σε ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις. 1.78. Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων, 1.79. “παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται: ζῇ γὰρ ̓Αντίγονος οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν Στράτωνος πύργος εἵμαρτο: καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες: 1.81. ̓Αριστοβούλῳ γε μὴν εὐθὺς ἡ περὶ τοῦ μύσους μεταμέλεια νόσον ἐνσκήπτει καὶ πρὸς ἔννοιαν τοῦ φόνου τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχων ἀεὶ τεταραγμένην συνετήκετο, μέχρι τῶν σπλάγχνων ὑπ' ἀκράτου τῆς λύπης σπαραττομένων ἄθρουν αἷμα ἀναβάλλει. 1.82. τοῦτό τις τῶν ἐν τῇ θεραπείᾳ παίδων ἐκφέρων δαιμονίῳ προνοίᾳ σφάλλεται καθ' ὃν τόπον ̓Αντίγονος ἔσφακτο καὶ φαινομένοις ἔτι τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ φόνου σπίλοις τὸ αἷμα τοῦ κτείναντος ἐπέχεεν. ἤρθη δ' εὐθὺς οἰμωγὴ τῶν θεασαμένων ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκεῖ ἐπικατασπείσαντος τὸ αἷμα. 1.83. τῆς δὲ βοῆς ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπυνθάνετο καὶ μηδενὸς τολμῶντος εἰπεῖν μᾶλλον ἐνέκειτο μαθεῖν ἐθέλων: τέλος δὲ ἀπειλοῦντι καὶ βιαζομένῳ τἀληθὲς εἶπον. ὁ δὲ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐμπίπλησι δακρύων καὶ στενάξας ὅσον ἦν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἶπεν: 1.84. “οὐκ ἄρα θεοῦ μέγαν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐπ' ἔργοις ἀθεμίτοις λήσειν ἔμελλον, ἀλλά με ταχεῖα μέτεισι δίκη φόνου συγγενοῦς. μέχρι τοῦ μοι, σῶμα ἀναιδέστατον, τὴν ἀδελφῷ καὶ μητρὶ κατάκριτον ψυχὴν καθέξεις; μέχρι τοῦ δ' αὐτοῖς ἐπισπείσω κατὰ μέρος τοὐμὸν αἷμα; λαβέτωσαν ἀθρόον τοῦτο, καὶ μηκέτι ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν σπλάγχνων χοαῖς ἐπειρωνευέσθω τὸ δαιμόνιον.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν εὐθέως τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας οὐ πλεῖον ἐνιαυτοῦ. 1.86. Γίνεται δ' αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπικληθέντα Πτολεμαῖον συμβολὴ πόλιν ̓Ασωχὶν ᾑρηκότα, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν τῶν πολεμίων, ἡ δὲ νίκη πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἔρρεψεν. ἐπεὶ δ' ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας διωχθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀνεχώρησεν, ̓Αλέξανδρος Γαδάρων τε πολιορκίᾳ κρατεῖ καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντος, ὃ δὴ μέγιστον μὲν ἦν ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιορδάνην, τὰ τιμιώτατα δὲ τῶν Θεοδώρου τοῦ Ζήνωνος κτημάτων ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ. 1.87. ἐπελθὼν δ' ἐξαίφνης ὁ Θεόδωρος τά τε σφέτερα καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσκευὴν αἱρεῖ, τῶν δ' ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους κτείνει. γίνεται δ' ἐπάνω τῆς πληγῆς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τραπόμενος εἰς τὴν παράλιον αἱρεῖ Γάζαν τε καὶ ̔Ράφειαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν αὖθις ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Αγριππιάδα ἐπικληθεῖσαν. 1.88. ̓Εξανδραποδισαμένῳ δὲ ταύτας ἐπανίσταται τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ: μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν ταῖς εὐωχίαις αὐτῶν στάσις ἅπτεται. καὶ δοκεῖ μὴ ἂν κρείττων γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ξενικὸν αὐτῷ παρεβοήθει: Πισίδαι καὶ Κίλικες ἦσαν: Σύρους γὰρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μισθοφόρους διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειαν. 1.89. κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν. 1.107. Καταλείπει δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ̓Αλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ πεπεισμένος ταύτῃ μάλιστ' ἂν ὑπακοῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, ἐπειδὴ τῆς ὠμότητος αὐτοῦ μακρὰν ἀποδέουσα καὶ ταῖς παρανομίαις ἀνθισταμένη τὸν δῆμον εἰς εὔνοιαν προσηγάγετο. 1.108. καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας: ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο. 1.109. δύο δ' αὐτῇ παίδων ὄντων ἐξ ̓Αλεξάνδρου τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον ̔Υρκανὸν διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἄλλως ὄντα νωθέστερον ἢ ὥστε ἐνοχλεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον ̓Αριστόβουλον διὰ θερμότητα κατεῖχεν ἰδιώτην. 1.111. τούτοις περισσὸν δή τι προσεῖχεν ἡ ̓Αλεξάνδρα σεσοβημένη περὶ τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπιόντες ἤδη καὶ διοικηταὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐγίνοντο διώκειν τε καὶ κατάγειν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν, λύειν τε καὶ δεσμεῖν. καθόλου δὲ αἱ μὲν ἀπολαύσεις τῶν βασιλείων ἐκείνων ἦσαν, τὰ δ' ἀναλώματα καὶ αἱ δυσχέρειαι τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας. 1.112. δεινὴ δ' ἦν τὰ μείζω διοικεῖν, δύναμίν τε ἀεὶ συγκροτοῦσα διπλασίονα κατέστησεν καὶ ξενικὴν συνήγαγεν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ὡς μὴ μόνον κρατύνεσθαι τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος, φοβερὰν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν εἶναι δυνάσταις. ἐκράτει δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτή, Φαρισαῖοι δ' αὐτῆς. 1.113. Διογένην γοῦν τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων φίλον ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ γεγενημένον κτείνουσιν αὐτοὶ σύμβουλον ἐγκαλοῦντες γεγονέναι περὶ τῶν ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀκτακοσίων. ἐνῆγον δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν εἰς τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν παροξυνάντων ἐπ' ἐκείνους τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον: ἐνδιδούσης δ' ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἀνῄρουν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν αὐτοί. 1.114. προσφεύγουσι δὲ ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῶν κινδυνευόντων οἱ προύχειν δοκοῦντες, κἀκεῖνος πείθει τὴν μητέρα φείσασθαι μὲν διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἐκπέμψαι δ' αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καθαροὺς ὑπείληφεν, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. οἱ μὲν οὖν δοθείσης ἀδείας ἐσκεδάσθησαν ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν: 1.115. ̓Αλεξάνδρα δὲ ἐκπέμψασα ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν στρατιάν, πρόφασις δ' ἦν Πτολεμαῖος ἀεὶ θλίβων τὴν πόλιν, ταύτην μὲν ὑπεδέξατο μηθὲν ἀξιόλογον ἐργασαμένην. 1.116. Τιγράνην δὲ τὸν ̓Αρμενίων βασιλέα προσκαθεζόμενον Πτολεμαί̈δι καὶ πολιορκοῦντα Κλεοπάτραν συνθήκαις καὶ δώροις ὑπηγάγετο. φθάνει δ' ἐκεῖνος ἀπαναστὰς διὰ τὰς οἴκοι ταραχὰς ἐμβεβληκότος εἰς τὴν ̓Αρμενίαν Λευκόλλου. 1.117. Κἀν τούτῳ νοσούσης ̓Αλεξάνδρας ὁ νεώτερος τῶν παίδων ̓Αριστόβουλος τὸν καιρὸν ἁρπάσας μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν, εἶχεν δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ πάντας εὔνους διὰ τὴν θερμότητα, κρατεῖ μὲν τῶν ἐρυμάτων ἁπάντων, τοῖς δ' ἐκ τούτων χρήμασιν μισθοφόρους ἀθροίσας ἑαυτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα. 1.118. πρὸς ταῦτα ὀδυρόμενον τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἡ μήτηρ οἰκτείρασα τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ̓Αριστοβούλου καθείργνυσιν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν: φρούριον δ' ἦν τῷ βορείῳ κλίματι τοῦ ἱεροῦ προσκείμενον, πάλαι μέν, ὡς ἔφην, βᾶρις ὀνομαζόμενον, αὖθις δὲ ταύτης τυχὸν τῆς προσηγορίας ἐπικρατήσαντος ̓Αντωνίου, καθάπερ ἀπό τε τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα Σεβαστὴ καὶ ̓Αγριππιὰς πόλεις ἐπωνομάσθησαν. 1.119. πρὶν δὲ ἐπεξελθεῖν ̓Αλεξάνδρα τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον τῆς τἀδελφοῦ καταλύσεως τελευτᾷ διοικήσασα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔτεσιν ἐννέα. 1.126. ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται. 1.127. κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη. 1.128. Παρελθόντος γοῦν εἰς τὴν χώραν πρέσβεις εὐθέως ἧκον παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑκατέρου δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ. γίνεται δ' ἐπίπροσθεν τοῦ δικαίου τὰ παρὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου τριακόσια τάλαντα: τοσοῦτον γὰρ λαβὼν Σκαῦρος ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρός τε ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τοὺς ̓́Αραβας ἀπειλῶν ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον, εἰ μὴ λύσειαν τὴν πολιορκίαν. 1.129. ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας εἰς Φιλαδέλφειαν ̓Αρέτας καταπλαγείς, καὶ πάλιν εἰς Δαμασκὸν Σκαῦρος. 2.162. Δύο δὲ τῶν προτέρων Φαρισαῖοι μὲν οἱ μετὰ ἀκριβείας δοκοῦντες ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πρώτην ἀπάγοντες αἵρεσιν εἱμαρμένῃ τε καὶ θεῷ προσάπτουσι πάντα,

1.11. But if anyone makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. 1.64. 7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. 1.65. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. 1.66. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel. 1.68. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,—the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. 1.69. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of anything that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity. 1.73. however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. 1.75. 3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed. 1.76. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king’s message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me. 1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), 1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” 1.80. And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. 1.81. 6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. 1.82. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; 1.83. and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, 1.84. “So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them.” As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year. 1.86. 2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. 1.87. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod. 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.107. 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the goodwill of the people. 1.108. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. 1.109. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 1.110. 2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 1.115. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. 1.116. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia. 1.117. 4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; 1.118. and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was lord [of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. 1.119. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years. 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127. he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God,

3. Josephus Flavius, Life, 12, 26, 191 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 214

191. ὁ δὲ Σίμων οὗτος ἦν πόλεως μὲν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, γένους δὲ σφόδρα λαμπροῦ, τῆς δὲ Φαρισαίων αἱρέσεως, οἳ περὶ τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα δοκοῦσιν τῶν ἄλλων ἀκριβείᾳ διαφέρειν.

4. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, a b c d\n0 25.5 (579) 25.5 (579) 25 5 (579) (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiquities (josephus), comparison to war •war (josephus), comparison to antiquities Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 132

5. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, 73a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antiquities (josephus), comparison to war •war (josephus), comparison to antiquities Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 132

73a. חד לכהנים וחד ללוים וחד לישראלים וחד למישרי ממזר בשתוקי וחד למישרי שתוקי בישראל קהל גרים לא איקרי קהל ורבי יהודה כהנים ולוים מחד קהל נפקי אייתר ליה לקהל גרים,ואיבעית אימא ה"נ תרי קהלי נינהו ממזר בשתוקי ושתוקי בישראל מחד קהל נפקא (דברים כג, ג) לא יבא ממזר בקהל ה',ממזר ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא ממזר ספק יבא בקהל ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא בקהל ספק יבא,ואיבעית אימא הני נמי תרי קהלי נינהו וטעמיה דרבי יהודה מהכא (במדבר טו, טו) הקהל חוקה אחת לכם ולגר הגר ולרבי יוסי חוקה אחת הפסיק הענין,אחד גר ואחד עבד משוחרר וחלל מותרין בכהנת מסייעא ליה לרב דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לא הוזהרו כשירות להנשא לפסולים,דרש ר' זירא במחוזא גר מותר בממזרת רגמוהו כולי עלמא באתרוגייהו אמר רבא מי איכא דדריש מילתא כי האי בדוכתא דשכיחי גיורי דרש רבא במחוזא גר מותר בכהנת טענוהו בשיראי הדר דרש להו גר מותר בממזרת אמרו ליה אפסידתא לקמייתא אמר להו דטבא לכו עבדי לכו אי בעי מהכא נסיב ואי בעי מהכא נסיב,והילכתא גר מותר בכהנת ומותר בממזרת מותר בכהנת לא הוזהרו כשירות להנשא לפסולים ומותר בממזרת כרבי יוסי,אלו הן שתוקי כל שמכיר אמר רבא דבר תורה שתוקי כשר מאי טעמא רוב כשרים אצלה ומיעוט פסולין אצלה,ואי אזלי אינהו לגבה כל דפריש מרובא פריש מאי אמרת דילמא אזלה איהי לגבייהו הוה ליה קבוע וכל קבוע כמחצה על מחצה דמי,והתורה אמרה (דברים כג, ג) לא יבא ממזר ממזר ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא ממזר ספק יבא בקהל ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא בקהל ספק יבא,ומה טעם אמרו שתוקי פסול גזירה שמא ישא אחותו מאביו אלא מעתה שתוקי שתוקית לא ישא שמא ישא אחותו מאביו,כל כי הני מזנו ואזלי בת שתוקית לא ישא שמא ישא אחותו מאביו אלא לא שכיחא ה"נ לא שכיחא,אלא מעלה עשו ביוחסין,ואמר רבא דבר תורה אסופי כשר מאי טעמא אשת איש בבעלה תולה מאי איכא מיעוט ארוסות ומיעוט שהלך בעליהם למדינת הים,כיון דאיכא פנויה ואיכא נמי דמחמת רעבון הוה פלגא ופלגא והתורה אמרה לא יבא ממזר בקהל ה' ממזר ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא ממזר ספק יבא בקהל ודאי הוא דלא יבא הא בקהל ספק יבא,ומה טעם אמרו אסופי פסול שמא ישא אחותו מאביו אלא מעתה אסופי אסופית לא ישא שמא ישא אחותו בין מאביו בין מאמו כל הני שדי ואזלי בת אסופי לא ישא שמא ישא אחותו אלא לא שכיח ה"נ לא שכיח,אלא מעלה עשו ביוחסים,אמר רבא בר רב הונא מצאו מהול

73a. One is referring to priests, to teach that people with flawed lineage may not enter their congregation; and one is referring to Levites; and one to Israelites; and one serves to permit a mamzer to marry a shetuki, since a mamzer is prohibited from entering only the congregation of God, but he may marry someone who is not definitely a member of the congregation, e.g., a shetuki; and one serves to permit a shetuki to marry an Israelite, as only one who is a definite mamzer may not marry an Israelite. As for the congregation of converts, it is not called a congregation at all, and they may marry those prohibited from entering the congregation of Israel. And Rabbi Yehuda holds that priests and Levites are derived from one instance of the word “congregation,” since they are from the same tribe, that of Levi. Consequently, one instance of the word “congregation” remains for him to interpret. He interprets it as referring to the congregation of converts, and deems it prohibited for a mamzer to enter that congregation as well.,And if you wish, say: So too, Rabbi Yehuda agrees with Rabbi Yosei that Levites and priests are two congregations, since there are special halakhot of marriage that apply only to priests. Rather, Rabbi Yehuda holds that the permissibility of the marriage of a mamzer with a shetuki and a shetuki with an Israelite is derived from one instance of the word “congregation,” from the verse: “A mamzer shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord” (Deuteronomy 23:3).,This is accomplished by inferring the following: It is one who is a definite mamzer who may not enter, but one who is a mamzer as a result of an uncertainty, e.g., a shetuki, may enter. And similarly, it is into the congregation of those with definite unflawed lineage that a mamzer may not enter, but into a congregation of those with uncertain lineage, e.g., a shetuki, he may enter. This verse therefore teaches that both types of marriage are permitted. In any event, Rabbi Yehuda remains with one instance of the word “congregation” to interpret, from which he derives that it is also prohibited for a convert to marry a mamzeret.,And if you wish, say: These too, one who is a definite mamzer and one who is a mamzer as the result of an uncertainty, are two congregations, each requiring its own verse, and the reason of Rabbi Yehuda is from here: “As for the congregation, there shall be one statute both for you, and for the stranger that sojourns with you” (Numbers 15:15), which indicates that converts are considered like Israelites with regard to their being included in the category of “congregation.” And according to Rabbi Yosei, who holds that a convert may marry a mamzeret, the phrase “one statute” interrupts the matter, and converts are not considered part of the congregation of God.,§ The Gemara comments: The statement of the Tosefta that a convert, and an emancipated slave, and a ḥalal are all permitted to marry the daughter of a priest supports the opinion of Rav, as Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: Women of unflawed lineage who are daughters of priests were not prohibited from marrying those disqualified from the priesthood due to flawed lineage [ḥalalim], since that prohibition applies only to male priests.,Rabbi Zeira taught in Meḥoza: It is permitted for a convert to marry a mamzeret. Everyone stoned him with their etrogim, since the many converts present were insulted by his statement, which they understood to mean that converts are not members of God’s congregation. Rava said: Is there a person who teaches such a matter in a place where there are commonly converts? He should have been more circumspect. Rava himself taught this in Meḥoza to ameliorate the situation: It is permitted for a convert to marry the daughter of a priest. They carried him on silk [beshira’ei] for elevating the honor of converts. He later taught them: It is permitted for a convert to marry a mamzeret. They said to him: You have forfeited the honor of your first sermon. Rava said to them: I have done for you what is good for you. If a convert wishes, he may marry from here, i.e., from those of pure lineage, and if he wishes, he may marry from here, i.e., a mamzeret.,The Gemara concludes: And the halakha is: It is permitted for a convert to marry the daughter of a priest, and it is permitted for him to marry a mamzeret. It is permitted for a convert to marry the daughter of a priest, since women of unflawed lineage were not prohibited from marrying those disqualified for the priesthood. And it is permitted for him to marry a mamzeret, in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yosei, who holds that the congregation of converts is not called a congregation.,§ The mishna teaches: And these are the last two categories: A shetuki is any person who knows the identity of his mother but does not know the identity of his father. Rava says: By Torah law, a shetuki is fit to enter the congregation. What is the reason for this? Most are fit with regard to her, i.e., most men are fit to engage in intercourse with an unmarried woman, and only a minority are unfit with regard to engaging in intercourse with her. There are few men who are related to a woman in a way that would render the offspring mamzerim.,Rava analyzes two possibilities: And if they came to her, i.e., if the father came to the mother’s location when the child was conceived, the following principle with regard to an uncertain prohibition takes effect: Anything that separates from its fixed location is presumed to have separated from the majority of items like it in that location. If the father separated from the population at large and came to the mother, one can assume that he was from the majority, who are of unflawed lineage. What might you say, that perhaps she went to them, and the child was conceived in the place where the father was? In such a case, it is an uncertain prohibition located in its fixed place, and the halakhic principle is: Anything fixed is considered as though it were half and half, i.e., fifty percent, and it remains a case of uncertainty, and it should be prohibited for the shetuki to marry a Jew with unflawed lineage.,And in any case, this does not suffice to prevent her shetuki child from marrying a Jew with unflawed lineage, since the Torah states: “A mamzer shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord” (Deuteronomy 23:3), which indicates: It is a definite mamzer who may not enter, but one who is a mamzer as a result of an uncertainty may enter. Similarly, it is into a congregation of those with definite unflawed lineage that he may not enter, but into a congregation of those with uncertain lineage he may enter. Therefore, even if it is uncertain if one is a mamzer, by Torah law he may marry a Jew with unflawed lineage.,And for what reason did the Sages nevertheless say that a shetuki is of flawed lineage? Due to a rabbinic decree, lest he marry his sister from his father, since the identity of his father is unknown. The Gemara asks: If that is so, it should not be permitted for a shetuki to marry even a female shetuki, lest he marry his sister from his father.,The Gemara responds: And do people engage in licentiousness to such an extent that one should be concerned that all the children of unknown paternity in one city were fathered by the same man? By the same reasoning, there should also be a decree that a shetuki may not marry the daughter of a female shetuki from a proper marriage, lest he marry his sister from his father, since the man who married the female shetuki might have been his father. Rather, it must be that it is not common for a shetuki to happen to marry his sister, and therefore he may marry the daughter of a female shetuki. So too, it is not common for him to happen to marry his sister, and the Sages would not issue a decree to prevent this from occurring.,The question therefore remains, why did they render it prohibited for a shetuki to marry a Jew with unflawed lineage? The Gemara answers that it is not prohibited for a shetuki to marry a Jew with unflawed lineage due to any halakhic concern. Rather, the Sages established a higher standard with regard to lineage, in that they rendered it prohibited for people from unknown backgrounds to marry those with unflawed lineage.,And Rava says a similar statement: By Torah law, a foundling, a child found in the marketplace whose parents are unknown, is fit, and there is no concern that the child is a mamzer. What is the reason for this? A married woman who becomes pregt through extramarital intercourse, which results in the child being a mamzer, ascribes the child to her husband. Since everyone assumes that her husband is the father, she has no reason to abandon the child in the marketplace. What case is there where a mother would want to abandon her mamzer child? There is the minority of situations involving betrothed women who committed adultery but cannot claim that her betrothed is the father, as they had not been living together. And there is the minority of women whose husbands have gone overseas and could not have fathered the children.,Since there are many other cases of unmarried women who do abandon their children although those children have unflawed lineage, and there are also children with unflawed lineage who are abandoned by their parents due to hunger, the concern that the child is a mamzer is no more than half and half, i.e., fifty percent. And the Torah states: “A mamzer shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord” (Deuteronomy 23:3), which indicates: It is one who is a definite mamzer who may not enter, but one who is a mamzer as a result of an uncertainty may enter. Similarly, it is into a congregation of those with definite unflawed lineage that he may not enter, but into a congregation of those with uncertain lineage he may enter. This child is a mamzer as the result of an uncertainty, and by Torah law may marry a Jew with unflawed lineage.,And for what reason did the Sages say that a foundling is unfit? Lest he marry his sister from his father. The Gemara asks: If that is so, it should not be permitted for a foundling to marry even a female foundling, lest he marry his sister from either his father or his mother. The Gemara rejects this: Are they continually throwing away all these children? Is it likely that the same parents abandoned both a son and a daughter? If you accept that suggestion, it should not be permitted for him to marry the daughter of a foundling, lest he marry his sister, as perhaps the father of the one he wishes to marry is his father as well. Rather, it must be that it is not common for a foundling to happen to marry his sister, and therefore he may marry the daughter of a foundling. So too, it is not common for him to happen to marry his sister, and the Sages would not make a decree to prevent this from occurring.,The question therefore remains: Why did they prohibit a foundling from marrying a Jew with unflawed lineage? The Gemara answers that it is prohibited for a foundling to marry a Jew with unflawed lineage not due to any halakhic concern. Rather, the Sages established a higher standard with regard to lineage, in that they rendered it prohibited for people from unknown backgrounds to marry those with unflawed lineage.,§ Rava bar Rav Huna says: If an abandoned boy was found circumcised,

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database