| 1. Hebrew Bible, Job, 6.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 41 |
2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 166-173, 582-593, 595-596, 594 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 191| 594. ἀντίον ἀκραέος Ζεφύρου τρέψαντα πρόσωπα, | 594. When the thickly-compressed clouds are animated |
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3. Homer, Odyssey, 4.24, 6.42-6.45 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 235; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 153| 4.24. βῆ δʼ ἴμεν ἀγγελέων διὰ δώματα ποιμένι λαῶν, 6.42. Οὔλυμπόνδʼ, ὅθι φασὶ θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεὶ 6.43. ἔμμεναι. οὔτʼ ἀνέμοισι τινάσσεται οὔτε ποτʼ ὄμβρῳ 6.44. δεύεται οὔτε χιὼν ἐπιπίλναται, ἀλλὰ μάλʼ αἴθρη 6.45. πέπταται ἀνέφελος, λευκὴ δʼ ἐπιδέδρομεν αἴγλη· | 6.45. preads, and white sunlight plays, upon it. In it the blessed gods take pleasure every day. There the bright-eyed one departed, after she talked to the girl. Straightaway came fair-throned Dawn, who woke fair-robed Nausicaa. She marveled much at once about the dream, |
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4. Homer, Iliad, 3.1-3.6, 7.114, 7.230, 9.214, 9.556, 11.25, 14.187, 16.148-16.151, 16.709, 20.219-20.222, 21.107 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, estates of Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 41; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 127, 153, 167; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35, 212, 243| 3.1. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ κόσμηθεν ἅμʼ ἡγεμόνεσσιν ἕκαστοι, 3.2. Τρῶες μὲν κλαγγῇ τʼ ἐνοπῇ τʼ ἴσαν ὄρνιθες ὣς 3.3. ἠΰτε περ κλαγγὴ γεράνων πέλει οὐρανόθι πρό· 3.4. αἵ τʼ ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον καὶ ἀθέσφατον ὄμβρον 3.5. κλαγγῇ ταί γε πέτονται ἐπʼ ὠκεανοῖο ῥοάων 3.6. ἀνδράσι Πυγμαίοισι φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέρουσαι· 7.114. ἔρριγʼ ἀντιβολῆσαι, ὅ περ σέο πολλὸν ἀμείνων. 7.230. κεῖτʼ ἀπομηνίσας Ἀγαμέμνονι ποιμένι λαῶν· 9.556. κεῖτο παρὰ μνηστῇ ἀλόχῳ καλῇ Κλεοπάτρῃ 14.187. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ πάντα περὶ χροῒ θήκατο κόσμον 16.148. τῷ δὲ καὶ Αὐτομέδων ὕπαγε ζυγὸν ὠκέας ἵππους 16.149. Ξάνθον καὶ Βαλίον, τὼ ἅμα πνοιῇσι πετέσθην, 16.150. τοὺς ἔτεκε Ζεφύρῳ ἀνέμῳ Ἅρπυια Ποδάργη 16.151. βοσκομένη λειμῶνι παρὰ ῥόον Ὠκεανοῖο. 16.709. οὐδʼ ὑπʼ Ἀχιλλῆος, ὅς περ σέο πολλὸν ἀμείνων. 20.219. Δάρδανος αὖ τέκεθʼ υἱὸν Ἐριχθόνιον βασιλῆα, 20.220. ὃς δὴ ἀφνειότατος γένετο θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων· 20.221. τοῦ τρισχίλιαι ἵπποι ἕλος κάτα βουκολέοντο 20.222. θήλειαι, πώλοισιν ἀγαλλόμεναι ἀταλῇσι. 21.107. κάτθανε καὶ Πάτροκλος, ὅ περ σέο πολλὸν ἀμείνων. | 3.1. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.2. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.3. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.4. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.5. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.5. and with clamour fly toward the streams of Ocean, bearing slaughter and death to Pigmy men, and in the early dawn they offer evil battle. But the Achaeans came on in silence, breathing fury, eager at heart to bear aid each man to his fellow. 3.6. and with clamour fly toward the streams of Ocean, bearing slaughter and death to Pigmy men, and in the early dawn they offer evil battle. But the Achaeans came on in silence, breathing fury, eager at heart to bear aid each man to his fellow. 7.114. Hold back, for all thy grief, and be not minded in rivalry to fight with one better than thou, even with Hector, son of Priam, of whom others besides thee are adread. Even Achilles shuddereth to meet this man in battle, where men win glory; and he is better far than thou. 7.230. in utter wrath against Agamemnon, Atreus' son, shepherd of the host; yet are we such as to face thee, yea, full many of us. But begin thou war and battle. To him then made answer great Hector of the flashing helm:Aias, sprung from Zeus, thou son of Telamon, captain of the host, 9.556. he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 14.187. veil herself, a fair veil, all glistering, and white was it as the sun; and beneath her shining feet she bound her fair sandals. But when she had decked her body with all adornment, she went forth from her chamber, and calling to her Aphrodite, apart from the other gods, she spake to her, saying: 16.148. And the horses he bade Automedon yoke speedily, even him that he honoured most after Achilles, breaker of the ranks of men, and that in his eyes was faithful above all to abide his call in battle. At his bidding then Automedon led beneath the yoke the fleet horses, Xanthus and Balius, that flew swift as the winds, horses 16.149. And the horses he bade Automedon yoke speedily, even him that he honoured most after Achilles, breaker of the ranks of men, and that in his eyes was faithful above all to abide his call in battle. At his bidding then Automedon led beneath the yoke the fleet horses, Xanthus and Balius, that flew swift as the winds, horses 16.150. that the Harpy Podarge conceived to the West Wind, as she grazed on the meadow beside the stream of Oceanus. And in the side-traces he set the goodly Pedasus that on a time Achilles had brought away, when he took the city of Eetion; and he, being but mortal, kept pace with immortal steeds. 16.151. that the Harpy Podarge conceived to the West Wind, as she grazed on the meadow beside the stream of Oceanus. And in the side-traces he set the goodly Pedasus that on a time Achilles had brought away, when he took the city of Eetion; and he, being but mortal, kept pace with immortal steeds. 16.709. But when for the fourth time he rushed on like a god, then with a terrible cry Apollo spake to him winged words:Give back, Zeus-born Patroclus. It is not fated, I tell thee, that by thy spear the city of the lordly Trojans shall be laid waste, nay, nor by that of Achilles, who is better far than thou. 20.219. at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.220. who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.221. who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.222. who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 21.107. aye, not one among all the Trojans, and least of all among the sons of Priam. Nay, friend, do thou too die; why lamentest thou thus? Patroclus also died, who was better far than thou. And seest thou not what manner of man am I, how comely and how tall? A good man was my father, and a goddess the mother that bare me; yet over me too hang death and mighty fate. |
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5. Hesiod, Theogony, 287-294 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244| 294. σταθμῷ ἐν ἠερόεντι πέρην κλυτοῦ Ὠκεανοῖο. | 294. Who bore Iris who moves so rapidly |
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| 6. Alcaeus, Fragments, 347 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 191 |
| 7. Alcaeus, Fragments, 347 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 191 |
8. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 422, 717-721 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 336| 721. κροτάφων ἀπʼ αὐτῶν. ἀστρογείτονας δὲ χρὴ | 721. loftiest of mountains, where from its very brows the river pours out its might in fury. You must pass over its crests, which neighbor the stars, and enter upon a southward course, where you shall reach the host of the Amazons, who loathe all men. They shall in time to come |
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9. Plato, Philebus, 18c, 18d, 18b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 77| 18b. ἀναγκασθῇ πρῶτον λαμβάνειν, μὴ ἐπὶ τὸ ἓν εὐθύς, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀριθμὸν αὖ τινα πλῆθος ἕκαστον ἔχοντά τι κατανοεῖν, τελευτᾶν τε ἐκ πάντων εἰς ἕν. πάλιν δὲ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι τὸ νῦν λεγόμενον λάβωμεν. ΠΡΩ. πῶς; ΣΩ. ἐπειδὴ φωνὴν ἄπειρον κατενόησεν εἴτε τις θεὸς εἴτε καὶ θεῖος ἄνθρωπος—ὡς λόγος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Θεῦθ τινα τοῦτον γενέσθαι λέγων, ὃς πρῶτος τὰ φωνήεντα ἐν τῷ ἀπείρῳ κατενόησεν οὐχ ἓν ὄντα ἀλλὰ πλείω, καὶ πάλιν | 18b. he must not turn immediately to the one, but must think of some number which possesses in each case some plurality, and must end by passing from all to one. Let us revert to the letters of the alphabet to illustrate this. Pro. How? Soc. When some one, whether god or godlike man,—there is an Egyptian story that his name was Theuth—observed that sound was infinite, he was the first to notice that the vowel sounds in that infinity were not one, but many, and again that there were other elements which were not vowels but did have a sot quality, |
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10. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 21b, 21a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 20| 21a. ἐμός τε ἑταῖρος ἦν ἐκ νέου καὶ ὑμῶν τῷ πλήθει ἑταῖρός τε καὶ συνέφυγε τὴν φυγὴν ταύτην καὶ μεθʼ ὑμῶν κατῆλθε. καὶ ἴστε δὴ οἷος ἦν Χαιρεφῶν, ὡς σφοδρὸς ἐφʼ ὅτι ὁρμήσειεν. καὶ δή ποτε καὶ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐλθὼν ἐτόλμησε τοῦτο μαντεύσασθαι—καί, ὅπερ λέγω, μὴ θορυβεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες—ἤρετο γὰρ δὴ εἴ τις ἐμοῦ εἴη σοφώτερος. ἀνεῖλεν οὖν ἡ Πυθία μηδένα σοφώτερον εἶναι. καὶ τούτων πέρι ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῖν αὐτοῦ οὑτοσὶ μαρτυρήσει, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖνος τετελεύτηκεν. | 21a. He was my comrade from a youth and the comrade of your democratic party, and shared in the recent exile and came back with you. And you know the kind of man Chaerephon was, how impetuous in whatever he undertook. Well, once he went to Delphi and made so bold as to ask the oracle this question; and, gentlemen, don’t make a disturbance at what I say; for he asked if there were anyone wiser than I. Now the Pythia replied that there was no one wiser. And about these things his brother here will bear you witness, since Chaerephon is dead. |
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| 11. Hippocrates, Nature of Man, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •terentius varro, m. (varro), on the mixed constitution Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 19 |
12. Plato, Phaedrus, 266b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 77| 266b. προτεινάμενος ἐπῄνεσεν ὡς μεγίστων αἴτιον ἡμῖν ἀγαθῶν. ΦΑΙ. ἀληθέστατα λέγεις. ΣΩ. τούτων δὴ ἔγωγε αὐτός τε ἐραστής, ὦ Φαῖδρε, τῶν διαιρέσεων καὶ συναγωγῶν, ἵνα οἷός τε ὦ λέγειν τε καὶ φρονεῖν· ἐάν τέ τινʼ ἄλλον ἡγήσωμαι δυνατὸν εἰς ἓν καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὰ πεφυκόθʼ ὁρᾶν, τοῦτον διώκω κατόπισθε μετʼ ἴχνιον ὥστε θεοῖο. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τοὺς δυναμένους αὐτὸ δρᾶν εἰ μὲν ὀρθῶς ἢ μὴ προσαγορεύω, θεὸς οἶδε, καλῶ δὲ | 266b. but divine, which it held up to view and praised as the author of our greatest blessings. Phaedrus. Very true. Socrates. Now I myself, Phaedrus, am a lover of these processes of division and bringing together, as aids to speech and thought; and if I think any other man is able to see things that can naturally be collected into one and divided into many, him I follow after and walk in his footsteps as if he were a god. Home. Od. 5.193 ὃ δ’ ἔπειτα μετ’ ἴχνια βαῖνε θεοῖο, and he walked in the footsteps of the god. And whether the name I give to those who can do this is right or wrong, God knows, |
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| 13. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 30 |
| 14. Plato, Timaeus, 33bc (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35 |
| 15. Plato, Symposium, 172a1-174a2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 12 |
16. Plato, Sophist, 242d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 84| 242d. ἐνίοτε αὐτῶν ἄττα πῃ, τοτὲ δὲ καὶ φίλα γιγνόμενα γάμους τε καὶ τόκους καὶ τροφὰς τῶν ἐκγόνων παρέχεται· δύο δὲ ἕτερος εἰπών, ὑγρὸν καὶ ξηρὸν ἢ θερμὸν καὶ ψυχρόν, συνοικίζει τε αὐτὰ καὶ ἐκδίδωσι· τὸ δὲ παρʼ ἡμῖν Ἐλεατικὸν ἔθνος, ἀπὸ Ξενοφάνους τε καὶ ἔτι πρόσθεν ἀρξάμενον, ὡς ἑνὸς ὄντος τῶν πάντων καλουμένων οὕτω διεξέρχεται τοῖς μύθοις. Ἰάδες δὲ καὶ Σικελαί τινες ὕστερον Μοῦσαι συνενόησαν ὅτι συμπλέκειν | 242d. become friends and marry and have children and bring them up; and another says there are two, wet and dry or hot and cold, which he settles together and unites in marriage. And the Eleatic sect in our region, beginning with Xenophanes and even earlier, have their story that all things, as they are called, are really one. Then some Ionian and later some Sicilian Muses reflected |
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| 17. Plato, Republic, 7.525d, 7.522c, 7.516e, 7.516c, 7.526e, 7.527b, 7.531c, 7.533d, 7.532e, 7.532a, 7.531d, 7.529a, 7.539e-540a, 514a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 81 |
| 18. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, 347 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 191 |
19. Herodotus, Histories, 1.111, 1.201-1.206, 3.115-3.116, 4.6, 4.8, 4.43, 5.30, 6.98, 7.64 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 2; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 113, 221, 243, 245, 341| 1.201. ὡς δὲ τῷ Κύρῳ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος κατέργαστο, ἐπεθύμησε Μασσαγέτας ὑπʼ ἑωυτῷ ποιήσασθαι. τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τοῦτο καὶ μέγα λέγεται εἶναι καὶ ἄλκιμον, οἰκημένον δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολάς, πέρην τοῦ Ἀράξεω ποταμοῦ, ἀντίον δὲ Ἰσσηδόνων ἀνδρῶν. εἰσὶ δὲ οἵτινες καὶ Σκυθικὸν λέγουσι τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι. 1.202. ὁ δὲ Ἀράξης λέγεται καὶ μέζων καὶ ἐλάσσων εἶναι τοῦ Ἴστρου· νήσους δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ Λέσβῳ μεγάθεα παραπλησίας συχνάς φασι εἶναι, ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀνθρώπους οἳ σιτέονται μὲν ῥίζας τὸ θέρος ὀρύσσοντες παντοίας· καρποὺς δὲ ἀπὸ δενδρέων ἐξευρημένους σφι ἐς φορβὴν κατατίθεσθαι ὡραίους, καὶ τούτους σιτέεσθαι τὴν χειμερινήν. ἄλλα δέ σφι ἐξευρῆσθαι δένδρεα καρποὺς τοιούσδε τινὰς φέροντα, τοὺς ἐπείτε ἂν ἐς τὠυτὸ συνέλθωσι κατὰ εἴλας καὶ πῦρ ἀνακαύσωνται κύκλῳ περιιζομένους ἐπιβάλλειν ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ, ὀσφραινομένους δὲ καταγιζομένου τοῦ καρποῦ τοῦ ἐπιβαλλομένου μεθύσκεσθαι τῇ ὀσμῇ κατά περ Ἕλληνας τῷ οἴνῳ πλεῦνος δὲ ἐπιβαλλομένου τοῦ καρποῦ μᾶλλον μεθύσκεσθαι, ἐς ὃ ἐς ὄρχησίν τε ἀνίστασθαι καὶ ἐς ἀοιδὴν ἀπικνέεσθαι. τούτων μὲν αὕτη λέγεται δίαιτᾳ εἶναι. ὁ δὲ Ἀράξης ποταμὸς ῥέει μὲν ἐκ Ματιηνῶν, ὅθεν περ ὁ Γύνδης τὸν ἐς τὰς διώρυχας τὰς ἑξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας διέλαβε ὁ Κῦρος, στόμασι δὲ ἐξερεύγεται τεσσεράκοντα, τῶν τὰ πάντα πλὴν ἑνὸς ἐς ἕλεά τε καὶ τενάγεα ἐκδιδοῖ· ἐν τοῖσι ἀνθρώπους κατοικῆσθαι λέγουσι ἰχθῦς ὠμοὺς σιτεομένους, ἐσθῆτι δὲ νομίζοντας χρᾶσθαι φωκέων δέρμασι. τὸ δὲ ἓν τῶν στομάτων τοῦ Ἀράξεω ῥέει διὰ καθαροῦ ἐς τὴν Κασπίην θάλασσαν. 1.203. ἡ δὲ Κασπίη θάλασσα ἐστὶ ἐπʼ ἑωυτῆς, οὐ συμμίσγουσα τῇ ἑτέρῃ θαλάσσῃ. τὴν μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνὲς ναυτίλλονται πᾶσα καὶ ἡ ἔξω στηλέων θάλασσα ἡ Ἀτλαντὶς καλεομένη καὶ ἡ Ἐρυθρὴ μία ἐοῦσα τυγχάνει. ἡ δὲ Κασπίη ἐστὶ ἑτέρη ἐπʼ ἑωυτῆς, ἐοῦσα μῆκος μὲν πλόου εἰρεσίῃ χρεωμένῳ πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμερέων, εὖρος δέ, τῇ εὐρυτάτη ἐστὶ αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς, ὀκτὼ ἡμερέων. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέρην φέροντα τῆς θαλάσσης ταύτης ὁ Καύκασος παρατείνει, ἐὸν ὀρέων καὶ πλήθεϊ μέγιστον καὶ μεγάθεϊ ὑψηλότατον. ἔθνεα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα ἐν ἑωυτῷ ἔχει ὁ Καύκασος, τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ἀπʼ ὕλης ἀγρίης ζώοντα· ἐν τοῖσι καὶ δένδρεα φύλλα τοιῆσδε ἰδέης παρεχόμενα εἶναι λέγεται, τὰ τρίβοντάς τε καὶ παραμίσγοντας ὕδωρ ζῷα ἑωυτοῖσι ἐς τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐγγράφειν· τὰ δὲ ζῷα οὐκ ἐκπλύνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ συγκαταγηράσκειν τῷ ἄλλῳ εἰρίῳ κατὰ περ ἐνυφανθέντα ἀρχήν. μῖξιν δὲ τούτων τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἶναι ἐμφανέα κατὰ περ τοῖσι προβάτοισι. 1.204. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τῆς θαλάσσης ταύτης τῆς Κασπίης καλεομένης ὁ Καύκασος ἀπέργει, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα πεδίον ἐκδέκεται πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἐς ἄποψιν. τοῦ ὦν δὴ πεδίου τούτου τοῦ μεγάλου οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν μετέχουσι οἱ Μασσαγέται, ἐπʼ οὓς ὁ Κῦρος ἔσχε προθυμίην στρατεύσασθαι. πολλά τε γάρ μιν καὶ μεγάλα τὰ ἐπαείροντα καὶ ἐποτρύνοντα ἦν, πρῶτον μὲν ἡ γένεσις, τὸ δοκέειν πλέον τι εἶναι ἀνθρώπου, δευτέρα δὲ ἡ εὐτυχίη ἡ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους γενομένη· ὅκῃ γὰρ ἰθύσειε στρατεύεσθαι Κῦρος, ἀμήχανον ἦν ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔθνος διαφυγεῖν. 1.205. ἦν δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀποθανόντος γυνὴ τῶν Μασσαγετέων βασίλεια. Τόμυρίς οἱ ἦν οὔνομα. ταύτην πέμπων ὁ Κῦρος ἐμνᾶτο τῷ λόγῳ θέλων γυναῖκα ἣν ἔχειν. ἡ δὲ Τόμυρις συνιεῖσα οὐκ αὐτήν μιν μνώμενον ἀλλὰ τὴν Μασαγετέων βασιληίην, ἀπείπατο τὴν πρόσοδον. Κῦρος δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο, ὥς οἱ δόλῳ οὐ προεχώρεε, ἐλάσας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀράξεα ἐποιέετο ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος ἐπὶ τοὺς Μασσαγέτας στρατηίην, γεφύρας τε ζευγνύων ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ διάβασιν τῷ στρατῷ, καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ πλοίων τῶν διαπορθμευόντων τὸν ποταμὸν οἰκοδομεόμενος. 1.206. ἔχοντι δέ οἱ τοῦτον τὸν πόνον πέμψασα ἡ Τόμυρις κήρυκα ἔλεγε τάδε. “ὦ βασιλεῦ Μήδων, παῦσαι σπεύδων τὰ σπεύδεις· οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰδείης εἴ τοι ἐς καιρὸν ἔσται ταῦτα τελεόμενα· παυσάμενος δὲ βασίλευε τῶν σεωυτοῦ, καὶ ἡμέας ἀνέχευ ὁρέων ἄρχοντας τῶν περ ἄρχομεν. οὔκων ἐθελήσεις ὑποθήκῃσι τῇσιδε χρᾶσθαι, ἀλλὰ πάντως μᾶλλον ἢ διʼ ἡσυχίης εἶναι· σὺ δὴ εἰ μεγάλως προθυμέαι Μασσαγετέων πειρηθῆναι, φέρε μόχθον μὲν τὸν ἔχεις ζευγνὺς τὸν ποταμὸν ἄπες, σὺ δὲ ἡμέων ἀναχωρησάντων ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τριῶν ἡμερέων ὁδὸν διάβαινε ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην· εἰ δʼ ἡμέας βούλεαι ἐσδέξασθαι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν ὑμετέρην, σὺ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποίεε.” ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας ὁ Κῦρος συνεκάλεσε Περσέων τοὺς πρώτους, συναγείρας δὲ τούτους ἐς μέσον σφι προετίθεε τὸ πρῆγμα, συμβουλευόμενος ὁκότερα ποιέῃ. τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὠυτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι συνεξέπιπτον κελευόντων ἐσδέκεσθαι Τόμυρίν τε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτῆς ἐς τὴν χώρην. 3.115. αὗται μέν νυν ἔν τε τῇ Ἀσίῃ ἐσχατιαί εἰσι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐσχατιέων ἔχω μὲν οὐκ ἀτρεκέως λέγειν· οὔτε γὰρ ἔγωγε ἐνδέκομαι Ἠριδανὸν καλέεσθαι πρὸς βαρβάρων ποταμὸν ἐκδιδόντα ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, ἀπʼ ὅτευ τὸ ἤλεκτρον φοιτᾶν λόγος ἐστί, οὔτε νήσους οἶδα Κασσιτερίδας ἐούσας, ἐκ τῶν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ἠριδανὸς αὐτὸ κατηγορέει τὸ οὔνομα ὡς ἔστι Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ οὐ βάρβαρον, ὑπὸ ποιητέω δὲ τινὸς ποιηθέν· τοῦτο δὲ οὐδενὸς αὐτόπτεω γενομένου δύναμαι ἀκοῦσαι, τοῦτο μελετῶν, ὅκως θάλασσα ἐστὶ τὰ ἐπέκεινα Εὐρώπης. ἐξ ἐσχάτης δʼ ὦν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον. 3.116. πρὸς δὲ ἄρκτου τῆς Εὐρώπης πολλῷ τι πλεῖστος χρυσὸς φαίνεται ἐών· ὅκως μὲν γινόμενος, οὐκ ἔχω οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀτρεκέως εἶπαι, λέγεται δὲ ὑπὲκ τῶν γρυπῶν ἁρπάζειν Ἀριμασποὺς ἄνδρας μουνοφθάλμους. πείθομαι δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ὅκως μουνόφθαλμοι ἄνδρες φύονται, φύσιν ἔχοντες τὴν ἄλλην ὁμοίην τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνθρώποισι· αἱ δὲ ὦν ἐσχατιαὶ οἴκασι, περικληίουσαι τὴν ἄλλην χώρην καὶ ἐντὸς ἀπέργουσαι, τὰ κάλλιστα δοκέοντα ἡμῖν εἶναι καὶ σπανιώτατα ἔχειν αὗται. 4.6. ἀπὸ μὲν δὴ Λιποξάιος γεγονέναι τούτους τῶν Σκυθέων οἳ Αὐχάται γένος καλέονται, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μέσου Ἀρποξάιος οἳ Κατίαροί τε καὶ Τράσπιες καλέονται, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ νεωτάτου αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέος οἳ καλέονται Παραλάται· σύμπασι δὲ εἶναι οὔνομα Σκολότους, τοῦ βασιλέος ἐπωνυμίην. Σκύθας δὲ Ἕλληνες ὠνόμασαν. 4.8. Σκύθαι μὲν ὧδε ὕπερ σφέων τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῆς χώρης τῆς κατύπερθε λέγουσι, Ἑλλήνων δὲ οἱ τὸν Πόντον οἰκέοντες ὧδε. Ἡρακλέα ἐλαύνοντα τὰς Γηρυόνεω βοῦς ἀπικέσθαι ἐς γῆν ταύτην ἐοῦσαν ἐρήμην, ἥντινα νῦν Σκύθαι νέμονται. Γηρυόνεα δὲ οἰκέειν ἔξω τοῦ Πόντου, κατοικημένον τὴν Ἕλληνές λέγουσι Ἐρύθειαν νῆσον τὴν πρὸς Γαδείροισι τοῖσι ἔξω Ἡρακλέων στηλέων ἐπὶ τῷ Ὠκεανῷ. τὸν δὲ Ὠκεανὸν λόγῳ μὲν λέγουσι ἀπὸ ἡλίου ἀνατολέων ἀρξάμενον γῆν περὶ πᾶσαν ῥέειν, ἔργῳ δὲ οὐκ ἀποδεικνῦσι. ἐνθεῦτεν τόν Ἡρακλέα ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν νῦν Σκυθίην χώρην καλεομένην, καὶ καταλαβεῖν γὰρ αὐτὸν χειμῶνα τε καὶ κρυμὸν, ἐπειρυσάμενον τὴν λεοντέην κατυπνῶσαι, τὰς δὲ οἱ ἵππους τὰς 1 ὑπὸ τοῦ ἅρματος νεμομένας ἐν τούτῳ τῳ χρόνῳ ἀφανισθῆναι θείη τύχῃ. 4.43. οὕτω μὲν αὕτη ἐγνώσθη τὸ πρῶτον, μετὰ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι εἰσὶ οἱ λέγοντες· ἐπεὶ Σατάσπης γε ὁ Τεάσπιος ἀνὴρ Ἀχαιμενίδης οὐ περιέπλωσε Λιβύην, ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πεμφθείς, ἀλλὰ δείσας τό τε μῆκος τοῦ πλόου καὶ τὴν ἐρημίην ἀπῆλθε ὀπίσω, οὐδʼ ἐπετέλεσε τὸν ἐπέταξε οἱ ἡ μήτηρ ἄεθλον. θυγατέρα γὰρ Ζωπύρου τοῦ Μεγαβύζου ἐβιήσατο παρθένον· ἔπειτα μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην ἀνασκολοπιεῖσθαι ὑπὸ Ξέρξεω βασιλέος, ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ Σατάσπεος ἐοῦσα Δαρείου ἀδελφεὴ παραιτήσατο, φᾶσά οἱ αὐτὴ μέζω ζημίην ἐπιθήσειν ἤ περ ἐκεῖνον· Λιβύην γάρ οἱ ἀνάγκην ἔσεσθαι περιπλώειν, ἐς ὃ ἂν ἀπίκηται περιπλέων αὐτὴν ἐς τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον. συγχωρήσαντος δὲ Ξέρξεω ἐπὶ τούτοισι, ὁ Σατάσπης ἀπικόμενος ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ λαβὼν νέα τε καὶ ναύτας παρὰ τούτων ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Ἡρακλέας στήλας· διεκπλώσας δὲ καὶ κάμψας τὸ ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Λιβύης τῷ οὔνομα Σολόεις ἐστί, ἔπλεε πρὸς μεσαμβρίην· περήσας δὲ θάλασσαν πολλὴν ἐν πολλοῖσι μησί, ἐπείτε τοῦ πλεῦνος αἰεὶ ἔδεε, ἀποστρέψας ὀπίσω ἀπέπλεε ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἀπικόμενος παρὰ βασιλέα Ξέρξεα ἔλεγε φὰς τὰ προσωτάτω ἀνθρώπους μικροὺς παραπλέειν ἐσθῆτι φοινικηίῃ διαχρεωμένους, οἳ ὅκως σφεῖς καταγοίατο τῇ νηὶ φεύγεσκον πρὸς τὰ ὄρεα λείποντες τὰς πόλιας· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀδικέειν οὐδὲν ἐσιόντες, βρωτὰ δὲ μοῦνα ἐξ αὐτέων λαμβάνειν. τοῦ δὲ μὴ περιπλῶσαι Λιβύην παντελέως αἴτιον τόδε ἔλεγε, τὸ πλοῖον τὸ πρόσω οὐ δυνατὸν ἔτι εἶναι προβαίνειν ἀλλʼ ἐνίσχεσθαι. Ξέρξης δὲ οὔ οἱ συγγινώσκων λέγειν ἀληθέα οὐκ ἐπιτελέσαντά τε τὸν προκείμενον ἄεθλον ἀνεσκολόπισε, τὴν ἀρχαίην δίκην ἐπιτιμῶν. τούτου δὲ τοῦ Σατάσπεος εὐνοῦχος ἀπέδρη ἐς Σάμον, ἐπείτε ἐπύθετο τάχιστα τὸν δεσπότεα τετελευτηκότα, ἔχων χρήματα μεγάλα, τὰ Σάμιος ἀνὴρ κατέσχε, τοῦ ἐπιστάμενος τὸ οὔνομα ἑκὼν ἐπιλήθομαι. 5.30. Πάριοι μέν νυν Μιλησίους οὕτω κατήρτισαν. τότε δὲ ἐκ τουτέων τῶν πολίων ὧδε ἤρχετο κακὰ γίνεσθαι τῇ Ἰωνίῃ. ἐκ Νάξου ἔφυγον ἄνδρες τῶν παχέων ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, φυγόντες δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς Μίλητον. τῆς δὲ Μιλήτου ἐτύγχανε ἐπίτροπος ἐὼν Ἀρισταγόρης ὁ Μολπαγόρεω, γαμβρός τε ἐὼν καὶ ἀνεψιὸς Ἱστιαίου τοῦ Λυσαγόρεω, τὸν ὁ Δαρεῖος ἐν Σούσοισι κατεῖχε· ὁ γὰρ Ἱστιαῖος τύραννος ἦν Μιλήτου καὶ ἐτύγχανε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐὼν ἐν Σούσοισι, ὅτε οἱ Νάξιοι ἦλθον ξεῖνοι πρὶν ἐόντες τῷ Ἱστιαίῳ. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οἱ Νάξιοι ἐς τὴν Μίλητον ἐδέοντο τοῦ Ἀρισταγόρεω, εἴ κως αὐτοῖσι παράσχοι δύναμίν τινα καὶ κατέλθοιεν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν. ὁ δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος ὡς ἢν διʼ αὐτοῦ κατέλθωσι ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ἄρξει τῆς Νάξου, σκῆψιν δὲ ποιεύμενος τὴν ξεινίην τὴν Ἱστιαίου, τόνδε σφι λόγον προσέφερε. “αὐτὸς μὲν ὑμῖν οὐ φερέγγυός εἰμι δύναμιν παρασχεῖν τοσαύτην ὥστε κατάγειν ἀεκόντων τῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐχόντων Ναξίων· πυνθάνομαι γὰρ ὀκτακισχιλίην ἀσπίδα Ναξίοισι εἶναι καὶ πλοῖα μακρὰ πολλά· μηχανήσομαι δὲ πᾶσαν σπουδὴν ποιεύμενος. ἐπινοέω δὲ τῇδε. Ἀρταφρένης μοι τυγχάνει ἐὼν φίλος· ὁ δὲ Ἀρταφρένης ὑμῖν Ὑστάσπεος μὲν ἐστὶ παῖς, Δαρείου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέος ἀδελφεός, τῶν δʼ ἐπιθαλασσίων τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίῇ ἄρχει πάντων, ἔχων στρατιήν τε πολλὴν καὶ πολλὰς νέας. τοῦτον ὦν δοκέω τὸν ἄνδρα ποιήσειν τῶν ἂν χρηίζωμεν.” ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Νάξιοι προσέθεσαν τῷ Ἀρισταγόρῃ πρήσσειν τῇ δύναιτο ἄριστα, καὶ ὑπίσχεσθαι δῶρα ἐκέλευον καὶ δαπάνην τῇ στρατιῇ ὡς αὐτοὶ διαλύσοντες, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχοντες, ὅταν ἐπιφανέωσι ἐς τὴν Νάξον, πάντα ποιήσειν τοὺς Ναξίους τὰ ἂν αὐτοὶ κελεύωσι, ὣς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νησιώτας. τῶν γὰρ νήσων τουτέων τῶν Κυκλάδων οὐδεμία κω ἦν ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ. 6.98. Δᾶτις μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἔπλεε ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐρέτριαν πρῶτα, ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ Ἴωνας καὶ Αἰολέας. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐνθεῦτεν ἐξαναχθέντα Δῆλος ἐκινήθη, ὡς ἔλεγον Δήλιοι, καὶ πρῶτα καὶ ὕστατα μέχρι ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα. καὶ τοῦτο μέν κου τέρας ἀνθρώποισι τῶν μελλόντων ἔσεσθαι κακῶν ἔφαινε ὁ θεός. ἐπὶ γὰρ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος καὶ Ξέρξεω τοῦ Δαρείου καὶ Ἀρτοξέρξεω τοῦ Ξέρξεω, τριῶν τουτέων ἐπεξῆς γενεέων, ἐγένετο πλέω κακὰ τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἢ ἐπὶ εἴκοσι ἄλλας γενεὰς τὰς πρὸ Δαρείου γενομένας, τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Περσέων αὐτῇ γενόμενα, τὰ δὲ ἀπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν κορυφαίων περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολεμεόντων. οὕτω οὐδὲν ἦν ἀεικὲς κινηθῆναι Δῆλον τὸ πρὶν ἐοῦσαν ἀκίνητον. καὶ ἐν χρησμῷ ἦν γεγραμμένον περὶ αὐτῆς ὧδε. κινήσω καὶ Δῆλον ἀκίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν. δύναται δὲ κατὰ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ταῦτα τὰ οὐνόματα, Δαρεῖος ἐρξίης, Ξέρξης ἀρήιος, Ἀρτοξέρξης μέγας ἀρήιος. τούτους μὲν δὴ τοὺς βασιλέας ὧδε ἂν ὀρθῶς κατὰ γλῶσσαν τὴν σφετέρην Ἕλληνες καλέοιεν. 7.64. Βάκτριοι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι ἀγχότατα τῶν Μηδικῶν ἔχοντες ἐστρατεύοντο, τόξα δὲ καλάμινα ἐπιχώρια καὶ αἰχμὰς βραχέας. Σάκαι δὲ οἱ Σκύθαι περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κυρβασίας ἐς ὀξὺ ἀπηγμένας ὀρθὰς εἶχον πεπηγυίας, ἀναξυρίδας δὲ ἐνεδεδύκεσαν, τόξα δὲ ἐπιχώρια καὶ ἐγχειρίδια, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἀξίνας σαγάρις εἶχον. τούτους δὲ ἐόντας Σκύθας Ἀμυργίους Σάκας ἐκάλεον· οἱ γὰρ Πέρσαι πάντας τοὺς Σκύθας καλέουσι Σάκας. Βακτρίων δὲ καὶ Σακέων ἦρχε Ὑστάσπης ὁ Δαρείου τε καὶ Ἀτόσσης τῆς Κύρου. | 1.201. When Cyrus had conquered this nation, too, he wanted to subject the Massagetae. These are said to be a great and powerful people dwelling towards the east and the sunrise, beyond the Araxes and opposite the Issedones; and some say that they are a Scythian people. 1.202. The Araxes is said by some to be greater and by some to be less than the Ister. It is reported that there are many islands in it as big as Lesbos, and men on them who in summer live on roots of all kinds that they dig up, and in winter on fruit that they have got from trees when it was ripe and stored for food; ,and they know (it is said) of trees bearing a fruit whose effect is this: gathering in groups and kindling a fire, the people sit around it and throw the fruit into the flames; then the fumes of it as it burns make them drunk as the Greeks are with wine, and more and more drunk as more fruit is thrown on the fire, until at last they rise up to dance and even sing. Such is said to be their way of life. ,The Araxes flows from the country of the Matieni (as does the Gyndes, which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels) and empties itself through forty mouths, of which all except one issue into bogs and swamps, where men are said to live whose food is raw fish, and their customary dress sealskins. ,The one remaining stream of the Araxes flows in a clear channel into the Caspian sea .This is a sea by itself, not joined to the other sea. For that on which the Greeks sail, and the sea beyond the pillars of Heracles, which they call Atlantic, and the Red Sea, are all one: 1.203. but the Caspian is separate and by itself. Its length is what a ship rowed by oars can traverse in fifteen days, and its breadth, where it is broadest, is an eight days' journey. Along its western shore stretches the range of Caucasus, which has more and higher peaks than any other range. Many and all kinds of nations dwell in the Caucasus, and the most of them live on the fruits of the forest. ,Here, it is said, are trees growing leaves that men crush and mix with water and use for painting figures on their clothing; these figures cannot be washed out, but last as long as the wool, as if they had been woven into it from the first. Men and women here (they say) have intercourse openly, like beasts of the flock. 1.204. This sea called Caspian is hemmed in to the west by the Caucasus : towards the east and the sunrise there stretches from its shores a boundless plain as far as the eye can see. The greater part of this wide plain is the country of the Massagetae, against whom Cyrus was eager to lead his army. ,For there were many weighty reasons that impelled and encouraged him to do so: first, his birth, because of which he seemed to be something more than mortal; and next, his victories in his wars: for no nation that Cyrus undertook to attack could escape from him. 1.205. Now at this time the Massagetae were ruled by a queen called Tomyris, whose husband was dead. Cyrus sent a message with a pretence of wanting her for his wife, but Tomyris would have none of his advances, well understanding that he wanted not her but the kingdom of the Massagetae. ,So when guile was of no avail, Cyrus marched to the Araxes and openly prepared to attack the Massagetae; he bridged the river for his army to cross, and built towers on the pontoons bridging the river. 1.206. But while he was busy at this, Tomyris sent a herald to him with this message: “O king of the Medes, stop hurrying on what you are hurrying on, for you cannot know whether the completion of this work will be for your advantage. Stop, and be king of your own country; and endure seeing us ruling those whom we rule. ,But if you will not take this advice, and will do anything rather than remain at peace, then if you so greatly desire to try the strength of the Massagetae, stop your present work of bridging the river, and let us withdraw three days' journey from the Araxes; and when that is done, cross into our country. ,Or if you prefer to receive us into your country, then withdraw yourself as I have said.” Hearing this, Cyrus called together the leading Persians and laid the matter before them, asking them to advise him which he should do. They all spoke to the same end, urging him to let Tomyris and her army enter his country. 3.115. These then are the most distant lands in Asia and Libya . But concerning those in Europe that are the farthest away towards evening, I cannot speak with assurance; for I do not believe that there is a river called by foreigners Eridanus issuing into the northern sea, where our amber is said to come from, nor do I have any knowledge of Tin Islands, where our tin is brought from. ,The very name Eridanus betrays itself as not a foreign but a Greek name, invented by some poet; nor for all my diligence have I been able to learn from one who has seen it that there is a sea beyond Europe . All we know is that our tin and amber come from the most distant parts. 3.116. But in the north of Europe there is by far the most gold. In this matter again I cannot say with assurance how the gold is produced, but it is said that one-eyed men called Arimaspians steal it from griffins. ,But I do not believe this, that there are one-eyed men who have a nature otherwise the same as other men. ,The most outlying lands, though, as they enclose and wholly surround all the rest of the world, are likely to have those things which we think the finest and the rarest. 4.6. Lipoxaïs, it is said, was the father of the Scythian clan called Auchatae; Arpoxaïs, the second brother, of those called Katiari and Traspians; the youngest, who was king, of those called Paralatae. ,All these together bear the name of Skoloti, after their king; “Scythians” is the name given them by Greeks. This, then, is the Scythians' account of their origin, 4.8. This is what the Scythians say about themselves and the country north of them. But the story told by the Greeks who live in Pontus is as follows. Heracles, driving the cattle of Geryones, came to this land, which was then desolate, but is now inhabited by the Scythians. ,Geryones lived west of the Pontus, settled in the island called by the Greeks Erythea, on the shore of Ocean near Gadira, outside the pillars of Heracles. As for Ocean, the Greeks say that it flows around the whole world from where the sun rises, but they cannot prove that this is so. ,Heracles came from there to the country now called Scythia, where, encountering wintry and frosty weather, he drew his lion's skin over him and fell asleep, and while he slept his mares, which were grazing yoked to the chariot, were spirited away by divine fortune. 4.43. Thus was the first knowledge of Libya gained. The next story is that of the Carthaginians: for as for Sataspes son of Teaspes, an Achaemenid, he did not sail around Libya, although he was sent for that purpose; but he feared the length and loneliness of the voyage and so returned without accomplishing the task laid upon him by his mother. ,For he had raped the virgin daughter of Zopyrus son of Megabyzus; and when on this charge he was to be impaled by King Xerxes, Sataspes' mother, who was Darius' sister, interceded for his life, saying that she would impose a heavier punishment on him than Xerxes; ,for he would be compelled to sail around Libya, until he completed his voyage and came to the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes agreed to this, and Sataspes went to Egypt where he received a ship and a crew from the Egyptians, and sailed past the Pillars of Heracles. ,Having sailed out beyond them, and rounded the Libyan promontory called Solois, he sailed south; but when he had been many months sailing over the sea, and always more before him, he turned back and made sail for Egypt. ,Coming to King Xerxes from there, he related in his narrative that, when he was farthest distant, he sailed by a country of little men, who wore palm-leaf clothing; these, whenever he and his men put in to land with their ship, left their towns and fled to the hills; he and his men did no harm when they landed, and took nothing from the people except cattle. ,As to his not sailing completely around Libya, the reason (he said) was that the ship could move no farther, but was stopped. But Xerxes did not believe that Sataspes spoke the truth, and, as the task appointed was unfulfilled, he impaled him, punishing him on the charge first brought against him. ,This Sataspes had a eunuch, who as soon as he heard of his master's death escaped to Samos, with a great hoard of wealth, of which a man of Samos got possession. I know the man's name but deliberately omit it. 5.30. It was in this way that the Parians made peace in Miletus, but now these cities began to bring trouble upon Ionia. Certain men of substance who had been banished by the common people, went in exile to Miletus. ,Now it chanced that the deputy ruling Miletus was Aristagoras son of Molpagoras, son-in-law and cousin of that Histiaeus son of Lysagoras whom Darius kept with him at Susa. Histiaeus was tyrant of Miletus but was at Susa when the Naxians, who had been his guests and friends, arrived. ,When the Naxians came to Miletus, they asked Aristagoras if he could give them enough power to return to their own country. Believing that he would become ruler of Naxos if they were restored to their city with his help and using as a pretext their friendship with Histiaeus, he made them this proposal: ,“I myself do not have the authority to give you such power as will restore you against the will of the Naxians who hold your city, for I know that the Naxians have eight thousand men that bear shields, and many ships of war. Nevertheless, I will do everything I can to realize your request. ,This is my plan. Artaphrenes is my friend, and he is not only Hystaspes' son and brother to Darius the king but also governor of all the coastal peoples of Asia. He accordingly has a great army and many ships at his disposal. This man, then, will, I think, do whatever we desire.” ,Hearing this, the Naxians left the matter for Aristagoras to deal with as best he could, asking him to promise gifts and the costs of the army, for which they themselves would pay since they had great hope that when they should appear off Naxos, the Naxians would obey all their commands. The rest of the islanders, they expected, would do likewise since none of these Cycladic islands was as yet subject to Darius. 6.98. After doing this, Datis sailed with his army against Eretria first, taking with him Ionians and Aeolians; and after he had put out from there, Delos was shaken by an earthquake, the first and last, as the Delians say, before my time. This portent was sent by heaven, as I suppose, to be an omen of the ills that were coming on the world. ,For in three generations, that is, in the time of Darius son of Hystaspes and Xerxes son of Darius and Artaxerxes son of Xerxes, more ills happened to Hellas than in twenty generations before Darius; some coming from the Persians, some from the wars for preeminence among the chief of the nations themselves. ,Thus it was no marvel that there should be an earthquake in Delos when there had been none before. Also there was an oracle concerning Delos, where it was written:
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| 20. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 221 |
| 21. Aristotle, Poetics, 22 1458a-1459a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 118 |
| 22. Theocritus, Epigrams, 18 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 23. Philochorus, Fragments, 87f 36 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 130 |
| 24. Menander, Fragments, 101-103 p, 106 p, 108 p, 114 p, 116 p, 118 p, 2 p, 65 p, 66 p, 75 p, 89 p, 97 p, 77 p (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 20 |
| 25. Aristotle, Meteorology, 1.8, 363a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 196 |
| 26. Aristotle, Metaphysics, a1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 103 |
| 27. Timaeus of Tauromenium, Fragments, f67 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244 |
| 28. Callimachus, Fragments, 398 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 107 |
| 29. Menander, Fragments, 106 p, 108 p, 114 p, 116 p, 118 p, 2 p, 65 p, 66 p, 77 p, 89 p, 97 p, 75 p (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 20 |
30. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 2.846-2.850 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 29| 2.846. τόνδε πολισσοῦχον διεπέφραδε Βοιωτοῖσιν < 2.847. Νισαίοισί τε Φοῖβος ἐπιρρήδην ἱλάεσθαι, < 2.848. ἀμφὶ δὲ τήνγε φάλαγγα παλαιγενέος κοτίνοιο < 2.849. ἄστυ βαλεῖν· οἱ δʼ ἀντὶ θεουδέος Αἰολίδαο < 2.850. Ἴδμονος εἰσέτι νῦν Ἀγαμήστορα κυδαίνουσιν. < | |
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| 31. Plautus, Rudens, 717 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 218 |
| 32. Plautus, Pseudolus, 266, 481, 483-484, 482 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 155 |
| 33. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 1255, 1257, 1256 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 54 |
| 34. Ennius, Satirae, 5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 45 |
| 35. Plautus, Curculio, 577 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 181 |
| 36. Ennius, Annales, 207, 363, 374, 88-89, 206 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 152, 153 |
| 37. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 4, 143 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Perry, Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman (2014) 45 |
38. Cicero, On Laws, 1.40, 2.22, 2.23.59, 2.25.64, 2.29, 2.31-2.33, 2.32.2, 3.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro, m. •varro (m. terentius varro) •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •terentius varro, m. (varro), on the mixed constitution Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 24; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 77; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 28; Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 19 | 2.29. Then comes the order of festivals and holidays in which all men should be free, and spend their time without strife or litigation, and which afford the lower orders periods of rest and cessation from labour. We must appoint such holidays with a just reference to the seasons of the year, so that their distribution may rather facilitate than interrupt the useful labours of agriculture. And with respect to the time when the rites of sacrifice are to be offered, with the young animals appointed by law, the exact intervals of intercalation are to be accurately observed, an institution which, originating with Numa, was impaired by the negligence of subsequent pontiffs. It is not desirable to change the regulations which the pontiffs and haruspices have made respecting the appropriate sacrifices due to each god, in respect of age and sex. With respect to the priests, their great number and their attachment to the services of the several divinities, should enable them to explain all the ordices and duties of religion. Now as Vesta, according to the meaning of the Greek word, which the Latins have retained, is symbolized by the perpetual fire of the city, the Vestal Virgins preside over it with the greatest propriety, that they may keep the sacred flame ever burning and inviolable, and that women may learn that the purest chastity constitutes the perfection of their nature. -- (Etsentiant mulieres in natura foeminarum, omnem castitatem peti.) 2.31. One of the greatest and most important offices in the Commonwealth is that of the Augurs, conjoined as it is with the highest authority. I do not speak this from any motive of personal vanity, since I am an augur myself, but because it is an actual matter of fact. For what can be more important in respect of official dignities, than the power of dismissing the assembly of the Commons, though convoked by the chief rulers, and thus annulling their counsels and enactments? What, I say, can be more absolute domination than that by which even a single augur can adjourn any political proceeding to another day! What can be more transcendent than that authority of the augurs, by which they may command even consuls to lay down their office! What more sacred than their power of granting or refusing permission to form treaties and compacts! or their power of abrogating laws, which have not been legitimately enacted, as in the case of the Titian law, which was annulled by a decree of the pontifical college; and the Livian law, which was likewise annulled by the advice of Phillipus, who was at once consul and augur. Indeed there is no edict of the magistrates relating either to domestic or foreign affairs which can be ratified without the augurʼs authority. ATTICUS: I confess that their authority is very great; but there is a warm dispute between Marcellus and Appius, two of the best augurs in our college. I have met with the books of both, and I find that one of them affirms that auspices are merely got up for the interests of the state, and the other seems to think that they really are supernatural divinations. Will you favour us with your opinion on this point? MARCUS: For myself, I sincerely believe that there exists an art which the Greeks call Mantike, or magic; and that the flight of birds and other signs, which the augurs profess to observe, form a part of this magic. For when we grant the existence of the supreme gods, and their intellectual government of the universe, and their benigt dealings with the human race, and their power of granting us intimations of future events, I know not why we should deny the art of divination. Besides this, the history of our Commonwealth affords us an infinite number of examples, which confirm this truth, and all kingdoms, peoples, and nations bear testimony that the predictions of augurs are wonderfully fulfilled. Thus the traditions of Polyidus, Melampus, Mopsus, Amphiaraus, Calchas, and Helenus, would not have made so much noise in the world, nor would they at this time be accredited by so many nations, -- Arabians, Phrygians, Lycaonians, Cilicians and Pisidians, -- unless antiquity had handed them down as true and indisputable. Nor would our Romulus have consulted the auspices before he founded Rome, nor would the name of Accius Navius have so long flourished in the memory of our citizens, if events had not justified their wonderful predictions. But doubtless this science and art of augury may vanish away by age and negligence. Therefore, for my part, I neither agree with Marcellus, who maintains that our college of augurs never was in possession of this science; nor do I agree with Claudius, who asserts that we still preserve it. For that kind of augury which prevailed among our ancestors, I think that it was sometimes used for mere political convenience; but far more often as a bona fide guide and director in critical emergencies. (Quae mihi videtur apud majores fuisse, ut ad Reipublicae tempus nonnunquam, ad agendi consilium saepissime pertineret.)ATTICUS: Well, it might be so, and most probably was so, -- but proceed. MARCUS: I will, and as concisely as possible. What follows relates to the rights of peace and war; in commencing, conducting, and concluding which, justice and good faith are especially necessary. By our law we have therefore appointed the Fetial priests as public interpreters of these rights. As to the religious duties of the Haruspices, concerning expiations and sacrifices, I think I have already said enough. ATTICUS: I think so too, since that branch of the law relates exclusively to religious ceremonials. MARCUS: As to what follows, my Atticus, I scarcely know in what terms it becomes me to animadvert, or you to assent. ATTICUS: What is it? MARCUS: The law respecting the nocturnal sacrifices of women. ATTICUS: Oh! I assent to their suppression by all means, excepting those solemn and public sacrifices which your legal maxim permits. MARCUS: But if we suppress the nocturnal sacrifices, what will become of the august mysteries of Iacchus, and the Eumolpidae? For we are constructing laws, not for the Romans only, but for all just and valiant nations. ATTICUS: I think it is but courteous to except these mysteries likewise, especially as we ourselves happen to have been initiated in them. MARCUS: With all my heart, let us except them. For it seems to me that among the many admirable and divine things your Athenians have established to the advantage of human society, there is nothing better than the mysteries by which we are polished and softened into politeness, from the rude austerities of barbarism. Justly indeed are they called initiations for by them we especially learn the grand principles of philosophic life, and gain, not only the art of living agreeably, but of dying with a better hope. But what displeases me in the nocturnal mysteries, is what the comic poets hold up to ridicule. If such licence was allowed at Rome, what abominations might be committed by the man who should carry premeditated debauchery into the mysteries, in which even a stolen glance was in ancient times a crime? ATTICUS: Content yourself with proposing this law for Rome: do not rob the Greeks of their customs. |
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39. Cicero, On Duties, 1.130-1.133, 2.87, 3.112 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 102; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 30| 1.130. Cum autem pulchritudinis duo genera sint, quorum in altero venustas sit, in altero dignitas, venustatem muliebrem ducere debemus, dignitatem virilem. Ergo et a forma removeatur omnis viro non dignus ornatus, et huic simile vitium in gestu motuque caveatur. Nam et palaestrici motus sunt saepe odiosiores, et histrionum non nulli gestus ineptiis non vacant, et in utroque genere quae sunt recta et simplicia, laudantur. Formae autem dignitas coloris bonitate tuenda est, color exercitationibus corporis. Adhibenda praeterea munditia est non odiosa neque exquisita nimis, tantum quae fugiat agrestem et inhumanam neglegentiam. Eadem ratio est habenda vestitus, in quo, sicut in plerisque rebus, mediocritas optima est. 1.131. Cavendum autem est, ne aut tarditatibus utamur in ingressu mollioribus, ut pomparum ferculis similes esse videamur, aut in festinationibus suscipiamus nimias celeritates, quae cum fiunt, anhelitus moventur, vultus mutantur, ora torquentur; ex quibus magna significatio fit non adesse constantiam. Sed multo etiam magis elaborandum est, ne animi motus a natura recedant; quod assequemur, si cavebimus, ne in perturbationes atque exanimationes incidamus, et si attentos animos ad decoris conservationem tenebimus. 1.132. Motus autem animorum duplices sunt, alteri cogitationis, alteri appetitus; cogitatio in vero exquirendo maxime versatur, appetitus impellit ad agendum. Curandum est igitur, ut cogitatione ad res quam optimas utamur, appetitum rationi oboedientem praebeamus. Et quoniam magna vis orationis est, eaque duplex, altera contentionis, altera sermonis, contentio disceptationibus tribuatur iudiciorum, contionum, senatus, sermo in circulis, disputationibus, congressionibus familiarium versetur, sequatur etiam convivia. Contentionis praecepta rhetorum sunt, nulla sermonis, quamquam haud scio an possint haec quoque esse. Sed discentium studiis inveniuntur magistri, huic autem qui studeant, sunt nulli, rhetorum turba referta omnia; quamquam, quae verborum sententiarumque praecepta sunt, eadem ad sermonem pertinebunt. 1.133. Sed cum orationis indicem vocem habeamus, in voce autem duo sequamur, ut clara sit, ut suavis, utrumque omnino a natura petundum est, verum alterum exercitatio augebit, alterum imitatio presse loquentium et leniter. Nihil fuit in Catulis, ut eos exquisite iudicio putares uti litterarum, quamquam erant litterati; sed et alii; hi autem optime uti lingua Latina putabantur; sonus erat dulcis, litterae neque expressae neque oppressae, ne aut obscurum esset aut putidum, sine contentione vox nec languens nec canora. Uberior oratio L. Crassi nec minus faceta, sed bene loquendi de Catulis opinio non minor. Sale vero et facetiis Caesar, Catuli patris frater, vicit omnes, ut in illo ipso forensi genere dicendi contentiones aliorum sermone vinceret. In omnibus igitur his elaborandum est, si in omni re quid deceat exquirimus. 2.87. Res autem famniliaris quaeri debet iis rebus, a quibus abest turpitude, conservari autem diligentia et parsimonia, eisdem etiam rebus augeri. Has res commodissime Xenophon Socraticus persecutus est in eo libro, qui Oeconomicus inscribitur, quem nos, ista fere aetate cum essemus, qua es tu nunc, e Graeco in Latinum convertimus. Sed toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia (vellem etiam de utenda), commodius a quibusdam optimis viris ad Ianum medium sedentibus quam ab ullis philosophis ulla in schola disputatur. Sunt tamen ea cognoscenda; pertinent enim ad utilitatem, de qua hoc libro disputatum est. 3.112. L. Manlio A. f., cum dictator fuisset, M. Pomponius tr. pl. diem dixit, quod is paucos sibi dies ad dictaturam gerendam addidisset; criminabatur etiam, quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appellatus, ab hominibus relegasset et ruri habitare iussisset. Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam et cum primo luci Pomponi domum venisse dicitur. Cui cum esset nuntiatum, qui illum iratum allaturum ad se aliquid contra patrem arbitraretur, surrexit e lectulo remotisque arbitris ad se adulescentem iussit venire. At ille, ut ingressus est, confestim gladium destrinxit iuravitque se illum statim interfecturum, nisi ius iurandum sibi dedisset se patrem missum esse facturum. Iuravit hoc terrore coactus Pomponius; rem ad populum detulit, docuit, cur sibi causa desistere necesse esset, Manlium missum fecit. Tantum temporibus illis ius iurandum valebat. Atque hic T. Manlius is est, qui ad Anienem Galli, quem ab eo provocatus occiderat, torque detracto cognomen invenit, cuius tertio consulatu Latini ad Veserim fusi et fugati, magnus vir in primis et, qui perindulgens in patrem, idem acerbe severus in filium. | 1.130. Again, there are two orders of beauty: in the one, loveliness predominates; in the other, dignity; of these, we ought to regard loveliness as the attribute of woman, and dignity as the attribute of man. Therefore, let all finery not suitable to a man's dignity be kept off his person, and let him guard against the like fault in gesture and action. The manners taught in the palaestra, for example, are often rather objectionable, and the gestures of actors on the stage are not always free from affectation; but simple, unaffected manners are commendable in both instances. Now dignity of mien is also to be enhanced by a good complexion; the complexion is the result of physical exercise. We must besides present an appearance of neatness â not too punctilious or exquisite, but just enough to avoid boorish and ill-bred slovenliness. We must follow the same principle in regard to dress. In this, as in most things, the best rule is the golden mean. < 1.131. We must be careful, too, not to fall into a habit of listless sauntering in our gait, so as to look like carriers in festal processions, or of hurrying too fast, when time presses. If we do this, it puts us out of breath, our looks are changed, our features distorted; and all this is clear evidence of a lack of poise. But it is much more important that we succeed in keeping our mental operations in harmony with Nature's laws. And we shall not fall in this if we guard against violent excitement or depression, and if we keep our minds intent on the observance of propriety. < 1.132. Our mental operations, moreover, are of two kinds: some have to do with thought, others with impulse. Thought is occupied chiefly with the discovery of truth; impulse prompts to action. We must be careful, therefore, to employ our thoughts on themes as elevating as possible and to keep our impulses under the control of reason. The power of speech in the attainment of propriety is great, and its function is twofold: the first is oratory; the second, conversation. Oratory is the kind of discourse to be employed in pleadings in court and speeches in popular assemblies and in the senate; conversation should find its natural place in social gatherings, in informal discussions, and in intercourse with friends; it should also seek admission at dinners. There are rules for oratory laid down by rhetoricians; there are none for conversation; and yet I do not know why there should not be. But where there are students to learn, teachers are found; there are, however, none who make conversation a subject of study, whereas pupils throng about the rhetoricians everywhere. And yet the same rules that we have for words and sentences in rhetoric will apply also to conversation. < 1.133. Now since we have the voice as the organ of speech, we should aim to secure two properties for it: that it be clear, and that it be musical. We must, of course, look to Nature for both gifts. But distinctness may be improved by practice; the musical qualities, by imitating those who speak with smooth and articulate enunciation. There was nothing in the two Catuli to lead one to suppose that they had a refined literary taste; they were men of culture, it is true; and so were others; but the Catuli were looked upon as the perfect masters of the Latin tongue. Their pronunciation was charming; their words were neither mouthed nor mumbled: they avoided both indistinctness and affectation; their voices were free from strain, yet neither faint nor shrill. More copious was the speech of Lucius Crassus and not less brilliant, but the reputation of the two Catuli for eloquence was fully equal to his. But in wit and humour Caesar, the elder Catulus's half-brother, surpassed them all: even at the bar he would with his conversational style defeat other advocates with their elaborate orations. If, therefore, we are aiming to secure propriety in every circumstance of life, we must master all these points. < 2.87. As for property, it is a duty to make money, but only by honourable means; it is a duty also to save it and increase it by care and thrift. These principles Xenophon, a pupil of Socrates, has set forth most happily in his book entitled "Oeconomicus." When I was about your present age, I translated it from the Greek into Latin. But this whole subject of acquiring money, investing money (I wish I could include also spending money), is more profitably discussed by certain worthy gentlemen on "Change" than could be done by any philosophers of any school. For all that, we must take cognizance of them for they come fitly under the head of expediency, and that is the subject of the present book. < 3.112. Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the people, brought an indictment against Lucius Manlius, Aulus's son, for having extended the term of his dictatorship a few days beyond its expiration. He further charged him with having banished his own son Titus (afterward surnamed Torquatus) from all companionship with his fellow-men, and with requiring him to live in the country. When the son, who was then a young man, heard that his father was in trouble on his account, he hastened to Rome â so the story goes â and at daybreak presented himself at the house of Pomponius. The visitor was announced to Pomponius. Inasmuch as he thought that the son in his anger meant to bring him some new evidence to use against the father, he arose from his bed, asked all who were present to leave the room, and sent word to the young man to come in. Upon entering, he at once drew a sword and swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot, if he did not swear an oath to withdraw the suit against his father. Constrained by the terror of the situation, Pomponius gave his oath. He reported the matter to the people, explaining why he was obliged to drop the prosecution, and withdrew his suit against Manlius. Such was the regard for the sanctity of an oath in those days. And that lad was the Titus Manlius who in the battle on the Anio killed the Gaul by whom he had been challenged to single combat, pulled off his torque and thus won his surname. And in his third consulship he routed the Latins and put them to flight in the battle on the Veseris. He was one of the greatest of the great, and one who, while more than generous toward his father, could yet be bitterly severe toward his son. < |
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| 40. Varro, Saturae Menippae, 247-268, 333-336, 338-341, 403, 432, 83, 337 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 26 |
41. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.6, 1.16, 1.33, 2.10, 2.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro m. terentius •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Maso, CIcero's Philosophy (2022) 19; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 118; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 79 | 1.6. I observe however that a great deal of talk has been current about the large number of books that I have produced within a short space of time, and that such comment has not been all of one kind; some people have been curious as to the cause of this sudden outburst of philosophical interest on my part, while others have been eager to learn what positive opinions I hold on the various questions. Many also, as I have noticed, are surprised at my choosing to espouse a philosophy that in their view robs the world of daylight and floods it with a darkness as of night; and they wonder at my coming forward so unexpectedly as the champion of a derelict system and one that has long been given up. As a matter of fact however I am no new convert to the study of philosophy. From my earliest youth I have devoted no small amount of time and energy to it, and I pursued it most keenly at the very periods when I least appeared to be doing so, witness the philosophical maxims of which my speeches are full, and my intimacy with the learned men who have always graced my household, as well as those eminent professors, Diodotus, Philo, Antiochus and Posidonius, who were my instructors. 1.16. Indeed, says I, I think I am come very seasonably, as you say; for here are three chiefs of three principal sects met together. If M. Piso was present, no sect of philosophy that is in any esteem would want an advocate. If Antiochus's book, replies Cotta, which he lately sent to Balbus, says true, you have no occasion to wish for your friend Piso; for Antiochus is of the opinion that the Stoics do not differ from the Peripatetics in fact, though they do in words; and I should be glad to know what you think of that book, Balbus. I? says he. I wonder that Antiochus, a man of the clearest apprehension, should not see what a vast difference there is between the Stoics, who distinguish the honest and the profitable, not only in name, but absolutely in kind, and the Peripatetics, who blend the honest with the profitable in such a manner that they differ only in degrees and proportion, and not in kind. This is not a little difference in words, but a great one in things; but of this hereafter. Now, if you think fit, let us return to what we began with. With all my heart, says Cotta. But that this visitor (looking at me), who is just come in, may not be ignorant of what we are upon, I will inform him that we were discoursing on the nature of the Gods; concerning which, as it is a subject that always appeared very obscure to me, I prevailed on Velleius to give us the sentiments of Epicurus. Therefore, continues he, if it is not troublesome, Velleius, repeat what you have already stated to us. I will, says he, though this new-comer will be no advocate for me, but for you; for you have both, adds he, with a smile, learned from the same Philo to be certain of nothing. What we have learned from him, replied I, Cotta will discover; but I would not have you think I am come as an assistant to him, but as an auditor, with an impartial and unbiased mind, and not bound by any obligation to defend any particular principle, whether I like or dislike it. 1.16. "Well, I too," I replied, "think I have come at the right moment, as you say. For here are you, three leaders of three schools of philosophy, met in congress. In fact we only want Marcus Piso to have every considerable school represented." "Oh," rejoined Cotta, "if what is said in the book which our master Antiochus lately dedicated to our good Balbus here is true, you have no need to regret the absence of your friend Piso. Antiochus holds the view that the doctrines of the Stoics, though differing in form of expression, agree in substance with those of the Peripatetics. I should like to know your opinion of the book, Balbus." "My opinion?" said Balbus, "Why, I am surprised that a man of first-rate intellect like Antiochus should have failed to see what a gulf divides the Stoics, who distinguish expediency and right not in name only but in essential nature, from the Peripatetics, who class the right and the expedient together, and only recognize differences of quantity or degree, not of kind, between them. This is not a slight verbal discrepancy but a fundamental difference of doctrine. 1.33. Aristotle, in his third book of Philosophy, confounds many things together, as the rest have done; but he does not differ from his master Plato. At one time he attributes all divinity to the mind, at another he asserts that the world is God. Soon afterward he makes some other essence preside over the world, and gives it those faculties by which, with certain revolutions, he may govern and preserve the motion of it. Then he asserts the heat of the firmament to be God; not perceiving the firmament to be part of the world, which in another place he had described as God. How can that divine sense of the firmament be preserved in so rapid a motion? And where do the multitude of Gods dwell, if heaven itself is a Deity? But when this philosopher says that God is without a body, he makes him an irrational and insensible being. Besides, how can the world move itself, if it wants a body? Or how, if it is in perpetual self-motion, can it be easy and happy? Xenocrates, his fellow-pupil, does not appear much wiser on this head, for in his books concerning the nature of the Gods no divine form is described; but he says the number of them is eight. Five are moving planets; the sixth is contained in all the fixed stars; which, dispersed, are so many several members, but, considered together, are one single Deity; the seventh is the sun; and the eighth the moon. But in what sense they can possibly be happy is not easy to be understood. From the same school of Plato, Heraclides of Pontus stuffed his books with puerile tales. Sometimes he thinks the world a Deity, at other times the mind. He attributes divinity likewise to the wandering stars. He deprives the Deity of sense, and makes his form mutable; and, in the same book again, he makes earth and heaven Deities. The unsteadiness of Theophrastus is equally intolerable. At one time he attributes a divine prerogative to the mind; at another, to the firmament; at another, to the stars and celestial constellations. Nor is his disciple Strato, who is called the naturalist, any more worthy to be regarded; for he thinks that the divine power is diffused through nature, which is the cause of birth, increase, and diminution, but that it has no sense nor form. 1.33. And Aristotle in the Third Book of his Philosophy has a great many confused notions, not disagreeing with the doctrines of his master Plato; at one moment he assigns divinity exclusively to the intellect, at another he says that the world is itself a god, then again he puts some other being over the world, and assigns to this being the rôle of regulating and sustaining the world-motion by means of a sort of inverse rotation; then he says that the celestial heat is god — not realizing that the heavens are a part of that world which elsewhere he himself has entitled god. But how could the divine consciousness which he assigns to the heavens persist in a state of such rapid motion? Where moreover are all the gods of accepted belief, if we count the heavens also as a god? Again, in maintaining that god is incorporeal, he robs him entirely of sensation, and also of wisdom. Moreover, how is motion possible for an incorporeal being, and how, if he is always in motion, can he enjoy tranquillity and bliss? 2.10. The force of religion was so great among our ancestors that some of their commanders have, with their faces veiled, and with the solemn, formal expressions of religion, sacrificed themselves to the immortal Gods to save their country. I could mention many of the Sibylline prophecies, and many answers of the haruspices, to confirm those things, which ought not to be doubted. For example: our augurs and the Etrurian haruspices saw the truth of their art established when P. Scipio and C. Figulus were consuls; for as Tiberius Gracchus, who was a second time consul, wished to proceed to a fresh election, the first Rogator, as he was collecting the suffrages, fell down dead on the spot. Gracchus nevertheless went on with the assembly, but perceiving that this accident had a religious influence on the people, he brought the affair before the senate. The senate thought fit to refer it to those who usually took cognizance of such things. The haruspices were called, and declared that the man who had acted as Rogator of the assembly had no right to do so; to which, as I have heard my father say, he replied heatedly, 2.10. But among our ancestors religion was so powerful that some commanders actually offered themselves as victims to the immortal gods on behalf of the state, veiling their heads and formally vowing themselves to death. I could quote numerous passages from the Sibylline prophecies and from the oracles of soothsayers in confirmation of facts that no one really ought to question. Why, in the consulship of Publius Scipio and Gaius Figulus both our Roman augural lore and that of the Etruscan soothsayers were confirmed by the evidence of actual fact. Tiberius Gracchus, then consul for the second time, was holding the election of his successors. The first returning officer in the very act of reporting the persons named as elected suddenly fell dead. Gracchus nevertheless proceeded with the election. Perceiving that the scruples of the public had been aroused by the occurrence, he referred the matter to the Senate. The Senate voted that it be referred 'to the customary officials.' Soothsayers were sent for, and pronounced that the returning officer for the elections had not been in order. 2.95. So Aristotle says brilliantly: 'If there were beings who had always lived beneath the earth, in comfortable, well‑lit dwellings, decorated with statues and pictures and furnished with all the luxuries enjoyed by persons thought to be supremely happy, and who though they had never come forth above the ground had learnt by report and by hearsay of the existence of certain deities or divine powers; and then if at some time the jaws of the earth were opened and they were able to escape from their hidden abode and to come forth into the regions which we inhabit; when they suddenly had sight of the earth and the seas and the sky, and came to know of the vast clouds and mighty winds, and beheld the sun, and realized not only its size and beauty but also its Ptolemaic in causing the day by shedding light over all the sky, and, after night had darkened the earth, they then saw the whole sky spangled and adorned with stars, and the changing phases of the moon's light, now waxing and now waning, and the risings and settings of all these heavenly bodies and their courses fixed and changeless throughout all eternity, — when they saw these things, surely they would think that the gods exist and that these mighty marvels are their handiwork.' |
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| 42. Accius, Poeta, 3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 108 |
43. Cicero, On Invention, 1.6-1.7, 1.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 147; Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 118| 1.6. Civilis quaedam ratio est, quae multis et magnis ex rebus constat. eius quaedam magna et ampla pars est artificiosa eloquentia, quam rhetoricam vocant. nam neque cum iis sentimus, qui civilem scientiam eloquentia non putant indigere, et ab iis, qui eam pu- tant omnem rhetoris vi et artificio contineri, magnopere dissentimus. quare hanc oratoriam facultatem in eo genere ponemus, ut eam civilis scientiae partem esse dicamus. officium autem eius facultatis videtur esse dicere adposite ad persuasionem; finis persuadere dictione. inter officium et finem hoc interest, quod in officio, quid fieri, in fine, quid effici conveniat, con- sideratur. ut medici officium dicimus esse curare ad sadum apposite, finem sanare curatione, item, ora- toris quid officium et quid finem esse dicamus, intel- legimus, cum id, quod facere debet, officium esse di- cimus, illud, cuius causa facere debet, finem appel- lamus. 1.7. Materiam artis eam dicimus, in qua omnis ars et ea facultas, quae conficitur ex arte, versatur. ut si medi- cinae materiam dicamus morbos ac vulnera, quod in his omnis medicina versetur, item, quibus in rebus ver- satur ars et facultas oratoria, eas res materiam artis rhetoricae nominamus. has autem res alii plures, alii pauciores existimarunt. nam Gorgias Leontinus, anti- quissimus fere rhetor, omnibus de rebus oratorem op- time posse dicere existimavit; hic infinitam et inmensam huic artificio materiam subicere videtur. Aristoteles autem, qui huic arti plurima adiumenta atque orna- menta subministravit, tribus in generibus rerum ver- sari rhetoris officium putavit, demonstrativo, delibera- tivo, iudiciali. demonstrativum est, quod tribuitur in alicuius certae personae laudem aut vituperationem; deliberativum, quod positum in disceptatione civili ha- bet in se sententiae dictionem; iudiciale, quod positum in iudicio habet in se accusationem et defensionem aut petitionem et recusationem. et, quemadmodum nostra quidem fert opinio, oratoris ars et facultas in hac ma- 1.33. ritia. hoc igitur vitandum est, ne, cuius genus po- sueris, eius * sicuti aliquam diversam ac dissimilem partem ponas in eadem partitione. quodsi quod in genus plures incident partes, id cum in prima causae partitione erit simpliciter expositum, distribuetur tem- pore eo commodissime, cum ad ipsum ventum erit explicandum in causae dictione post partitionem. atque illud quoque pertinet ad paucitatem, ne aut plura, quam satis est, demonstraturos nos dicamus, hoc modo: ostendam adversarios, quod arguamus, et potuisse facere et voluisse et fecisse; nam fecisse satis est ostendere: aut, cum in causa partitio nulla sit, et cum simplex quiddam agatur, tamen utamur distributione, id quod perraro potest accidere. Ac sunt alia quoque praecepta partitionum, quae ad hunc usum oratorium non tanto opere pertineant, quae versantur in philosophia, ex quibus haec ipsa trans- tulimus, quae convenire viderentur, quorum nihil in ceteris artibus inveniebamus. Atque his de partitione praeceptis in omni dictione meminisse oportebit, ut et prima quaeque pars, ut expo- sita est in partitione, sic ordine transigatur et omnibus explicatis peroratum sit hoc modo, ut ne quid po- sterius praeter conclusionem inferatur. partitur apud Terentium breviter et commode senex in Andria, quae cognoscere libertum velit: Eo pacto et gnati vitam et consilium meum Cognosces et quid facere in hac re te velim. itaque quemadmodum in partitione proposuit, ita narrat, primum nati vitam: Nam is postquam excessit ex ephebis ; deinde suum consilium: Et nunc id operam do deinde quid Sosiam velit facere, id quod postremum posuit in partitione, postremum di- cit: Nunc tuum est officium quemadmodum igitur hic et ad primam quamque partem primum accessit et omnibus absolutis finem dicendi fecit, sic nobis pla- cet et ad singulas partes accedere et omnibus abso- lutis perorare. Nunc de confirmatione deinceps, ita ut ordo ipse postulat, praecipiendum videtur. | 1.6. There is a certain political science which is made up of many and important particulars. A very great and extensive portion of it is artificial eloquence, which men call rhetoric. For we do not agree with those men who think that the knowledge of political science is in no need of and has no connexion with eloquence; and we most widely disagree with those, on the other hand, who think that all political ability is comprehended under the skill and power of a rhetorician. On which account we will place this oratorical ability in such a class as to assert that it is a part of political science. But the duty of this faculty appears to be to speak in a manner suitable to persuading men; the end of it is to persuade by language. And there is difference between the duty of this faculty and its end; that with respect to the duty we consider what ought to be done; with respect to the end we consider what is suitable to the duty. Just as we say, that it is the duty of a physician to prescribe for a patient in a way calculated to cure him; and that his end is to cure him by his prescriptions. And so we shall understand what we are to call the duty of an orator; and also what we are to call his end; since we shall call that his duty which he ought to do, and we shall term that his end for the sake of which he is bound to do his duty. 1.7. We shall call that the material of the art, on which the whole art, and all that ability which is derived from art, turns. Just as if we were to call diseases and wounds the material of medicine, because it is about them that all medical science is concerned. And in like manner, we call those subjects with which oratorical science and ability is conversant the materials of the art of rhetoric. And these subjects some have considered more numerous, and others less so. For Gorgias the Leontine, who is almost the oldest of all rhetoricians, considered that an orator was able to speak in the most excellent manner of all men on every subject. And when he says this he seems to be supplying an infinite and boundless stock of materials to this art. But Aristotle, who of all men has supplied the greatest number of aids and ornaments to this art, thought that the duty of the rhetorician was conversant with three kinds of subjects; with the demonstrative, and the deliberative, and the judicial. The demonstrative is that which concerns itself with the praise or blame of some particular individual; the deliberative is that which, having its place in discussion and in political debate, comprises a deliberate statement of one's opinion; the judicial is that which, having its place in judicial proceedings, comprehends the topics of accusation and defence; or of demand and refusal. And, as our own opinion at least inclines, the art and ability of the orator must be understood to be conversant with these tripartite materials. 1.33. We must therefore avoid, after having mentioned a universal class, then, in the same arrangement, to mention along with it any one of its subordinate divisions, as if it were something different and dissimilar. And if there are many subordinate divisions to any particular class, after that has been simply explained in the first arrangement of the oration, it will be more easily and conveniently arranged when we come to the subsequent explanation in the general statement of the case after the division. And this, too, concerns the subject of conciseness, that we should not undertake to prove more things than there is any occasion for; in this way:— "I will prove that the opposite party were able to do what we accuse them of; and had the inclination to do it; and did it." It is quite enough to prove that they did it. Or when there is no natural division at all in a cause, and when it is a simple question that is under discussion, though that is a thing which cannot be of frequent occurrence, still we must use careful arrangement. And these other precepts also, with respect to the division of subjects which have no such great connexion with the practice of orators; precepts which come into use in treatises in philosophy, from which we have transferred hither those which appeared to be suitable to our purpose, of which we found nothing in the other arts. And in all these precepts about the division of our subjects, it will throughout our whole speech be found that every portion of them must be discussed in the same order as that in which it has been originally stated; and then, when everything has been properly explained, let the whole be summed up, and summed up so that nothing be introduced subsequently besides the conclusion. The old man in the Andriawishes his freedman to become acquainted:— "And thus the life and habits of my son, And my designs respecting his career, And what I wish your course towards both to be, Will be quite plain to you." And accordingly, as he has proposed in his original arrangement, he proceeds to relate, first the life of his son— "For when, O Sosia, he became a man, He was allow'd more liberty." Then comes his own design— "And now I take great care." After that, what he wishes Sosia to do; what he put last in his original arrangement he now mentions last— "And now the part is yours." ... As, therefore, in this instance, he came first to the portion which he had mentioned first, and so, when he had discussed them all, made an end of speaking, we too ought to advance to each separate portion of our subject, and when we had finished every part, to sum up. Now it appears desirable to proceed in regular order to lay down some precepts concerning the confirmation of our arguments, as the regular order of the subject requires. |
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44. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.4, 1.34, 1.43, 1.77, 2.4, 4.30, 5.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro, m. •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •varro, marcus terentius •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •terentius varro, m. (varro), on the mixed constitution Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 59; Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 233, 234, 243; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 154; Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 19; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28| 1.4. non satis Graecorum gloriae responderunt. an censemus, cessemus KRH si Fabio, GFabio V 1 nobilissimo homini, laudi datum esset, quod pingeret, non multos etiam apud nos futuros Polyclitos et Parrhasios fuisse? honos alit artes, omnesque incenduntur acceduntur ( vel ac- cenduntur) Aug. incenduntur ex acc. H 1 ecl. 212 gloriae H ibid. cum Aug. plerisque codd. (gloriae L) Lup. ad studia gloria, iacentque ea semper, quae apud quosque improbantur. honos ... 219,2 improbantur Aug. civ. 5,13 (H ecl. 212 ) et ex eo Serv. Lupus ep. 1 summam eruditionem Graeci sitam censebant in nervorum vocumque cantibus; igitur et Epaminondas, princeps meo iudicio Graeciae, graecis X -ę pro -s V 1 aut c fidibus praeclare cecinisse dicitur, Themistoclesque aliquot ante annos annis edd. vett. cum in epulis recusaret recusasset V 2 s lyram, liram X est habitus indoctior. est... indoctior Quint. inst. 1,10,19 ergo in Graecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id omnes, nec qui nesciebat nesciebant V 1 satis excultus doctrina putabatur. 1.34. loquor de principibus; quid? quo d G 1 poëtae nonne post post st in r. V c mortem nobilitari nobilitare K 1 corr. 2 volunt? unde unde er go in ut est de ennio corr. K c(?) ergo illud: Aspicite, o cives, senis senis enni V ( 2. s V 2 ) Enni enni X ennii K 2 imaginis formam: formam V 1 urnam V rec in mg. Hic vestrum panxit panxit edd. pinxit maxima facta patrum? Enn. var. 15 mercedem gloriae flagitat ab is quorum patres adfecerat gloria, idemque: Nemo me lacrimis lacrimis X, -et pro -is in r. V c . de ratione versus afferendi cf. Va. Op. II p. 135 Cur? volito vivos per ora virum. Enn. var. 17 vivus V c sed quid poëtas? poetas s putas X poetę V c (p a m. 1, oetę in r. ) opifices post mortem nobilitari nobilitare K 1 corr. 2 volunt. quid enim Phidias sui similem speciem inclusit in clupeo Minervae, cum inscribere nomen add. Ern. non liceret? quid? quid? nostri eqs. libere Hier. in Gal. p. 517 nostri philosophi nonne in is libris ipsis, quos scribunt de contemnenda gloria, sua nomina inscribunt? 1.43. accedit accidit X accedit s V rec ut eo facilius animus evadat ex hoc aëre, quem saepe iam appello, eumque perrumpat, quod nihil est animo velocius, nulla est celeritas quae possit cum animi celeritate contendere. qui si permanet incorruptus suique similis, necesse est ita feratur, ut penetret et dividat omne caelum hoc, in quo nubes imbres ventique coguntur, caelum... coguntur Non. 264,32 quod et umidum umidum G ( add. sed rursus eras.) KR 1 V 1 hum. H et caliginosum est propter exhalationes exalationes GKV (exal at., in mg. p humorem V 2 )H terrae. Quam regionem cum superavit animus naturamque sui similem contigit et adgnovit, agnovit H a gn. V iunctis iuncti s R 1 iunctus GKVH ex anima tenui et ex ardore solis temperato ignibus insistit consistit V e corr. et finem altius se ecferendi ecf. ut 238, 5 (eff. hic V c ) facit. cum enim sui similem et levitatem et calorem adeptus est, add. s tamquam paribus examinatus ponderibus nullam in partem movetur, eaque ei demum naturalis est sedes, cum ad sui simile penetravit; in quo nulla re egens aletur et sustentabitur isdem rebus, quibus astra sustentantur hisdem X ( isdem V isdem H?) susten- tatur G 1 sustentur K 1 sustantur V 1 et aluntur. Cumque corporis facibus inflammari soleamus ad omnis fere cupiditates eoque magis incendi, quod is aemulemur, qui ea habeant quae nos habere cupiamus, profecto beati erimus, cum corporibus relictis et cupiditatum et aemulationum erimus expertes; 1.77. catervae veniunt contra dicentium, nec solum Epicureorum, quos equidem non despicio, despatio K 1 sed nescio quo modo doctissimus quisque contemnit, del. Man. acerrume accerume X ( r radd. V c ) autem deliciae meae Dicaearchus contra hanc inmortalitatem imm. GR disseruit. is enim tris libros scripsit, qui Lesbiaci lesbaici K vocantur quod Mytilenis mitilenis RV mityl, G mittil, K sermo habetur, in quibus volt efficere animos esse mortalis. Stoici autem usuram nobis largiuntur tamquam cornicibus: diu mansuros esse post mansuros add. V 2 aiunt animos, semper negant. num non non no V 1 ne V c N (= non) in r. G 1 ita s ista X (unde postea sint V rec ) vis igitur audire, cur, etiamsi ita sit, mors tamen non sit in malis? Ut videtur, sed me nemo de inmortalitate depellet. Laudo id quidem, etsi nihil nimis animis X ( sed a del. V 2 ) oportet confidere; 2.4. quid futurum putamus, cum adiutore populo, quo utebamur utebamur ex -ntur G 1 antea, nunc minime nos uti posse videamus? est enim philosophia paucis contenta iudicibus, multitudinem consulto ipsa fugiens est philosophia ... 21 fugiens Lact. inst. 3, 25,2 eique ipsi et suspecta et invisa, ut, vel si quis universam velit vituperare, secundo id populo facere possit, vel si in in V 3 in r. eam quam nos maxime sequimur conetur invadere, magna habere possit auxilia e e add. V 2 s om. X a s reliquorum philosophorum disciplinis. est itaque philosophia... 26 disciplinis H Nos autem universae philosophiae vituperatoribus respondimus in Hortensio, pro Academia autem quae dicenda essent, satis accurate in Academicis quattuor libris explicata arbitramur; sed tamen tantum abest ut scribi contra nos nolimus, nolimus ex nolumus R 1 ex uolumus G 1 ut id etiam maxime optemus. in ipsa enim Graecia philosophia tanto ipsa enim Graeciae philosophia tantum Boeth. in honore numquam fuisset, nisi doctissimorum contentionibus dissensionibusque viguisset. viguisset V ( ss. 2 ) cf. praef. crevisset Boeth. 4.30. vitia enim adfectiones sunt manentes, perturbationes autem moventes, ut non possint adfectionum manentium partes esse. Atque ut in malis attingit animi naturam corporis St. fr. 3. 279 similitudo, sic in bonis. sunt enim in corpore praecipua, pulchritudo, valetudo vires pulchritudo Sey. val. pulchr. vires Ursin. sed cf. Sextus 11, 142 ai(reta/ e0n toi=s peri\ sw=ma ka/llos i0sxu\s eu)eci/a al. ac de variato ordine fin. 5, 80 vires, valetudo, valitudo KH firmitas, velocitas, intellegatur... 375, 29 velocitas H sunt item in animo. ut enim corporis temperatio, add. Camerarius (est add. V rec ) cum ea congruunt inter se e quibus constamus, sanitas, sic animi dicitur, cum eius iudicia opinionesque concordant, eaque animi est virtus, quam alii ipsam temperantiam dicunt esse, alii alii ( priore loco )] aliam GRV 1 ( corr. c ) obtemperantem temperantiae praeceptis et eam ea K subsequentem nec habentem ullam speciem suam, sed sive hoc sive illud sit, in solo esse sapiente. est autem quaedam animi sanitas, quae in insipientem in insipientem insipientem in in sapientem mut. V 1 aut 2 (insanitas quae in sapientem Turn. ) etiam cadat, cum curatione et purgatione purgatione Lb. perturbatione ( gubernatione V rec ) W et perturbatione del. Victorius medicorum conturbatio mentis aufertur. 5.59. cumque duas uxores haberet, haberet uxores V 1 Aristomachen aristomachem X (aristhom.G) civem suam, Doridem autem Locrensem, sic noctu ad eas n otu V 1 notua deas K 1 ( corr. c ) ventitabat, ut omnia specularetur et perscrutaretur ante. et cum fossam latam cubiculari fossa lata cubicularis X corr. s lecto circumdedisset eiusque fossae transitum ponticulo ligneo coniunxisset, eum ipsum, ipsum ipse Scheibe (cum forem cubiculi extrinsecus a custodibus opertum interiore claustro ipse diligenter obserasset Val. Max. ) cum forem cubiculi clauserat, detorquebat. idemque cum in communibus suggestis consistere non auderet, contionari ex turri alta solebat. | |
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| 45. Varro, Menippeae, "531", "532", 313, 516, 517, 518, 519, 520, 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 530, 531, 532, 533, 534, 535, 536, 537, 538, 539, 557, 275 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 240 |
| 46. Lucilius Gaius, Fragments, 1022-1023, 1095, 1189-1190, 1196-1208, 1234, 200-207, 35, 401-418, 507-508, 595-604, 805-811, 815-823, 519 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
47. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 19-20, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 77 | 18. She has not pardoned you, believe me. No; unless, perchance, you think yourself pardoned because the judges dismissed you after they had squeezed and drained everything out of you, acquitted by their decision, condemned by all the rest of the citizens; or because you have not been deprived of your eyes, as is, according to the common belief the consequence of such impiety. [38] For what man ever intentionally beheld those sacred rites before you, so as to enable any one to know what punishment followed that guilt? Could the blindness of your eyes be a greater injury to you than that blindness of your lust? Do not even you feel that those winking eyes of your ancestor were more desirable for you than these glowing eyes of your sister? But, if you observe carefully, you will see that though you have as yet escaped the punishment of men, you have not escaped that of the gods. Men have defended you in a most shameful affair; men have praised you though most infamous and most guilty; men, for a bribe, have acquitted you by their decision, though you all but confessed your guilt; men have felt no indignation at the injuries inflicted on themselves by your lust; men have supplied you with arms, some wishing them to be used against me, and others afterwards intending them to he employed against that invincible citizen. I will quite admit all the kindnesses which men have shown you, and that you need not wish for greater. [39] But what greater punishment can be inflicted on man by the immortal gods than frenzy and madness? unless, perhaps, you think that those persons, whom in tragedies you see tortured and destroyed by wounds and agony of body, are enduring a more terrible form of the wrath of the immortal gods than those who are brought on the stage in a state of insanity. Those howlings and groans of Philoctetes are not so pitiable (sad though they be) as that exultation of Athamas, or that dream of those who have slain their mother. You, when you are uttering your frantic speeches to the assembly — when you are destroying the houses of the citizens — when you are driving virtuous men from the forum with stones — when you are hurling burning firebrands at your neighbours' houses — when you are setting fire to holy temples — when you are stirring up the slaves — when you are throwing the sacred rites and games into confusion — when you see no difference between your wife and your sister — when you do not perceive whose bed it is that you enter — when you go ranting and raging about — you are then suffering that punishment which is the only one appointed by the immortal gods for the wickedness of men. For the infirmity of our bodies is of itself liable to many accidents; moreover, the body itself is often destroyed by some very trivial cause; and the darts of the gods are fixed in the minds of impious men. Wherefore you are more miserable while you are hurried into every sort of wickedness by your eyes, than you would be if you had no eyes at all. |
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48. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.1, 3.4, 5.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 12; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 87; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 8| 1.1. Non eram nescius, Brute, cum, quae summis ingeniis exquisitaque doctrina philosophi Graeco sermone tractavissent, ea Latinis litteris mandaremus, fore ut hic noster labor in varias reprehensiones incurreret. nam quibusdam, et iis quidem non admodum indoctis, totum hoc displicet philosophari. quidam autem non tam id reprehendunt, si remissius agatur, sed tantum studium tamque multam operam ponendam in eo non arbitrantur. erunt etiam, et ii quidem eruditi Graecis litteris, contemnentes Latinas, qui se dicant in Graecis legendis operam malle consumere. postremo aliquos futuros suspicor, qui me ad alias litteras vocent, genus hoc scribendi, etsi sit elegans, personae tamen et dignitatis esse negent. 3.4. itaque et dialectici et physici verbis utuntur iis, quae ipsi Graeciae nota non non BENV om. AR sint, sint Mdv. sunt geometrae vero et musici, grammatici etiam more quodam loquuntur suo. ipsae rhetorum artes, quae sunt totae forenses atque populares, verbis tamen in docendo quasi privatis utuntur ac suis. atque ut omittam has artis elegantes et ingenuas, ne opifices opifices N opificis AER opositis B opifex V quidem tueri sua artificia possent, nisi vocabulis uterentur nobis incognitis, usitatis sibi. quin etiam agri cultura, quae abhorret ab omni politiore elegantia, tamen eas eas V ea res, in quibus versatur, nominibus notavit novis. quo magis hoc philosopho faciendum est. ars est enim philosophia vitae, de qua disserens arripere verba de foro non potest. 5.49. ut add. Se. mihi quidem Homerus huius modi quiddam vidisse videatur videatur BER videtur N om. V in iis, quae de Sirenum cantibus finxerit. finxerit RN 1 V finxerint BE finxerat N 2 neque enim vocum suavitate videntur aut novitate quadam et varietate cantandi revocare eos solitae, qui praetervehebantur, sed quia multa se scire profitebantur, ut homines ad earum saxa discendi cupiditate adhaerescerent. ita enim invitant Ulixem—nam verti, ut quaedam Homeri, sic istum ipsum locum—: O decus Argolicum, quin quin N 2 qui puppim flectis, Ulixes, Auribus ut nostros possis agnoscere cantus! Nam nemo haec umquam est transvectus caerula cursu, Quin prius adstiterit vocum dulcedine captus, Post variis avido satiatus pectore musis Doctior ad patrias lapsus pervenerit oras. Nos grave certamen belli clademque tenemus, Graecia quam Troiae divino numine vexit, Omniaque e latis rerum rerum Marsus regum vestigia terris. Vidit Homerus probari fabulam non posse, si cantiunculis tantus irretitus vir teneretur; scientiam pollicentur, quam non erat mirum sapientiae cupido patria esse patria esse (pat a ee, 1 et in ras. a ee ab alt. m. ) N patrie V patria BER cariorem. Atque omnia quidem scire, cuiuscumque modi sint, cupere curiosorum, duci vero maiorum rerum contemplatione ad cupiditatem scientiae summorum virorum est putandum. | 3.4. Thus Logic and Natural Philosophy alike make use of terms unfamiliar even to Greece; Geometry, Music, Grammar also, have an idiom of their own. Even the manuals of Rhetoric, which belong entirely to the practical sphere and to the life of the world, nevertheless employ for purposes of instruction a sort of private and peculiar phraseology. And to leave out of account these liberal arts and accomplishments, even artisans would be unable to preserve the tradition of their crafts if they did not make use of words unknown to us though familiar to themselves. Nay, agriculture itself, a subject entirely unsusceptible of literary refinement, has yet had to coin technical terms to denote the things with which it is occupied. All the more is the philosopher compelled to do likewise; for philosophy is the Science of Life, and cannot treat its subject in language taken from the street. < 5.49. For my part I believe Homer had something of this sort in view in his imaginary account of the songs of the Sirens. Apparently it was not the sweetness of their voices or the novelty and diversity of their songs, but their professions of knowledge that used to attract the passing voyageurs; it was the passion for learning that kept men rooted to the Sirens' rocky shores. This is their invitation to Ulysses (for I have translated this among other passages of Homer): Ulysses, pride of Argos, turn thy bark And listen to our music. Never yet Did voyager sail these waters blue, but stayed His course, enchanted by our voices sweet, And having filled his soul with harmony, Went on his homeward way a wiser man. We know the direful strife and clash of war That Greece by Heaven's mandate bore to Troy, And whatsoe'er on the wide earth befalls. Homer was aware that his story would not sound plausible if the magic that held his hero immeshed was merely an idle song! It is knowledge that the Sirens offer, and it was no marvel if a lover of wisdom held this dearer than his home. A passion for miscellaneous omniscience no doubt stamps a man as a mere dilettante; but it must be deemed the mark of a superior mind to be led on by the contemplation of high matters to a passionate love of knowledge. < |
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| 49. Cicero, On Fate, 1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 28 |
50. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 79, 133 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 107| 133. alter tibi descendit de Palatio et aedibus suis; habet animi causa animi relaxandi causa ψ rus amoenum et suburbanum, plura praeterea praedia neque tamen ullum nisi praeclarum et propinquum. domus referta referta fort. referta est vasis Corinthiis et Deliacis, in quibus est authepsa illa quam tanto pretio nuper mercatus est ut qui praetereuntes quid praeco enumeraret quid praeco enumeraret (-re ς ) ς, Steinmetz : quid praeconum numerare ς : quid praeco enuntiare χ : quid precium nuntiare π : quid praetium numerare (enum- ψ2 ) A φψ1ω : pecuniam numerare B audiebant fundum venire arbitrarentur. quid praeterea caelati argenti, quid stragulae vestis, quid pictarum tabularum, quid signorum, quid marmoris apud illum putatis esse? tantum scilicet quantum e multis splendidisque familiis in turba et rapinis coacervari una in domo una in domo σχψ : una in (vi AB φ ) nemo ς αβ πφ : una in venio ω potuit. familiam vero quantam et quam variis cum artificiis habeat quid ego dicam? | |
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51. Cicero, On Divination, 1.1.2, 1.2.3, 1.8, 1.10-1.11, 1.19.36, 1.27, 1.41.91, 1.66, 1.68, 1.85, 1.108, 1.114, 1.119-1.120, 2.1, 2.23.50, 2.24, 2.28-2.74, 2.42.88, 2.78-2.79, 2.87-2.99, 2.114, 2.146, 2.148-2.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro (m. terentius varro) •terentius varro, m. •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •terentius varro, m., on saecula •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by •terentius varro, c., enemies of Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 69, 77, 85; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263, 264; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 6, 212; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 118; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 20, 32, 53, 117, 152, 155, 252, 255; Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 20; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 315; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 79, 278| 1.8. Quibus de rebus et alias saepe et paulo accuratius nuper, cum essem cum Q. fratre in Tusculano, disputatum est. Nam cum ambulandi causa in Lyceum venissemus (id enim superiori gymnasio nomen est), Perlegi, ille inquit, tuum paulo ante tertium de natura deorum, in quo disputatio Cottae quamquam labefactavit sententiam meam, non funditus tamen sustulit. Optime vero, inquam; etenim ipse Cotta sic disputat, ut Stoicorum magis argumenta confutet quam hominum deleat religionem. Tum Quintus: Dicitur quidem istuc, inquit, a Cotta, et vero saepius, credo, ne communia iura migrare videatur; sed studio contra Stoicos disserendi deos mihi videtur funditus tollere. 1.10. Arcem tu quidem Stoicorum, inquam, Quinte, defendis, siquidem ista sic reciprocantur, ut et, si divinatio sit, di sint et, si di sint, sit divinatio. Quorum neutrum tam facile, quam tu arbitraris, conceditur. Nam et natura significari futura sine deo possunt et, ut sint di, potest fieri, ut nulla ab iis divinatio generi humano tributa sit. Atque ille: Mihi vero, inquit, satis est argumenti et esse deos et eos consulere rebus humanis, quod esse clara et perspicua divinationis genera iudico. De quibus quid ipse sentiam, si placet, exponam, ita tamen, si vacas animo neque habes aliquid, quod huic sermoni praevertendum putes. 1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. 1.27. Itaque, ut ex ipso audiebam, persaepe revertit ex itinere, cum iam progressus esset multorum dierum viam. Cuius quidem hoc praeclarissimum est, quod, posteaquam a Caesare tetrarchia et regno pecuniaque multatus est, negat se tamen eorum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda evenerint, paenitere; senatus enim auctoritatem et populi Romani libertatem atque imperii dignitatem suis armis esse defensam, sibique eas aves, quibus auctoribus officium et fidem secutus esset, bene consuluisse; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse possessionibus suis gloriam. Ille mihi videtur igitur vere augurari. Nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur coactis; necesse est enim offa obiecta cadere frustum ex pulli ore, cum pascitur; 1.66. Inest igitur in animis praesagitio extrinsecus iniecta atque inclusa divinitus. Ea si exarsit acrius, furor appellatur, cum a corpore animus abstractus divino instinctu concitatur. H. Séd quid oculis rábere visa es dérepente ardéntibus? U/bi paulo ante sápiens illa vírginalis modéstia? C. Máter, optumárum multo múlier melior múlierum, Míssa sum supérstitiosis háriolatiónibus; Námque Apollo fátis fandis démentem invitám ciet. Vírgines vereór aequalis, pátris mei meum factúm pudet, O/ptumi viri/; mea mater, túi me miseret, méi piget. O/ptumam progéniem Priamo péperisti extra me; hóc dolet. Mén obesse, illós prodesse, me óbstare, illos óbsequi? O poe+ma tenerum et moratum atque molle! Sed hoc minus ad rem; 1.68. At ex te ipso non commenticiam rem, sed factam eiusdem generis audivi: C. Coponium ad te venisse Dyrrhachium, cum praetorio imperio classi Rhodiae praeesset, cumprime hominem prudentem atque doctum, eumque dixisse remigem quendam e quinqueremi Rhodiorum vaticinatum madefactum iri minus xxx diebus Graeciam sanguine, rapinas Dyrrhachii et conscensionem in naves cum fuga fugientibusque miserabilem respectum incendiorum fore, sed Rhodiorum classi propinquum reditum ac domum itionem dari; tum neque te ipsum non esse commotum Marcumque Varronem et M. Catonem, qui tum ibi erant, doctos homines, vehementer esse perterritos; paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalia fuga venisse Labienum; qui cum interitum exercitus nuntiavisset, reliqua vaticinationis brevi esse confecta. 1.85. Nec vero quicquam aliud adfertur, cur ea, quae dico, dividi genera nulla sint, nisi quod difficile dictu videtur, quae cuiusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. Quid enim habet haruspex, cur pulmo incisus etiam in bonis extis dirimat tempus et proferat diem? quid augur, cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum? quid astrologus, cur stella Iovis aut Veneris coniuncta cum luna ad ortus puerorum salutaris sit, Saturni Martisve contraria? Cur autem deus dormientes nos moneat, vigilantes neglegat? Quid deinde causae est, cur Cassandra furens futura prospiciat, Priamus sapiens hoc idem facere non queat? 1.108. Quam mox emittat pictis e faucibus currus, Sic exspectabat populus atque ore timebat, Rebus utri magni victoria sit data regni. Interea sol albus recessit in infera noctis. Exin candida se radiis dedit icta foras lux, Et simul ex alto longe pulcherruma praepes Laeva volavit avis. Simul aureus exoritur sol, Cedunt de caelo ter quattuor corpora sancta Avium, praepetibus sese pulchrisque locis dant. Conspicit inde sibi data Romulus esse priora, Auspicio regni stabilita scamna solumque. 1.114. Ergo et ii, quorum animi spretis corporibus evolant atque excurrunt foras, ardore aliquo inflammati atque incitati cernunt illa profecto, quae vaticites pronuntiant, multisque rebus inflammantur tales animi, qui corporibus non inhaerent, ut ii, qui sono quodam vocum et Phrygiis cantibus incitantur. Multos nemora silvaeque, multos amnes aut maria commovent, quorum furibunda mens videt ante multo, quae sint futura. Quo de genere illa sunt: Eheú videte! Iúdicabit ínclitum iudícium inter deás tris aliquis, Quó iudicio Lácedaemonia múlier, Furiarum úna, adveniet. Eodem enim modo multa a vaticitibus saepe praedicta sunt, neque solum verbis, sed etiam Versibus, quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant. Similiter Marcius et Publicius vates cecinisse dicuntur; 1.119. Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse. 1.120. Eademque efficit in avibus divina mens, ut tum huc, tum illuc volent alites, tum in hac, tum in illa parte se occultent, tum a dextra, tum a sinistra parte cat oscines. Nam si animal omne, ut vult, ita utitur motu sui corporis, prono, obliquo, supino, membraque, quocumque vult, flectit, contorquet, porrigit, contrahit eaque ante efficit paene, quam cogitat, quanto id deo est facilius, cuius numini parent omnia! Idemque mittit et signa nobis eius generis, qualia permulta historia tradidit, quale scriptum illud videmus: 2.1. Quaerenti mihi multumque et diu cogitanti, quanam re possem prodesse quam plurimis, ne quando intermitterem consulere rei publicae, nulla maior occurrebat, quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus; quod conpluribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum. Nam et cohortati sumus, ut maxime potuimus, ad philosophiae studium eo libro, qui est inscriptus Hortensius, et, quod genus philosophandi minime adrogans maximeque et constans et elegans arbitraremur, quattuor Academicis libris ostendimus. 2.24. Nam illud quidem dici, praesertim a Stoicis, nullo modo potest: Non isset ad arma Pompeius, non transisset Crassus Euphratem, non suscepisset bellum civile Caesar. Non igitur fatalis exitus habuerunt; vultis autem evenire omnia fato; nihil ergo illis profuisset divinare; atque etiam omnem fructum vitae superioris perdidissent; quid enim posset iis esse laetum exitus suos cogitantibus? Ita, quoquo sese verterint Stoici, iaceat necesse est omnis eorum sollertia. Si enim id, quod eventurum est, vel hoc vel illo modo potest evenire, fortuna valet plurimum; quae autem fortuita sunt, certa esse non possunt. Sin autem certum est, quid quaque de re quoque tempore futurum sit, quid est, quod me adiuvent haruspices? qui cum res tristissimas portendi dixerunt, addunt ad extremum omnia levius casura rebus divinis procuratis; 2.28. Ut ordiar ab haruspicina, quam ego rei publicae causa communisque religionis colendam censeo. Sed soli sumus; licet verum exquirere sine invidia, mihi praesertim de plerisque dubitanti. Inspiciamus, si placet, exta primum. Persuaderi igitur cuiquam potest ea, quae significari dicuntur extis, cognita esse ab haruspicibus observatione diuturna? Quam diuturna ista fuit? aut quam longinquo tempore observari potuit? aut quo modo est conlatum inter ipsos, quae pars inimica, quae pars familiaris esset, quod fissum periculum, quod commodum aliquod ostenderet? An haec inter se haruspices Etrusci, Elii, Aegyptii, Poeni contulerunt? At id, praeterquam quod fieri non potuit, ne fingi quidem potest; alios enim alio more videmus exta interpretari, nec esse unam omnium disciplinam. 2.29. Et certe, si est in extis aliqua vis, quae declaret futura, necesse est eam aut cum rerum natura esse coniunctam aut conformari quodam modo numine deorum vique divina. Cum rerum natura tanta tamque praeclara in omnes partes motusque diffusa quid habere potest commune non dicam gallinaceum fel (sunt enim, qui vel argutissima haec exta esse dicant), sed tauri opimi iecur aut cor aut pulmo quid habet naturale, quod declarare possit, quid futurum sit? 2.30. Democritus tamen non inscite nugatur, ut physicus, quo genere nihil adrogantius: Quód est ante pedes, némo spectat, caéli scrutantúr plagas. Verum is tamen habitu extorum et colore declarari censet haec dumtaxat: pabuli genus et earum rerum, quas terra procreet, vel ubertatem vel tenuitatem; salubritatem etiam aut pestilentiam extis significari putat. O mortalem beatum! cui certo scio ludum numquam defuisse; huncine hominem tantis delectatum esse nugis, ut non videret tum futurum id veri simile, si omnium pecudum exta eodem tempore in eundem habitum se coloremque converterent? Sed si eadem hora aliae pecudis iecur nitidum atque plenum est, aliae horridum et exile, quid est, quod declarari possit habitu extorum et colore? 2.31. an hoc eiusdem modi est, quale Pherecydeum illud, quod est a te dictum? qui cum aquam ex puteo vidisset haustam, terrae motum dixit futurum. Parum, credo, inpudenter, quod, cum factus est motus, dicere audent, quae vis id effecerit; etiamne futurum esse aquae iugis colore praesentiunt? Multa istius modi dicuntur in scholis, sed credere omnia vide ne non sit necesse. 2.32. Verum sint sane ista Democritea vera; quando ea nos extis exquirimus? aut quando aliquid eius modi ab haruspice inspectis extis audivimus? Ab aqua aut ab igni pericula monent; tum hereditates, tum damna denuntiant; fissum familiare et vitale tractant; caput iecoris ex omni parte diligentissime considerant; si vero id non est inventum, nihil putant accidere potuisse tristius. 2.33. Haec observari certe non potuerunt, ut supra docui. Sunt igitur artis inventa, non vetustatis, si est ars ulla rerum incognitarum; cum rerum autem natura quam cognationem habent? quae ut uno consensu iuncta sit et continens, quod video placuisse physicis, eisque maxume, qui omne, quod esset, unum esse dixerunt, quid habere mundus potest cum thesauri inventione coniunctum? Si enim extis pecuniae mihi amplificatio ostenditur idque fit natura, primum exta sunt coniuncta mundo, deinde meum lucrum natura rerum continetur. Nonne pudet physicos haec dicere? Ut enim iam sit aliqua in natura rerum contagio, quam esse concedo (multa enim Stoici colligunt; nam et musculorum iecuscula bruma dicuntur augeri, et puleium aridum florescere brumali ipso die, et inflatas rumpi vesiculas, et semina malorum, quae in iis mediis inclusa sint, in contrarias partis se vertere, iam nervos in fidibus aliis pulsis resonare alios, ostreisque et conchyliis omnibus contingere, ut cum luna pariter crescant pariterque decrescant, arboresque ut hiemali tempore cum luna simul senescente, quia tum exsiccatae sint, tempestive caedi putentur. 2.34. Quid de fretis aut de marinis aestibus plura dicam? quorum accessus et recessus lunae motu gubertur. Sescenta licet eiusdem modi proferri, ut distantium rerum cognatio naturalis appareat)—demus hoc; nihil enim huic disputationi adversatur; num etiam, si fissum cuiusdam modi fuerit in iecore, lucrum ostenditur? qua ex coniunctione naturae et quasi concentu atque consensu, quam sumpa/qeian Graeci appellant, convenire potest aut fissum iecoris cum lucello meo aut meus quaesticulus cum caelo, terra rerumque natura? Concedam hoc ipsum, si vis, etsi magnam iacturam causae fecero, si ullam esse convenientiam naturae cum extis concessero; 2.35. sed tamen eo concesso qui evenit, ut is, qui impetrire velit, convenientem hostiam rebus suis immolet? Hoc erat, quod ego non rebar posse dissolvi. At quam festive dissolvitur! pudet me non tui quidem, cuius etiam memoriam admiror, sed Chrysippi, Antipatri, Posidonii, qui idem istuc quidem dicunt, quod est dictum a te, ad hostiam deligendam ducem esse vim quandam sentientem atque divinam, quae toto confusa mundo sit. Illud vero multo etiam melius, quod et a te usurpatum est et dicitur ab illis: cum immolare quispiam velit, tum fieri extorum mutationem, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; 2.36. deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas? 2.38. Quid? cum pluribus deis immolatur, qui tandem evenit, ut litetur aliis, aliis non litetur? quae autem inconstantia deorum est, ut primis minentur extis, bene promittant secundis? aut tanta inter eos dissensio, saepe etiam inter proxumos, ut Apollinis exta bona sint, Dianae non bona? Quid est tam perspicuum quam, cum fortuito hostiae adducantur, talia cuique exta esse, qualis cuique obtigerit hostia? At enim id ipsum habet aliquid divini, quae cuique hostia obtingat, tamquam in sortibus, quae cui ducatur. Mox de sortibus; quamquam tu quidem non hostiarum causam confirmas sortium similitudine, sed infirmas sortis conlatione hostiarum. 2.39. An, cum in Aequimaelium misimus, qui adferat agnum, quem immolemus, is mihi agnus adfertur, qui habet exta rebus accommodata, et ad eum agnum non casu, sed duce deo servus deducitur? Nam si casum in eo quoque dicis esse quasi sortem quandam cum deorum voluntate coniunctam, doleo tantam Stoicos nostros Epicureis inridendi sui facultatem dedisse; non enim ignoras, quam ista derideant. 2.40. Et quidem illi facilius facere possunt; deos enim ipsos iocandi causa induxit Epicurus perlucidos et perflabilis et habitantis tamquam inter duos lucos sic inter duos mundos propter metum ruinarum, eosque habere putat eadem membra, quae nos, nec usum ullum habere membrorum. Ergo hic circumitione quadam deos tollens recte non dubitat divinationem tollere; sed non, ut hic sibi constat, item Stoici. Illius enim deus nihil habens nec sui nec alieni negotii non potest hominibus divinationem inpertire; vester autem deus potest non inpertire, ut nihilo minus mundum regat et hominibus consulat. 2.41. Cur igitur vos induitis in eas captiones, quas numquam explicetis? Ita enim, cum magis properant, concludere solent: Si di sunt, est divinatio; sunt autem di; est ergo divinatio. Multo est probabilius: non est autem divinatio; non sunt ergo di. Vide, quam temere committant, ut, si nulla sit divinatio, nulli sint di. Divinatio enim perspicue tollitur, deos esse retinendum est. 2.42. Atque hac extispicum divinatione sublata omnis haruspicina sublata est. Ostenta enim sequuntur et fulgura. Valet autem in fulguribus observatio diuturna, in ostentis ratio plerumque coniecturaque adhibetur. Quid est igitur, quod observatum sit in fulgure? Caelum in sedecim partis diviserunt Etrusci. Facile id quidem fuit, quattuor, quas nos habemus, duplicare, post idem iterum facere, ut ex eo dicerent, fulmen qua ex parte venisset. Primum id quid interest? deinde quid significat? Nonne perspicuum est ex prima admiratione hominum, quod tonitrua iactusque fulminum extimuissent, credidisse ea efficere rerum omnium praepotentem Iovem? Itaque in nostris commentariis scriptum habemus: Iove tote, fulgurante comitia populi habere nefas. 2.43. Hoc fortasse rei publicae causa constitutum est; comitiorum enim non habendorum causas esse voluerunt. Itaque comitiorum solum vitium est fulmen, quod idem omnibus rebus optumum auspicium habemus, si sinistrum fuit. Sed de auspiciis alio loco, nunc de fulgoribus. Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quicquam certi significari rebus incertis? Non enim te puto esse eum, qui Iovi fulmen fabricatos esse Cyclopas in Aetna putes; 2.44. nam esset mirabile, quo modo id Iuppiter totiens iaceret, cum unum haberet; nec vero fulminibus homines, quid aut faciendum esset aut cavendum, moneret. Placet enim Stoicis eos anhelitus terrae, qui frigidi sint, cum fluere coeperint, ventos esse; cum autem se in nubem induerint eiusque tenuissimam quamque partem coeperint dividere atque disrumpere idque crebrius facere et vehementius, tum et fulgores et tonitrua existere; si autem nubium conflictu ardor expressus se emiserit, id esse fulmen. Quod igitur vi naturae, nulla constantia, nullo rato tempore videmus effici, ex eo significationem rerum consequentium quaerimus? Scilicet, si ista Iuppiter significaret, tam multa frustra fulmina emitteret! Quid enim proficit, cum in medium mare fulmen iecit? 2.45. quid, cum in altissimos montis, quod plerumque fit? quid, cum in desertas solitudines? quid, cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus haec ne observantur quidem? At inventum est caput in Tiberi. Quasi ego artem aliquam istorum esse negem! divinationem nego. Caeli enim distributio, quam ante dixi, et certarum rerum notatio docet, unde fulmen venerit, quo concesserit; quid significet autem, nulla ratio docet. Sed urges me meis versibus: Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum statua Nattae, tum simulacra deorum Romulusque et Remus cum altrice belua vi fulminis icti conciderunt, deque his rebus haruspicum extiterunt responsa verissuma. 2.46. Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam, 2.47. cur quidque fieret, non quaerere! Et eo quidem loco et Prognostica nostra pronuntiabas et genera herbarum, scammoniam aristolochiamque radicem, quarum causam ignorares, vim et effectum videres. Dissimile totum; nam et prognosticorum causas persecuti sunt et Boëthus Stoicus, qui est a te nominatus, et noster etiam Posidonius, et, si causae non reperiantur istarum rerum, res tamen ipsae observari animadvertique potuerunt. Nattae vero statua aut aera legum de caelo tacta quid habent observatum ac vetustum? Pinarii Nattae nobiles; a nobilitate igitur periculum. Hoc tam callide Iuppiter ex cogitavit! Romulus lactens fulmine ictus; urbi igitur periculum ostenditur, ei quam ille condidit. Quam scite per notas nos certiores facit Iuppiter! At eodem tempore signum Iovis conlocabatur, quo coniuratio indicabatur. Et tu scilicet mavis numine deorum id factum quam casu arbitrari, et redemptor, qui columnam illam de Cotta et de Torquato conduxerat faciendam, non inertia aut inopia tardior fuit, sed a deis inmortalibus ad istam horam reservatus est. 2.48. Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse. 2.49. Potest igitur tale aliquid etiam sua sponte in lapicidinis Chiorum extitisse. Sed sit hoc fictum; quid? in nubibus numquam animadvertisti leonis formam aut hippocentauri? Potest igitur, quod modo negabas, veritatem casus imitari. Sed quoniam de extis et de fulgoribus satis est disputatum, ostenta restant, ut tota haruspicina sit pertractata. Mulae partus prolatus est a te. Res mirabilis, propterea quia non saepe fit; sed si fieri non potuisset, facta non esset. Atque hoc contra omnia ostenta valeat, numquam, quod fieri non potuerit, esse factum; sin potuerit, non esse mirandum. Causarum enim ignoratio in re nova mirationem facit; eadem ignoratio si in rebus usitatis est, non miramur. Nam qui mulam peperisse miratur, is, quo modo equa pariat, aut omnino quae natura partum animantis faciat, ignorat. Sed quod crebro videt, non miratur, etiamsi, cur fiat, nescit; quod ante non vidit, id si evenit, ostentum esse censet. Utrum igitur cum concepit mula an cum peperit, ostentum est? 2.50. conceptio contra naturam fortasse, sed partus prope necessarius. Sed quid plura? ortum videamus haruspicinae; sic facillume, quid habeat auctoritatis, iudicabimus. Tages quidam dicitur in agro Tarquiniensi, cum terra araretur et sulcus altius esset impressus, extitisse repente et eum adfatus esse, qui arabat. Is autem Tages, ut in libris est Etruscorum, puerili specie dicitur visus, sed senili fuisse prudentia. Eius adspectu cum obstipuisset bubulcus clamoremque maiorem cum admiratione edidisset, concursum esse factum, totamque brevi tempore in eum locum Etruriam convenisse; tum illum plura locutum multis audientibus, qui omnia verba eius exceperint litterisque mandarint; omnem autem orationem fuisse eam, qua haruspicinae disciplina contineretur; eam postea crevisse rebus novis cognoscendis et ad eadem illa principia referendis. Haec accepimus ab ipsis, haec scripta conservant, hunc fontem habent disciplinae. 2.51. Num ergo opus est ad haec refellenda Carneade? num Epicuro? estne quisquam ita desipiens, qui credat exaratum esse, deum dicam an hominem? Si deum, cur se contra naturam in terram abdiderat, ut patefactus aratro lucem aspiceret? quid? idem nonne poterat deus hominibus disciplinam superiore e loco tradere? Si autem homo ille Tages fuit, quonam modo potuit terra oppressus vivere? unde porro illa potuit, quae docebat alios, ipse didicisse? Sed ego insipientior quam illi ipsi, qui ista credunt, qui quidem contra eos tam diu disputem. Vetus autem illud Catonis admodum scitum est, qui mirari se aiebat, quod non rideret haruspex, haruspicem cum vidisset. 2.52. Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.53. Hoc civili bello, di inmortales! quam multa luserunt! quae nobis in Graeciam Roma responsa haruspicum missa sunt! quae dicta Pompeio! etenim ille admodum extis et ostentis movebatur. Non lubet commemorare, nec vero necesse est, tibi praesertim, qui interfuisti; vides tamen omnia fere contra, ac dicta sint, evenisse. Sed haec hactenus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus. 2.54. Multa me consule a me ipso scripta recitasti, multa ante Marsicum bellum a Sisenna collecta attulisti, multa ante Lacedaemoniorum malam pugnam in Leuctricis a Callisthene commemorata dixisti; de quibus dicam equidem singulis, quoad videbitur; sed dicendum etiam est de universis. Quae est enim ista a deis profecta significatio et quasi denuntiatio calamitatum? quid autem volunt di inmortales primum ea significantes, quae sine interpretibus non possimus intellegere, deinde ea, quae cavere nequeamus? At hoc ne homines quidem probi faciunt, ut amicis inpendentis calamitates praedicant, quas illi effugere nullo modo possint, ut medici, quamquam intellegunt saepe, tamen numquam aegris dicunt illo morbo eos esse morituros; omnis enim praedictio mali tum probatur, cum ad praedictionem cautio adiungitur. 2.55. Quid igitur aut ostenta aut eorum interpretes vel Lacedaemonios olim vel nuper nostros adiuverunt? quae si signa deorum putanda sunt, cur tam obscura fuerunt? si enim, ut intellegeremus, quid esset eventurum, aperte declarari oportebat, aut ne occulte quidem, si ea sciri nolebant. Iam vero coniectura omnis, in qua nititur divinatio, ingeniis hominum in multas aut diversas aut etiam contrarias partis saepe diducitur. Ut enim in causis iudicialibus alia coniectura est accusatoris, alia defensoris et tamen utriusque credibilis, sic in omnibus iis rebus, quae coniectura investigari videntur, anceps reperitur oratio. Quas autem res tum natura, tum casus adfert, non numquam etiam errorem creat similitudo, magna stultitia est earum rerum deos facere effectores, causas rerum non quaerere. 2.56. Tu vates Boeotios credis Lebadiae vidisse ex gallorum gallinaceorum cantu victoriam esse Thebanorum, quia galli victi silere solerent, canere victores. Hoc igitur per gallinas Iuppiter tantae civitati signum dabat? An illae aves, nisi cum vicerunt, canere non solent? At tum canebant nec vicerant. Id enim est, inquies, ostentum. Magnum vero! quasi pisces, non galli cecinerint! Quod autem est tempus, quo illi non cantent, vel nocturnum vel diurnum? Quodsi victores alacritate et quasi laetitia ad canendum excitantur, potuit accidisse alia quoque laetitia, qua ad cantum moverentur. 2.57. Democritus quidem optumis verbis causam explicat, cur ante lucem galli cat; depulso enim de pectore et in omne corpus diviso et mitificato cibo cantus edere quiete satiatos; qui quidem silentio noctis, ut ait Ennius, favent faucíbus russis Cantú plausuque premúnt alas. Cum igitur hoc animal tam sit canorum sua sponte, quid in mentem venit Callistheni dicere deos gallis signum dedisse cantandi, cum id vel natura vel casus efficere potuisset? 2.58. Sanguine pluisse senatui nuntiatum est, Atratum etiam fluvium fluxisse sanguine, deorum sudasse simulacra. Num censes his nuntiis Thalen aut Anaxagoran aut quemquam physicum crediturum fuisse? nec enim sanguis nec sudor nisi e corpore. Sed et decoloratio quaedam ex aliqua contagione terrena maxume potest sanguini similis esse, et umor adlapsus extrinsecus, ut in tectoriis videmus austro, sudorem videtur imitari. Atque haec in bello plura et maiora videntur timentibus, eadem non tam animadvertuntur in pace; accedit illud etiam, quod in metu et periculo cum creduntur facilius, tum finguntur inpunius. 2.59. Nos autem ita leves atque inconsiderati sumus, ut, si mures corroserint aliquid, quorum est opus hoc unum, monstrum putemus? Ante vero Marsicum bellum quod clipeos Lanuvii, ut a te dictum est, mures rosissent, maxumum id portentum haruspices esse dixerunt; quasi vero quicquam intersit, mures diem noctem aliquid rodentes scuta an cribra corroserint! Nam si ista sequimur, quod Platonis Politian nuper apud me mures corroserunt, de re publica debui pertimescere, aut, si Epicuri de voluptate liber rosus esset, putarem annonam in macello cariorem fore. 2.60. An vero illa nos terrent, si quando aliqua portentosa aut ex pecude aut ex homine nata dicuntur? quorum omnium, ne sim longior, una ratio est. Quicquid enim oritur, qualecumque est, causam habeat a natura necesse est, ut, etiamsi praeter consuetudinem extiterit, praeter naturam tamen non possit existere. Causam igitur investigato in re nova atque admirabili, si poteris; si nullam reperies, illud tamen exploratum habeto, nihil fieri potuisse sine causa, eumque terrorem, quem tibi rei novitas attulerit, naturae ratione depellito. Ita te nec terrae fremitus nec caeli discessus nec lapideus aut sanguineus imber nec traiectio stellae nec faces visae terrebunt. 2.61. Quorum omnium causas si a Chrysippo quaeram, ipse ille divinationis auctor numquam illa dicet facta fortuito naturalemque rationem omnium reddet; nihil enim fieri sine causa potest; nec quicquam fit, quod fieri non potest; nec, si id factum est, quod potuit fieri, portentum debet videri; nulla igitur portenta sunt. Nam si, quod raro fit, id portentum putandum est, sapientem esse portentum est; saepius enim mulam peperisse arbitror quam sapientem fuisse. Illa igitur ratio concluditur: nec id, quod non potuerit fieri, factum umquam esse, nec, quod potuerit, id portentum esse; 2.62. ita omnino nullum esse portentum. Quod etiam coniector quidam et interpres portentorum non inscite respondisse dicitur ei, qui quondam ad eum rettulisset quasi ostentum, quod anguis domi vectem circumiectus fuisset: Tum esset, inquit, ostentum, si anguem vectis circumplicavisset. Hoc ille responso satis aperte declaravit nihil habendum esse, quod fieri posset, ostentum. C. Gracchus ad M. Pomponium scripsit duobus anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices a patre convocatos. Qui magis anguibus quam lacertis, quam muribus? Quia sunt haec cotidiana, angues non item; quasi vero referat, quod fieri potest, quam id saepe fiat. Ego tamen miror, si emissio feminae anguis mortem adferebat Ti. Graccho, emissio autem maris anguis erat mortifera Corneliae, cur alteram utram emiserit; nihil enim scribit respondisse haruspices, si neuter anguis emissus esset, quid esset futurum. At mors insecuta Gracchum est. Causa quidem, credo, aliqua morbi gravioris, non emissione serpentis; neque enim tanta est infelicitas haruspicum, ut ne casu quidem umquam fiat, quod futurum illi esse dixerint. 2.63. Nam illud mirarer, si crederem, quod apud Homerum Calchantem dixisti ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratum; de cuius coniectura sic apud Homerum, ut nos otiosi convertimus, loquitur Agamemnon: Ferte, viri, et duros animo tolerate labores, Auguris ut nostri Calchantis fata queamus Scire ratosne habeant an vanos pectoris orsus. Namque omnes memori portentum mente retentant, Qui non funestis liquerunt lumina fatis. Argolicis primum ut vestita est classibus Aulis, Quae Priamo cladem et Troiae pestemque ferebant, Nos circum latices gelidos fumantibus aris Aurigeris divom placantes numina tauris Sub platano umbrifera, fons unde emanat aquai+, Vidimus inmani specie tortuque draconem Terribilem, Iovis ut pulsu penetraret ab ara; Qui platani in ramo foliorum tegmine saeptos Corripuit pullos; quos cum consumeret octo, Nona super tremulo genetrix clangore volabat; Cui ferus inmani laniavit viscera morsu. 2.64. Hunc, ubi tam teneros volucris matremque peremit, Qui luci ediderat, genitor Saturnius idem Abdidit et duro formavit tegmine saxi. Nos autem timidi stantes mirabile monstrum Vidimus in mediis divom versarier aris. Tum Calchas haec est fidenti voce locutus: Quidnam torpentes subito obstipuistis, Achivi? Nobis haec portenta deum dedit ipse creator Tarda et sera nimis, sed fama ac laude perenni. Nam quot avis taetro mactatas dente videtis, Tot nos ad Troiam belli exanclabimus annos; Quae decumo cadet et poena satiabit Achivos. Edidit haec Calchas; quae iam matura videtis. Quae tandem ista auguratio est ex passeribus annorum potius quam aut mensuum aut dierum? 2.65. Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris. 2.66. Atque haec ostentorum genera mirabile nihil habent; quae cum facta sunt, tum ad coniecturam aliqua interpretatione revocantur, ut illa tritici grana in os pueri Midae congesta aut apes, quas dixisti in labris Platonis consedisse pueri, non tam mirabilia sint quam coniecta belle; quae tamen vel ipsa falsa esse vel ea, quae praedicta sunt, fortuito cecidisse potuerunt. De ipso Roscio potest illud quidem esse falsum, ut circumligatus fuerit angui, sed ut in cunis fuerit anguis, non tam est mirum, in Solonio praesertim, ubi ad focum angues nundinari solent. Nam quod haruspices responderint nihil illo clarius, nihil nobilius fore, miror deos immortales histrioni futuro claritatem ostendisse, nullam ostendisse Africano. 2.67. Atque etiam a te Flaminiana ostenta collecta sunt: quod ipse et equus eius repente conciderit; non sane mirabile hoc quidem! quod evelli primi hastati signum non potuerit; timide fortasse signifer evellebat, quod fidenter infixerat. Nam Dionysii equus quid attulit admirationis, quod emersit e flumine quodque habuit apes in iuba? Sed quia brevi tempore regnare coepit, quod acciderat casu, vim habuit ostenti. At Lacedaemoniis in Herculis fano arma sonuerunt, eiusdemque dei Thebis valvae clausae subito se aperuerunt, eaque scuta, quae fuerant sublime fixa, sunt humi inventa. Horum cum fieri nihil potuerit sine aliquo motu, quid est, cur divinitus ea potius quam casu facta esse dicamus? 2.68. At in Lysandri statuae capite Delphis extitit corona ex asperis herbis, et quidem subita. Itane? censes ante coronam herbae extitisse, quam conceptum esse semen? herbam autem asperam credo avium congestu, non humano satu; iam, quicquid in capite est, id coronae simile videri potest. Nam quod eodem tempore stellas aureas Castoris et Pollucis Delphis positas decidisse, neque eas usquam repertas esse dixisti, furum id magis factum quam deorum videtur. 2.69. Simiae vero Dodonaeae improbitatem historiis Graecis mandatam esse demiror. Quid minus mirum quam illam monstruosissumam bestiam urnam evertisse, sortes dissupavisse? Et negant historici Lacedaemoniis ullum ostentum hoc tristius accidisse! Nam illa praedicta Veientium, si lacus Albanus redundasset isque in mare fluxisset, Romam perituram; si repressus esset, Veios ita aqua Albana deducta ad utilitatem agri suburbani, non ad arcem urbemque retinendam. At paulo post audita vox est monentis, ut providerent, ne a Gallis Roma caperetur; ex eo Aio Loquenti aram in nova via consecratam. Quid ergo? Aius iste Loquens, cum eum nemo norat, et aiebat et loquebatur et ex eo nomen invenit; posteaquam et sedem et aram et nomen invenit, obmutuit? Quod idem dici de Moneta potest; a qua praeterquam de sue plena quid umquam moniti sumus? 2.70. Satis multa de ostentis; auspicia restant et sortes eae, quae ducuntur, non illae, quae vaticinatione funduntur, quae oracla verius dicimus; de quibus tum dicemus, cum ad naturalem divinationem venerimus. Restat etiam de Chaldaeis; sed primum auspicia videamus. Difficilis auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso fortasse, sed Romano facillumus. Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse opinionem esse in providendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas), quam vel usu iam vel doctrina vel vetustate immutatam videmus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegii auctoritas. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.72. Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73. Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74. Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.78. Quid est aliud nolle moneri a Iove nisi efficere, ut aut ne fieri possit auspicium aut, si fiat, videri? Nam illud admodum ridiculum, quod negas Deiotarum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti facta sint, paenitere, quod fidem secutus amicitiamque populi Romani functus sit officio; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse laudem et gloriam quam regnum et possessiones suas. Credo equidem, sed hoc nihil ad auspicia; nec enim ei cornix canere potuit recte eum facere, quod populi Romani libertatem defendere pararet; ipse hoc sentiebat, sicuti sensit. 2.79. Aves eventus significant aut adversos aut secundos; virtutis auspiciis video esse usum Deiotarum, quae vetat spectare fortunam, dum praestetur fides. Aves vero si prosperos eventus ostenderunt, certe fefellerunt. Fugit e proelio cum Pompeio; grave tempus! Discessit ab eo; luctuosa res! Caesarem eodem tempore hostem et hospitem vidit; quid hoc tristius? Is cum ei Trocmorum tetrarchian eripuisset et adseculae suo Pergameno nescio cui dedisset eidemque detraxisset Armeniam a senatu datam, cumque ab eo magnificentissumo hospitio acceptus esset, spoliatum reliquit et hospitem et regem. Sed labor longius; ad propositum revertar. Si eventa quaerimus, quae exquiruntur avibus, nullo modo prospera Deiotaro; sin officia, a virtute ipsius, non ab auspiciis petita sunt. 2.87. Quis enim magistratus aut quis vir inlustrior utitur sortibus? ceteris vero in locis sortes plane refrixerunt. Quod Carneadem Clitomachus scribit dicere solitum, nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Praeneste vidisse Fortunam. Ergo hoc divinationis genus omittamus. Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus; de quibus Eudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia iudicio doctissimorum hominum facile princeps, sic opinatur, id quod scriptum reliquit, Chaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cuiusque vitae ex natali die minime esse credendum. 2.88. Nominat etiam Panaetius, qui unus e Stoicis astrologorum praedicta reiecit, Anchialum et Cassandrum, summos astrologos illius aetatis, qua erat ipse, cum in ceteris astrologiae partibus excellerent, hoc praedictionis genere non usos. Scylax Halicarnassius, familiaris Panaetii, excellens in astrologia idemque in regenda sua civitate princeps, totum hoc Chaldaicum praedicendi genus repudiavit. 2.89. Sed ut ratione utamur omissis testibus, sic isti disputant, qui haec Chaldaeorum natalicia praedicta defendunt: Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Graece zwdiako/s dicitur, talem, ut eius orbis una quaeque pars alia alio modo moveat inmutetque caelum, perinde ut quaeque stellae in his finitumisque partibus sint quoque tempore, eamque vim varie moveri ab iis sideribus, quae vocantur errantia; cum autem in eam ipsam partem orbis venerint, in qua sit ortus eius, qui nascatur, aut in eam, quae coniunctum aliquid habeat aut consentiens, ea triangula illi et quadrata nomit. Etenim cum †tempore anni tempestatumque caeli conversiones commutationesque tantae fiant accessu stellarum et recessu, cumque ea vi solis efficiantur, quae videmus, non veri simile solum, sed etiam verum esse censent perinde, utcumque temperatus sit ae+r, ita pueros orientis animari atque formari, ex eoque ingenia, mores, animum, corpus, actionem vitae, casus cuiusque eventusque fingi. 2.90. O delirationem incredibilem! non enim omnis error stultitia dicenda est. Quibus etiam Diogenes Stoicus concedit aliquid, ut praedicere possint dumtaxat, qualis quisque natura et ad quam quisque maxume rem aptus futurus sit; cetera, quae profiteantur, negat ullo modo posse sciri; etenim geminorum formas esse similis, vitam atque fortunam plerumque disparem. Procles et Eurysthenes, Lacedaemoniorum reges, gemini fratres fuerunt. 2.91. At ii nec totidem annos vixerunt; anno enim Procli vita brevior fuit, multumque is fratri rerum gestarum gloria praestitit. At ego id ipsum, quod vir optumus, Diogenes, Chaldaeis quasi quadam praevaricatione concedit, nego posse intellegi. Etenim cum, ut ipsi dicunt, ortus nascentium luna moderetur, eaque animadvertant et notent sidera natalicia Chaldaei, quaecumque lunae iuncta videantur, oculorum fallacissimo sensu iudicant ea, quae ratione atque animo videre debebant. Docet enim ratio mathematicorum, quam istis notam esse oportebat, quanta humilitate luna feratur terram paene contingens, quantum absit a proxuma Mercurii stella, multo autem longius a Veneris, deinde alio intervallo distet a sole, cuius lumine conlustrari putatur; reliqua vero tria intervalla infinita et inmensa, a sole ad Martis, inde ad Iovis, ab eo ad Saturni stellam, inde ad caelum ipsum, quod extremum atque ultumum mundi est. 2.92. Quae potest igitur contagio ex infinito paene intervallo pertinere ad lunam vel potius ad terram? Quid? cum dicunt, id quod iis dicere necesse est, omnis omnium ortus, quicumque gigtur in omni terra, quae incolatur, eosdem esse, eademque omnibus, qui eodem statu caeli et stellarum nati sint, accidere necesse esse, nonne eius modi sunt, ut ne caeli quidem naturam interpretes istos caeli nosse appareat? Cum enim illi orbes, qui caelum quasi medium dividunt et aspectum nostrum definiunt, qui a Graecis o(ri/zontes nomitur, a nobis finientes rectissume nominari possunt, varietatem maxumam habeant aliique in aliis locis sint, necesse est ortus occasusque siderum non fieri eodem tempore apud omnis. 2.93. Quodsi eorum vi caelum modo hoc, modo illo modo temperatur, qui potest eadem vis esse nascentium, cum caeli tanta sit dissimilitudo? In his locis, quae nos incolimus, post solstitium Canicula exoritur, et quidem aliquot diebus, at apud Troglodytas, ut scribitur, ante solstitium, ut, si iam concedamus aliquid vim caelestem ad eos, qui in terra gignuntur, pertinere, confitendum sit illis eos, qui nascuntur eodem tempore, posse in dissimilis incidere naturas propter caeli dissimilitudinem; quod minime illis placet; volunt enim illi omnis eodem tempore ortos, qui ubique sint nati, eadem condicione nasci. 2.94. Sed quae tanta dementia est, ut in maxumis motibus mutationibusque caeli nihil intersit, qui ventus, qui imber, quae tempestas ubique sit? quarum rerum in proxumis locis tantae dissimilitudines saepe sunt, ut alia Tusculi, alia Romae eveniat saepe tempestas; quod, qui navigant, maxume animadvertunt, cum in flectendis promunturiis ventorum mutationes maxumas saepe sentiunt. Haec igitur cum sit tum serenitas, tum perturbatio caeli, estne sanorum hominum hoc ad nascentium ortus pertinere non dicere quod non certe pertinet, illud nescio quid tenue, quod sentiri nullo modo, intellegi autem vix potest, quae a luna ceterisque sideribus caeli temperatio fiat, dicere ad puerorum ortus pertinere? Quid? quod non intellegunt seminum vim, quae ad gignendum procreandumque plurimum valeat, funditus tolli, mediocris erroris est? Quis enim non videt et formas et mores et plerosque status ac motus effingere a parentibus liberos? quod non contingeret, si haec non vis et natura gignentium efficeret, sed temperatio lunae caelique moderatio. 2.95. Quid? quod uno et eodem temporis puncto nati dissimilis et naturas et vitas et casus habent, parumne declarat nihil ad agendam vitam nascendi tempus pertinere? nisi forte putamus neminem eodem tempore ipso et conceptum et natum, quo Africanum. Num quis igitur talis fuit? 2.96. Quid? illudne dubium est, quin multi, cum ita nati essent, ut quaedam contra naturam depravata haberent, restituerentur et corrigerentur ab natura, cum se ipsa revocasset, aut arte atque medicina? ut, quorum linguae sic inhaererent, ut loqui non possent, eae scalpello resectae liberarentur. Multi etiam naturae vitium meditatione atque exercitatione sustulerunt, ut Demosthenem scribit Phalereus, cum rho dicere nequiret, exercitatione fecisse, ut planissume diceret. Quodsi haec astro ingenerata et tradita essent, nulla res ea mutare posset. Quid? dissimilitudo locorum nonne dissimilis hominum procreationes habet? quas quidem percurrere oratione facile est, quid inter Indos et Persas, Aethiopas et Syros differat corporibus, animis, ut incredibilis varietas dissimilitudoque sit. 2.97. Ex quo intellegitur plus terrarum situs quam lunae tactus ad nascendum valere. Nam quod aiunt quadringenta septuaginta milia annorum in periclitandis experiundisque pueris, quicumque essent nati, Babylonios posuisse, fallunt; si enim esset factitatum, non esset desitum; neminem autem habemus auctorem, qui id aut fieri dicat aut factum sciat. Videsne me non ea dicere, quae Carneades, sed ea, quae princeps Stoicorum Panaetius dixerit? Ego autem etiam haec requiro: omnesne, qui Cannensi pugna ceciderint, uno astro fuerint; exitus quidem omnium unus et idem fuit. Quid? qui ingenio atque animo singulares, num astro quoque uno? quod enim tempus, quo non innumerabiles nascantur? at certe similis nemo Homeri. 2.98. Et, si ad rem pertinet, quo modo caelo adfecto conpositisque sideribus quodque animal oriatur, valeat id necesse est non in hominibus solum, verum in bestiis etiam; quo quid potest dici absurdius? L. quidem Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, in primis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat ab iis Parilibus, quibus eam a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romamque, in iugo cum esset luna, natam esse dicebat nec eius fata canere dubitabat. 2.99. O vim maxumam erroris! Etiamne urbis natalis dies ad vim stellarum et lunae pertinebat? Fac in puero referre, ex qua adfectione caeli primum spiritum duxerit; num hoc in latere aut in caemento, ex quibus urbs effecta est, potuit valere? Sed quid plura? cotidie refelluntur. Quam multa ego Pompeio, quam multa Crasso, quam multa huic ipsi Caesari a Chaldaeis dicta memini, neminem eorum nisi senectute, nisi domi, nisi cum claritate esse moriturum! ut mihi permirum videatur quemquam exstare, qui etiam nunc credat iis, quorum praedicta cotidie videat re et eventis refelli. 2.114. Quid? inquies, remex ille de classe Coponii nonne ea praedixit, quae facta sunt? Ille vero, et ea quidem, quae omnes eo tempore ne acciderent timebamus. Castra enim in Thessalia castris conlata audiebamus, videbaturque nobis exercitus Caesaris et audaciae plus habere, quippe qui patriae bellum intulisset, et roboris propter vetustatem; casum autem proelii nemo nostrum erat quin timeret, sed, ita ut constantibus hominibus par erat, non aperte. Ille autem Graecus, quid mirum, si magnitudine timoris, ut plerumque fit, a constantia atque a mente atque a se ipse discessit? qua perturbatione animi, quae, sanus cum esset, timebat ne evenirent, ea demens eventura esse dicebat. Utrum tandem, per deos atque homines! magis veri simile est vesanum remigem an aliquem nostrum, qui ibi tum eramus, me, Catonem, Varronem, Coponium ipsum, consilia deorum inmortalium perspicere potuisse? 2.146. At enim observatio diuturna (haec enim pars una restat) notandis rebus fecit artem. Ain tandem? somnia observari possunt? quonam modo? sunt enim innumerabiles varietates. Nihil tam praepostere, tam incondite, tam monstruose cogitari potest, quod non possimus somniare; quo modo igitur haec infinita et semper nova aut memoria conplecti aut observando notare possumus? Astrologi motus errantium stellarum notaverunt; inventus est enim ordo in iis stellis, qui non putabatur. Cedo tandem, qui sit ordo aut quae concursatio somniorum; quo modo autem distingui possunt vera somnia a falsis? cum eadem et aliis aliter evadant et isdem non semper eodem modo; ut mihi mirum videatur, cum mendaci homini ne verum quidem dicenti credere soleamus, quo modo isti, si somnium verum evasit aliquod, non ex multis potius uni fidem derogent quam ex uno innumerabilia confirment. 2.148. Explodatur igitur haec quoque somniorum divinatio pariter cum ceteris. Nam, ut vere loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentis oppressit omnium fere animos atque hominum inbecillitatem occupavit. Quod et in iis libris dictum est, qui sunt de natura deorum, et hac disputatione id maxume egimus. Multum enim et nobismet ipsis et nostris profuturi videbamur, si eam funditus sustulissemus. Nec vero (id enim diligenter intellegi volo) superstitione tollenda religio tollitur. Nam et maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapientis est, et esse praestantem aliquam aeternamque naturam, et eam suspiciendam admirandamque hominum generi pulchritudo mundi ordoque rerum caelestium cogit confiteri. 2.149. Quam ob rem, ut religio propaganda etiam est, quae est iuncta cum cognitione naturae, sic superstitionis stirpes omnes eligendae. Instat enim et urget et, quo te cumque verteris, persequitur, sive tu vatem sive tu omen audieris, sive immolaris sive avem aspexeris, si Chaldaeum, si haruspicem videris, si fulserit, si tonuerit, si tactum aliquid erit de caelo, si ostenti simile natum factumve quippiam; quorum necesse est plerumque aliquid eveniat, ut numquam liceat quieta mente consistere. 2.150. Perfugium videtur omnium laborum et sollicitudinum esse somnus. At ex eo ipso plurumae curae metusque nascuntur; qui quidem ipsi per se minus valerent et magis contemnerentur, nisi somniorum patrocinium philosophi suscepissent, nec ii quidem contemptissimi, sed in primis acuti et consequentia et repugtia videntes, qui prope iam absoluti et perfecti putantur. Quorum licentiae nisi Carneades restitisset, haud scio an soli iam philosophi iudicarentur. Cum quibus omnis fere nobis disceptatio contentioque est, non quod eos maxume contemnamus, sed quod videntur acutissime sententias suas prudentissimeque defendere. Cum autem proprium sit Academiae iudicium suum nullum interponere, ea probare, quae simillima veri videantur, conferre causas et, quid in quamque sententiam dici possit, expromere, nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iudicium audientium relinquere integrum ac liberum, tenebimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate traditam eaque inter nos, si tibi, Quinte frater, placebit, quam saepissime utemur. Mihi vero, inquit ille, nihil potest esse iucundius. Quae cum essent dicta, surreximus. | 1.8. This subject has been discussed by me frequently on other occasions, but with somewhat more than ordinary care when my brother Quintus and I were together recently at my Tusculan villa. For the sake of a stroll we had gone to the Lyceum which is the name of my upper gymnasium, when Quintus remarked:I have just finished a careful reading of the third book of your treatise, On the Nature of the Gods, containing Cottas discussion, which, though it has shaken my views of religion, has not overthrown them entirely.Very good, said I; for Cottas argument is intended rather to refute the arguments of the Stoics than to destroy mans faith in religion.Quintus then replied: Cotta says the very same thing, and says it repeatedly, in order, as I think, not to appear to violate the commonly accepted canons of belief; yet it seems to me that, in his zeal to confute the Stoics, he utterly demolishes the gods. 1.8. It often happens, too, that the soul is violently stirred by the sight of some object, or by the deep tone of a voice, or by singing. Frequently anxiety or fear will have that effect, as it did in the case of Hesione, whoDid rave like one by Bacchic rites made madAnd mid the tombs her Teucer called aloud.[37] And poetic inspiration also proves that there is a divine power within the human soul. Democritus says that no one can be a great poet without being in a state of frenzy, and Plato says the same thing. Let Plato call it frenzy if he will, provided he praises it as it was praised in his Phaedrus. And what about your own speeches in law suits. Can the delivery of you lawyers be impassioned, weighty, and fluent unless your soul is deeply stirred? Upon my word, many a time have I seen in you such passion of look and gesture that I thought some power was rendering you unconscious of what you did; and, if I may cite a less striking example, I have seen the same in your friend Aesopus. 1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature. 1.11. The second division of divination, as I said before, is the natural; and it, according to exact teaching of physics, must be ascribed to divine Nature, from which, as the wisest philosophers maintain, our souls have been drawn and poured forth. And since the universe is wholly filled with the Eternal Intelligence and the Divine Mind, it must be that human souls are influenced by their contact with divine souls. But when men are awake their souls, as a rule, are subject to the demands of everyday life and are withdrawn from divine association because they are hampered by the chains of the flesh. 1.27. This is why, as he told me himself, he had time and again abandoned a journey even though he might have been travelling for many days. By the way, that was a very noble utterance of his which he made after Caesar had deprived him of his tetrarchy and kingdom, and had forced him to pay an indemnity too. Notwithstanding what has happened, said he, I do not regret that the auspices favoured my joining Pompey. By so doing I enlisted my military power in defence of senatorial authority, Roman liberty, and the supremacy of the empire. The birds, at whose instance I followed the course of duty and of honour, counselled well, for I value my good name more than riches. His conception of augury, it seems to me, is the correct one.For with us magistrates make use of auspices, but they are forced auspices, since the sacred chickens in eating the dough pellets thrown must let some fall from their beaks. 1.66. Therefore the human soul has an inherent power of presaging or of foreknowing infused into it from without, and made a part of it by the will of God. If that power is abnormally developed, it is called frenzy or inspiration, which occurs when the soul withdraws itself from the body and is violently stimulated by a divine impulse, as in the following instance, where Hecuba says to Cassandra:But why those flaming eyes, that sudden rage?And whither fled that sober modesty,Till now so maidenly and yet so wise?and Cassandra answers:O mother, noblest of thy noble sex!I have been sent to utter prophecies:Against my will Apollo drives me madTo revelation make of future ills.O virgins! comrades of my youthful hours,My mission shames my father, best of men.O mother dear! great loathing for myselfAnd grief for thee I feel. For thou hast borneTo Priam goodly issue — saving me,Tis sad that unto thee the rest bring weal,I woe; that they obey, but I oppose.What a tender and pathetic poem, and how suitable to her character! though it is not altogether relevant, I admit. 1.68. I seem to be relying for illustrations on myths drawn from tragic poets. But you yourself are my authority for an instance of the same nature, and yet it is not fiction but a real occurrence. Gaius Coponius, a man of unusual capacity and learning, came to you at Dyrrachium while he, as praetor, was in command of the Rhodian fleet, and told you of a prediction made by a certain oarsman from one of the Rhodian quinqueremes. The prediction was that in less than thirty days Greece would be bathed in blood; Dyrrachium would be pillaged; its defenders would flee to their ships and, as they fled, would see behind them the unhappy spectacle of a great conflagration; but the Rhodian fleet would have a quick passage home. This story gave you some concern, and it caused very great alarm to those cultured men, Marcus Varro and Marcus Cato, who were at Dyrrachium at the time. In fact, a few days later Labienus reached Dyrrachium in flight from Pharsalus, with the news of the loss of the army. The rest of the prophecy was soon fulfilled. 1.85. The truth is that no other argument of any sort is advanced to show the futility of the various kinds of divination which I have mentioned except the fact that it is difficult to give the cause or reason of every kind of divination. You ask, Why is it that the soothsayer, when he finds a cleft in the lung of the victim, even though the other vitals are sound, stops the execution of an undertaking and defers it to another day? Why does an augur think it a favourable omen when a raven flies to the right, or a crow to the left? Why does an astrologer consider that the moons conjunction with the planets Jupiter and Venus at the birth of children is a favourable omen, and its conjunction with Saturn or Mars unfavourable? Again, Why does God warn us when we are asleep and fail to do so when we are awake? Finally, Why is it that mad Cassandra foresees coming events and wise Priam cannot do the same? 1.114. Those then, whose souls, spurning their bodies, take wings and fly abroad — inflamed and aroused by a sort of passion — these men, I say, certainly see the things which they foretell in their prophecies. Such souls do not cling to the body and are kindled by many different influences. For example, some are aroused by certain vocal tones, as by Phrygian songs, many by groves and forests, and many others by rivers and seas. I believe, too, that there were certain subterranean vapours which had the effect of inspiring persons to utter oracles. In all these cases the frenzied soul sees the future long in advance, as Cassandra did in the following instance:Alas! behold! some mortal will decideA famous case between three goddesses:Because of that decision there will comeA Spartan woman, but a Fury too.It is in this state of exaltation that many predictions have been made, not only in prose but alsoIn verse which once the fauns and bards did sing. 1.119. Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. [53] 2.1. Book IIAfter serious and long continued reflection as to how I might do good to as many people as possible and thereby prevent any interruption of my service to the State, no better plan occurred to me than to conduct my fellow-citizens in the ways of the noblest learning — and this, I believe, I have already accomplished through my numerous books. For example, in my work entitled Hortensius, I appealed as earnestly as I could for the study of philosophy. And in my Academics, in four volumes, I set forth the philosophic system which I thought least arrogant, and at the same time most consistent and refined. 2.1. The same rule applies in literature and in other departments of learning. And do you really believe that those who are credited with powers of divining, can, for that reason, tell whether the sun is larger than the earth, and whether it is as big as it seems to be? Or whether the moon shines by its own light or by that of the sun? Or do you think that they understand the motions of the sun and moon and of the five stars, which are called planets? Your reputed diviners do not claim that they can answer any of these questions; nor will they profess to tell whether geometrical figures are correctly drawn or not, for that is the business of mathematicians, not of seers.[4] Now let us consider matters within the purview of philosophy: When the question is as to what is morally right, or morally wrong, or as to what is neither the one nor the other, do we usually have our doubts resolved by diviners? In fact, do we often consult them in such a case? 2.1. There remain the two kinds of divination which we are said to derive from nature and not from art — vaticination and dreams, — these, my dear Quintus, if agreeable to you, let us now discuss.Delighted, I assure you, said he, for I am in entire accord with the views which you have so far expressed. To be quite frank, your argument has merely strengthened the opinion which I already had, for my own reasoning had convinced me that the Stoic view of divination smacked too much of superstition. I was more impressed by the reasoning of the Peripatetics, of Dicaearchus, of ancient times, and of Cratippus, who still flourishes. According to their opinion there is within the human soul some sort of power — oracular, I might call it — by which the future is foreseen when the soul is inspired by a divine frenzy, or when it is released by sleep and is free to move at will. I should like very much to learn your views of these two classes of divination and by what arguments you disprove them. [49] 2.24. For, assuming that men knew the future it cannot in any wise be said — certainly not by the Stoics — that Pompey would not have taken up arms, that Crassus would not have crossed the Euphrates, or that Caesar would not have embarked upon the civil war. If so, then, the deaths that befell these men were not determined by Fate. But you will have it that everything happens by Fate; consequently, knowledge of the future would have done these men no good. In reality it would have entirely deprived the earlier portion of their lives of enjoyment; for how could they have been happy in reflecting what their ends would be? And so, however the Stoics turn and twist, all their shrewdness must come to naught. For, if a thing that is going to happen, may happen in one way or another, indifferently, chance is predomit; but things that happen by chance cannot be certain. But if it is certain what is going to befall me in reference to any matter and on every occasion, how do the soothsayers help me by saying that the greatest misfortunes await me? [10] 2.28. In discussing separately the various methods of divination, I shall begin with soothsaying, which, according to my deliberate judgement, should be cultivated from reasons of political expediency and in order that we may have a state religion. But we are alone and for that reason we may, without causing ill-will, make an earnest inquiry into the truth of soothsaying — certainly I can do so, since in most things my philosophy is that of doubt. In the first place, then, if you please, let us make an inspection of entrails! Now can anybody be induced to believe that the things said to be predicted by means of entrails were learned by the soothsayers through long-continued observation? How long, pray, did the observations last? How could the observations have continued for a long time? How did the soothsayers manage to agree among themselves what part of the entrails was unfavourable, and what part favourable; or what cleft in the liver indicated danger and what promised some advantage? Are the soothsayers of Etruria, Elis, Egypt, and of Carthage in accord on these matters? Apart from such an agreement being impossible in fact, it is impossible even to imagine; and, moreover, we see some nations interpreting entrails in one way and some in another; hence there is no uniformity of practice. 2.29. Surely if entrails have any prophetic force, necessarily that force either is in accord with the laws of nature, or is fashioned in some way by the will and power of the gods. But between that divine system of nature whose great and glorious laws pervade all space and regulate all motion what possible connexion can there be with — I shall not say the gall of a chicken, whose entrails, some men assert, give very clear indications of the future, but — the liver, heart, and lungs of a sacrificial ox? And what natural quality is there in the entrails which enables them to indicate the future? [13] 2.31. Equally amusing is your story about Pherecydes, who, after looking at some water just drawn from a well, foretold an earthquake. It would be presumptuous enough, I think, for natural philosophers to attempt to explain the cause of an earthquake after it had happened; but can they actually tell, from looking at fresh water, that an earthquake is going to happen? Such nonsense is often heard in the schools, but one does not have to believe everything one hears. 2.32. But grant that these absurdities of Democritus are true — when do we ever consult entrails to learn about crops or health, or when have we acquired information on these particulars from a soothsayer after he had made an inspection of entrails? The soothsayers warn us of dangers by fire and flood and sometimes they prophesy the inheritance, sometimes the loss, of money: they discuss the favourable and the unfavourable cleft; they view the head of the liver with the utmost care from every side. If, perchance, the livers head should be wanting they regard it as the most unpropitious sign that could have happened. [14] 2.33. Such signs, as I have shown before, certainly could not come within your classification of the kinds of divination dependent on observation. Therefore they are not the result of immemorial usage, but they are the inventions of art — if there can be any art in the occult. But what relationship have they with the laws of nature? Assuming that all the works of nature are firmly bound together in a harmonious whole (which, I observe, is the view of the natural philosophers and especially of those men who maintain that the universe is a unit), what connexion can there be between the universe and the finding of a treasure? For instance, if the entrails foretell an increase in my fortune and they do so in accordance with some law of nature, then, in the first place, there is some relationship between them and the universe, and in the second place, my ficial gain is regulated by the laws of nature. Are not the natural philosophers ashamed to utter such nonsense? And yet a certain contact between the different parts of nature may be admitted and I concede it. The Stoics have collected much evidence to prove it. They claim, for example, that the livers of mice become larger in winter; that the dry pennyroyal blooms the very day of the winter solstice, and that its seed-pods become inflated and burst and the seeds enclosed thither are sent in various directions; that at times when certain strings of the lyre are struck others sound; that it is the habit of oysters and of all shell-fish to grow with the growth of the moon and to become smaller as it wanes; and that trees are considered easiest to cut down in winter and in the dark of the moon, because they are then free from sap. 2.34. There is no need to go on and mention the seas and straits with their tides, whose ebb and flow are governed by the motion of the moon. Innumerable instances of the same kind may be given to prove that some natural connexion does exist between objects apparently unrelated. Concede that it does exist; it does not contravene the point I make, that no sort of a cleft in a liver is prophetic of ficial gain. What natural tie, or what symphony, so to speak, or association, or what sympathy, as the Greeks term it, can there be between a cleft in a liver and a petty addition to my purse? Or what relationship between my miserable money-getting, on the one hand, and heaven, earth, and the laws of nature on the other?[15] However, I will concede even this if you wish, though it will greatly weaken my case to admit that there is any connexion between nature and the condition of the entrails; 2.35. yet, suppose the concession is made, how is it brought about that the man in search of favourable signs will find a sacrifice suitable to his purpose? I thought the question insoluble. But what a fine solution is offered! I am not ashamed of you — I am actually astonished at your memory; but I am ashamed of Chrysippus, Antipater, and Posidonius who say exactly what you said: The choice of the sacrificial victim is directed by the sentient and divine power which pervades the entire universe.But even more absurd is that other pronouncement of theirs which you adopted: At the moment of sacrifice a change in the entrails takes place; something is added or something taken away; for all things are obedient to the Divine Will. 2.36. Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?[16] But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? [17] 2.38. Again, when sacrifices are offered to more than one god at the same time, how does it happen that the auspices are favourable in one case and unfavourable in another? Is it not strange fickleness in the gods to threaten disaster in the first set of entrails and to promise a blessing in the next? Or is there such discord among the gods — often even among those who are nearest of kin — that the entrails of the sacrifice you offer to Apollo, for example, are favourable and of those you offer at the same time to Diana are unfavourable? When victims for the sacrifice are brought up at haphazard it is perfectly clear that the character of entrails that you will receive will depend on the victim chance may bring. Oh! but someone will say, The choice itself is a matter of divine guidance, just as in the case of lots the drawing is directed by the gods! I shall speak of lots presently; although you really do not strengthen the cause of sacrifices by comparing them to lots; but you do weaken the cause of lots by comparing them with sacrifices. 2.39. When I send a slave to Aequimelium to bring me a lamb for a sacrifice and he brings me the lamb which has entrails suited to the exigencies of my particular case, it was not chance, I suppose, but a god that led the slave to that particular lamb! If you say that in this case too chance is, as it were, a sort of lot in accordance with the divine will, then I am sorry that our Stoic friends have given the Epicureans so great an opportunity for laughter, for you know how much fun they make of statements like that. 2.41. Why then do you Stoics involve yourselves in these sophistries, which you can never explain? Members of your school, when they are more hurried than usual, generally give us this syllogism: If there are gods, there is divination; but there are gods, therefore there is divination. A more logical one would be this: There is no divination, therefore there are no gods. Observe how rashly they commit themselves to the proposition, if there is no divination, there are no gods. I say rashly, for it is evident that divination has been destroyed and yet we must hold on to the gods. [18] 2.42. In demolishing divination by means of entrails we have utterly demolished the soothsayers art; for the same fate awaits divination by means of lightnings and portents. According to your view, long-continued observation is employed in the case of lightnings, and reason and conjecture are generally employed in the case of portents. But what is it that has been observed in the case of lightnings? The Etruscans divided the sky into sixteen parts. of course it was easy enough for them to double the four parts into which we divide it and then double that total and tell from which one of those divisions a bolt of lightning had come. In the first place, what difference does its location make? and, in the second place, what does it foretell? It is perfectly evident that, out of the wonder and fear excited in primitive man by lightning and thunderbolts, sprang his belief that those phenomena were caused by omnipotent Jove. And so we find it recorded in our augural annals: When Jove thunders or lightens it is impious to hold an election. 2.43. This was ordained, perhaps, from reasons of political expediency; for our ancestors wished to have some excuse for not holding elections sometimes. And so lightning is an unfavourable sign only in case of an election; in all other cases we consider it the best of auspices, if it appears on the left side. But I shall speak of auspices in another connexion — now I am going to discuss lightnings.[19] There is, then, no statement less worthy of a natural philosopher than that anything can be foretold with a certainty by uncertain signs. of course I do not think you are credulous enough to believe that Joves thunderbolt was made on Mount Aetna by the Cyclopes. 2.44. For if he had but one bolt his hurling it so often would be strange. Nor would he be able to give men so many advices by thunderbolts as to what they should or should not do. But the Stoics account for the thunderbolt thus: When the cold exhalations from the earth begin to circulate they become winds; when these winds enter a cloud they begin to break up and scatter its thinnest portions; if they do this very rapidly and with great violence, thunder and lightning are thereby produced. Again, when clouds collide their heat is forcibly driven out and the thunderbolt is the result. Realizing, then, that these phenomena are due to natural causes, and happen without regularity and at no certain time, shall we look to them for signs of future events? It is passing strange, if Jupiter warns us by means of thunderbolts, that he sends so many to no purpose! 2.45. What, for example, is his object in hurling them into the middle of the sea? or, as he so often does, on to the tops of lofty mountains? Why, pray, does he waste them in solitary deserts? And why does he fling them on the shores of peoples who do not take any notice of them?[20] Oh! but you say, the head was found in the Tiber. As if I contended that your soothsayers were devoid of art! My contention is that there is no divination. By dividing the heavens in the manner already indicated and by noting what happened in each division the soothsayers learn whence the thunderbolt comes and whither it goes, but no method can show that the thunderbolt has any prophetic value. However, you array those verses of mine against me:For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurtled his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then, the poem goes on to say, the statue of Natta, the images of the gods and the piece representing Romulus and Remus, with their wolf-nurse, were struck by a thunderbolt and fell to the ground. The prophecies made by the soothsayers from these events were fulfilled to the letter. 2.46. Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened! 2.47. It was in that same connexion that you brought force my Prognostics and some samples of herbs — the scammony and aristolochia root — saying that you could see their virtue and effect but did not know the cause.[21] But your illustrations are not pertinent at all. For example, the causes of meteorological phenomena have been investigated by Boëthus the Stoic, whom you mentioned, and by our friend Posidonius; and even if the causes are not discovered by them, yet the phenomena themselves are capable of observation and study. But what opportunity was there for long-continued observation in the case where Nattas statue and the brazen tablets of laws were struck by lightning? The Nattas, you say, were of the Pinarian gens and of noble birth, therefore danger was to be expected from the nobility. So clever of Jupiter to devise such a means to warn us of danger! The statue of the infant Romulus, you observe, was struck by a thunderbolt; hence danger was thereby predicted to the city which he founded. How wise of Jupiter to use signs in conveying information to us! Again, you say, Jupiter statue was being set up at the very time the conspiracy was being exposed. You, of course, prefer to attribute this coincidence to a divine decree rather than to chance. The man to whom Cotta and Torquatus let the contract for the statue did not, I presume, delay the completion of his work either from lack of energy or from lack of funds, but his hand was stayed till the appointed hour by the immortal gods! 2.48. I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block. 2.49. Therefore, it is possible that some such figure as Carneades described did spontaneously appear in the Chian quarries. On the other hand, the story may be untrue. Again, you have often noticed clouds take the form of a lion or a hippocentaur. Therefore it is possible for chance to imitate reality, and this you just now denied.[22] But since entrails and lightnings have been sufficiently discussed it remains for us to examine portents, if we are to treat soothsaying in its entirety. You spoke of a mule bearing a colt. Such an event excites wonder because it seldom occurs; but if it had been impossible it would not have occurred. And it may be urged with effect against all portents that the impossible never has happened and that the possible need not excite any wonder. Now, in case of some new occurrence, ignorance of its cause is what excites our wonder; whereas, the same ignorance as to things of frequent occurrence does not. For the man who marvels that a mule has foaled does not understand how a mare foals and is ignorant of animal parturition in general. What he sees frequently causes him no astonishment even though he does not know how it happened. If something happens which he never saw before he considers it a portent. Then, which is the portent — the mules conception or its parturition? 2.51. Now do we need a Carneades or an Epicurus to refute such nonsense? Who in the world is stupid enough to believe that anybody ever ploughed up — which shall I say — a god or a man? If a god, why did he, contrary to his nature, hide himself in the ground to be uncovered and brought to the light of day by a plough? Could not this so‑called god have delivered this art to mankind from a more exalted station? But if this fellow Tages was a man, pray, how could he have lived covered with earth? Finally, where had he himself learned the things he taught others? But really in spending so much time in refuting such stuff I am more absurd than the very people who believe it.[24] But indeed, that was quite a clever remark which Cato made many years ago: I wonder, said he, that a soothsayer doesnt laugh when he sees another soothsayer. 2.52. For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.53. Ye gods, how many times were they mistaken in the late civil war! What oracular messages the soothsayers sent from Rome to our Pompeian party then in Greece! What assurances they gave to Pompey! For he placed great reliance in divination by means of entrails and portents. I have no wish to call these instances to mind, and indeed it is unnecessary — especially to you, since you had personal knowledge of them. Still, you are aware that the result was nearly always contrary to the prophecy. But enough on this point: let us now come to portents. [25] 2.54. You have cited many instances of portents from the verses which I wrote during my consulship; you adduced many others which occurred prior to the Marsian War and which are included in Sisennas compilation, and you mentioned a great number which are recorded by Callisthenes and which preceded the unfortunate battle of the Spartans at Leuctra. I shall, of course, speak of each of these instances separately, in so far as they require notice; but I must first discuss portents generally. Now, what is the nature of these intimations, or of this advance-information, as it were, sent out by the gods to apprise us of coming disasters? In the first place, why do immortal gods see fit to give us warning which we cant understand without the aid of interpreters? In the next place, why do they warn us of things which we cannot avoid? Why, even a mortal, if he has a proper sense of duty, does not warn his friends of imminent disasters which can in no way be escaped. Physicians, for example, although they know many times that their patients are going to die of a present disease, yet never tell them so; for a forewarning of an evil is justified only when to the warning is joined a means of escape. 2.55. However, then, did portents of their interpreters help the Spartans of long ago, or our Pompeian friends in more recent times? If these signs you speak of are to be considered as sent by the gods, why were they so obscure? For, if we had the right to know what was going to happen, it should have been stated to us clearly: or, if the gods did not wish us to know, they should not have told us — even in riddles.[26] Now every sort of conjecture — and divination depends on conjecture — is often applied by the wit of man to many different and even contradictory uses. As in judicial causes the prosecutor draws one inference and the lawyer for the defendant another from the same set of facts, and yet the inferences of both are plausible; so, in all investigations in which it is customary to employ conjecture, ambiguity is found. Moreover, in the case of things that happen now by chance now in the usual course of nature (sometimes too mistakes are caused by taking appearance for reality), it is the height of folly to hold the gods as the direct agents and not to inquire into the causes of such things. 2.56. You believe that the Boeotian bards at Lebadia foretold victory for the Thebans from the crowing of cocks; for cocks, you say, are wont to be silent when defeated and to crow when victorious. Do you really believe that Jupiter would have employed chickens to convey such a message to so great a state? And is it true that these fowls are not accustomed to crow except when they are victorious? But at that time they did crow and they had not yet been victorious. Oh! that was a portent, you say. A fine portent indeed! you talk as if a fish and not a cock had done the crowing! But come; is there any time, day or night, when they are not liable to crow? And if the pleasant sensation — or joy if you will — which comes from victory causes them to crow, then, possibly, joy springing from some other source may have the same effect. 2.57. By the way, Democritus gives a very good explanation of why cocks crow before day. Their food, he says, after it has been digested, is expelled from the craw and is distributed over the entire body. By the time that process is completed they have had sleep enough and begin to crow. And then, in the silence of the night, as Ennius says, they indulge their russet throats in song and beat their flapping wings. In view, then, of the fact that this creature is prone to crow of its own volition at any time, and may be made to crow either by nature or by chance, how did it ever occur to Callisthenes to say that the gods conveyed prophecies to men by the crowing of cocks? [27] 2.58. Reports, you say, were made to the Senate that there was a shower of blood, that the river Atratus actually flowed with blood and that the statues of the gods dripped with sweat. You do not think for a moment that Thales, Anaxagoras, or any other natural philosopher would have believed such reports? Sweat and blood you may be sure do not come except from animate bodies. An effect strikingly like blood is produced by the admixture of water with certain kinds of soil; and the moisture which forms on the outside of objects, as we see it on our plastered walls when the south wind blows, seems to resemble sweat. Such occurrences, which in time of war appear to the timid to be most frequent and most real, are scarcely noticed in times of peace. Moreover, in periods of fear and of danger stories of portents are not only more readily believed, but they are invented with greater impunity. 2.59. But are we simple and thoughtless enough to think it a portent for mice to gnaw something, when gnawing is their one business in life? But, you say, the fact that just before the Marsian War mice gnawed the shields at Lanuvium was pronounced by the soothsayers to be a very direful portent. As if it mattered a whit whether mice, which are gnawing something day and night, gnawed shields or sieves! Hence, by the same token, the fact that, at my house, mice recently gnawed my Platos Republic should fill me with alarm for the Roman republic; or if they had gnawed my Epicurus On Pleasure I should have expected a rise in the market price of food! [28] 2.61. If I were to ask Chrysippus the causes of all the phenomena just mentioned, that distinguished writer on divination would never say that they happened by chance, but he would find an explanation for each of them in the laws of nature. For he would say: Nothing can happen without a cause; nothing actually happens that cannot happen; if that has happened which could have happened, then it should not be considered a portent; therefore there are no such things as portents. Now if a thing is to be considered a portent because it is seldom seen, then a wise man is a portent; for, as I think, it oftener happens that a mule brings forth a colt than that nature produces a sage. Chrysippus, in this connexion, gives the following syllogism: That which could not have happened never did happen; and that which could have happened is no portent; therefore, in any view, there is no such thing as a portent. 2.62. This is illustrated by the story of a clever response made by a certain diviner and interpreter of portents. A man referred to him for interpretation as a portent the fact that a snake was seen at his house, coiled about a beam. That was not a portent, said the diviner; it would have been if the beam had been wrapped around the snake. By this answer he said plainly enough: Nothing that can happen is to be considered a portent.[29] You refer to a letter, written by Gaius Gracchus to Marcus Pomponius, stating that Tiberius Gracchus, father of Gaius, caught two snakes in his house and called together the soothsayers. And why a conference about snakes rather than about lizards or mice? You answer, Because we see lizards and mice every day; snakes we do not. As if it makes any difference how often a thing happens if it can happen at all! And yet what surprises me is this: If the release of the female snake was to be fatal to Tiberius Gracchus and that of the male was to be the death of Cornelia, why in the world did he let either snake escape? For Gaius in his letter does not state that the soothsayers expressed any opinion as to the result if neither snake had been released. Be that as it may, you reply, death overtook Gracchus. That is granted, but his death was caused by some very serious illness and not by the release of the snake. Besides, soothsayers are not so unlucky that their predictions never come true — even by accident! [30] 2.63. I should, of course, marvel at that famous story you got out of Homer about Calchas predicting the years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows — if I believed it! In a leisure moment I thus translated what Agamemnon in Homer says about this prophecy:Be patient, men; with fortitude endureYour grievous tasks till we can ascertainIf what our Calchas prophesies be true,Or only idle fancies of his breastFor all who have not left the light of day,In gloomy shades to dwell, retain these signsImprinted on their minds. When Aulis firstWas decked with Grecian fleets, which carried deathFor Priam, ruin for Troy, we stood aboutThe fountains cool and sought to please the godsWith gold-crowned bulls on smoking altars laid.Beneath the plane-trees shade, whence gushed a spring,We saw a frightful dragon, huge of size,With mighty folds, forth from an altar come,By Jove impelled. It seized some sparrows hidWithin the plane-trees leafy boughs and eightDevoured; the ninth — the mother bird — beganTo flutter round and utter plaintive cries:From her the cruel beast her vitals tore. 2.64. Now when the mother and her tender broodWere slain, the son of Saturn who had sentThe dragon forth, took it away; and thenDid change its form into enduring stone.In fear we stood and watched the monster strange,As midst the altars of the gods it moved.Then Calchas, full occurring, thus did speak:Why paralysed with sudden fear, O Greeks?These signs divine were sent by Jove himself.And though these tardy signs were long delayed,Their fame and glory will for ever live.The number of the birds ye saw destroyedBy horrid tooth, portends how many yearsof war we shall endure in front of Troy.The tenth year Troy will fall and then her fateWill satisfy the Greeks. Thus Calchas spokeAnd what he prophesied ye see fulfilled. 2.65. But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. [31] 2.66. There is nothing remarkable about the so‑called portents of the kind just mentioned; but after they have happened they are brought within the field of prophecy by some interpretation Take, for example, your stories of the grains of wheat heaped into the mouth of Midas when a boy, and of the bees which settled on the lips of Plato, when he was a child — they are more remarkable as guesses than as real prophecies. Besides, the incidents may have been fictitious; if not, then the fulfilment of the prophecy may have been accidental. As to that incident about Roscius it may, of course, be untrue that a snake coiled itself around him; but it is not so surprising that a snake was in his cradle — especially in Solonium where snakes are attracted in large numbers by the heat of the fireplaces. As to your statement that the soothsayers prophesied a career of unrivalled brilliancy for Roscius, it is a strange thing to me that the immortal gods foretold the glory of a future actor and did not foretell that of Africanus! 2.67. And you have even collected the portent-stories connected with Flaminius: His horse, you say, stumbled and fell with him. That is very strange, isnt it? And, The standard of the first company could not be pulled up. Perhaps the standard-bearer had planted it stoutly and pulled it up timidly. What is astonishing in the fact that the horse of Dionysius came up out of the river, or that it had bees in its mane? And yet, because Dionysius began to reign a short time later — which was a mere coincidence — the event referred to is considered a portent! The arms sounded, you say, in the temple of Hercules in Sparta; the folding-doors of the same god at Thebes, though securely barred, opened of their own accord, and the shields hanging upon the walls of that temple fell to the ground. Now since none of these things could have happened without some exterior force, why should we say that they were brought about by divine agency rather than by chance? [32] 2.68. You mention the appearance — a sudden appearance it was — of a crown of wild herbs on the head of Lysanders statue at Delphi. Really? And do you think the crown of herbs appeared before their seeds were formed? Besides, the wild herbs, in my opinion, came from seeds brought by birds and were not planted by human agency. Again, imagination can make anything on top of a head look like a crown. At the same time, you say, the golden stars in the temple of Castor and Pollux at Delphi fell down and were nowhere to be found. That appears to me to have been the work of thieves rather than of gods. 2.69. I am indeed astonished that Greek historians should have recorded the mischievous pranks of the Dodonean ape. For what is less strange than for this hideous beast to have turned over the vase and scattered the lots? And yet the historians declare that no portent more direful than this ever befell the Spartans!You spoke also of the Veientine prophecy that if Lake Albanus overflowed and emptied into the sea, Rome would fall, but if held in check Veii would fall. Well, it turned out that the water from the lake was drawn off — but it was drawn off through irrigation ditches — not to save the Capitol and the city, but to improve the farming lands. And, not long after this occurred, a voice was heard, you say, warning the people to take steps to prevent the capture of Rome by the Gauls. Therefore an altar was erected on the Nova Via in honour of Aius the Speaker. But why? Did your Aius the Speaker, before anybody knew who he was, both speak and talk and from that fact receive his name? And after he had secured a seat, an altar, and a name did he become mute? Your Juno Moneta may likewise be dismissed with a question: What did she ever admonish us about except the pregt sow? [33] 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.72. To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. [35] 2.73. Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74. Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.78. What else does a refusal to be warned by Jove accomplish except either to prevent an auspice from occurring, or, if it occurs, to prevent it from being seen?[37] Your story about Deiotarus is utterly absurd: He did not regret the auspices given him as he was setting out to join Pompey. They caused him to continue in the path of loyalty and friendship to the Roman people and to perform his duty; for he valued his reputation and glory more than kingdom and riches. I dare say; but that has nothing to do with auspices. For the crow would not tell Deiotarus that he was doing right in preparing to defend the liberty of the Roman people. He ought to have realized that of himself, and in fact he did. 2.79. Birds indicate that results will be unfavourable or favourable. In my view of the case Deiotarus employed the auspices of virtue, and virtue bids us not to look to fortune until the claims of honour are discharged. However, if the birds indicated that the issue would be favourable to Deiotarus they certainly deceived him. He fled from the battle with Pompey — a serious situation! He separated from Pompey — an occasion of sorrow! He beheld Caesar at once his enemy and his guest — what could have been more distressing than that? Caesar wrested from him the tetrarchy over the Trocmi and conferred it upon some obscure sycophant of his own from Pergamus; deprived him of Armenia, a gift from the Senate; accepted a most lavish hospitality at the hands of his royal host and left him utterly despoiled. But I wander too far: I must return to the point at issue. If we examine this matter from the standpoint of the results — and that was the question submitted to the determination of the birds — the issue was in no sense favourable to Deiotarus; but if we examine it from the standpoint of duty, he sought information on that score not from the auspices, but from his own conscience. [38] 2.87. for no magistrate and no man of any reputation ever consults them; but in all other places lots have gone entirely out of use. And this explains the remark which, according to Clitomachus, Carneades used to make that he had at no other place seen Fortune more fortunate than at Praeneste. Then let us dismiss this branch of divination.[42] Let us come to Chaldean manifestations. In discussing them Platos pupil, Eudoxus, whom the best scholars consider easily the first in astronomy, has left the following opinion in writing: No reliance whatever is to be placed in Chaldean astrologers when they profess to forecast a mans future from the position of the stars on the day of his birth. 2.88. Panaetius, too, who was the only one of the Stoics to reject the prophecies of astrologers, mentions Anchialus and Cassander as the greatest astronomers of his day and states that they did not employ their art as a means of divining, though they were eminent in all other branches of astronomy. Scylax of Halicarnassus, an intimate friend of Panaetius, and an eminent astronomer, besides being the head of the government in his own city, utterly repudiated the Chaldean method of foretelling the future. 2.89. But let us dismiss our witnesses and employ reasoning. Those men who defend the natal-day prophecies of the Chaldeans, argue in this way: In the starry belt which the Greeks call the Zodiac there is a certain force of such a nature that every part of that belt affects and changes the heavens in a different way, according to the stars that are in this or in an adjoining locality at a given time. This force is variously affected by those stars which are called planets or wandering stars. But when they have come into that sign of the Zodiac under which someone is born, or into a sign having some connexion with or accord with the natal sign, they form what is called a triangle or square. Now since, through the procession and retrogression of the stars, the great variety and change of the seasons and of temperature take place, and since the power of the sun produces such results as are before our eyes, they believe that it is not merely probable, but certain, that just as the temperature of the air is regulated by this celestial force, so also children at their birth are influenced in soul and body and by this force their minds, manners, disposition, physical condition, career in life and destinies are determined. [43] 2.91. But they did not live the same number of years, for the life of Procles was shorter by a year than that of his brother and his deeds were far more glorious. But for my part I say that even this concession which our excellent friend Diogenes makes to the Chaldeans in a sort of collusive way, is in itself unintelligible. For the Chaldeans, according to their own statements, believe that a persons destiny is affected by the condition of the moon at the time of his birth, and hence they make and record their observations of the stars which anything in conjunction with the moon on his birthday. As a result, in forming their judgements, they depend on the sense of sight, which is the least trustworthy of the senses, whereas they should employ reason and intelligence. For the science of mathematics which the Chaldeans ought to know, teaches us how close the moon comes to the earth, which indeed it almost touches; how far it is from Mercury, the nearest star; how much further yet it is from Venus; and what a great interval separates it from the sun, which is supposed to give it light. The three remaining distances are beyond computation: from the Sun to Mars, from Mars to Jupiter, from Jupiter to Saturn. Then there is the distance from Saturn to the limits of heaven — the ultimate bounds of space. 2.92. In view, therefore, of these almost limitless distances, what influence can the planets exercise upon the moon, or rather, upon the earth?[44] Again, when the Chaldeans say, as they are bound to do, that all persons born anywhere in the habitable earth under the same horoscope, are alike and must have the same fate, is it not evident that these would‑be interpreters of the sky are of a class who are utterly ignorant of the nature of the sky? For the earth is, as it were, divided in half and our view limited by those circles which the Greeks call ὁρίζοντες, and which we may in all accuracy term finientes or horizons. Now these horizons vary without limit according to the position of the spectator. Hence, of necessity, the rising and setting of the stars will not occur at the same time for all persons. 2.93. But if this stellar force affects the heavens now in one way and now in another, how is it possible for this force to operate alike on all persons who are born at the same time, in view of the fact that they are born under vastly different skies? In those places in which we live the Dog-star rises after the solstice, in fact, several days later. But among the Troglodytes, we read, it sets before the solstice. Hence if we should now admit that some stellar influence affects persons who are born upon the earth, then it must be conceded that all persons born at the same time may have different natures owing to the differences in their horoscopes. This is a conclusion by no means agreeable to the astrologers; for they insist that all persons born at the same time, regardless of the place of birth, are born to the same fate. [45] 2.94. But what utter madness in these astrologers, in considering the effect of the vast movements and changes in the heavens, to assume that wind and rain and weather anywhere have no effect at birth! In neighbouring places conditions in these respects are so different that frequently, for instance, we have one state of weather at Tusculum and another at Rome. This is especially noticeable to mariners who often observe extreme changes of weather take place while they rounding the capes. Therefore, in view of the fact that the heavens are now serene and now disturbed by storms, is it the part of a reasonable man to say that this fact has no natal influence — and of course it has not — and then assert that a natal influence is exerted by some subtle, imperceptible, well-nigh inconceivable force which is due to the condition of the sky, which condition, in turn, is due to the action of the moon and stars?Again, is it no small error of judgement that the Chaldeans fail to realize the effect of the parental seed which is an essential element of the process of generation? For, surely, no one fails to see that the appearance and habits, and generally, the carriage and gestures of children are derived from their parents. This would not be the case if the characteristics of children were determined, not by the natural power of heredity, but by the phases of the moon and by the condition of the sky. 2.95. And, again, the fact that men who were born at the very same instant, are unlike in character, career, and in destiny, makes it very clear that the time of birth has nothing to do in determining mans course in life. That is, unless perchance we are to believe that nobody else was conceived and born at the very same time that Africanus was. For was there ever anyone like him? [46] 2.96. Furthermore, is it not a well-known and undoubted fact that many persons who were born with certain natural defects have been restored completely by Nature herself, after she had resumed her sway, or by surgery or by medicine? For example, some, who were so tongue-tied that they could not speak, have had their tongues set free by a cut from the surgeons knife. Many more have corrected a natural defect by intelligent exertion. Demosthenes is an instance: according to the account given by Phalereus, he was unable to pronounce the Greek letter rho, but by repeated effort learned to articulate it perfectly. But if such defects had been engendered and implanted by a star nothing could have changed them. Do not unlike places produce unlike men? It would be an easy matter to sketch rapidly in passing the differences in mind and body which distinguish the Indians from the Persians and the Ethiopians from the Syrians — differences so striking and so pronounced as to be incredible. 2.97. Hence it is evident that ones birth is more affected by local environment than by the condition of the moon. of course, the statement quoted by you that the Babylonians for 470, years had taken the horoscope of every child and had tested it by the results, is untrue; for if this had been their habit they would not have abandoned it. Moreover we find no writer who says that the practice exists or who knows that it ever did exist.[47] You observe that I am not repeating the arguments of Carneades, but those of Panaetius, the head of the Stoic school. But now on my own initiative I put the following questions: Did all the Romans who fell at Cannae have the same horoscope? Yet all had one and the same end. Were all the men eminent for intellect and genius born under the same star? Was there ever a day when countless numbers were not born? And yet there never was another Homer. 2.98. Again: if it matters under what aspect of the sky or combination of the stars every animate being is born, then necessarily the same conditions must affect iimate beings also: can any statement be more ridiculous than that? Be that as it may, our good friend Lucius Tarutius of Firmum, who was steeped in Chaldaic lore, made a calculation, based on the assumption that our citys birthday was on the Feast of Pales (at which time tradition says it was founded by Romulus), and from that calculation Tarutius even went so far as to assert that Rome was born when the moon was in the sign of Libra and from that fact unhesitatingly prophesied her destiny. 2.99. What stupendous power delusion has! And was the citys natal day also subject to the influence of the moon and stars? Assume, if you will, that it matters in the case of a child under what arrangement of the heavenly bodies it draws its first breath, does it also follow that the stars could have had any influence over the bricks and cement of which the city was built? But why say more against a theory which every days experience refutes? I recall a multitude of prophecies which the Chaldeans made to Pompey, to Crassus and even to Caesar himself (now lately deceased), to the effect that no one of them would die except in old age, at home and in great glory. Hence it would seem very strange to me should anyone, especially at this time, believe in men whose predictions he sees disproved every day by actual results. [48] 2.114. Oh! but what about that oarsman in Coponiuss fleet, you say, didnt he truly foretell what afterwards came to pass? He did indeed, and the very things that all of us at the time feared would happen. For news was coming to us that the armies of Caesar and Pompey were facing each other in Thessaly. We thought that Caesars troops had more reckless courage because they were fighting against their country and greater strength because of their long military training. Besides there was not one of us who did not dread the outcome of the battle, but our apprehension was not openly shown and was such as not to be discreditable to men of strong character. As for that Greek sailor, is it strange if, in the extremity of his fear, he, as most people do in such cases, lost his courage, reason, and self-control? In his mental excitement and aberration, he merely stated that things would occur, which, when he was himself, he feared would come to pass. In heavens name, pray tell me, then, which you think was more likely to have had the power to interpret the decrees of the immortal gods — that crazy sailor, or someone of our party then on the ground — Cato, Varro, Coponius or I? [56] 2.146. In our consideration of dreams we come now to the remaining point left for discussion, which is your contention that by long-continued observation of dreams and by recording the results an art has been evolved. Really? Then, it is possible, I suppose, to observe dreams? If so, how? For they are of infinite variety and there is no imaginable thing too absurd, too involved, or too abnormal for us to dream about it. How, then, is it possible for us either to remember this countless and ever-changing mass of visions or to observe and record the subsequent results? Astronomers have recorded the movements of the planets and thereby have discovered an orderly course of the stars, not thought of before. But tell me, if you can, what is the orderly course of dreams and what is the harmonious relation between them and subsequent events? And by what means can the true be distinguished from the false, in view of the fact that the same dreams have certain consequences for one person and different consequences for another and seeing also that even for the same individual the same dream is not always followed by the same result? As a rule we do not believe a liar even when he tells the truth, but, to my surprise, if one dream turns out to be true, your Stoics do not withdraw their belief in the prophetic value of that one though it is only one out of many; rather, from the character of the one true dream, they establish the character of countless others that are false. 2.148. Then let dreams, as a means of divination, be rejected along with the rest. Speaking frankly, superstition, which is widespread among the nations, has taken advantage of human weakness to cast its spell over the mind of almost every man. This same view was stated in my treatise On the Nature of the Gods; and to prove the correctness of that view has been the chief aim of the present discussion. For I thought that I should be rendering a great service both to myself and to my countrymen if I could tear this superstition up by the roots. But I want it distinctly understood that the destruction of superstition does not mean the destruction of religion. For I consider it the part of wisdom to preserve the institutions of our forefathers by retaining their sacred rites and ceremonies. Furthermore, the celestial order and the beauty of the universe compel me to confess that there is some excellent and eternal Being, who deserves the respect and homage of men. 2.149. Wherefore, just as it is a duty to extend the influence of true religion, which is closely associated with the knowledge of nature, so it is a duty to weed out every root of superstition. For superstition is ever at your heels to urge you on; it follows you at every turn. It is with you when you listen to a prophet, or an omen; when you offer sacrifices or watch the flight of birds; when you consult an astrologer or a soothsayer; when it thunders or lightens or there is a bolt from on high; or when some so‑called prodigy is born or is made. And since necessarily some of these signs are nearly always being given, no one who believes in them can ever remain in a tranquil state of mind. |
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| 52. Cicero, Brutus, "62", 205, 231, 218 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
| 53. Accius, Tragoediae, 654 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
| 54. Cicero, Brutus, 205, 231, 218 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
55. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 98 | 2.26. Now consider what a power is given to the decemvirs, and how great is its extent. In the first place be gives the decemvirs the honour of a lex curiata. But this is unheard-of and absolutely without precedent, that a magistracy should be conferred by a lex curiata on a man who has not previously received it in some comitia. He orders the law to be brought in by that praetor who is appointed first praetor. But how? In order that these men may receive the decemvirate whom the people has elected. He has forgotten that none have been elected by the common people. Here is a pretty fellow to bind the whole world with laws, who does not recollect in the third clause what is set down in the second! This, too, is quite plain; both what privileges you have received from your ancestors, and what is left to you by this tribune of the people. 11. Our ancestors chose that you should give your votes twice about every magistrate. For as a centuriata lex was passed for the censors, and a curiata lex for the other patrician magistrates, by this means a decision was come to a second time about the same men, in order that the people might have an opportunity of correcting what they had done, if they repented of the honour they had conferred on any one. |
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| 56. Varro, Logistorici, "531", "532", 516, 517, 518, 519, 520, 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, 526, 527, 529, 530, 531, 532, 533, 534, 535, 536, 537, 538, 539, 528 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keith and Edmondson, Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle (2016) 18, 19 |
| 57. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.1.1, 1.17.4, 1.17.5, 3.6.2, 3.5.15, 3.5.14, 3.5.13, 3.5.12, 3.5.11, 3.5.16, 3.5.9, 3.5.10, 3.5.17, 2.4.10, 2.2.119, 2.2.118, 2.2.125, 2.2.120, 2.2.121, 2.2.122, 2.2.123, 2.2.124, 2.2.126, 2.2.128, 2.2.133, 2.2.127, 2.2.186, 2.2.129, 2.2.187, 2.2.132, 2.2.131, 2.2.117, 2.2.130, 2.2.134, 2.2.116, 2.2.197, 2.2.189, 2.2.203, 2.2.202, 2.2.201, 2.2.108, 2.2.109, 2.2.110, 2.2.200, 2.2.111, 2.2.112, 2.2.113, 2.2.188, 2.2.114, 2.2.199, 2.2.198, 2.2.135, 2.2.196, 2.2.195, 2.2.194, 2.2.193, 2.2.192, 2.2.191, 2.2.190, 2.2.115, 2.2.136, 2.2.148, 2.2.138, 2.2.162, 2.2.163, 2.2.164, 2.2.165, 2.2.166, 2.2.167, 2.2.168, 2.2.169, 2.2.170, 2.2.171, 2.2.172, 2.2.173, 2.2.174, 2.2.204, 2.2.181, 2.2.180, 2.2.179, 2.2.178, 2.2.177, 2.2.176, 2.2.175, 2.2.161, 2.2.137, 2.2.160, 2.2.158, 2.2.139, 2.2.140, 2.2.141, 2.2.142, 2.2.143, 2.2.144, 2.2.145, 2.2.146, 2.2.147, 2.2.149, 2.2.150, 2.2.151, 2.2.152, 2.2.154, 2.2.155, 2.2.185, 2.2.184, 2.2.183, 2.2.182, 2.2.156, 2.2.157, 2.2.159, 2.2.205, 2.2.15, 2.2.207, 2.2.16, 2.2.281, 2.2.278, 2.2.279, 2.2.280, 2.2.277, 2.2.306, 2.2.305, 2.2.304, 2.2.303, 2.2.302, 2.2.301, 2.2.300, 2.2.299, 2.2.298, 2.2.297, 2.2.296, 2.2.295, 2.2.294, 2.2.293, 2.2.292, 2.2.291, 2.2.290, 2.2.311, 2.2.310, 2.2.309, 2.2.308, 2.2.307, 2.2.282, 2.2.284, 2.2.285, 2.2.286, 2.2.287, 2.2.288, 2.2.289, 2.2.283, 2.2.276, 2.2.275, 2.2.274, 2.2.237, 2.2.107, 2.2.236, 2.2.235, 2.2.234, 2.2.233, 2.2.232, 2.2.231, 2.2.230, 2.2.229, 2.2.228, 2.2.227, 2.2.226, 2.2.225, 2.2.224, 2.2.223, 2.2.222, 2.2.208, 2.2.209, 2.2.210, 2.2.211, 2.2.212, 2.2.213, 2.2.238, 2.2.214, 2.2.216, 2.2.217, 2.2.218, 2.2.219, 2.2.220, 2.2.221, 2.2.215, 2.2.239, 2.2.240, 2.2.241, 2.2.260, 2.2.261, 2.2.262, 2.2.263, 2.2.264, 2.2.265, 2.2.259, 2.2.266, 2.2.268, 2.2.269, 2.2.270, 2.2.271, 2.2.272, 2.2.273, 2.2.267, 2.2.206, 2.2.258, 2.2.256, 2.2.242, 2.2.243, 2.2.244, 2.2.245, 2.2.246, 2.2.247, 2.2.257, 2.2.248, 2.2.250, 2.2.251, 2.2.252, 2.2.253, 2.2.254, 2.2.255, 2.2.249, 2.2.106, 2.2.153, 2.2.104, 2.2.68, 2.2.67, 2.2.66, 2.2.65, 2.2.64, 2.2.63, 2.2.35, 2.2.34, 2.2.33, 2.2.32, 2.2.92, 2.2.31, 2.2.30, 2.2.29, 2.2.28, 2.2.27, 2.2.26, 2.2.25, 2.2.24, 2.2.23, 2.2.83, 2.2.21, 2.2.20, 2.2.19, 2.2.18, 2.2.69, 2.2.17, 2.2.70, 2.2.36, 2.2.84, 2.2.85, 2.2.86, 2.2.87, 2.2.88, 2.2.89, 2.2.90, 2.2.91, 2.2.81, 2.2.80, 2.2.79, 2.2.78, 2.2.77, 2.2.76, 2.2.75, 2.2.74, 2.2.73, 2.2.72, 2.2.105, 2.2.42, 2.2.41, 2.2.40, 2.2.39, 2.2.38, 2.2.37, 2.2.71, 2.2.22, 2.2.54, 2.2.53, 2.2.52, 2.2.51, 2.2.50, 2.2.49, 2.2.48, 2.2.47, 2.2.46, 2.2.93, 2.2.55, 2.2.94, 2.2.96, 2.2.97, 2.2.98, 2.2.99, 2.2.45, 2.2.44, 2.2.43, 2.2.100, 2.2.101, 2.2.102, 2.2.103, 2.2.95, 2.2.56, 2.2.82, 2.2.58, 2.2.57, 2.2.10, 2.2.11, 2.2.12, 2.2.13, 2.2.14, 2.2.62, 2.2.61, 2.2.60, 2.2.59, 3.2.2, 2.11.12, 1.69.3, 1.2.11, 2.7.1, 1.2.9, 1.56, 1.2.2, 1.2.28, 1.2.1, 2.4.1, 2.5.2, 1.2.3, 1.2.4, 1.2.5, 1.4.5, 1.1.3, 1.1.7, 1.2.27, 1.2.25, 3.2.15, 1.2.26, 3.2.1, 3.2.16, 2.11.11, 2.11.1, 2.11.2, 2.11.3, 2.11.4, 2.11.5, 2.11.6, 2.11.7, 2.11.8, 2.11.9, 2.11.10, 3.2.3, 1.7.10, 1.2.7, 1.2.23, 1.2.22, 1.2.21, 1.2.20, 1.2.19, 1.2.18, 1.2.17, 1.2.16, 2.pre1-3, 1.2.15, 3.2.17, 3.2.18, 1.2.14, 1.2.13, 1.2.8, 1.2.10, 1.2.12, 1.2.24, 1.2.6, 3.2.4, 3.2.5, 3.2.6, 3.2.14, 3.2.8, 3.2.9, 3.2.7, 3.2.10, 3.2.11, 3.2.12, 3.2.13, 1.1.11, 2.1.1, 2.1.11, 2.5.1, 2.3.1, 2.2.2, 2.1.3, 2.1.2, 2.1.14, 2.9.1, 2.10.1, 2.6.1, 3.1.9, 3.1.8, 3.1.7, 2.1.9, 2.1.5, 2.1.4, 2.pre4, 2.8.3, 2.6.2, 2.4.11, 2.4.12, 2.1.6, 3.5.8, 3.4.1-5.18, 1.3, 2.1.7, 2.10.11, 2.8.1, 3.17.10, 3.15.13, 3.15.14, 3.5.4, 2.pre6, 2.1.8, 3.5.3, 3.5.2, 3.5.1, 3.4.3, 1.69.2, 1.4.1, 2.5.18, 2.3.10, 3.5.6, 2.1.10, 2.4.5, 3.13.3, 3.13.2, 3.8.2, 3.8.1, 3.6.1-15.2, 2.4.13, 2.4.6, 2.4.7, 2.4.8, 2.4.9, 3.17.1, 3.15.2, 2.4.4, 2.4.3, 3.15.1, 3.16.28, 3.16.29, 3.16.30, 3.16.31, 3.16.32, 3.16.33, 3.16.34, 3.16.27, 3.16.26, 3.16.25, 3.16.24, 3.16.23, 3.16.22, 3.16.15, 2.4.14, 3.16.21, 3.16.20, 3.16.19, 3.16.18, 3.16.17, 3.16.16, 2.4.15, 2.4.16, 1.4.2, 3.16.10, 3.10.2, 3.16.9, 3.16.8, 3.16.6, 3.16.5, 3.10.7, 3.12.1, 3.12.2, 1.13.6, 3.16.7, 1.22.5, 3.9.17, 1.22.4, 1.22.3, 1.22.2, 1.11.1, 3.9.18, 3.9.20, 3.9.21, 3.9.19, 1.22.6, 3.12.3, 3.16.3, 3.13.1, 3.13.5, 3.14.2, 3.14.3, 3.16.4, 3.16.2, 3.16.1, 3.10.5, 3.4.2, 3.4.1, 3.12.5, 3.12.6, 3.12.7, 3.12.4, 1.22.1, 3.16.14, 3.16.11, 3.16.13, 3.16.12, 3.16.38, 3.16.35, 3.16.36, 3.16.37, 3.9.4, 3.8.3, 3.7.9, 2.4.17, 2.4.18, 2.4.19, 2.4.20, 3.7.10, 2.4.21, 2.4.22, 3.3.8, 3.6.6, 1.18.2, 1.18.1, 1.14.3, 1.18.3, 1.14.4, 1.18.4, 1.18.1-19.3, 1.18.5, 2.10.8, 1.57.3, 1.4.3, 1.69.1, 1.1.2, 3.17.9, 3.17.5, 3.17.7, 3.17.6, 3.17.4, 3.17.3, 3.17.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 6, 123, 201, 213; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 31, 32 |
| 58. Varro, De Vita Populi Romani, 141, 541 m 42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151 |
| 59. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.5.1-3.5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 20 |
60. Cicero, In Pisonem, 4, 52, 55, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 124 | 30. [73] But since we are to consider you not as Aristarchus, but as a sort of grammatical Phalaris, a man who does not put a mark to a bad verse but who pursues the poet with arms, I wish to know what fault you find with this verse “Arms to the gown must yield.” “You say,” says he “that the greatest generals must yield to the gown.”Why now, you ass, am I to teach you letters? I do not want words for such a purpose but a stick. I did not say this gown, in which I am clothed, nor, when I said “arms,” did I mean the sword and shield of any one particular general. But as the gown is the emblem of peace and tranquillity, and arms on the contrary are a token of disturbance and war, speaking after the manner of poets, I wished this to be understood that war and tumult were to yield to peace and tranquillity. [74] Ask your own intimate friend, that Greek poet; he will recognise and approve of such a figure of speech, and he will not wonder that you have no taste. “But” says he, “I cannot digest that other sentence either: “ The soldier's bays shall yield to true renown.” Indeed, I am much obliged to you; for I, too, should stick at that, if you had not released me. For when you, frightened and trembling, threw down at the Esquiline gate the bays which with your own most thievish hands you had stripped off from your blood-stained fasces, you showed that those bays were granted not only to the highest but even to the very paltriest degree of glory. And yet, by this argument you try, O you wretch, to make out that Pompeius was made an enemy to me by that verse; so that, if my verse has injured me, the injury may appear to have been sought for me by that man whom that verse offended. [75] I say nothing of the fact, that that verse had no reference to him that it was not at all my object to insult with one single verse the man whom I had repeatedly extolled in many speeches and writings. But grant that he was offended. In the first place, will he not put in the scale against this one verse, the many volumes full of his praises which have proceeded from me? And if he has been moved by such a consideration, could he have counteced so cruel an injury (I will not say to his own dearest friend, to one who did not deserve such treatment at his hands by the anxiety which he has shown for his glory, nor at the hands of the republic; to a man of consular rank, to a senator, to a citizen, or to a freeman, but) to any human being, on account of a verse? |
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| 61. Cicero, In Vatinium, 35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. (lucullus) Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 107 |
| 62. Varro, Fragments, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 30 |
| 63. Cicero, Lucullus, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-139, 14, 140-147, 16-62, 64-99, 15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maso, CIcero's Philosophy (2022) 25 |
| 64. Cicero, Orator, 2.223-2.225, 2.351-2.354, 3.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 235, 238; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
65. Cicero, Philippicae, 1.1.1, 2.89-2.90, 2.103-2.104, 11.30, 13.13.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •terentius varro, m. •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 98; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 7, 113; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 53 | 2.89. O how vain have at all times been my too true predictions of the future! I told those deliverers of ours in the Capitol, when they wished me to go to you to exhort you to defend the republic, that as long as you were in fear you would promise every thing, but that as soon as you had emancipated yourself from alarm you would be yourself again. Therefore, while the rest of the men of consular rank were going backward and forward to you, I adhered to my opinion, nor did I see you at all that day, or the next; nor did I think it possible for an alliance between virtuous citizens and a most unprincipled enemy to be made, so as to last, by any treaty or engagement whatever. The third day I came into the temple of Tellus, even then very much against my will, as armed men were blockading all the approaches. 2.90. What a day was that for you, O Marcus Antonius! Although you showed yourself all on a sudden an enemy to me; still I pity you for having envied yourself. 36. What a man, O ye immortal gods! and how great a man might you have been, if you had been able to preserve the inclination you displayed that day; — we should still have peace which was made then by the pledge of a hostage, a boy of noble birth, the grandson of Marcus Bamballo. Although it was fear that was then making you a good citizen, which is never a lasting teacher of duty; your own audacity, which never departs from you as long as you are free from fear, has made you a worthless one. Although even at that time, when they thought you an excellent man, though I indeed differed from that opinion, you behaved with the greatest wickedness while presiding at the funeral of the tyrant, if that ought to be called a funeral. 2.104. But who says that the estate of Varro at Casinum was ever sold at all? who ever saw any notice of that auction? who ever heard the voice of the auctioneer? You say that you sent a man to Alexandria to buy it of Caesar. It was too long to wait for Caesar himself to come! But who ever heard (and there was no man about whose safety more people were anxious) that any part whatever of Varro's property had been confiscated? What? what shall we say if Caesar even wrote you that you were to give it up? What can be said strong enough for such enormous impudence? Remove for a while those swords which we see around us. You shall now see that the cause of Caesar's auctions is one thing and that of your confidence and rashness is another. For not only shall the owner drive you from that estate, but any one of his friends, or neighbors, or hereditary connections, and any agent, will have the right to do so. 41. But how many days did he spend reveling in the most scandalous manner in that villa! From the third hour there was one scene of drinking, gambling, and vomiting. Alas for the unhappy house itself! how different a master from its former one has it fallen to the share of! Although, how is he the master at all? but still by how different a person has it been occupied! For Marcus Varro used it as a place of retirement for his studies, not as a theatre for his lusts. |
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| 66. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica •varro, m. terentius, estates of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 125 |
| 67. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 141 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro reatinus, marcus terentius Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
68. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 68, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183| 67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit. | |
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| 69. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 35, 56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 220 |
| 70. Cicero, Pro Murena, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro marcus terentius varro Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 39 |
| 71. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 70 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. (lucullus) Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 107 |
| 72. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro marcus terentius varro Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 39 |
73. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 144, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 124 | 33. [71] In the meantime Publius Sestius, O judges, the tribune elect, undertook a journey to Caius Caesar, for the sake of my safety. What he effected, how much real good he did, has nothing to do with the matter. I think indeed if Caesar was, as I believe him to have been, well-inclined towards us, that Sestius did me no good at all; if Caesar was a little angry with me, he did not do much good; but still you see the unwearied activity and loyalty of the man. I now come to the tribuneship of Sestius; for he undertook this journey for the sake of the republic when he was only tribune elect. He thought that it concerned the uimity of the citizens, and the facility of accomplishing what he had at heart, to show that Caesar's mind was not averse to the business. That year passed away. Men seemed to breathe, not from having actually attained their wishes, but from their hopes of recovering the republic. Two vultures in the robe of war went forth with evil omens and the execrations of the citizens. I only wish that everything had happened to them which men then prayed might happen; and then we should not have lost the province of Macedonia, nor our cavalry, and those gallant cohorts in Syria. [72] The tribunes of the people enter on their office, who had all pledged themselves to bring forward a motion concerning me. The chief of them is bought over by my enemies, whom men, laughing at him amid their indignation, were used to call Gracchus; since it was the fate of the city, that even that weasel escaped out of the brambles should attempt to gnaw a hole in the republic. But the other fellow, Serranus, — not the Serranus from the plough, but the one from the deserted granary of Gavius Olelus, where you might count the grains, — being inserted among the Atilii Calatini, on a sudden, after the names had been entered on the tablets, withdrew his name from the list. The first of January arrives; you are better acquainted with what ensued than I am; however, I say what I have heard. You know what a numerous attendance of the senate there was, what expectation of the people, what a concourse of deputies from all Italy; how great too was the virtue and activity and authority of Publius Lentulus, the consul; and also how very moderate towards me was the behaviour of his colleague, who, though he said that he had taken a dislike to me on account of a disagreement between us on the affairs of the republic, still said that he would give it up to the conscript fathers and to the critical times of the republic. |
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| 74. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. (lucullus) Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 107 |
| 75. Cicero, Topica, 96 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 138 |
76. Polybius, Histories, 3.88.8, 3.103.4, 3.106.2, 5.35.13, 9.10, 21.30.9, 30.18.3, 31.22.2-31.22.4, 34.9.5-34.9.7, 34.15.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •terentius varro lucullus, m. •varro, m. terentius •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 216; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 105; McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 2; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244, 245; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40| 31.22.2. οἷος γὰρ ὁ τρόπος ζῶντος [αὐτοῦ] ἐδοξάζετο, τοιοῦτος εὑρέθη τὸν βίον μεταλλάξαντος, ὃ μέγιστον εἴποι τις ἂν ὑπάρχειν τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς. | 31.22.2. for the same high reputation which he had possessed during his life continued when he had departed from it; and this we may say is the best proof there can be of virtue. < 31. 1. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus subjected to the Romans the Cammani partly by force and partly by fraud. Embassy from Eumenes,2. Several embassies arrived at Rome this year, and the senate dealt with that headed by Attalus and Athenaeus.,3. For Prusias had not only pushed the accusations he brought himself against Eumenes and Antiochus, but had instigated the Galatians, the people of Selge and other Asiatic peoples to bring similar complaints.,4. In consequence of this Eumenes had sent his brothers to defend him against all these charges.,5. When they appeared before the senate it was thought that they made a satisfactory defence against all the accusers, and finally having not only freed Eumenes from the charges but having received special marks of honour they returned to Asia.,6. The senate, however, did not cease to entertain suspicions of Eumenes and Antiochus, but appointed and dispatched Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as legates to observe the state of affairs in Greece,,7. to decide the question of the territory in dispute between Megalopolis and Lacedaemon, but chiefly to inquire diligently into the proceedings of Antiochus and Eumenes in case they were making any preparations to attack Rome and acting in concert against her. Measures taken regarding Syria, Macedonia, and Egypt,1. After the two Ptolemies had partitioned the kingdom the younger brother arrived in Rome, wishing to annul the terms of the partition between himself and his brother,,2. saying that he had done what he was ordered not of his own free will, but forced to consent by the pressure of circumstances.,3. He begged the senate to assign Cyprus to him, for even with this addition his share would be much inferior to his brother's.,4. Canuleius and Quintus testified in favour of Menyllus the envoy of the elder brother, saying that the younger brother owed both Cyrene and his life to their own action, so great was the hostility and aversion with which the populace regarded him.,5. When, therefore, contrary to his expectations and hopes the sovereignty of Cyrene had been given to him, he had been only too glad to accept it and had exchanged oaths with his brother as to this over victims solemnly immolated.,6. All this was denied by the younger Ptolemy, and the senate, seeing that the division had been quite unfair and wishing to make an effective partition of the kingdom due to themselves, acceded to the request of the younger brother, which coincided with their own interests.,7. For many decisions of the Romans are now of this kind: availing themselves of the mistakes of others they effectively increase and build up their own power, at the same time doing a favour and appearing to confer a benefit on the offenders.,8. So, seeing as they did the size of the Egyptian kingdom, and fearing lest if it once fell into the hands of a ruler capable of protecting it, he might have too high an idea of himself,,9. they appointed Titus Torquatus and Gnaeus Merula as legates to accompany Ptolemy to Cyprus and carry out the purpose of that king and their own.,10. They dispatched them at once with orders to reconcile the brothers and establish the younger brother in Cyprus without war. Escape of Demetrius from Rome,1. At this time when the news arrived of the calamity that had happened to Gnaeus Octavius,,2. how he had been assassinated, and when the envoys sent by Lysias on behalf of King Antiochus appeared and were profuse in their assurances that the friends of the king had had no part in the deed,,3. the senate paid scant attention to the embassy, not wishing to pronounce any decision on the matter or to express in any manner their opinion.,4. But Demetrius, excited by the news, at once sent for Polybius and submitted to him his doubt as to whether or not he should address the senate again on the question of his own situation.,5. Polybius begged him not to stumble twice on the same stone, but to trust in himself and take some bold course worthy of a throne; for, he said, there were many opportunities for action suggested by the present situation.,6. Demetrius understood this advice and held his peace for the present, but shortly afterwards communicated with one of his intimate friends, Apollonius, about the same matter.,7. This man, being of an unsuspecting character and quite young, advised him to try the senate once more, for he felt sure, that as they had unjustly deprived him of his kingdom, they would at least release him from his position as hostage,,8. since it was quite unreasonable that now, when the young Antiochus had succeeded to the throne of Syria, Demetrius should serve as hostage for him.,9. Persuaded by this reasoning Demetrius again appeared before the senate and begged the house to release him at least from his obligation as hostage, as they had decided to secure the throne to Antiochus.,10. After he had spoken at some length in this sense, the senate adhered to its original resolve, as was only to be expected.,11. For on the former occasion it was not because Demetrius was not right in what he said that they had decided to keep the young king on the throne, but because it suited their own interest.,12. And as the conditions remained the same, it was to be expected that the decision of the senate should be based on the same policy. ,1. But Demetrius, having sung his swan's song in vain and recognizing the soundness of Polybius's advice not to stumble twice on the same stone,,2. repented of what he had done, but, being naturally high-spirited and having courage adequate to carry out his designs, at once called Diodorus who had recently arrived from Syria and informed him of his position.,3. Diodorus had been the foster-father of Demetrius; he was an able man and had carefully studied the situation in Syria, and he now pointed out to Demetrius that since great disturbance prevailed there owing to the murder of Octavius, since Lysias and the populace mutually distrusted each other, and since the senate was convinced that the outrage on their envoys had been due to the king's friends, the time was very favourable for his appearing suddenly on the scene.,5. For the Syrians would at once transfer the crown to him, even if he appeared accompanied only by a single slave, while the senate would not go so far as to help and support Lysias after his conduct.,6. All that remained then was to escape from Rome secretly without anyone having any notion of his plan.,7. Having come to this decision, Demetrius sent for Polybius and communicated the project to him, begging him to assist him in it and join him in planning the best means of escape.,8. At that time it happened that there was a certain Menyllus of Alabanda present, on an embassy from the elder Ptolemy, with the object of confronting and answering the younger Ptolemy. Polybius had long been intimate with this Menyllus, and had great confidence in him.,9. So that, thinking him to be the proper person to engage in the present service, he introduced him to Demetrius, recommending him very cordially and warmly.,10. Menyllus consented to take part in the project, and engaged to have a ship ready and to provide all else that was required for the voyage.,11. Finding a Carthaginian ship that had carried sacred offerings anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, he hired it.,12. Such ships were specially selected at Carthage for the conveyance of the traditional offering of first-fruits to their gods that the Carthaginians send to Tyre. Menyllus chartered her openly to convey himself home;,13. so that he could without any suspicion send on board a month's stock of provisions and could speak openly to the ship's officers and make arrangements with them. ,1. When the skipper had made all his preparations and it only remained for Demetrius to make his own arrangements, he first of all sent his foster-father off to Syria, to find out by listening to conversations and by what he observed what was the state of popular feeling there.,2. His foster-brother Apollonius had taken part in the project from the outset, and he also took the two brothers of Apollonius, Meleager and Menestheus, into his confidence, but no other member of his suite, though it was fairly numerous.,3. These brothers were really the sons of the Apollonius who had stood in high favour with Seleucus, but had removed to Miletus upon Antiochus succeeding to the crown.,4. The day agreed upon with the ship's officers was now approaching, and it became necessary to arrange for a party at the house of one of his friends in order to enable Demetrius to go out;,5. for it was impossible to dine at his own house, since he had been in the habit of scrupulously inviting all members of his suite.,6. Those who had been initiated into the plot were to dine at home and come on board the ship, each attended by one slave, having sent their other slaves on to Anagnia, saying they would follow them on the following day.,7. Polybius happened at the time to be ill in bed, but he knew of all that was going on, as Menyllus kept him constantly informed.,8. So being very much afraid that if the banquet were unduly prolonged, as Demetrius was naturally fond of his cups and extremely young, he might find some difficulty in going out owing to the effects of drink,,9. he wrote and sealed a short note, and sent off a slave of his own with it shortly after dusk with orders to call out Demetrius's cup-bearer and deliver the note to him, not mentioning who he was, or from whom it was, but begging him to give it to Demetrius to read at once.,10. All was done as had been ordered, and Demetrius took it and read it.,11. The note contained the following saws: ,12. The doer is away with all the tarrier's gear. Night favours all alike but the most brave.,13. Be brave and risk it, act to lose or win, Anything but to give thyself away.,14. Be sober and remember to distrust; These are the sinews of the mind. ,1. Demetrius, having read this and understanding the purport of the lines and from whom they came, at once left the house pretending that he felt sick, escorted by his friends.,2. On arriving at a hut he sent off to Anagnia those of his slaves whom it did not suit him to keep, ordering them to bring the nets and dogs and meet him at Cerceii,,3. for that was where he used constantly to go and hunt the wild boar, which was in fact the beginning of his intimacy with Polybius.,4. In the next place he informed Nicanor and his friends of his plan, and begged them to throw in their lot with him.,5. Upon their all readily consenting, he asked them to return at once to their residences and order their slaves to proceed in the early morning to Anagnia, and joining the huntsmen meet them at Cerceii.,6. They themselves were to put on travelling dress and return to him, after telling their slaves that they would fetch Demetrius and join them next day at the above place.,7. All was managed as I have stated, and they went on by night to Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber.,8. Menyllus had preceded them and communicated with the officers of the ship, saying that he must himself remain in Rome for the present, but must send on to him in advance the most trustworthy of his young soldiers, who would give him all the news about his brother.,9. So he said he himself would not embark, but that the soldiers who were to make the voyage would arrive about midnight.,10. The ship's officers were not concerned at this, since the fare agreed upon had been prepaid, and they had made all their preparations for the voyage long ago.,11. Demetrius and those with him arrived at the end of the third watch of the night, being eight in number with five grown-up slaves and three slave boys.,12. After Menyllus had conversed with them, pointing out the provisions for the voyage, and recommending them very cordially to the skipper and his crew,,13. they went on board and the pilot heaved anchor just as it was getting light and set sail, having no idea at all of the truth, but fancying he was conveying some soldiers from Menyllus to Ptolemy. ,1. In Rome no one was likely to look next day for Demetrius or those who left with him.,2. For those who remained on the spot supposed he had started for Cerceii, and those in Anagnia were going to meet him at the same spot, supposing he would come there.,3. The consequence was that his escape was entirely unnoticed, until one of the slaves who had been scourged in Anagnia ran off to Cerceii, supposing he would meet Demetrius there, and when he failed to do so ran on again to Rome,,4. thinking he would meet him on the road.,5. But not finding him anywhere he informed the friends of Demetrius in Rome and the members of the household who were left behind.,6. When four days after his departure people began to look for Demetrius, a suspicion of the truth arose,,7. and on the fifth day, when Demetrius had already passed the Straits of Messina, a special meeting of the senate was held on the subject.,8. Any idea of pursuit was abandoned because on the one hand they supposed that he was well advanced on his voyage, as the wind was favourable, and on the other hand they saw that they could not prevent him even if they wished.,9. After a few days they appointed three commissioners, Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucia to examine first of all into the state of Greece, and then, crossing to Asia, to await the result of Demetrius's action, and to inquire into the sentiments of the other kings, and decide the differences between the latter and the Galatians.,11. The reason why they appointed Tiberius Gracchus was that he had personal knowledge of all these subjects.,12. Such was the state of affairs in Italy. (Suid.),13. Demetrius was anxiously expecting the arrival of the messenger who was to be sent to him. V. Affairs of Asia,1. Artaxias wished to kill . . . but by the advice of Ariarathes instead of doing so held him in greater honour than formerly.,2. Such is the power of justice, and of the opinion and advice of good men that thereby not only our friends but our enemies are often saved and their natures changed for the better.,3. Good looks are a better recommendation than any letter. VI. Affairs of Africa The Rival Ptolemies,1. After this the younger Ptolemy arriving in Greece with the legates, collected a powerful force of mercenaries,,2. among whom was the Macedonian Damasippus, who, after murdering the members of the council at Phacus fled from Macedonia with his wife and family.,3. Arriving in the Rhodian Peraea, the king was hospitably received there by the state, and proposed to sail for Cyprus.,4. Torquatus and his colleagues, seeing that he had got together this formidable force of mercenaries, reminded him of their instructions, which were that his return to Cyprus must be effected without war,,5. and finally persuaded him after proceeding as far as Side to dismiss the troops, and abandoning his attempt on Cyprus to meet them on the borders of Cyrene.,6. They themselves, they said, would sail to Alexandria, and after inducing the king to submit to the senate's request, would come to meet him on the frontier accompanied by his brother.,7. The younger Ptolemy, persuaded by these arguments, gave up his Cyprian project, disbanded his mercenary force,,8. and took ship first of all for Crete accompanied by Damasippus and one of the legates, Gnaeus Merula. After collecting in Crete a force of about a thousand soldiers he set sail and crossing to Africa landed at Apis.,1. Meanwhile Torquatus and the other legates on arriving at Alexandria attempted to induce the elder Ptolemy to be reconciled to his brother and cede Cyprus to him.,2. When the king kept on alternately promising and refusing and thus wasted time,,3. his younger brother, who, as had been agreed, remained encamped with his Cretans near Apis in Africa, and was exceedingly put out at receiving no information, at first sent Gnaeus to Alexandria, supposing that he would bring Torquatus and the others.,4. But when Gnaeus proved equally inactive, and time dragged on, forty days having passed without any news, he did not know what to make of the whole matter.,5. For the elder king by every kind of complaisance won over the legates and detained them with him rather against their will than otherwise.,6. At the same time news reached the younger Ptolemy that the Cyreneans had revolted, that the towns were in sympathy with them, and that Ptolemy Sympetesis, an Egyptian,,7. whom he had placed in charge of the country when he left for Rome, had taken the part of the insurgents.,8. When he received this news, and when soon afterwards he heard that the Cyreneans had taken the field, fearing lest by trying to add Cyprus to his dominions he should lose Cyrene also, he treated all other matters as of lesser moment and at once marched on Cyrene.,9. Upon reaching the place known as the Great Slope he found the Libyans and Cyreneans occupying the pass.,10. Ptolemy, taken aback by this, embarked half of his force on the ships with orders to sail round the pass and take the enemy in the rear, while he himself with the other half advanced directly to force the ascent.,11. Upon the Libyans taking fright at this double attack and abandoning their position, he made himself master of the ascent and the place called the Four Towers beneath it, where there was plenty of water.,12. Setting out thence he arrived after six days' march through the desert.,13. The force under Mochyrinus coasted along parallel to him until they found the Cyreneans encamped eight thousand strong in foot and five hundred in cavalry.,14. For the Cyreneans had gained experience of Ptolemy's character from his behaviour at Alexandria, and, seeing that his government and his whole disposition were those of a tyrant rather than a king,,15. they were by no means disposed to submit willingly to his rule, but were resolved to suffer anything for the prospect of liberty.,16. They, therefore, on his approach, at once offered battle and in the end he was worsted. ,1. At this time Gnaeus Merula also came from Alexandria and informed Ptolemy that his brother had not met any of the demands, but maintained that their original agreement must be adhered to.,2. The king, on learning this, at once appointed the brothers Comanus and Ptolemy his envoys, and dispatched them to Rome together with Gnaeus to inform the senate of his brother's selfish greed and contempt for their orders.,3. At the same time the elder Ptolemy dismissed Torquatus without his having achieved anything.,4. Such was the state of affairs at Alexandria and in Cyrene. VII. Affairs of Italy Embassies from the Ptolemies,1. Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, had now been held in hostage at Rome for many years, and it had long been thought that his detention was unjust, since he had been given by his father Seleucus as a hostage for his own good faith, and now that Antiochus had succeeded to the crown he should not be required to serve as hostage for the children of Seleucus.,3. He had, however, taken no steps previously, chiefly owing to want of capacity, as he was still a boy.,4. But now, having fully come to years of discretion, he appeared before the senate and addressing that house begged and entreated to be sent home to assume the crown, to which he said he had a better claim than the children of Antiochus.,5. When he had spoken at considerable length in this sense and especially appealed to his hearers by saying that Rome was his fatherland and his nurse, that the sons of the senators were all like brothers to him and the senators themselves like fathers, since he had come to Rome when quite an infant and was now twenty-three years of age,,6. they were all personally affected, but their public decision was to keep Demetrius in Rome and help to establish on the throne the surviving child of Antiochus IV.,7. The senate acted thus, in my opinion, because they were suspicious of a king in the prime of life like Demetrius and thought that the youth and incapacity of the boy who had succeeded to the throne would serve their purpose better.,8. This was made evident by what happened afterwards.,9. For they at once named as legates Gnaeus Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius and dispatched them to Syria to manage the affairs of that kingdom as the senate determined,,10. there being no one likely to oppose their orders, since the king was a child and the principal people were only too glad that the government had not been put in the hands of Demetrius, as they had been almost certain it would be.,11. Octavius and his colleagues thereupon left, with orders in the first place to burn the decked warships, next to hamstring the elephants, and by every means to cripple the royal power.,12. They were also ordered to look into the affairs of Macedonia; for the Macedonians, being unaccustomed to democratic and parliamentary government, were quarrelling among themselves.,13. The legates also had to report on the condition of Galatia and the kingdom of Ariarathes,,14. and shortly afterwards they received a dispatch from the senate ordering them to do all in their power to reconcile the kings in Alexandria. Embassy from Ariarathes,1. At the time I am dealing with, Comanus and his brother arrived on an embassy from the younger Ptolemy and Menyllus of Alabanda from the elder one. They all entered the house together, where they had a long,2. and acrimonious dispute with each other; but when both Torquatus and Merula confirmed the statements of the younger brother and warmly supported him,,3. the senate decreed that Menyllus must leave Rome in five days, that their alliance with the elder Ptolemy was at an end, and that legates should be sent to the younger brother to inform him of their decision.,4. Publius Apustius and Caius Lentulus were appointed and at once took ship for Cyrene where they announced this important decision to Ptolemy.,5. The king, much elated by it, at once began to collect troops and was entirely occupied with his projected attempt on Cyprus.,6. Such was the state of affairs in Italy. VIII. Affairs of Africa Massanissa and Carthage,1. In Africa Massanissa, seeing the numbers of the cities founded on the coast of the Lesser Syrtis and the fertility of the country which they call Emporia, and casting envious eyes on the abundant revenue derived from this district,,2. had tried, not many years before the time I am dealing with, to wrest it from Carthage.,3. He easily made himself master of the open country as he could command it, owing to the Carthaginians, who had always been poor soldiers, having latterly become completely enervated in consequence of the long peace.,4. He could not, however, get hold of the towns as they were carefully guarded by the Carthaginians.,5. Both parties appealed to the senate about their differences, and numerous embassies had come from both on the subject,,6. but the Carthaginians always came off second best at Rome, not because they had not right on their side, but because the judges were convinced that it was in their own interest to decide against them.,7. Their claim to the country was evidently just; for Massanissa himself not many years previously, while pursuing with an army Aphther who had rebelled against him, had begged permission from them to pass through this district, thus acknowledging that he had no claim to it.,8. But nevertheless at the end the Carthaginians were in such straits owing to the decisions of the senate at the time I am speaking of, that they not only lost the country and the towns in it, but had to pay in addition five hundred talents for the mesne revenue of it since the dispute originated. IX. Affairs of Italy Aemilius Paullus and Scipio,1. The most striking and splendid proof of the integrity of Lucius Aemilius became manifest to all after his death;,2. for the same high reputation which he had possessed during his life continued when he had departed from it; and this we may say is the best proof there can be of virtue.,3. The man, I say, who had brought to Rome from Spain more gold than any of his contemporaries, who had had at his disposal the vast treasure of Macedonia, and had been at perfect liberty to use all this money as he chose,,4. died so poor that his sons could not pay his wife the whole of her jointure out of the personalty, and without selling some of the real property. of this I have spoken in detail above.,5. We may say that the reputation of those most admired in this respect by the ancient Greeks has been put into shadow.,6. For it is an admirable thing to refuse to touch money offered in the interest of the giver, as Aristeides of Athens and Epaminondas of Thebes are said to have done,,7. how much more admirable is it for one who had a whole kingdom at his sole disposal, and had liberty to do what he wished with it, to covet none of it?,8. If this appears incredible to anyone, I beg him to consider that the present writer is perfectly aware that this work will be perused by Romans above all people, containing as it does an account of their most splendid achievements,,9. and that it is impossible either that they should be ignorant of the facts or disposed to pardon any departure from truth.,10. So that no one would willingly expose himself thus to certain disbelief and contempt.,11. And this should be borne in mind through this whole work, whenever I seem to make any startling statements about Romans. ,1. Now that the progress of my narrative and the date call our special attention to this family, I wish in order to satisfy the reader's curiosity to execute a promise I made in the previous book and left unfulfilled,,2. and this was that I would tell how and why the fame of Scipio in Rome advanced so far and became so brilliant more quickly than it should,,3. and to tell also how his friendship and intimacy with the author grew so great that this report about them not only spread to Italy and Greece, but that even further afield their liking and intercourse were a matter of common knowledge.,4. Now I have already explained that their acquaintance took its origin in the loan of some books and conversation about them.,5. But as their intimacy grew, and when the Achaeans in detention were sent off to provincial towns, Fabius and Scipio, the sons of Lucius Aemilius, urgently begged the praetor to allow Polybius to remain in Rome.,6. This was done, and their intercourse now becoming much closer, the following incident took place.,7. On one occasion when they were all coming out together from the house of Fabius, the latter happened to take a turning leading to the forum, while Polybius and Scipio turned off in the opposite direction.,8. As they advanced Scipio, addressing Polybius in a quiet and gentle voice, and blushing slightly said:,9. "Why, Polybius, since there are two of us, do you constantly converse with my brother and address to him all your questions and explanations, but ignore me?,10. Evidently you also have the same opinions of me that I hear the rest of my countrymen have.,11. For, as I am told, I am believed by everybody to be a quiet and indolent man, with none of the energetic character of a Roman, because I don't choose to speak in the law courts.,12. And they say that the family I spring from does not require such a protector as I am, but just the opposite; and this is what I feel most." ,1. Polybius was surprised at the way in which the young man opened the conversation; for he was then not more than eighteen years old.,2. "For goodness' sake, Scipio," he said, "don't talk in that way, or get any such notion into your head.,3. I don't, I assure you, do this because I have a low opinion of you or ignore you, but because your brother is your senior. I both begin conversation with him and finish with him, and as for any explanations and advice, I address myself especially to him in the belief that your opinions are the same as his.,4. However, now I admire you when you say that you are pained to think that you are of a milder character than becomes members of his family; for that shows that you have a high spirit.,5. I myself would be delighted to do all in my power to help you to speak and act in a way worthy of your ancestors.,6. For as those studies which I see now occupy and interest you, you will be in no want of those ready to help both of you;,7. so great is the crowd of such men that I see flocking here from Greece at present.,8. But as regards what you say now troubles you I don't think you could find anyone more efficient than myself to forward your effort and help you.",9. Before Polybius ceased speaking, Scipio, grasping his right hand in both his own and pressing it warmly, said: "Would I could see the day on which you, regarding nothing else as of higher importance, would devote your attention to me and join your life with mine;,10. for then I shall at once feel myself to be worthy of my house and my forefathers.",11. Polybius was on the one hand very happy to see the enthusiasm and affection of the young man, yet was embarrassed when he reflected on the high position of the family and the wealth of its members.,12. However, after this mutual explanation the young man never left his side, and preferred his society to anything else.,1. From that time onwards continuing in the actual conduct of life to give proof to each other of their worth, they came to regard each other with an affection like that of father and son or near relations.,2. The first direction taken by Scipio's ambition to lead a virtuous life, was to attain a reputation for temperance and excel in this respect all the other young men of the same age.,3. This is a high prize indeed and difficult to gain, but it was at this time easy to pursue at Rome owing to the vicious tendencies of most of the youths.,4. For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects.,5. So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar.,5a. This aroused the indignation of Cato, who said once in a public speech that it was the surest sign of deterioration in the republic when pretty boys fetch more than fields, and jars of caviar more than ploughmen.,6. It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed,,7. and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private.,8. Scipio, however, setting himself to pursue the opposite course of conduct, combating all his appetites and moulding his life to be in every way coherent and uniform, in about the first five years established his universal reputation for strictness and temperance.,9. In the next place he sedulously studied to distinguish himself from others in magimity and cleanhandedness in money matters.,10. In this respect the part of his life he spent with his real father was an excellent grounding for him, and he had good natural impulses towards the right; but chance too helped him much in carrying out this resolve. ,1. The first occasion was the death of the mother of his adoptive father. She was the sister of his own father, Lucius Aemilius, and wife of his grandfather by adoption, the great Scipio.,2. He inherited from her a large fortune and in his treatment of it was to give the first proof of his high principle.,3. This lady whose name was Aemilia, used to display great magnificence whenever she left her house to take part in the ceremonies that women attend, having participated in the fortune of Scipio when he was at the height of his prosperity.,4. For apart from the richness of her own dress and of the decorations of her carriage, all the baskets, cups, and other utensils for the sacrifice were either of gold or silver, and were borne in her train on all such solemn occasions,,5. while the number of maids and men-servants in attendance was correspondingly large.,6. Immediately after Aemilia's funeral all these splendid appointments were given by Scipio to his mother, who had been for many years separated from her husband, and whose means were not sufficient to maintain a state suitable to her rank.,7. Formerly she had kept to her house on the occasion of such functions, and now when a solemn public sacrifice happened to take place, and she drove out in all Aemilia's state and splendour, and when in addition the carriage and pair and the muleteers were seen to be the same,,8. all the women who witnessed it were lost in admiration of Scipio's goodness and generosity and, lifting up their hands, prayed that every blessing might be his.,9. Such conduct would naturally be admired anywhere, but in Rome it was a marvel; for absolutely no one there ever gives away anything to anyone if he can help it.,10. This then was the first origin of his reputation for nobility of character, and it advanced rapidly, for women are fond of talking and once they have started a thing never have too much of it. ,1. In the next place he had to pay the daughters of the great Scipio, the sisters of his adoptive father, the half of their portion.,2. Their father had agreed to give each of his daughters fifty talents,,3. and their mother had paid the half of this to their husbands at once on their marriage, but left the other half owing on her death.,4. Thus Scipio had to pay this debt to his father's sisters.,5. According to Roman law the part of the dowry still due had to be paid to the ladies in three years, the personal property being first handed over within ten months according to Roman usage.,6. But Scipio at once ordered his banker to pay each of them in ten months the whole twenty-five talents.,7. When the ten months had elapsed, and Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, who were the husbands of the ladies, applied to the banker and asked him if he had received any orders from Scipio about the money, and when the banker asked them to receive the sum and made out for each of them a transfer of twenty-five talents, they said he was mistaken;,8. for according to law they should not at once receive the whole sum, but only a third of it.,9. But when he told them that these were Scipio's orders, they could not believe it, but went on to call on the young man, under the impression that he was in error.,10. And this was quite natural on their part; for not only would no one in Rome pay fifty talents three years before it was due, but no one would pay one talent before the appointed day;,11. so universal and so extreme is their exactitude about money as well as their desire to profit by every moment of time.,12. However, when they called on Scipio and asked him what orders he had given the banker, and he told them he had ordered him to pay the whole sum to his sisters, they said he was mistaken,,13. since he had the legal right to use the sum for a considerable time yet.,14. Scipio answered that he was quite aware of that, but that while as regards strangers he insisted on the letter of the law, he behaved as far as he could in an informal and liberal way to his relatives and friends.,15. He therefore begged them to accept the whole sum from the banker.,16. Tiberius and Nasica on hearing this went away without replying, astounded at Scipio's magimity and abashed at their own meanness, although they were second to none in Rome. ,1. Two years later, when his own father Aemilius died, and left him and his brother Fabius heirs to his estate, he again acted in a noble manner deserving of mention.,2. Aemilius was childless, as he had given some of his sons to be adopted by other families and those whom he had kept to succeed him were dead, and he therefore left his property to Scipio and Fabius.,3. Scipio, knowing that his brother was by no means well off, gave up the whole inheritance, which was estimated at more than sixty talents, to him in order that Fabius might thus possess a fortune equal to his own.,4. This became widely known, and he now gave an even more conspicuous proof of his generosity.,5. His brother wished to give a gladiatorial show on the occasion of his father's funeral, but was unable to meet the expense, which was very considerable, and Scipio contributed the half of it out of his own fortune.,6. The total expense of such a show amounts to not less than thirty talents if it is done on a generous scale.,7. While the report of this was still fresh, his mother died,,8. and Scipio, far from taking back any of the gifts I mentioned above, gave the whole of it and the residue of his mother's property to his sisters, who had no legal claim to it.,9. So that again when his sisters had thus come into the processional furniture and all the establishment of Aemilia, the fame of Scipio for magimity and family affection was again revived.,10. Having thus from his earliest years laid the foundations of it, Publius Scipio advanced in his pursuit of this reputation for temperance and nobility of character.,11. By the expenditure of perhaps sixty talents â for that was what he had bestowed from his own property â his reputation for the second of these virtues was firmly established, and he did not attain his purpose so much by the largeness of the sums he gave as by the seasonableness of the gift and the gracious manner in which he conferred it.,12. His reputation for temperance cost him nothing, but by abstaining from many and varied pleasures he gained in addition that bodily health and vigour which he enjoyed for the whole of his life,,13. and which by the many pleasures of which it was the cause amply rewarded him for his former abstention from common pleasures. ,1. It remained for him to gain a reputation for courage, nearly the most essential virtue in all states and especially so in Rome; and for this the training required of him was correspondingly severe.,2. Chance, however, assisted him also in this determination.,3. For the members of the royal house of Macedon had always been devoted to hunting, and the Macedonians had reserved the most suitable areas for breeding game.,4. These districts during the war had been as carefully preserved as formerly, but had never been hunted for four years owing to the exigencies of the times, so that there was an abundance of big game of every kind.,5. When the war had been brought to a conclusion, Aemilius, thinking that hunting was the best training and amusement for the young men, placed the royal huntsmen at Scipio's disposal, and gave him complete control over the preserves.,6. Scipio, availing himself of this and regarding himself as being nearly in the position of king, spent the whole time that the army remained in Macedonia after the battle of Pydna in this pursuit,,7. and, as he became a very enthusiastic sportsman, being of the right age and physique for such an exercise, like a well-bred dog, this taste of his for hunting became permanent.,8. So that when he arrived in Rome and when he found in Polybius one equally devoted to the chase, all the time that other young men gave up to law affairs and greetings, spending the whole day in the forum and thus trying to court the favour of the populace,,9. Scipio was occupied by the chase, and by his brilliant and memorable exploits, acquired a higher reputation than anyone.,10. For the others could not win praise except by injuring some of their fellow-citizens, this being the usual consequence of prosecutions in the law courts;,11. but Scipio, without ever vexing a soul, gained this universal reputation for courage, matching his deeds against their words.,12. So that in a short space of time he had outstripped his contemporaries more than is recorded of any other Roman, although the path he pursued to gain glory was quite the opposite of that followed by all others in accordance with Roman usage and custom. ,1. At the same time envoys arrived from Ariarathes, who had recently succeeded to the throne of Cappadocia, to renew the previously existing alliance,,2. and to beg the senate in general to avail themselves of the friendship and goodwill borne by that king towards the Roman state and all its citizens.,3. The senate, after listening to their speech, renewed the alliance and replied in courteous terms, approving in general the king's attitude.,4. This was chiefly owing to the fact that Tiberius and the other legates, when they were sent to inquire into the conduct of the kings, had on their return reported favourably concerning this king's father and the general state of the kingdom.,5. Relying on this report the senate received the embassy courteously and approved the king's attitude. II. Affairs of Greece Rhodes and Caria,1. I have spoken at such length of the development of Scipio's character from his earliest years partly because I thought the story would be agreeable to those advanced in years and salutary for the young,,2. but chiefly in order to secure credence for all I shall have to tell of him in the Books which follow,,3. so that readers may neither hesitate to accept as true anything in his subsequent life that seems astonishing nor depriving the man himself of the credit of his meritorious achievements put them down to chance from ignorance of the true cause of each. There were some few exceptions which we may assign to good luck and chance.,4. After this long digression I will now resume my regular narrative. X. Affairs of Greece The Rhodians and Eumenes,1. The Rhodians, while in other respects maintaining the dignity of their state, slightly deviated from it at this time, in my opinion, by accepting from Eumenes 280,000 medimni of corn for the purpose of lending out the proceeds and applying the interest to the payment of the salaries of the tutors and teachers of their sons.,2. Such a gift might perhaps be accepted from his friends by a private person who found himself in temporary straits in order not to allow his children to remain untaught through poverty, but the last thing that anyone in affluent circumstances would submit to would be to go a-begging among his friends for money to pay teachers.,3. And, as a state should have more pride than a private person, more strict propriety of conduct should be observed in public transactions than in private, and especially by the Rhodians owing to the wealth of the community and their noted sense of dignity. XI. Affairs of Asia,1. In Asia, Prusias and the Galatians dispatched envoys to Rome to accuse Eumenes,,2. and that prince sent his brother Attalus to defend him against the charges.,3. Ariarathes sent a "crown" of a thousand gold pieces to the goddess Rome and envoys to inform the senate of his reply to Tiberius, begging them to point out to him what they required of him, as he was ready to comply with all the commands of the Romans. Submission of Demetrius ,3. treated other matters as of secondary importance and sent messages to Tiberius first to Pamphylia and next to Rhodes, engaging to submit entirely to Rome, and finally succeeded in getting himself recognized as king.,4. Tiberius indeed was very kindly disposed to Demetrius, and therefore contributed much to the success of his efforts and his establishment on the throne.,5. Demetrius having thus gained his object, at once sent envoys to Rome conveying a present of a "crown," as well as the murderer of Gnaeus Octavius and the critic Isocrates.,1. When Menochares reached Demetrius at Antioch and informed him of his interview with Tiberius Gracchus in Cappadocia, the king, thinking that the most urgent thing for the present was to talk over Tiberius as far as he could,,1. The Rhodians, delivered from their difficult position, now breathed freely and sent Cleagoras on an embassy to Rome,2. to beg that Calynda might be ceded to them and to ask the senate to allow those of their citizens who owned property in Lycia and Caria to hold possession of it as before.,4. They also voted to erect in the temple of Athena a colossal statue of the Roman People thirty cubits high. ,1. Upon Calynda revolting from Caunus and the Caunians undertaking the siege of the city, the Calyndians at first appealed to Cnidus for help.,2. With the aid of the Cnidians they held out for a time against the enemy,,3. but fearing for the future decided to send an embassy to Rhodes, to put their city in the hands of the Rhodians.,4. The Rhodians, sending succour by sea and land, raised the siege and occupied the city,,5. the possession of which was secured to them by the senate. III. Affairs of Asia,1. Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, besides the indiscretions I have just mentioned, upon reaching Asia posted up notices in the principal towns,,2. ordering all who wished to bring accusations against King Eumenes to present themselves at Sardis by a given date.,3. Afterwards, when he himself arrived at Sardis, he sat for about ten days in the gymnasium listening to the accusers,,4. admitting any kind of foul and abusive language about the king, and in general attaching weight to every fact and every accusation,,5. being a man whose mind was deranged and who gloried in his quarrel with Eumenes.,6. The harsher the conduct of the Romans to Eumenes the more attached to him did the Greeks become, since men naturally bestow their affections on any one who is in distress. Ariarathes of Cappadocia,1. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia, on the return of the envoys he had sent to Rome, thinking from the answers he received that his kingdom was now on a safe footing, since he had succeeded in gaining the goodwill of the Romans, paid a thank-offering to the gods for his success and gave a banquet to his nobles.,2. After this he sent envoys to Lysias at Antioch, being anxious to recover the bones of his sister and mother.,3. He thought it better not to accuse Lysias of the crime, as he did not wish to irritate him for fear of being disappointed in his object, although he was deeply aggrieved, but dispatched the envoys with instructions simply to proffer the request.,4. Lysias granted it, and upon the bones being brought back to him, he gave them a splendid reception on their arrival and buried them reverently beside his father's tomb. ,1. About this time legates arrived from Rome, in the first place Marcus Junius, to settle the difference between the Galatians and King Ariarathes.,2. For since the Trocmi could not succeed by their own efforts in obtaining a slice of Cappadocia, but when they ventured on the attempt at once met with the punishment they deserved, they appealed to Rome and attempted to traduce Ariarathes.,3. It was for this reason that Junius was sent. The king having addressed him in a suitable manner and behaved to him in other respects with every courtesy, was thanked by this legate before his departure;,4. and when in the next place Gnaeus Octavius and Spurius Lucretius arrived and again spoke to Ariarathes about his difference with the Galatians,,5. the king, after briefly touching on this matter and saying that he would be ready to bow to their decision, went on to talk about the affairs of Syria, as he knew that Octavius and his colleague were going on there.,6. He called their attention to the unsettled state of the kingdom and the unprincipled character of its rulers, and in addition he offered to accompany them with an armed force and wait to see what turn matters took until they returned safely from Syria.,7. The legates, while gratefully acknowledging the king's kindness and zeal in every respect, said that they did not require the escort for the present,,8. but as regards the future, if they had need of any such service they would have no hesitation in informing him, regarding him as they did, as one of the true friends of Rome. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes,1. In Syria King Antiochus, wishing to provide himself with money, decided to make an expedition against the sanctuary of Artemis in Elymaïs.,2. On reaching the spot he was foiled in his hopes, as the barbarian tribes who dwelt in the neighbourhood would not permit the outrage,,3. and on his retreat he died at Tabae in Persia, smitten with madness, as some people say,,4. owing to certain manifestations of divine displeasure when he was attempting this outrage on the above sanctuary. IV. Affairs of Italy The Rival Ptolemie |
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| 77. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, f217 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 245 |
| 78. Cicero, Letters, 13.72, 13.22, 13.32.2, 12.51, 12.28.2, 12.38, 12.16, 13.21a (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 8 |
79. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.23, 5.12.4-5.12.5, 6.6, 6.6.7, 6.18.1, 9.4, 9.8, 16.10.2, 177.5, 193.1-193.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 34; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 52, 74; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 69; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 172, 211, 212, 213; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 87, 118; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 124; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 49, 54| 9.8. de mandatis quod tibi curae fuit est mihi gratum ; sed peto a te ut quam celerrime mihi librarius mittatur, maxime quidem Graecus ; multum enim mihi eripitur operae in exscribendis hypomnematis. tu velim in primis cures ut valeas, ut una sumfilologei=n possimus. Anterum tibi commendo. Scr. Asturae vi K. Sext. a. 709 (45). TVLLIVS TIRONI SVO S. | |
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80. Cicero, In Verrem, a b c d\n0 2.2.129 2.2.129 2 2\n1 2.5.169 2.5.169 2 5\n2 2.4.115 2.4.115 2 4\n3 2.2.4 2.2.4 2 2\n4 2.4.121 2.4.121 2 4\n5 2.4.120 2.4.120 2 4\n6 2.1.55 2.1.55 2 1\n7 1.113 1.113 1 113\n8 1.6 1.6 1 6\n9 "2.1.16" "2.1.16" "2 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 69 | 2.2.129. It is a custom of the Sicilians, and of the rest of the Greeks, because they wish their days and months to agree with the calculations as to the sun and moon, if there be any difference sometimes to take out a day, or, at most, two days from a month, which they call ἐξαιρέσιμοι. And so also they sometimes make a month longer by a day or by two days. And when he heard of that, he, this new astronomer, who was thinking not so much of the heavens as of the heavy plate, 59 he orders (not a day to be taken out of the month, but) a month and a half to be taken out of the year; so that the day which, as one may say, ought to have been the thirteenth of January, became the first of March. And that is done in spite of the remonstrances and indignation of every one. That was the legitimate day for holding the comitia. On that day Climachias is declared to have been elected priest. |
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| 81. Cicero, Letters, 10.10.4, 10.10.5, 6.2.3, 13.22, 13.32.2, 13.72, 12.28.2, 12.51, 12.16, 12.38, 13.21a, 1.19.4, 13.16.1, 4.14, 13.12.3, 4.16.2, 13.19.3, 338, 52, 21= 2.1, 20, 19, 89.2, 303, 326.4, 331.3, 402.1, 13.12, 13.16, 13.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 107 |
82. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.1, 5.5, 5.13, 5.18, 5.30, 5.82, 5.85, 5.129, 5.131-5.132, 5.143-5.144, 5.148, 5.157, 6.1-6.2, 6.13-6.14, 6.19, 6.21, 6.27-6.32, 6.61, 6.80, 6.88, 6.93, 6.95, 7.6-7.7, 7.9, 7.14, 7.36-7.37, 7.109 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, de lingua latina •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius •m. terentius varro •varro, m. terentius •varro marcus terentius varro •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •terentius varro, m. •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42, 142, 151, 177, 181, 197; Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 212, 215, 217, 226; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 33, 50, 79, 87, 88; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5, 108; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 78; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 112; Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 118; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 17, 25, 26, 27, 34, 54, 56, 113, 137; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 152, 153 | 5.1. I. BOOK V On the Science of the Origin of Words, addressed to CiceroIn what way names were applied to things in Latin, I have undertaken to expound, in six books. of these, I have already composed three before this one, and have addressed them to Septumius; in them I treat of the branch of learning which is called Etymology. The considerations which might be raised against it, I have put in the first book; those adduced in its favour, in the second; those merely describing it, in the third. In the following books, addressed to you, I shall discuss the problem from what things names were applied in Latin, both those which are habitual with the ordinary folk, and those which are found in the poets. 5.5. There are few things which lapse of time does not distort, there are many which it removes. Whom you saw beautiful as a boy, him you see unsightly in his old age. The third generation does not see a person such as the first generation saw him. Therefore those that oblivion has taken away even from our ancestors, the painstaking of Mucius and Brutus, though it has pursued the runaways, cannot bring back. As for me, even if I cannot track them down, I shall not be the slower for this, but even for this I shall be the swifter in the chase, if I can. For there is no slight darkness in the wood where these things are to be caught, and there are no trodden paths to the place which we wish to attain, nor do there fail to be obstacles in the paths, which could hold back the hunter on his way. 5.13. Therefore because the primal classes of things are four in number, so many are the primal classes of words. From among these, concerning places and those things which are seen in them, I shall put a summary' account in this book; but we shall follow them up wherever the kin of the word under discussion is, even if it has driven its roots beyond its own territory. For often the roots of a tree which is close to the line of the property have gone out under the neighbour's cornfield. Wherefore, when I speak of places, I shall not have gone astray, if from ager 'field' I pass to an agrarius 'agrarian' man, and to an agricola 'farmer.' The partnership of words is one of many members: the Wine Festival cannot be set on its way without wine, nor can the Curia Calabra 'Announcement Hall' be opened without the calatio 'proclamation.' 5.18. Caelum, Aelius writes, was so called because it is caelatum 'raised above the surface,' or from the opposite of its idea, celatum 'hidden' because it is exposed; not ill the remark, that the one who applied the term took caelare 'to raise' much rather from caelum than caelum from caelare. But that second origin, from celare 'to hide,' could be said from this fact, that by day it celatur 'is hidden,' no less than that by night it is not hidden. 5.85. The Salii were named from salitare 'to dance,' because they had the custom and the duty of dancing yearly in the assembly-places, in their ceremonies. The Luperci were so named because they make offerings in the Lupercal at the festival of the Lupercalia. Fratres Arvales 'Arval Brothers' was the name given to those who perform public rites to the end that the ploughlands may bear fruits: from ferre 'to bear' and ana 'ploughlands' they are called Fratres Arvales. But some have said that they were named from fratria 'brotherhood': fratria is the Greek name of a part of the people, as at Naples even now. The Sodales Titii 'Titian Comrades' are so named from the titiantes 'twittering' birds which they are accustomed to watch in some of their augural observations. 5.129. XXIX. Mundus is a woman's toilet set, named from munditia 'neatness.' Ornatus 'toilet set,' as if natus ore 'born 'from the face'; for from this especially is taken that which is to beautify a woman, and therefore this is handled with the help of a mirror. Calamistrum 'curling-iron,' because the hair is arranged with irons when they have been calfacta 'heated' in the embers. The one who attended to them was called a cinerarius 'ember-man,' from cinis 'embers.' Discerniculum 'bodkin,' with which the hair discernitur 'is parted.' Pecten 'comb,' because by it the hair explicatur 'is spread out.' Speculum 'mirror,' from specere 'to look at,' because in it they spectant 'look at' themselves. 5.131. XXX. Next I shall first touch upon those things which are for putting on, then those which are for wrapping about the person. Capitium 'vest,' from the fact that it capit 'holds' the chest, that is, as the ancients said, it comprehendit 'includes' it. One kind of put-on goes subtus 'below,' from which it is called subucula 'underskirt'; a second kind goes supra 'above,' from which it is called supparus 'dress,' unless, this is so called because they say it in the same way in Oscan. of the second sort there are likewise two varieties, one called palla 'outer dress,' because it is outside and palam 'openly' visible; the other is intus 'inside,' from which it is called indusium 'under-dress,' as though intusium, of which Plautus speaks: Under-dress, a bordered dress, of marigold and saffron hue. There are many garments which extravagance brought at later times, whose names are clearly Greek, such as asbestinon 'fire-proof.' 5.131. XXXI. Farming tools which were made for planting or cultivating the crops. Sarculum 'hoe,' from severe 'to plant' and sarire 'to weed.' Ligo 'mattock,' because with this, on account of its width, what is under the ground legitur 'is gathered' more easily. Pala 'spade' from pangere 'to fix in the earth'; the L was originally GL. Rutrum 'shovel,' previously ruitrum, from ruendo 'to fall in a heap.' 5.132. Amictui 'wrap' is thus named because it is ambiectum 'thrown about,' that is,circumiectum 'thrown around,' from which moreover they gave the name of circumiectui 'throw-around' to that with which women envelop themselves after they are dressed; and any wrap that has a purple edge around it, they call circumtextum 'edge-weave.' Those of very long ago called a wrap a ricinium 'mantilla'; it was called ricinium from reicere 'to throw back,' because they wore it doubled, throwing back one half of it over the other. 5.143. Many founded towns in Latium by the Etruscan ritual; that is, with a team of cattle, a bull and a cow on the inside, they ran a furrow around with a plough (for reasons of religion they did this on an auspicious day), that they might be fortified by a ditch and a wall. The place whence they had ploughed up the earth, they called a fossa 'ditch,' and the earth thrown inside it they called the murus 'wall.' The orbis 'circle' which was made back of this, was the beginning of the urbs 'city'; because the circle was post murum 'back of the wall,' it was called a postmoerium; it sets the limits for the taking of the auspices for the city. Stone markers of the pomerium stand both around Aricia and around Rome. Therefore towns also which had earlier had the plough drawn around them, were termed urbes 'cities,' from orbis 'circle' and urvum 'curved'; therefore also all our colonies are mentioned as urbes in the old writings, because they had been founded in just the same way as Rome; therefore also colonies and cities conduntur 'are founded,' because they are placed inside the pomerium. 5.144. The first town of the Roman line which was founded in Latium, was Lavinium; for there are our Penates. This was named from the daughter of Latinus who was wedded to Aeneas, Lavinia. Thirty years after this, a second town was founded, named Alba; it was named from the alba 'white' sow. This sow, when she had escaped from Aeneas's ship to Lavinium, gave birth to a litter of thirty young: from this prodigy, thirty years after the founding of Lavinium, this second city was established, called Alba Longa 'the Long White City,' on account of the colour of the sow and the nature of the place. From here came Rhea, mother of Romulus; from her, Romulus; from him, Rome. 5.148. In the Forum is the Lacus Curtius 'Pool of Curtius'; it is quite certain that it is named from Curtius, but the story about it has three versions: for Procilius does not tell the same story as Piso, nor did Cornelius follow the story given by Procilius. Procilius states that in this place the earth yawned open, and the matter was by decree of the senate referred to the haruspices; they gave the answer that the God of the Dead demanded the fulfilment of a forgotten vow, namely that the bravest citizen be sent down to him. Then a certain Curtius, a brave man, put on his war-gear, mounted his horse, and turning away from the Temple of Concord, plunged into the gap, horse and all; upon which the place closed up and gave his body a burial divinely approved, and left to his clan a lasting memorial. 5.157. The Aequimaelium 'Maelius-Flat,' because the house of Maelius was aequata 'laid flat' by the state since he wished to seize the power and be king. The place Ad Busta Gallica 'At the Gauls' Tombs,' because on the recovery of Rome the bones of the Gauls who had held Rome were heaped up there and fenced in. The place near the Cloaca Maxima which is called Doliola 'The Jars,' where spitting is prohibited, from some doliola 'jars' that were buried under the earth. Two stories about these are handed down: some say that bones of dead men were in them, others that certain sacred objects belonging to Numa Pompilius were buried in them after his death. The Argiletum, according to some writers, was named from Argus of Larisa, because he came to this place and was buried there; according to others, from the argilla 'clay,' because this kind of earth is found at this place. 6.1. I. HERE BEGINS BOOK VI The sources of the words which are names of places and are names of those things which are in these places, I have written in the preceding book. In the present book I shall speak about the names of times and of those things which in the performance take place or are said with some time-factor, such as sitting, walking, talking: and if there are any words of a different sort attached to these, I shall give heed rather to the kinship of the words than to the rebukes of my listener. 6.2. In this subject I rely on Chrysippus as an adequate authority, and on Antipater, and on those in whom there was more learning even if not so much insight, among them Aristophanes and Apollodorus: all these write that words are so derived from words, that the words in some instances take on letters, in others lose them, in still others change them, as in the case of turdus 'thrush' takes place in turdarium 'thrush-cote' and turdelix 'spiral entrance for thrushes.' Thus the Greeks, in adapting our names, make Λουκιανος of Lucienus and Κουίντιος of Quintius,and we make Aristarchus of their Αρισταρχος and Dio of their Διον. In just this way, I say, our practice has altered many from the old form, as solum 'soil' from solu. Liber urn 'God of Wine' from Loebesom, Lares 'Hearth-Gods' from Lases: these words, covered up as they are by lapse of time, I shall try to dig out as best I can. 6.13. The Lupercalia was so named because the Luperci make sacrifice in the Lupercal. When the High-priest announces the monthly festivals on the Nones of February, he calls the day of the Lupercalia februatus: for februm is the name which the Sabines give to a purification, and this word is not unknown in our sacrifices; for a goat hide, with a thong of which the young women are flogged at the Lupercalia, the ancients called a februs, and the Lupercalia was called also Februatio 'Festival of Purification,' as I have shown in the Books of the Antiquities. Quirinalia 'Festival of Quirinus,' from Quirinus, because it is a festival to that god and also of those men who did not get a holiday on their own Furnacalia 'Bakers' Festival.' The Feralia 'Festival of the Dead,' from inferi 'the dead below' and ferre 'to bear,' because at that time they ferunt 'bear' viands to the tomb of those to whom it is a duty to offer ancestor-worship there. The Terminalia 'Festival of Terminus,' because this day is set as the last day of the year; for the twelfth month was February, and when the extra month is inserted the last five days are taken off the twelfth month. The Ecurria 'Horse-Race,' from the equorum cursus 'running of horses'; for on that day they currunt 'run' races in the sports on the Campus Martius. 6.14. The Liberalia 'Festival of Liber,' because on that day old women wearing ivy-wreaths on their heads sit in all parts of the town, as priestesses of Liber, with cakes and a brazier, on which they offer up the cakes on behalf of any purchaser. In the books of the Salii who have the added name Agonenses, this day is for this reason, perhaps, called rather the Agonia. The Quinquatrus: this day, though one only, is from a misunderstanding of the name observed as if there were five days in it. Just as the sixth day after the Ides is in similar fashion called the Sexatrus by the people of Tusculum, and the seventh day after is the Septimatrus, so this day was named here, in that the fifth day after the Ides was the Quinquatrus. The Tubilustrium 'Purification of the Trumpets' is named from the fact that on this day the tubae 'trumpets' used in the ceremonies lustrantur 'are purified' in Shoemakers' Hall (atrium sutorium). 6.19. The Neptunalia 'Festival of Neptune,' from Neptune; for it is the holiday of this god. The Furrinalia 'Festival of Furrina,' from Furrina, for this day is a state holiday for this goddess; honour was paid to her among the ancients, who instituted an annual sacrifice for her, and assigned to her a special priest, but now her name is barely known, and even that to only a few. The Portunalia 'Festival of Portunus' was named from Portunus, to whom, on this day, a temple was built at the portus 'port' on the Tiber, and a holiday instituted. 6.21. The day named Opeconsiva is called from Ops Consiva 'Lady Bountiful the Planter,' whose shrine is in the Regia; it is so restricted in size that no one may enter it except the Vestal Virgins and the state priest. When he goes there, let him wear a white veil, is the direction; this suffibulum 'white veil' is named as if sub-figabulum from suffigere 'to fasten down.' The Volturnalia 'Festival of Volturnus,' from the god Volturnus,' whose feast takes place then. In the month of October, the Meditrinalia 'Festival of Meditrina' was named from mederi 'to be healed,' because Flaccus the special priest of Mars used to say that on this day it was the practice to pour an offering of new and old wine to the god, and to taste of the same, for the purpose of being healed; which many are accustomed to do even now, when they say; Wine new and old I drink, of illness new and old I'm cured.' 6.27. IV. About these days this is enough; now let us see to the days which are instituted for the interests of men. The first days of the months are named the Kalendae, because on these days the Nones of this month calantur 'are announced' by the pontiffs on the Capitoline in Announcement Hall, whether they will be on the fifth or on the seventh, in this way: Juno Covella, I announce thee on the fifth day or Juno Covella, I announce thee on the seventh day. 6.28. The Nones are so called either because they are always the nonus 'ninth' day before the Ides, or because the Nones are called the novus 'new' month from the new moon, just as the Kalends of January are called the new year from the new sun; on the same day the people who were in the fields used to flock into the City to the King. Traces of this status are seen in the ceremonies held on the Nones, on the Citadel, because at that time the high-priest announces to the people the first monthly holidays which are to take place in that month. The Idus 'Ides,' from the fact that the Etruscans called them the Itus, or rather because the Sabines call them the Idus. 6.29. The days next after the Kalends, the Nones, and the Ides, were called atri 'black,' because on these days they might not start anything new. Dies fasti 'righteous days, court days,' on which the praetors are permitted fari 'to say' any and all words without sin. Comitiales 'assembly days' are so called because then it is the established law that the people should be in the Comitium to cast their votes — unless some holidays should have been proclaimed on account of which this is not permissible, such as the Compitalia and the Latin Holiday. 6.30. The opposite of these are called dies nefasti 'unrighteous days,' on which it is nefas 'unrighteousness' for the praetor to say do 'I give,' dico 'I pronounce,' addico 'I assign'; therefore no action can be taken, for it is necessary to use some one of these words, when anything is settled in due legal form. But if at that time he has inadvertently uttered such a word and set somebody free, the person is none the less free, but with a bad omen in the proceeding, just as a magistrate elected in spite of an unfavourable omen is a magistrate just the same. The praetor who has made a legal decision at such a time, is freed of his sin by the sacrifice of an atonement victim, if he did it unintentionally; but if he made the pronouncement with a realization of what he was doing, Quintus Mucius said that he could not in any way atone for his sin, as one who had failed in his duty to God and country. 6.31. The intercisi dies 'divided days' are those on which legal business is wrong in the morning and in the evening, but right in the time between the slaying of the sacrificial victim and the offering of the vital organs; whence they are intercisi because the fas 'right' intercedit 'comes in between' at that time, or because the nefas 'wrong' is intercisum 'cut into' by the fas. The day which is called thus: When the high-priest has officiated in the Comitium, Right, is named from the fact that on this day the high-priest pronounces the proper formulas for the sacrifice in the presence of the assembly, up to which time legal business is wrong, and from that time on it is right: therefore after this time of day actions are often taken under the law. 6.32. The day which is called "When the dung has been carried out, Right," is named from this, that on this day the dung is swept out of the Temple of Vesta and is carried away along the Capitoline Incline to a certain spot. The Dies Alliensis 'Day of the Allia' is called from the Allia River; for there our army was put to flight by the Gauls just before they besieged Rome. 7.6. I shall begin from this: One there shall be, whom thou shalt raise up to sky's azure temples. Templum 'temple' is used in three ways, of nature, of taking the auspices, from likeness: of nature, in the sky; of taking the auspices, on the earth; from likeness, under the earth. In the sky, templum is used as in the Hecuba: O great temples of the gods, united with the shining stars. On the earth, as in the Periboea: To Bacchus' temples aloft On sharp jagged rocks it draws near. Under the earth, as in the Andromacha: Be greeted, great temples of Orcus, By Acheron's waters, in Hades. 7.7. Whatever place the eyes had intuiti 'gazed on,' was originally called a templum 'temple,' from tueri 'to gaze'; therefore the sky, where we attuimur 'gaze at' it, got the name templum, as in this: Trembled the mighty temple of Jove who thunders in heaven, that is, as Naevius says, Where land's semicircle lies. Fenced by the azure vault. of this temple the four quarters are named thus: the left quarter, to the east; the right quarter, to the west; the front quarter, to the south; the back quarter, to the north. 7.36. With those verses which once the Fauns used to sing, and the poets. Fauni 'Fauns' are divinities of the Latins, of both sexes, so that there are both Faunus and Fauna; the story has come down that they, in the so-called Saturnian verses, were accustomed in well-wooded spots fari 'to speak' those events that were to come, from which speaking they were called Fauni, As for vales poets,' the old writers used to give this name to poets from viere 'to plait verses, as I shall show when I write about poems. |
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| 83. Varro, Antiquitates, 7-11 Cardauns, f21.1 mirsch, f2.12 mirsch (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 142 |
| 84. Varro, Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum, fr.226, fr.267, 2a (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 234 |
| 85. Cicero, Letters, 13.32.2, 12.51, 13.22, 13.72, 12.28.2, 12.38, 12.16, 13.21a (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
86. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.245, 1.249, 3.149-3.158 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 212; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 147; Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 118| 1.245. Et, credo, in illa militis causa, si tu aut heredem aut militem defendisses, ad Hostilianas te actiones, non ad tuam vim et oratoriam facultatem contulisses: tu vero, vel si testamentum defenderes, sic ageres, ut omne omnium testamentorum ius in eo iudicio positum videretur, vel si causam ageres militis, patrem eius, ut soles, dicendo a mortuis excitasses; statuisses ante oculos; complexus esset filium flensque eum centum viris commendasset; lapides me hercule omnis flere ac lamentari coegisses, ut totum illud vti lingva nvn- cvpassit non in xii tabulis, quas tu omnibus bibliothecis anteponis, sed in magistri carmine scriptum videretur. 1.249. Cui nostrum licet fundos nostros obire aut res rusticas vel fructus causa vel delectationis invisere? Tamen nemo tam sine oculis, tam sine mente vivit, ut quid sit sementis ac messis, quid arborum putatio ac vitium, quo tempore anni aut quo modo ea fiant omnino nesciat. Num igitur si qui fundus inspiciendus aut si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est, Magonis Karthaginiensis sunt libri perdiscendi? an hac communi intellegentia contenti esse possumus? Cur ergo non eidem in iure civili, praesertim cum in causis et in negotiis et in foro conteramur, satis instructi esse possumus ad hoc dumtaxat, ne in nostra patria peregrini atque advenae esse videamur? 3.152. Sed quid ipse aedificet orator et in quo adiungat artem, id esse nobis quaerendum atque explicandum videtur. Tria sunt igitur in verbo simplici, quae orator adferat ad inlustrandam atque exordam orationem: aut inusitatum verbum aut novatum aut translatum. 3.153. Inusitata sunt prisca fere ac vetustate ab usu cotidiani sermonis iam diu intermissa, quae sunt poetarum licentiae liberiora quam nostrae; sed tamen raro habet etiam in oratione poeticum aliquod verbum dignitatem. Neque enim illud fugerim dicere, ut Caelius "qua tempestate Poenus in Italiam venit," nec "prolem" aut "subolem" aut "effari" aut "nuncupare" aut, ut tu soles, Catule, "non rebar" aut "opinabar"; aut alia multa, quibus loco positis grandior atque antiquior oratio saepe videri solet. 3.154. Novantur autem verba, quae ab eo, qui dicit, ipso gignuntur ac fiunt, vel coniungendis verbis, ut haec: tum pavor sapientiam omnem mi exanimato expectorat. num non vis huius me versutiloquas malitias videtis enim et "versutiloquas" et "expectorat" ex coniunctione facta esse verba, non nata; sed saepe vel sine coniunctione verba novantur ut "ille senius desertus," ut "di genitales," ut "bacarum ubertate incurvescere." 3.155. Tertius ille modus transferendi verbi late patet, quem necessitas genuit inopia coacta et angustiis, post autem iucunditas delectatioque celebravit. Nam ut vestis frigoris depellendi causa reperta primo, post adhiberi coepta est ad ornatum etiam corporis et dignitatem, sic verbi translatio instituta est inopiae causa, frequentata delectationis. Nam gemmare vitis, luxuriem esse in herbis, laetas segetes etiam rustici dicunt. Quod enim declarari vix verbo proprio potest, id translato cum est dictum, inlustrat id, quod intellegi volumus, eius rei, quam alieno verbo posuimus, similitudo. | 1.245. In that cause of the soldier, I presume, if you had defended either him or the heir, you would have had recourse to the cases of Hostilius, and not to your own power and talent as an orator. Nay, rather, if you had defended the will, you would have argued in such a manner, that the entire validity of all wills whatsoever would have seemed to depend upon that single trial; or, if you had pleaded the cause of the soldier, you would have raised his father, with your usual eloquence, from the dead; you would have placed him before the eyes of the audience; he would have embraced his son, and with tears have recommended him to the Centumviri; you would have forced the very stones to weep and lament, so that all that clause, AS THE TONGUE HAD DECLARED, would seem not to have been written in the Twelve Tables, which you prefer to all libraries, but in some mere formula of a teacher. [LVIII.] 1.249. May not every one of us go over our farms, or inspect our country affairs, for the sake of profit or delight at least? No man lives without using his eyes and understanding, so far as to be entirely ignorant what sowing and reaping is; or what pruning vines and other trees means; or at what season of the year, and in what manner, those things are done. If, there- fore, any one of us has to look at his grounds, or give any directions about agriculture to his steward, or any orders to his bailiff, must we study the books of Mago the Carthaginian, or may we be content with our ordinary knowledge? Why, then, with regard to the civil law, may we not also, especially as we are worn out in causes and public business, and in the forum, be sufficiently instructed, to such a degree at least as not to appear foreigners and strangers in our own country? 3.152. But the superstructure which the orator himself is to raise upon this, and in which he is to display his art, appears to be a matter for us to examine and illustrate. [XXXVIII.] “There are three qualities, then, in a simple word, which the orator may employ to illustrate and adorn his language; he may choose either an unusual word, or one that is new or metaphorical. 3.153. Unusual words are generally of ancient date and fashion, and such as have been long out of use in daily conversation; these are allowed more freely to poetical licence than to ours; yet a poetical word gives occasionally dignity also to oratory; nor would I shrink from saying, with Coelius, Qua tempestate Poenus in Italiam venit, ‘At the season when the Carthaginian came into Italy:’ nor proles, ‘progeny;’ nor suboles, ‘offspring;’ nor effari, ‘to utter;’ nor nuncupari, ‘to declare;’ nor, as you are in the habit of saying, Catulus, non rebar, ‘I did not deem;’ nor non opinabar, ‘I did not opine;’ nor many others, from which, if properly introduced, a speech assumes an air of greater grandeur. 3.154. New words are such as are produced and formed by the speaker; either by joining words together, as these. Tum pavor sapientiam omnem mi exanimato expectorat, Then fear expels all wisdom from the breast of me astonished; or, Num non vis huius me versutiloquas malitias? Would you not have me dread his cunning malice? for you see that versutiloquas and expectorat are words not newly produced, but merely formed by composition. But words are often invented, without composition, as the expression of Ennius, Dii genitales, ‘the genial gods; ‘or baccarum ubertate incurviscere, ‘to bend down with the fertile crop of berries.’ 3.155. “The third mode, that of using words in a metaphorical sense, is widely prevalent, a mode of which necessity was the parent, compelled by the sterility and narrowness of language; but afterwards delight and pleasure made it frequent; for as a dress was first adopted for the sake of keeping off the cold, but in process of time began to be made an ornament of the body, and an emblem of dignity, so the metaphorical use of words was originally invented on account of their paucity, but became common from the delight which it afforded. For even the countrymen say, gemmare vites, that ‘the vines are budding;’ luxuriem esse in herbis, that ‘there is a luxuriancy in the grass;’ and laetas segetes, that ‘there is a bountiful crop;’ for when that which can scarcely be signified by its proper word is expressed by one used in a metaphorical sense, the similitude taken from that which we indicate by a foreign term gives clearness to that which we wish to be understood. |
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| 87. Cicero, On His Consulship, 2.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 240 |
88. Cicero, Academica, a b c d\n0 1.9 1.9 1 9\n1 2.119 2.119 2 119\n2 1.3.9 1.3.9 1 3\n3 1.2 1.2 1 2\n4 1.3 1.3 1 3\n5 1.1 1.1 1 1\n6 1.3.12 1.3.12 1 3\n7 2.62 2.62 2 62\n8 "1.9" "1.9" "1 9" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 7, 213; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 196; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 73| 1.9. Tum ego Sunt sunt uera *g . an s. vero? inquam “ista Varro. nam nos in nostra urbe peregritis errantisque tamquam hospites tui libri quasi domum deduxerunt, reduxerunt s Aug. ut possemus aliquando qui et ubi essemus agnoscere. tu aetatem patriae tu descriptiones discr. cod. Aug. l Mue. temporum, tu sacrorum iura tu sacerdotum, sacerdotem pm 1 nr tu domesticam tu bellicam bellicam] publicam Aug. disciplinam, tu sedum sedum vel -ium codd. Aug. plerique sedem *g*d regionum locorum tu omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum nomina genera officia causas aperuisti; nos ... aperuisti Aug. civ. 6, 2 plurimum plurimumque s Ald. -que idem p. Gr. quidem poetis a petis *d nostris omninoque Latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti atque ipse varium et elegans omni fere numero poema fecisti, philosophiamque multis locis inchoasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum. | |
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| 89. Terence, The Eunuch, 313-318 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 143 |
| 90. Cicero, Letters, 13.32.2, 12.51, 13.22, 13.72, 12.28.2, 12.38, 12.16, 13.21a (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
91. Cicero, Republic, 1.1, 1.21-1.23, 1.30.3, 1.39.1, 1.63, 1.69, 2.2-2.3, 2.37, 2.42, 2.57-2.59, 2.63, 2.65, 2.69, 3.2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •terentius varro, m. •varro, marcus terentius •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •terentius varro, m. (varro), on the mixed constitution •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 144; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 87, 88, 89; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 77; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 152, 255; Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 19, 21| 1.1. im petu liberavissent, nec C. Duelius, A. Atilius, L. Metellus terrore Karthaginis, non duo Scipiones oriens incendium belli Punici secundi sanguine suo restinxissent, nec id excitatum maioribus copiis aut Q. Maximus enervavisset aut M. Marcellus contudisset aut a portis huius urbis avolsum P. Africanus compulisset intra hostium moenia. M. vero Catoni, homini ignoto et novo, quo omnes, qui isdem rebus studemus, quasi exemplari ad industriam virtutemque ducimur, certe licuit Tusculi se in otio delectare salubri et propinquo loco. Sed homo demens, ut isti putant, cum cogeret eum necessitas nulla, in his undis et tempestatibus ad summam senectutem maluit iactari quam in illa tranquillitate atque otio iucundissime vivere. Omitto innumerabilis viros, quorum singuli saluti huic civitati fuerunt, et quia sunt haud procul ab aetatis huius memoria, commemorare eos desino, ne quis se aut suorum aliquem praetermissum queratur. Unum hoc definio, tantam esse necessitatem virtutis generi hominum a natura tantumque amorem ad communem salutem defendendam datum, ut ea vis omnia blandimenta voluptatis otiique vicerit. 1.1. Plin. Nat. praef. 7 nec docti/ssimis. †Manium Persium haec le/gere nolo, Iu/nium Congu/m volo. 1.21. Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. 1.22. Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione 1.23. fuit, quod et ipse hominem diligebam et in primis patri meo Paulo probatum et carum fuisse cognoveram. Memini me admodum adulescentulo, cum pater in Macedonia consul esset et essemus in castris, perturbari exercitum nostrum religione et metu, quod serena nocte subito candens et plena luna defecisset. Tum ille, cum legatus noster esset anno fere ante, quam consul est declaratus, haud dubitavit postridie palam in castris docere nullum esse prodigium, idque et tum factum esse et certis temporibus esse semper futurum, cum sol ita locatus fuisset, ut lunam suo lumine non posset attingere. Ain tandem? inquit Tubero; docere hoc poterat ille homines paene agrestes et apud imperitos audebat haec dicere? S. Ille vero et magna quidem cum 1.63. Est vero, inquit Scipio, in pace et otio; licet enim lascivire, dum nihil metuas, ut in navi ac saepe etiam in morbo levi. Sed ut ille, qui navigat, cum subito mare coepit horrescere, et ille aeger ingravescente morbo unius opem inplorat, sic noster populus in pace et domi imperat et ipsis magistratibus minatur, recusat, appellat, provocat, in bello sic paret ut regi; valet enim salus plus quam libido. Gravioribus vero bellis etiam sine collega omne imperium nostri penes singulos esse voluerunt, quorum ipsum nomen vim suae potestatis indicat. Nam dictator quidem ab eo appellatur, quia dicitur, sed in nostris libris vides eum, Laeli, magistrum populi appellari. L. Video, inquit. Et Scipio: Sapienter igitur illi vete res 1.69. Quod ita cum sit, ex tribus primis generibus longe praestat mea sententia regium, regio autem ipsi praestabit id, quod erit aequatum et temperatum ex tribus optimis rerum publicarum modis. Placet enim esse quiddam in re publica praestans et regale, esse aliud auctoritati principum inpartitum ac tributum, esse quasdam res servatas iudicio voluntatique multitudinis. Haec constitutio primum habet aequabilitatem quandam magnam, qua carere diutius vix possunt liberi, deinde firmitudinem, quod et illa prima facile in contraria vitia convertuntur, ut existat ex rege dominus, ex optimatibus factio, ex populo turba et confusio, quodque ipsa genera generibus saepe conmutantur novis, hoc in hac iuncta moderateque permixta conformatione rei publicae non ferme sine magnis principum vitiis evenit. Non est enim causa conversionis, ubi in suo quisque est gradu firmiter collocatus et non subest, quo praecipitet ac decidat. 2.2. Is dicere solebat ob hanc causam praestare nostrae civitatis statum ceteris civitatibus, quod in illis singuli fuissent fere, qui suam quisque rem publicam constituissent legibus atque institutis suis, ut Cretum Minos, Lacedaemoniorum Lycurgus, Atheniensium, quae persaepe commutata esset, tum Theseus, tum Draco, tum Solo, tum Clisthenes, tum multi alii, postremo exsanguem iam et iacentem doctus vir Phalereus sustentasset Demetrius, nostra autem res publica non unius esset ingenio, sed multorum, nec una hominis vita, sed aliquot constituta saeculis et aetatibus. Nam neque ullum ingenium tantum extitisse dicebat, ut, quem res nulla fugeret, quisquam aliquando fuisset, neque cuncta ingenia conlata in unum tantum posse uno tempore providere, ut omnia complecterentur sine rerum usu ac vetustate. 2.3. Quam ob rem, ut ille solebat, ita nunc mea repetet oratio populi originem; libenter enim etiam verbo utor Catonis. Facilius autem, quod est propositum, consequar, si nostram rem publicam vobis et nascentem et crescentem et adultam et iam firmam atque robustam ostendero, quam si mihi aliquam, ut apud Platonem Socrates, ipse finxero. 2.57. Sed id, quod fieri natura rerum ipsa cogebat, ut plusculum sibi iuris populus adscisceret liberatus a regibus, non longo intervallo, sexto decimo fere anno, Postumo Cominio Sp. Cassio consulibus consecutus est; in quo defuit fortasse ratio, sed tamen vincit ipsa rerum publicarum natura saepe rationem. Id enim tenetote, quod initio dixi, nisi aequabilis haec in civitate conpensatio sit et iuris et officii et muneris, ut et potestatis satis in magistratibus et auctoritatis in principum consilio et libertatis in populo sit, non posse hunc incommutabilem rei publicae conservari statum. 2.58. Nam cum esset ex aere alieno commota civitas, plebs montem sacrum prius, deinde Aventinum occupavit. Ac ne Lycurgi quidem disciplina tenuit illos in hominibus Graecis frenos; nam etiam Spartae regte Theopompo sunt item quinque, quos illi ephoros appellant, in Creta autem decem, qui cosmoe vocantur, ut contra consulare imperium tribuni pl., sic illi contra vim regiam constituti. 2.59. †Fuerat fortasse aliqua ratio maioribus nostris in illo aere alieno medendi, quae neque Solonem Atheniensem non longis temporibus ante fugerat neque post aliquanto nostrum senatum, cum sunt propter unius libidinem omnia nexa civium liberata nectierque postea desitum; semperque huic generi, cum plebes publica calamitate inpendiis debilitata deficeret, salutis omnium causa aliqua sublevatio et medicina quaesita est. Quo tum consilio praetermisso causa populo nata est, duobus tribunis plebis per seditionem creatis ut potentia senatus atque auctoritas minueretur; quae tamen gravis et magna remanebat sapientissimis et fortissimis et armis et consilio civitatem tuentibus, quorum auctoritas maxime florebat, quod, cum honore longe antecellerent ceteris, voluptatibus erant inferiores nec pecuniis ferme superiores; eoque erat cuiusque gratior in re publica virtus, quod in rebus privatis diligentissime singulos cives opera, consilio, re tuebantur. 2.69. dici possit. Tum Laelius: Video iam, illum, quem expectabam, virum cui praeficias officio et muneri. Huic scilicet, Africanus, uni paene (nam in hoc fere uno sunt cetera), ut numquam a se ipso intuendo contemplandoque discedat, ut ad imitationem sui vocet alios, ut sese splendore animi et vitae suae sicut speculum praebeat civibus. Ut enim in fidibus aut tibiis atque ut in cantu ipso ac vocibus concentus est quidam tenendus ex distinctis sonis, quem inmutatum aut discrepantem aures eruditae ferre non possunt, isque concentus ex dissimillimarum vocum moderatione concors tamen efficitur et congruens, sic ex summis et infimis et mediis interiectis ordinibus ut sonis moderata ratione civitas consensu August. C.D. 2.21 dissimillimorum concinit; et quae harmonia a musicis dicitur in cantu, ea est in civitate concordia, artissimum atque optimum omni in re publica vinculum incolumitatis, eaque sine iustitia nullo pacto esse potest. | 1.1. Without active patriotism .... could never have delivered our native land from attack, nor could Gaius Duelius, Aulus Atilius, or Lucius Metellus have freed Rome from her fear of Carthage, nor could the two Scipios have extinguished with their blood the rising flames of the Second Punic War, nor, when it broke forth again with greater fury, could Quintus Maximus have reduced it to impotence or Marcus Marcelius have crushed it, nor could Publius Africanus have torn it from the gates of this city and driven it within the enemy's walls. Marcus Cato again, unknown and of obscure birth - by whom, as by a pattern for our emulation, all of us who are devoted to the same pursuits are drawn to diligence and valour - might surely have remained at Tusculum in the enjoyment of the leisurely life of that healthful spot so near to Rome. But he, a madman as our friends maintain, preferred, though no necessity constrained him, to be tossed by the billows and storms of our public life even to an extreme old age, rather than to live a life of complete happiness in the calm and ease of such retirement. I will not speak of the men, countless in number, who have each been the salvation of this republic; and as their lives do not much antedate the remembrance of the present generation, I will refrain from mentioning their names, lest someone complain of the omission of himself or some member of his family. I will content myself with asserting that Nature has implanted in the human race so great a need of virtue and so great a desire to defend the common safety that the strength thereof has conquered all the allurements of pleasure and ease. 1.21. Philus. I have nothing new to bring before you, nor anything that I have thought out or discovered by myself. For I remember an incident in the life of Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, a most learned man, as you know : at a time when a similar phenomenon was reported, and he happened to be at the house of Marcus Marcellus, his colleague in the consulship , he ordered the celestial globe to be brought out which the grandfather of Marcellus had carried off from Syracuse, when that very rich and beautiful city was taken , though he took home with him nothing else out of the great store of booty captured. Though I had heard this globe mentioned quite frequently on account of the fame of Archimedes, when I actually saw it I did not particularly admire it ; for that other celestial globe, also constructed by Archimedes, which the same Marcellus placed in the temple of Virtue, is more beautiful as well as more widely known among the people. 1.22. But when Gallus began to give a very learned explanation of the device, I concluded that the famous Sicilian had been endowed with greater genius than one would imagine it possible for a human being to possess. For Gallus told us that the other kind of celestial globe, which was solid and contained no hollow space, was a very early invention, the first one of that kind having been constructed by Thales of Miletus, and later marked by Eudoxus of Cnidus (a disciple of Plato, it was claimed) with the constellations and stars which are fixed in the sky. He also said that many years later Aratus, borrowing this whole arrangement and plan from Eudoxus, had described it in verse, without any knowledge of astronomy, but with considerable poetic talent. But this newer kind of globe, he said, on which were delineated the motions of the sun and moon and of those five stars which are called wanderers, or, as we might say, rovers, contained more than could be shown on the solid globe, and the invention of Archimedes deserved special admiration because he had thought out a way to represent accurately by a single device for turning the globe those various and divergent movements with their different rates of speed. And when Gallus moved the globe, it was actually true that the moon was always as many revolutions behind the sun on the bronze contrivance as would agree with the number of days it was behind it in the sky. Thus the same eclipse of the sun happened on the globe as would actually happen, and the moon came to the point where the shadow of the earth was at the very time when the sun . . . out of the region . . . 1.23. Scipio. . . . for I myself loved the man, and I was aware that he was also greatly esteemed and beloved by my father Paulus. For in my early youth, when my father, then consul, was in Macedonia, and I was in camp with him, I recollect that our army was on one occasion disturbed by superstitious fears because, on a cloudless night, a bright full moon was suddenly darkened. Gallus was at that time our legate (it being then about a year before his election to the consulship), and on the next day he unhesitatingly made a public statement in the camp that this was no miracle, but that it had happened at that time, and would always happen, at fixed times in the future, when the sun was in such a position that its light could not reach the moon. Tubero. Do you really mean to say that he could convince men who were little more than simple peasants of such a thing, or that he dared even to state it before the ignorant ? Scipio. He certainly did, and with great . . . 1.63. Laelius. What you say is quite true. Scipio. Yes, and it is generally true in times of peace and security, for licence is possible as long as one has nothing to fear ; as, for example, on board a ship, or frequently in the case of an illness that is trivial. But just as the sailor, when the sea suddenly grows rough, and the invalid when his illness becomes severe, both implore the assistance of one man, so our people, that in times of peace and while engaged at home wield authority, threaten even their magistrates, refuse to obey them, and appeal from one to another or to the people, yet in time of war yield obedience to their rulers as to a king , for safety prevails over caprice. Indeed, in wars of more serious import our people have preferred that all the power should be granted to one man without a colleague. And this man's title shows the character of his power, for though he is commonly called "dictator" from the fact that he is "named," yet you know, Laelius, that in our books he is called "master of the people." Laelius. I do. Scipio. Therefore the men of old time acted wisely . . . 1.63. Laelius. What you say is quite true. Scipio. Yes, and it is generally true in times of peace and security, for licence is possible as long as one has nothing to fear ; as, for example, on board a ship, or frequently in the case of an illness that is trivial. But just as the sailor, when the sea suddenly grows rough, and the invalid when his illness becomes severe, both implore the assistance of one man, so our people, that in times of peace and while engaged at home wield authority, threaten even their magistrates, refuse to obey them, and appeal from one to another or to the people, yet in time of war yield obedience to their rulers as to a king , for safety prevails over caprice. Indeed, in wars of more serious import our people have preferred that all the power should be granted to one man without a colleague. And this man's title shows the character of his power, for though he is commonly called "dictator" from the fact that he is "named," ** yet you know, Laelius, that in our books ** he is called "master of the people." Laelius. I do. Scipio. Therefore the men of old time acted wisely . . . 1.69. Since this is true, the kingship, in my opinion, is by far the best of the three primary forms, but a moderate and balanced form of government which is a combination of the three good simple forms is preferable even to the kingship. For there should be a supreme and royal element in the State, some power also ought to be granted to the leading citizens, and certain matters should be left to the judgment and desires of the masses. Such a constitution, in the fist place, offers in a high degree a sort of equality, which is a thing free men can hardly do without for any consideiable length of time, and, secondly, it has stability. For the primary forms already mentioned degenerate easily into the corresponding perverted foims, the king being replaced by a despot, the aristocracy by an oligarchical faction, and the people by a mob and anarchy, but whereas these forms are frequently changed into new ones, this does not usually happen in the case of the mixed and evenly balanced constitution, except through great faults in the governing class. For there is no reason for a change when every citizen is fiimly established in his own station, and there underlies it no perverted form into which it can plunge and sink. 1.69. Since this is true, the kingship, in my opinion, is by far the best of the three primary forms, but a moderate and balanced form of government which is a combination of the three good simple forms is preferable even to the kingship. For there should be a supreme and royal element in the State, some power also ought to be granted to the leading citizens, and certain matters should be left to the judgment and desires of the masses. Such a constitution, in the first place, offers in a high degree a sort of equality, which is a thing free men can hardly do without for any considerable length of time, and, secondly, it has stability. For the primary forms already mentioned degenerate easily into the corresponding perverted forms, the king being replaced by a despot, the aristocracy by an oligarchical faction, and the people by a mob and anarchy, but whereas these forms are frequently changed into new ones, this does not usually happen in the case of the mixed and evenly balanced constitution, except through great faults in the governing class. For there is no reason for a change when every citizen is firmly established in his own station, and there underlies it no perverted form into which it can plunge and sink. 2.2. Cato used to say that our constitution was superior to those of other States on account of the fact that almost every one of these other commonwealths had been established by one man, the author of their laws and institutions ; for example, Minos in Crete, Lycurgus in Sparta, and in Athens, whose form of government had frequently changed, first Theseus, and later Dracon, Solon, Cleisthenes, and many others ; and last of all, when the State lay bloodless and prostrate, that learned man of Phalerum, Demetrius, revived it again. On the other hand our own commonwealth was based upon the genius, not of one man, but of many, it was founded, not in one generation, but in a long period of several centuries and many ages of men For, said he, there never has lived a man possessed of so great genius that nothing could escape him, nor could the combined powers of all the men living at one time possibly make all necessary provisions for the future without the aid of actual experience and the test of time . 2.3. Therefore, following Cato's precedent, my discourse will now go back to "the origin of the Roman People," ** for I like to make use of his very words I shall, however, find my task easier if I place before you a description of our Roman State at its birth, during its growth, at its maturity, and finally in its strong and healthy state, than if I should follow the example of Socrates in Plato's work ** and myself invent an ideal State of my own. 2.57. But after a short period, in about the sixteenth year of the republic, in the consulship of Postumus Cominius and Spurius Cassius, an event occurred which in the nature of things was bound to happen : the people, freed from the domination of kings, claimed a somewhat greater measure of rights. Such a claim may have been unreasonable, but the essential nature of the commonwealth often defeats reason. For you must keep in mind a fact which I mentioned at the beginning : unless there is in the State an even balance of rights, duties, and functions, so that the magistrates have enough power, the counsels of the eminent citizens enough influence, and the people enough liberty, this kind of government cannot be safe from revolution. 2.58. For at a time when the State was troubled by debt, the plebeians seized first the Sacred Mount, and then the Aventine Hill. And indeed not even the disciplinary system of Lycurgus was able to hold his subjects, though they were Greeks, under bridle and bit ; for, in Sparta also, in the reign of Theopompus, the five officials called ephors, and in Crete the ten so-called kosmoi, were set up in opposition to the royal authority, just as at Rome the plebeian tribunes were chosen to counterbalance the power of the consuls. ** 2.59. Perhaps our ancestors, to relieve the pressure of debt, might have used some such method as that ** which Solon the Athenian, who lived only a short time before, had not failed to discover, and which came to our own senate's notice some time later ; for then, on account of one man's lust, ** all those citizens who had been enslaved for debt were released, and such enslavement was no longer permitted , and always, when the plebeians have been so weakened by the expenditures brought on by a public calamity that they give way under their burden, some relief or remedy has been sought for the difficulties of this class, for the sake of the safety of the whole body of citizens. But at the time of which I have been speaking such measures had not been taken, and thus the people were given an occasion, through the creation of two plebeian tribunes by means of an insurrection, for curtailing the power and influence of the senate. This power, however, remained great and respected, because the wisest and bravest still guided the State by arms and counsel, and their influence continued to be supreme because, while they surpassed the masses in preferment, they had a smaller share of the pleasures of life, and in property were not, as a rule, better off than their fellows. And the public services of every patrician were the more highly esteemed because they scrupulously made it their practice to aid individual citizens most liberally in their private difficulties by action, advice, and ficial support. 2.69. Scipio. . . . might be said. Laelius. I now understand what duty and function ** you would entrust to the sort of man I was seeking. Scipio. of course he should be given almost no other duties than this one (for it comprises most of the others) - of improving and examining himself continually, urging others to imitate him, and furnishing in himself, as it were, a mirror to his fellow-citizens by reason of the supreme excellence of his life and character. For just as in the music of harps and flutes or in the voices of singers a certain harmony of the different tones must be preserved, the interruption or violation of which is intolerable to trained ears, and as this perfect agreement and harmony is produced by the proportionate blending of unlike tones, so also is a State made harmonious by agreement among dissimilar elements, brought about by a fair and reasonable blending together of the upper, middle, and lower classes, just as if they were musical tones. What the musicians call harmony in song is concord in a State, the strongest and best bond of permanent union in any commonwealth , and such concord can never be brought about without the aid of justice. |
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| 92. Nepos, Atticus, 18.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 93. Propertius, Elegies, 4.11.35, 4.11.34, 4.11.33, 4.4.73, 4.1a.19-20, 4.4.76, 4.4.78, 4.4.77, 4.4.75, 4.4.74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27, 142, 143 |
94. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.13, 4.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro marcus terentius varro •varro, m. terentius, military career of Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 220; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79 | 4.13. Our discourse will belong to the Middle type if, as I have said above, we have somewhat relaxed our style, and yet have not descended to the most ordinary prose, as follows: "Men of the jury, you see against whom we are waging war â against allies who have been wont to fight in our defence, and together with us to preserve our empire by their valour and zeal. Not only must they have known themselves, their resources, and their manpower, but their nearness to us and their alliance with us in all affairs enabled them no less to learn and appraise the power of the Roman people in every sphere. When they had resolved to fight against us, on what, I ask you, did they rely in presuming to undertake the war, since they understood that much the greater part of our allies remained faithful to duty, and since they saw that they had at hand no great supply of soldiers, no competent commanders, and no public money â in short, none of the things needful for carrying on the war? Even if they were waging war with neighbours on a question of boundaries, even if in their opinion one battle would decide the contest, they would yet come to the task in every way better prepared and equipped than they are now. It is still less credible that with such meagre forces they would attempt to usurp that sovereignty over the whole world which all the civilized peoples, kings, and barbarous nations have accepted, in part compelled by force, in part of their own will, when conquered either by the arms of Rome or by her generosity. Some one will ask: 'What of the Fregellans? Did they not make the attempt on their own initiative?' Yes, but these allies would be less ready to make the attempt precisely because they saw how the Fregellans fared. For inexperienced peoples, unable to find in history a precedent for every circumstance, are through imprudence easily led into error; whilst those who know what has befallen others can easily from the fortunes of these others draw profit for their own policies. Have they, then, in taking up arms, been impelled by no motive? Have they relied on no hope? Who will believe that any one has been so mad as to dare, with no forces to depend on, to challenge the sovereignty of the Roman people? They must, therefore, have had some motive, and what else can this be but what I say?"< |
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| 95. Sallust, Historiae, 4.36 r, 5.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 23 |
| 96. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 4.1, 7.3.7, 9.5.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
| 97. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.38, 12.43, 19.76.3-19.76.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 87; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 2; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 243 |
| 98. Catullus, Poems, 29.19-29.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 242 |
99. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, a b c d\n0 4.62 4.62 4 62\n1 4.40.7 4.40.7 4 40\n2 16.3.2 16.3.2 16 3\n3 5.37.1 5.37.1 5 37\n4 2.34.2 2.34.2 2 34\n5 6.39.2 6.39.2 6 39\n6 5.75.2 5.75.2 5 75\n7 4.24 4.24 4 24\n8 "2.60.5" "2.60.5" "2 60 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224 | 4.62. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities. <, A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these. <, Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left. <, The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide. <, Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men. <, But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. < 4.62. 1. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. |
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100. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.657, 3.18-3.22, 4.134-4.136, 4.171, 4.391, 6.252 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 235, 240; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 84; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35| 1.657. sed quia multa sibi cernunt contraria quae sint 3.18. apparet divum numen sedesque quietae, 3.19. quas neque concutiunt venti nec nubila nimbis 3.20. aspergunt neque nix acri concreta pruina 3.21. cana cadens violat semper que innubilus aether 3.22. integit et large diffuso lumine ridet: 4.134. ut nubes facile inter dum concrescere in alto 4.135. cernimus et mundi speciem violare serenam 4.136. aera aëra mulcentes motu; nam saepe Gigantum 4.391. Sidera cessare aetheriis adfixa cavernis 6.252. liquisse et magnas caeli complesse cavernas, | |
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| 101. Ovid, Tristia, 3.1.70-3.1.72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 295; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 102. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.38, 1.56, 2.17-2.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 6, 153 |
| 103. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 679 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
104. Vergil, Georgics, 1.5, 2.176, 3.271-3.279, 3.323-3.338, 4.450-4.452 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, marcus terentius •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Rohland, Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature (2022) 191; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35, 243; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 153| 1.5. hinc canere incipiam. Vos, o clarissima mundi 2.176. Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen. 3.271. Continuoque avidis ubi subdita flamma medullis, 3.272. vere magis, quia vere calor redit ossibus: illae 3.273. ore omnes versae in Zephyrum stant rupibus altis, 3.274. exceptantque levis auras et saepe sine ullis 3.275. coniugiis vento gravidae, mirabile dictu, 3.276. saxa per et scopulos et depressas convallis 3.277. diffugiunt, non, Eure, tuos, neque solis ad ortus, 3.278. in Borean caurumque, aut unde nigerrimus auster 3.279. nascitur et pluvio contristat frigore caelum. 3.323. in saltus utrumque gregem atque in pascua mittet, 3.324. Luciferi primo cum sidere frigida rura 3.325. carpamus, dum mane novum, dum gramina canent, 3.326. et ros in tenera pecori gratissimus herba. 3.327. Inde ubi quarta sitim caeli collegerit hora 3.328. et cantu querulae rumpent arbusta cicadae, 3.329. ad puteos aut alta greges ad stagna iubebo 3.330. currentem ilignis potare canalibus undam; 3.331. aestibus at mediis umbrosam exquirere vallem, 3.332. sicubi magna Iovis antiquo robore quercus 3.333. ingentis tendat ramos, aut sicubi nigrum 3.334. ilicibus crebris sacra nemus accubet umbra; 3.335. tum tenuis dare rursus aquas et pascere rursus 3.336. solis ad occasum, cum frigidus aera vesper 3.337. temperat et saltus reficit iam roscida luna 3.338. litoraque alcyonem resot, acalanthida dumi. 4.450. Tantum effatus. Ad haec vates vi denique multa 4.451. ardentes oculos intorsit lumine glauco 4.452. et graviter frendens sic fatis ora resolvit. | 1.5. of patient trial serves for thrifty bees;— 2.176. Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold, 3.271. Horns push and strive against opposing horns, 3.272. With mighty groaning; all the forest-side 3.273. And far |
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| 105. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 5.10.10, 5.10.9, 1.1.6, 1.1.5, 6.7.6, 6.7.7, 2.8.14, 4.8.4, 5.pr.1, 7.pr.12, 9.pr.1, 9.pr.2, 9.pr.3, 9.pr.16-17, 1.6.10, 1.6.9, 1.6.8, 1.6.7, 1.6.6, 1.6.5, 1.6.4, 8.23, 8.24, 8.27, 8.26, 8.25, 1.7, 8.29, 8.28, 4.1.8, prae 14, 7, 1.1.16, 9.2.1, 9.6.2, "7.4.5", "7.1.4", "7.1.5", "7.3.1", "7.4.1" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79 |
| 106. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, a b c d\n0 25.1 25.1 25 1\n1 "8.5" "8.5" "8 5" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 154 |
| 107. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.1.35-1.1.36, 2.5.87-2.5.90 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 119 |
108. Ovid, Fasti, a b c d\n0 1.174 1.174 1 174\n1 1.171 1.171 1 171\n2 1.172 1.172 1 172\n3 1.173 1.173 1 173\n4 6.569 6.569 6 569\n.. ... ... .. ...\n486 6.62 6.62 6 62\n487 3.536 3.536 3 536\n488 3.535 3.535 3 535\n489 3.534 3.534 3 534\n490 "2.27" "2.27" "2 27"\n\n[491 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 162| 1.174. ad quoscumque voles’ inquit habere deos. | 1.174. You can have access to whichever god you please.’ |
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109. Strabo, Geography, 2.1.17, 2.4.1, 2.5.15, 2.5.22, 3.1.4, 3.1.6, 3.2.11, 3.3.3, 3.3.4, 3.5.5, 3.5.7, 7.3.9, 7.5.3, 7.5.5, 7.6.1, 10.1.9, 10.5.2, 10.5.3, 10.5.4, 10.5.14, 11.5.8, 11.7.1, 16.3.1, 17.1.21, 17.3.3, 17.3.7, f21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 215, 287; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 113, 179, 212, 221, 225, 242, 243, 245, 336, 341, 342; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 | 2.1.17. If the followers of Deimachus add to the 30.000 stadia the distance to Taprobane and the boundaries of the torrid zone, which cannot be reckoned less than 4000 stadia, they will then remove Bactria and Aria from their actual localities and place them 34,000 stadia from the torrid zone, a distance equal to that which Hipparchus states to be between the equator and [the mouth of] the Dnieper, and the two countries will therefore be removed 8800 stadia north of [the mouth of] the Dnieper and Keltica; for there are reckoned to be 8800 stadia from the equator to the parallel of latitude which separates the temperate from the torrid zone, and which crosses the Cinnamon Country. We have proved that the regions not more than 5000 stadia north of Keltica, as far as Ierne, are scarcely habitable, but their reasoning leads to the conclusion that there is another circle fitted for the habitation of man, although 3800 stadia north of Ierne. And that Bactra is still farther north than the mouth of the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea, which is distant about 6000 stadia from the recess of the Caspian and the mountains of Armenia and Media, and which appears to be the most northerly point of the whole coast as far as India, with a sea navigable to India all the way, as Patrocles, who had the government of these regions, affirms. Now Bactriana stretches 1000 stadia farther north. Beyond this the Scythians occupy a much larger territory, bounded by the Northern Ocean: here they dwell, though to be sure theirs is a nomade life. But we ask how they could exist here at all, supposing even Bactra to be beyond the limits of the habitable globe. The distance from the Caucasus to the Northern Sea through Bactra would be rather more than 4000 stadia. This being added to the number of stadia north of Ierne above-mentioned, will give us the whole amount of uninhabitable land from Ierne northward 7800 stadia, and even omitting the 4000 stadia altogether, those parts of Bactriana next the Caucasus will still be 3800 stadia farther north than Ierne, and 8800 farther north than Keltica, and [the mouth] of the Dnieper. 2.4.1. POLYBIUS, in his Chorography of Europe, tells us that it is not his intention to examine the writings of the ancient geographers, but the statements of those who have criticised them, such as Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, (who was the last of those who [in his time] had laboured on geography,) and Pytheas, by whom many have been deceived. It is this last writer who states that he travelled all over Britain on foot, and that the island is above 40,000 stadia in circumference. It is likewise he who describes Thule and other neighbouring places, where, according to him, neither earth, water, nor air exist, separately, but a sort of concretion of all these, resembling marine sponge, in which the earth, the sea, and all things were suspended, thus forming, as it were, a link to unite the whole together. It can neither be travelled over nor sailed through. As for the substance, he affirms that he has beheld it with his own eyes; the rest, he reports on the authority of others. So much for the statements of Pytheas, who tells us, besides, that after he had returned thence, he traversed the whole coasts of Europe from Gades to the Tanais. 3.1.4. We will now commence our detailed account, beginning from the Sacred Promontory. This is the most western point not only of Europe, but of the whole habitable earth. For the habitable earth is bounded to the west by two continents, namely, the extremities of Europe and Libya, which are inhabited respectively by the Iberians and the Maurusians. But the Iberian extremity, at the promontory we have mentioned, juts out beyond the other as much as 1500 stadia. The region adjacent to this cape they call in the Latin tongue Cuneum, which signifies a wedge. The promontory which projects into the sea, Artemidorus (who states that he has himself been at the place) compares to a ship; three little islands, [he says, ] each having a small harbour, contribute to give it this form; the former island resembling the beak of the ship, and the two latter the beams on each side of the ship's bows. [He adds] that there is no sanctuary of Hercules shown there, as Ephorus falsely states, nor yet any altar [to him] nor to any other divinity; but in many parts there are three or four stones placed together, which are turned by all travellers who arrive there, in accordance with a certain local custom, and are changed in position by such as turn them incorrectly. It is not lawful to offer sacrifice there, nor yet to approach the place during the night, for it is said that then the gods take up their abode at the place. Those who go thither to view it stay at a neighbouring village over-night, and proceed to the place on the morrow, carrying water with them, as there is none to be procured there. 3.1.6. The sea-coast next the Sacred Promontory forms on one side the commencement of the western coast of Spain as far as the outlet of the river Tagus; and on the other forms the southern coast as far as the outlet of another river, named the Ana. Both of these rivers descend from the eastern parts [of Spain]; but the former, which is much larger than the other, pursues a straight course towards the west, while the Ana bends its course towards the south. They enclose an extent of country peopled for the most part by Kelts and certain Lusitanians, whom the Romans caused to settle here from the opposite side of the Tagus. Higher up, the country is inhabited by the Carpetani, the Oretani, and a large number of Vettones. This district is moderately fertile, but that which is beyond it to the east and south, does not give place in superiority to any part of the habitable earth with which it may be compared, in the excellence of its productions both of land and sea. This is the country through which the river Baetis flows. This river takes its rise from the same parts as the Ana and the Tagus, and is between these two in size. Like the Ana, the commencement of its course flows towards the west, but it afterwards turns to the south, and discharges itself at the same side of the coast as that river. From this river the country has received the name of Baetica; it is called Turdetania by the inhabitants, who are themselves denominated Turdetani, and Turduli. Some think these two names refer to one nation, while others believe that they designate two distinct people. of this latter opinion is Polybius, who imagines that the Turduli dwell more to the north than the Turdetani. At the present day however there does not appear to be any distinction between them. These people are esteemed to be the most intelligent of all the Iberians; they have an alphabet, and possess ancient writings, poems, and metrical laws six thousand years old, as they say. The other Iberians are likewise furnished with an alphabet, although not of the same form, nor do they speak the same language. Their country, which is on this side the Ana, extends eastward as far as Oretania, and southward along the sea-coast from the outlets of the Ana to the Pillars. But it is necessary that I should enter into further particulars concerning this and the neighbouring places, in order to illustrate their excellence and fertility. 3.2.11. Not far from Castlon is the mountain in which they report that the [river] Baetis takes its rise. They call it silver mountain on account of the silver mines which it contains. Polybius asserts that both the Ana and this river have their sources in Keltiberia, notwithstanding they are separated from each other by a distance of 900 stadia; [this we are to attribute to] the Keltiberians having increased in power, and having consequently conferred their name on the surrounding country. It appears the ancients knew the Baetis under the name of the Tartessus, and Gades with the neighbouring islands under that of Erythia; and it is thought that we should understand in this sense the words of Stesichorus concerning the pastoral poet Geryon, that he was born almost opposite to the renowned Erythia, in a rocky cave near to the abundant springs of the silver-bedded river Tartessus. They say that on the piece of land enclosed between the two outlets of this river there formerly stood a city named, like the river, Tartessus, and that the district was called Tartessis, which the Turduli now inhabit. Eratosthenes likewise tells us that the [country] near to Calpe was called Tartessis, and also Erythia the Fortunate Island. This Artemidorus contradicts, and says that it is as false as his other statements, that the Sacred Promontory is distant from Gades five days' sail, when in fact they are [distant from each other] not more than 1700 stadia. Likewise that the tide ceased at this point, whereas it passes round the whole circuit of the habitable earth. That it is easier to pass from the northern parts of Iberia into Keltica, than to proceed thither by sea; with many other things which he asserted on the faith of that charlatan Pytheas. 3.3.3. North of the Tagus is Lusitania, the principal of the nations of Iberia, and the one which has most frequently encountered the arms of the Romans. On the southern side this country is bounded by the Tagus, on the west and north by the ocean, on the east by the well-known nations of the Carpetani, the Vettones, the Vaccaei, the Gallicians, and by others not worthy to be mentioned on account of their insignificance and obscurity. On the other hand, certain historians of the present day give the name of Lusitanians to all of these nations. To the east the Gallicians border on the nation of the Astures and Keltiberians, the others [border] on the Keltiberians. In length Lusitania is 3000 stadia; its breadth, which is comprised between the eastern side and the opposite seacoast, is much less. The eastern part is mountainous and rugged, while the country beyond, as far as the sea, consists entirely of plains, with the exception of a few inconsiderable mountains. On this account Posidonius remarks that Aristotle was not correct in supposing that the ebb and flow of the tide was occasioned by the sea-coast of Iberia and Maurusia. For Aristotle asserted that the tides of the sea were caused by the extremities of the land being mountainous and rugged, and therefore both receiving the wave violently and also casting it back. Whereas Posidonius truly remarks that they are for the most part low and sandy. 3.5.5. Concerning the foundation of Gades, the Gaditanians report that a certain oracle commanded the Tyrians to found a colony by the Pillars of Hercules. Those who were sent out for the purpose of exploring, when they had arrived at the strait by Calpe, imagined that the capes which form the strait were the boundaries of the habitable earth, as well as of the expedition of Hercules, and consequently they were what the oracle termed the Pillars. They landed on the inside of the straits, at a place where the city of the Exitani now stands. Here they offered sacrifices, which however not being favourable, they returned. After a time others were sent, who advanced about 1500 stadia beyond the strait, to an island consecrated to Hercules, and lying opposite to Onoba, a city of Iberia: considering that here were the Pillars, they sacrificed to the god, but the sacrifices being again unfavourable, they returned home. In the third voyage they reached Gades, and founded the sanctuary in the eastern part of the island, and the city in the west. On this account some consider that the capes in the strait are the Pillars, others suppose Gades, while others again believe that they lie still farther, beyond Gades. There are also some who think that the Pillars are Calpe, and the mountain of Libya which is opposite, named Abilyx, and situated, according to Eratosthenes, amongst the Metagonians, a wandering race. Others fancy that they are two small islands near to the former, one of which is named the Island of Juno. Artemidorus speaks both of the Island of Juno and the sanctuary there, but makes no mention either of mount Abilyx, or the nation of the Metagonians. Some have transported hither the Planctae and the Symplgades, supposing them to be the Pillars, which Pindar calls the Gates of Gades, when he says that they were the farthest limits at which Hercules arrived. Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, and Polybius, with most of the Grecians, represent the Pillars as being close to the strait, while the Iberians and Libyans place them at Gades, alleging that there is nothing at all resembling pillars close by the strait. Others pretend that they are the pillars of brass eight cubits high in the sanctuary of Hercules at Gades, on which is inscribed the cost of erecting that edifice; and that the sailors coming there on the completion of their voyage and sacrificing to Hercules, rendered the place so famous that it came to be regarded as the termination of the land and sea. Posidonius thinks this view the most probable of all, and looks upon the oracle and the several expeditions as a Phoenician invention. As for the expeditions, what matters it whether any one should vehemently deny or credit the account, as neither the one nor the other would be inconsistent with reason: but the assertion that neither the little islands, nor yet the mountains, bear much resemblance to pillars, and that we should seek for pillars, strictly so called, [set up] either as the termination of the habitable earth, or of the expedition of Hercules, has at all events some reason in it; it being an ancient usage to set up such boundary marks. As for instance the small column which the inhabitants of Rhegium erected by the Strait of Sicily, which is indeed a little tower; and the tower called after Pelorus, which is situated opposite to this small column; also the structures called altars of the Philaeni, about midway in the land between the Syrtes; likewise it is recorded, that a certain pillar was formerly erected on the Isthmus of Corinth, which the Ionians who took possession of Attica and Megaris when they were driven out of the Peloponnesus, and those who settled in the Peloponnesus, set up in common, and inscribed on the side next Megaris, This is no longer Peloponnesus, but Ionia, and on the opposite, This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia. Alexander too erected altars as boundaries of his Indian campaign in those parts of the Indies he arrived at, which were situated farthest towards the east, in imitation of Hercules and Bacchus. That this custom existed, then, cannot be doubted. 3.5.7. Polybius relates that there is a spring within the sanctuary of Hercules at Gades, having a descent of a few steps to fresh water, which is affected in a manner the reverse of the sea tides, subsiding at the flow of the tide, and springing at the ebb. He assigns as the cause of this phenomenon, that air rises from the interior to the surface of the earth; when this surface is covered by the waves, at the rising of the sea, the air is deprived of its ordinary vents, and returns to the interior, stopping up the passages of the spring, and causing a want of water, but when the surface is again laid bare, the air having a direct exit liberates the channels which feed the spring, so that it gushes freely. Artemidorus rejects this explanation, and substitutes one of his own, recording at the same time the opinion of the historian Silanus; but neither one or other of their views seems to me worth relating, since both he and Silanus were ignorant in regard to these matters. Posidonius asserts that the entire account is false, and adds that there are two wells in the sanctuary of Hercules, and a third in the city. That the smaller of the two in the sanctuary of Hercules, if drawn from frequently, will become for a time exhausted, but that on ceasing to draw from it, it fills again: while in regard to the larger, it may be drawn from during the whole day; that it is true it becomes lower, like all other wells, but that it fills again during the night when drawing ceases. [He adds] that the ebb tide frequently happening to occur during the period of its re-filling, gave rise to the groundless belief of the inhabitants as to its being affected in an opposite manner [to the tides of the ocean]. However it is not only related by him that it is a commonly believed fact, but we have received it from tradition as much referred to amongst paradoxes. We have likewise heard that there are wells both within the city and also in the gardens without, but that on account of the inferiority of this water, tanks are generally constructed throughout the city for the supply of water: whether likewise any of these reservoirs give any signs of being affected in an opposite manner to the tides, we know not. If such be the case, the causes thereof should be received as amongst phenomena hard to be explained. It is likely that Polybius may have assigned the proper reason; but it is also likely that certain of the channels of the springs being damped outside become relaxed, and so let the water run out into the surrounding land, instead of forcing it along its ancient passage to the spring; and there will of course be moisture when the tide overflows. But if, as Athenodorus asserts, the ebb and flow resemble the inspiration and expiration of the breath, it is possible that some of the currents of water which naturally have an efflux on to the surface of the earth, through various channels, the mouths of which we denominate springs and fountains, are by other channels drawn towards the depths of the sea, and raise it, so as to produce a flood-tide; when the expiration is sufficient, they leave off the course in which they are then flowing, and again revert to their former direction, when that again takes a change. 7.3.9. Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuit of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow most just habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk, and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just, and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth, when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons. Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites Choerilus also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius, says, the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people. And when he calls Anacharsis wise, Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis — the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands, and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were galactophagi, abii, and most just, and that they were not an invention of Homer. 7.6.1. Pontic seaboard The remainder of the country between the Ister and the mountains on either side of Paeonia consists of that part of the Pontic seaboard which extends from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister as far as the mountainous country in the neighborhood of the Haemus and as far as the mouth at Byzantium. And just as, in traversing the Illyrian seaboard, I proceeded as far as the Ceraunian Mountains, because, although they fall outside the mountainous country of Illyria, they afford an appropriate limit, and just as I determined the positions of the tribes of the interior by these mountains, because I thought that marks of this kind would be more significant as regards both the description at hand and what was to follow, so also in this case the seaboard, even though it falls beyond the mountain-line, will nevertheless end at an appropriate limit — the mouth of the Pontus — as regards both the description at hand and that which comes next in order. So, then, if one begins at the Sacred Mouth of the Ister and keeps the continuous seaboard on the right, one comes, at a distance of five hundred stadia, to a small town, Ister, founded by the Milesians; then, at a distance of two hundred and fifty stadia, to a second small town, Tomis; then, at two hundred and eighty stadia, to a city Callatis, a colony of the Heracleotae; then, at one thousand three hundred stadia, to Apollonia, a colony of the Milesians. The greater part of Apollonia was founded on a certain isle, where there is a sanctuary of Apollo, from which Marcus Lucullus carried off the colossal statue of Apollo, a work of Calamis, which he set up in the Capitolium. In the interval between Callatis and Apollonia come also Bizone, of which a considerable part was engulfed by earthquakes, Cruni, Odessus, a colony of the Milesians, and Naulochus, a small town of the Mesembriani. Then comes the Haemus Mountain, which reaches the sea here; then Mesembria, a colony of the Megarians, formerly called Menebria (that is, city of Menas, because the name of its founder was Menas, while bria is the word for city in the Thracian language. In this way, also, the city of Selys is called Selybria and Aenus was once called Poltyobria). Then come Anchiale, a small town belonging to the Apolloniatae, and Apollonia itself. On this coast-line is Cape Tirizis, a stronghold, which Lysimachus once used as a treasury. Again, from Apollonia to the Cyaneae the distance is about one thousand five hundred stadia; and in the interval are Thynias, a territory belonging to the Apolloniatae (Anchiale, which also belongs to the Apolloniatae), and also Phinopolis and Andriake, which border on Salmydessus. Salmydessus is a desert and stony beach, harborless and wide open to the north winds, and in length extends as far as the Cyaneae, a distance of about seven hundred stadia; and all who are cast ashore on this beach are plundered by the Astae, a Thracian tribe who are situated above it. The Cyaneae are two islets near the mouth of the Pontus, one close to Europe and the other to Asia; they are separated by a channel of about twenty stadia and are twenty stadia distant both from the sanctuary of the Byzantines and from the sanctuary of the Chalcedonians. And this is the narrowest part of the mouth of the Euxine, for when one proceeds only ten stadia farther one comes to a headland which makes the strait only five stadia in width, and then the strait opens to a greater width and begins to form the Propontis. 10.1.9. Above the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain. In this plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of diseases, which were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this plain was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron together, a thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now, however, both metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at Athens. The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but particularly the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts through subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I have already described rather at length. And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the island was swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This city is also mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius: Euboeis, about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of wretched Lichas. In Aitolia, also, there is a place called by the same name Chalcis: and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon, and in the present Eleian country: and they went past Cruni and rocky Chalcis, that is, Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way back from Nestor's to their homeland. 10.5.2. Now the city which belongs to Delos, as also the sanctuary of Apollo, and the Letoum, are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a bare and rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the island — not a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden times, beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered because of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was delivered of her travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis: for aforetime, says Pindar,it was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of winds, but when the daughter of Coeus in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did four pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots of the earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she gave birth to, and beheld, her blessed offspring. The neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous, since in its honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices, and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate great general festivals there. 10.5.4. Now although Delos had become so famous, yet the razing of Corinth to the ground by the Romans increased its fame still more; for the importers changed their business to Delos because they were attracted both by the tax immunity the sanctuary enjoyed and by the convenient situation of the harbor; for it is happily situated for those who are sailing from Italy and Greece to Asia. The general festival is a kind of commercial affair, and it was frequented by Romans more than by any other people, even when Corinth was still in existence. And when the Athenians took the island they at the same time took good care of the importers as well as of the religious rites. But when the generals of Mithridates, and the tyrant who caused it to revolt, visited Delos, they completely ruined it, and when the Romans again got the island, after the king withdrew to his homeland, it was desolate; and it has remained in an impoverished condition until the present time. It is now held by the Athenians. 11.7.1. Those nomads, however, who live along the coast on the left as one sails into the Caspian Sea are by the writers of today called Daae, I mean, those who are surnamed Aparni; then, in front of them, intervenes a desert country; and next comes Hyrcania, where the Caspian resembles an open sea to the point where it borders on the Median and Armenian mountains. The shape of these mountains is crescent-like along the foothills, which end at the sea and form the recess of the gulf. This side of the mountains, beginning at the sea, is inhabited as far as their heights for a short stretch by a part of the Albanians and the Armenians, but for the most part by Gelae, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacae. They say that some of the Parrhasii took up their abode with the Anariacae, who, they say, are now called Parsii; and that the Aenianes built a walled city in the Vitian territory, which, they say, is called Aeniana; and that Greek armour, brazen vessels, and burial places are to be seen there; and that there is also a city Anariace there, in which, they say, is to be seen an oracle for sleepers, and some other tribes that are more inclined to brigandage and war than to farming; but this is due to the ruggedness of the region. However, the greater part of the seaboard round the mountainous country is occupied by Cadusii, for a stretch of almost five thousand stadia, according to Patrocles, who considers this sea almost equal to the Pontic Sea. Now these regions have poor soil. 17.3.3. Historians, beginning with the voyage of Ophelas (Apellas?), have invented a great number of fables respecting the sea-coast of Africa beyond the Pillars. We have mentioned them before, and mention them now, requesting our readers to pardon the introduction of marvellous stories, whenever we may be compelled to relate anything of the kind, being unwilling to pass them over entirely in silence, and so in a manner to mutilate our account of the country.It is said, that the Sinus Emporicus (or merchants' bay) has a cave which admits the sea at high tide to the distance even of seven stadia, and in front of this bay a low and level tract with an altar of Hercules upon it, which, they say, is not covered by the tide. This I, of course, consider to be one of the fictitious stories. Like this is the tale, that on other bays in the succeeding coast there were ancient settlements of Tyrians, now abandoned, which consisted of not less than three hundred cities, and were destroyed by the Pharusii and the Nigritae. These people, they say, are distant thirty days' journey from Lynx. 17.3.7. Although the Mauretanians inhabit a country, the greatest part of which is very fertile, yet the people in general continue even to this time to live like nomads. They bestow care to improve their looks by plaiting their hair, trimming their beards, by wearing golden ornaments, cleaning their teeth, and paring their nails; and you would rarely see them touch one another as they walk, lest they should disturb the arrangement of their hair.They fight for the most part on horseback, with a javelin; and ride on the bare back of the horse, with bridles made of rushes. They have also swords. The foot-soldiers present against the enemy, as shields, the skins of elephants. They wear the skins of lions, panthers, and bears, and sleep in them. These tribes, and the Masaesylii next to them, and for the most part the Africans in general, wear the same dress and arms, and resemble one another in other respects; they ride horses which are small, but spirited and tractable, so as to be guided by a switch. They have collars made of cotton or of hair, from which hangs a leading-rein. Some follow, like dogs, without being led.They have a small shield of leather, and small lances with broad heads. Their tunics are loose, with wide borders; their cloak is a skin, as I have said before, which serves also as a breastplate.The Pharusii and Nigretes, who live above these people, near the western Ethiopians, use bows and arrows, like the Ethiopians. They have chariots also, armed with scythes. The Pharusii rarely have any intercourse with the Mauretanians in passing through the desert country, as they carry skins filled with water, fastened under the bellies of their horses. Sometimes, indeed, they come to Cirta, passing through places abounding with marshes and lakes. Some of them are said to live like the Troglodytae, in caves dug in the ground. It is said that rain falls there frequently in summer, but that during the winter drought prevails. Some of the barbarians in that quarter wear the skins of serpents and fishes, and use them as coverings for their beds. Some say that the Mauretanians are Indians, who accompanied Hercules hither. A little before my time, the kings Bogus and Bocchus, allies of the Romans, possessed this country; after their death, Juba succeeded to the kingdom, having received it from Augustus Caesar, in addition to his paternal dominions. He was the son of Juba who fought, in conjunction with Scipio, against divus Caesar. Juba died lately, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy, whose mother was the daughter of Antony and Cleopatra. |
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110. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.143-1.146, 1.509, 1.513-1.522, 1.723-1.729 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 136| 1.143. Hic tibi quaeratur socii sermonis origo, 1.144. rend= 1.145. Cuius equi veniant, facito, studiose, requiras: 1.146. rend= 1.509. Forma viros neglecta decet; Minoida Theseus 1.513. Munditie placeant, fuscentur corpora Campo: 1.514. rend= 1.515. Lingula ne rigeat, careant rubigine dentes, 1.516. rend= 1.517. Nec male deformet rigidos tonsura capillos: 1.518. rend= 1.519. Et nihil emineant, et sint sine sordibus ungues: 1.520. rend= 1.521. Nec male odorati sit tristis anhelitus oris: 1.522. rend= 1.729. Palleat omnis amans: hic est color aptus amanti; | 1.143. But nought availing, all are captives led, 1.144. Trembling and blushing, to the genial bed. 1.145. She who too long resisted or denied, 1.146. The lusty lover made by force a bride, 1.509. 'Twill come, and that's the cheapest way to give. 1.513. of bad example to thy future love ; 1.514. But get it gratis, and she'll give thee more, 1.515. For fear of losing what she gave before. 1.516. The losing gamester shakes the box in vain, 1.517. And bleeds, and loses on, in hopes to gain. 1.518. Write then, and in thy letter, as I said, 1.519. Let her with mighty promises be fed. 1.520. Cydyppe by a letter was betray'd, 1.520. and no hairs please, sprouting from your nostrils. No bad breath exhaled from unwholesome mouth: don’t offend the nose like a herdsman or his flock. Leave the rest for impudent women to do, or whoever’s the sort of man who needs a man. Ah, Bacchus calls to his poet: he helps lovers too, and supports the fire with which he is inflamed. The frantic Cretan girl wandered the unknown sands, that the waters of tiny sea-borne Dia showed. Just as she was, from sleep, veiled by her loose robe, 1.521. Writ on an apple to th' unwary maid; 1.522. She read herself into a marriage vow, 1.729. That slaughter'd guests would kindly moisture bring. |
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| 111. Horace, Ars Poetica, 147-149 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 118 |
112. Horace, Odes, 2.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, estates of Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 167 | 2.20. POETIC IMMORTALITY A poet of dual form, I won’t be carried through the flowing air on weak or mundane wings, nor will I linger down here on earth, for any length of time: beyond envy, I’ll leave the cities behind. It’s not I, born of poor parents, it’s not I, who hear your voice, beloved Maecenas, I who’ll die, or be encircled by Stygian waters. Even now the rough skin is settling around my ankles, and now above them I’ve become a snow-white swan, and soft feathers are emerging over my arms and shoulders. Soon, a melodious bird, and more famous than Icarus, Daedalus’ son, I’ll visit Bosphorus’ loud shores, GaetulianSyrtes, and the Hyperborean plains. Colchis will know me, so will the Scythians, who pretend to show no fear of Italiantroops, and the Geloni: Spain will learn from me, the expert, and those who drink Rhone. No dirges at my insubstantial funeral, no elegies, and no unseemly grieving: suppress all the clamour, not for me the superfluous honour of a tomb. |
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113. Horace, Sermones, 1.1.113-1.1.116, 1.5, 1.6.23-1.6.29, 1.6.58-1.6.59, 1.6.104-1.6.105, 1.8-1.9, 1.10.40-1.10.49, 1.10.67-1.10.68, 1.10.81-1.10.88, 1.19.20-1.19.21, 2.2.17-2.2.18, 2.3, 2.8, 2.8.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, estates of •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 27; Laemmle, Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration (2021) 382; McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 41; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 20, 25, 26, 166, 167 | 1.5. I shall also endeavor to give an account of the reasons why it hath so happened, that there hath not been a great number of Greeks who have made mention of our nation in their histories. I will, however, bring those Grecians to light who have not omitted such our history, for the sake of those that either do not know them, or pretend not to know them already. |
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| 114. Ovid, Amores, 2.8.27-2.8.28, 2.16.13-2.16.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 197; Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 238 |
| 115. Livy, Per., 1.10.5-1.10.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 29 |
| 116. Livy, History, 22.43.10, 1.46.3, 8.9, 44.37.8, 44.37.7, 44.37.6, 44.37.5, 26.19, 43.13.1, 44.37.9, 43.4.7, 39.4, 38.43.5, 38.9, 33.27.4, 32.16, 24.47.15, 33.27.3, pr. 9, 1.51, 23.22.10, 9.38.15, 23.22.11, 22.42.7, 22.11.1, 24.8.17, 23.14.3, 23.14.2, 22.57.9, 22.57.8, 23.14.4, 22.42.9, 7.3.9, 22.42.10, 22.42.1, 22.42.2, 22.42.3, 22.41.2, 22.42.5, 22.42.6, 22.42.8, 22.42.4, 22.54.7-58.8, 22.57.3, 22.57.1, 22.57.6, 22.57.5, 22.57.4, 22.57.2, 24.9.2, 24.9.1, 8.29.9, 8.29.10, 8.29.6, 8.29.12, 8.29.7, 8.29.8, 9.38.14, 8.40, 8.38.1-39.15, 3.18.7, 8.29.11, 8.29.14, 3.18.2, 8.29.13, 7.20.1, 6.28.4, 2.18.9, 2.30.4, 8.43.2, 9.26.7, 1.18, 34.7.1, 1.32, 1.36, 2.39.12, 2.54.5, 34.7.3, 34.7.2, 4.25.13, 24.16, 24.32, 45.44, 35.1.4, 35.1.3, 35.1.1, 35.1.12, 35.1.11, 35.1.10, 35.1.9, 34.17.2, 35.1.5, 35.1.6, 35.1.7, 35.1.8, 35.1.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 197 |
117. Vergil, Aeneis, a b c d\n0 7.791 7.791 7 791\n1 1.103 1.103 1 103\n2 1.102 1.102 1 102\n3 1.86 1.86 1 86\n4 1.85 1.85 1 85\n5 1.400 1.400 1 400\n6 1.394 1.394 1 394\n7 1.393 1.393 1 393\n8 1.395 1.395 1 395\n9 1.399 1.399 1 399\n10 1.398 1.398 1 398\n11 1.397 1.397 1 397\n12 1.396 1.396 1 396\n13 3.407 3.407 3 407\n14 3.406 3.406 3 406\n15 3.405 3.405 3 405\n16 3.404 3.404 3 404\n17 3.403 3.403 3 403\n18 8.684 8.684 8 684\n19 5.116 5.116 5 116\n20 5.121 5.121 5 121\n21 5.117 5.117 5 117\n22 5.123 5.123 5 123\n23 "5.568" "5.568" "5 568"\n24 5.122 5.122 5 122 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79| 7.791. (argumentum ingens), et custos virginis Argus | 7.791. close to my journey's end, thou spoilest me |
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118. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.61-1.66, 2.264 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 32, 194| 1.61. Eurus ad Auroram Nabataeaque regna recessit 1.62. Persidaque et radiis iuga subdita matutinis; 1.63. vesper et occiduo quae litora sole tepescunt, 1.64. proxima sunt Zephyro: Scythiam septemque triones 1.65. horrifer invasit Boreas: contraria tellus 1.66. nubibus adsiduis pluviaque madescit ab Austro. 2.264. exsistunt montes et sparsas Cycladas augent. | 1.61. and by a fifth consumed with ardent heat, 1.62. with such a number did the careful God 1.63. mark off the compassed weight, and thus the earth 1.64. received as many climes.—Such heat consume 1.65. the middle zone that none may dwell therein; 1.66. and two extremes are covered with deep snow; 2.264. has been abandoned, and the pilot leave 2.264. mote on their breasts, and made the woods resound, |
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| 119. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, a b c d\n0 10.5.2 10.5.2 10 5\n1 12.10.9 12.10.9 12 10\n2 12.10.8 12.10.8 12 10\n3 12.10.3 12.10.3 12 10\n4 12.10.4 12.10.4 12 10\n5 12.10.5 12.10.5 12 10\n6 12.10.6 12.10.6 12 10\n7 12.10.7 12.10.7 12 10\n8 1.6.33 1.6.33 1 6\n9 8.3.6 8.3.6 8 3\n10 1.4.3 1.4.3 1 4\n11 2.14.2 2.14.2 2 14\n12 2.14.3 2.14.3 2 14\n13 2.14.4 2.14.4 2 14\n14 2.14.1 2.14.1 2 14\n15 10.1.93 10.1.93 10 1\n16 10.1.94 10.1.94 10 1\n17 10.1.95 10.1.95 10 1\n18 "8.3.66" "8.3.66" "8 3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 30 |
| 120. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, a b c d\n0 129 129 129 None\n1 "94.5" "94.5" "94 5" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 279 |
| 121. Plutarch, On Superstition, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183 |
122. Plutarch, Fabius, 4.1-4.2, 22.5-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 67; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 87| 22.5. πάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων λέγεται τὸν γραμματέα πυθέσθαι τοῦ Φαβίου περὶ τῶν θεῶν τί κελεύει, τὰς γραφὰς οὕτω προσαγορεύσαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας· τὸν οὖν Φάβιον εἰπεῖν ἀπολείπωμεν τοὺς θεοὺς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered: Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered:Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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| 123. Plutarch, Lucullus, 12.2-12.4, 41.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 237; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 |
124. Plutarch, Marcellus, 24.10-24.13, 25.1-25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 67; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79, 88 | 21. When Marcellus was recalled by the Romans to the war in their home territories, he carried back with him the greater part and the most beautiful of the dedicatory offerings in Syracuse, that they might grace his triumph and adorn his city. For before this time Rome neither had nor knew about such elegant and exquisite productions, nor was there any love there for such graceful and subtle art;,but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f.,Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying:,Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines. Cf. the Fabius Maximus, xxii. 5. And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture,,and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. |
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125. Plutarch, Marius, 42.4-42.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 255| 42.4. Ὀκτάβιον δὲ Χαλδαῖοι καὶ θύται τινὲς καὶ σιβυλλισταὶ πείσαντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατέσχον, ὡς εὖ γενησομένων. ὁ γὰρ ἀνήρ οὗτος δοκεῖ, τἆλλα Ῥωμαίων εὐγνωμονέστατος γενόμενος καὶ μάλιστα δὴ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ὑπατείας ἀκολάκευτον ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμων ὥσπερ διαγραμμάτων ἀμεταβόλων διαφυλάξας, ἀρρωστίᾳ τῇ περὶ ταῦτα χρήσασθαι, πλείονα συνὼν χρόνον ἀγύρταις καὶ μάντεσιν ἢ πολιτικοῖς καὶ πολεμικοῖς ἀνδράσιν. | 42.4. But Octavius was persuaded by certain Chaldaeans, sacrificers, and interpreters of the Sibylline books to remain in the city, on the assurance that matters would turn out well. For it would seem that this man, although he was in other ways the most sensible man in Rome, and most careful to maintain the dignity of the consular office free from undue influence in accordance with the customs of the country and its laws, which he regarded as unchangeable ordices, had a weakness in this direction, since he spent more time with charlatans and seers than with men who were statesmen and soldiers. |
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| 126. Plutarch, Moralia, 266d, 266e, 267a, 267b, 267c, 266c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 161 |
| 127. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, a b c d\n0 "4.2" "4.2" "4 2"\n1 "4.1" "4.1" "4 1"\n2 "4.6" "4.6" "4 6" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pasco-Pranger, Founding the Year: Ovid's Fasti and the Poetics of the Roman Calendar (2006) 87 |
128. Plutarch, Pompey, 68.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 237| 68.2. τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους Πομπήϊος εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιόντος αὐτόν κροτεῖν τὸν δῆμον, αὐτὸς δὲ κοσμεῖν ἱερὸν Ἀφροδίτης νικηφόρου πολλοῖς λαφύροις. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐθάρρει, τὰ δὲ ὑπέθραττεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὄψις, δεδοικότα μὴ τῷ γένει τῷ Καίσαρος εἰς Ἀφροδίτην ἀνήκοντι δόξα καὶ λαμπρότης ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ γένηται· καὶ πανικοί τινες θόρυβοι διᾴττοντες ἐξανέστησαν αὐτόν. | 68.2. That night Pompey dreamed that as he entered his theatre the people clapped their hands, and that he decorated a temple of Venus Victrix with many spoils. On some accounts he was encouraged, but on others depressed, by the dream; he feared lest the race of Caesar, which went back to Venus, was to receive glory and splendour through him; and certain panic tumults which went rushing through the camp roused him from sleep. |
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129. Plutarch, Publicola, 15.3-15.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 229| 15.3. ὁ δὲ τέταρτος οὗτος ὑπὸ Δομετιανοῦ καὶσυνετελέσθη καὶ καθιερώθη. λέγεται δὲ Ταρκύνιον εἰς τοὺς θεμελίους ἀναλῶσαι λίτρας ἀργυρίου τετρακισμυρίας· τούτου δὲ τοῦ καθʼ ἡμᾶς τὸν μέγιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν πλοῦτον ἐκλογισθέντα τὸ τῆς χρυσώσεως μὴ τελέσαι ἂν ἀνάλωμα, πλέον ἢ δισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ταλάντων γενόμενον. 15.4. οἱ δὲ κίονες ἐκ τοῦ Πεντελῆσιν ἐτμήθησαν λίθου, κάλλιστα τῷ πάχει πρὸς τὸ μῆκος ἔχοντες· εἴδομεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς Ἀθήνησιν. ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πληγέντες αὖθις καὶ ἀναξυσθέντες οὐ τοσοῦτον ἔσχον γλαφυρίας ὅσον ἀπώλεσαν συμμετρίας καὶ καὶ supplied by Bekker, after G. Hermann; συμμετρίας τοῦ καλοῦ ( the symmetry of their beauty ). τοῦ καλοῦ, διάκενοικαὶ λαγαροὶ φανέντες. 15.5. ὁ μέντοι θαυμάσας τοῦ Καπιτωλίου τὴν πολυτέλειαν, εἰ μίαν εἶδεν ἐν οἰκίᾳ Δομετιανοῦ στοὰν ἢ βασιλικὴν ἢ βαλανεῖον ἢ παλλακίδων δίαιταν, οἷόν ἐστι τὸ λεγόμενον Ἐπιχάρμου πρὸς τὸν ἄσωτον, οὐ φιλάνθρωπος τύ γʼ ἐσσʼ· ἔχεις νόσον χαίρεις διδούς, τοιοῦτον ἄν τι πρὸς Δομετιανὸν εἰπεῖν προήχθη· οὐκ εὐσεβὴς οὐδὲ φιλότιμος τύ γʼ ἐσσί· ἔχεις νόσον χαίρεις κατοικοδομῶν, ὥσπερ ὁ Μίδας ἐκεῖνος, ἅπαντά σοι χρυσᾶ καὶ λίθινα βουλόμενος γίνεσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων. | 15.3. The fourth temple, which is now standing on the same site as the others, was both completed and consecrated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin expended upon its foundations forty thousand pounds of silver. But time greatest wealth now attributed to any private citizen of Rome would not pay the cost of the gilding alone of the present temple, which was more than twelve thousand talents. For purposes of comparison a talent may be reckoned as worth £250, or |
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| 130. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 10-11, 14, 24, 40, 81, 63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 27 |
| 131. Plutarch, Table Talk, 4, 5, 668b, 668e, 684e, 685d, 746j, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183 |
132. Plutarch, Romulus, 11.1-11.2, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •varro (m. terentius varro) •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 67; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 85; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 87; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 252| 11.1. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμύλος ἐν τῇ Ῥεμωρίᾳ Ῥεμωνίᾳ Coraës and Bekker, with C: Ῥεμορίᾳ . θάψας τὸν Ῥέμον ὁμοῦ καὶ τοὺς τροφεῖς, ᾤκιζε τὴν πόλιν, ἐκ Τυρρηνίας μεταπεμψάμενος ἄνδρας ἱεροῖς τισι θεσμοῖς καὶ γράμμασιν ὑφηγουμένους ἕκαστα καὶ διδάσκοντας ὥσπερ ἐν τελετῇ. βόθρος γὰρ ὠρύγη περὶ τὸ νῦν Κομίτιον κυκλοτερής, ἀπαρχαί τε πάντων, ὅσοις νόμῳ μὲν ὡς καλοῖς ἐχρῶντο, φύσει δʼ ὡς ἀναγκαίοις, ἀπετέθησαν ἐνταῦθα. καὶ τέλος ἐξ ἧς ἀφῖκτο γῆς ἕκαστος ὀλίγην κομίζων μοῖραν ἔβαλλον εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ συνεμείγνυον. 16.8. Κόσσος μὲν οὖν καὶ Μάρκελλος ἤδη τεθρίπποις εἰσήλαυνον, αὐτοὶ τὰ τρόπαια φέροντες· Ῥωμύλον δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς φησιν ἅρματι χρήσασθαι Διονύσιος. Ταρκύνιον γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Δημαράτου τῶν βασιλέων πρῶτον εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐξᾶραι τοὺς θριάμβους· ἕτεροι δὲ πρῶτον ἐφʼ ἅρματος θριαμβεῦσαι Ποπλικόλαν. τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλου τὰς εἰκόνας ὁρᾶν ἔστιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰς τροπαιοφόρους πεζὰς ἁπάσας. | 11.1. Romulus buried Remus, together with his foster-fathers, in the Remonia, See chapter ix. 4. and then set himself to building his city, after summoning from Tuscany men who prescribed all the details in accordance with certain sacred ordices and writings, and taught them to him as in a religious rite. A circular trench was dug around what is now the Comitium, A space adjoining the forum where the people met in assembly. The mundus, or augural centre of the city, was really on thePalatine. and in this were deposited first-fruits of all things the use of which was sanctioned by custom as good and by nature as necessary; and finally, every man brought a small portion of the soil of his native land, and these were cast in among the first-fruits and mingled with them. 16.8. Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Antiq. Rom. ii. 34. is incorrect in saying that Romulus used a chariot. For it is matter of history that Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, was first of the kings to lift triumphs up to such pomp and ceremony, although others say that Publicola was first to celebrate a triumph riding on a chariot. Cf. Publicola, ix. 5. And the statues of Romulus bearing the trophies are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot. 12. Now it is agreed that the city was founded on the twenty-first of April, and this day the Romans celebrate with a festival, calling it the birthday of their country. And at first, as it is said, they sacrificed no living creature at that festival, but thought they ought to keep it pure and without stain of blood, since it commemorated the birth of their country. However, even before the founding of the city, they had a pastoral festival on that day, and called it Parilia.,At the present time, indeed, there is no agreement between the Roman and Greek months, but they say that the day on which Romulus founded his city was precisely the thirtieth of the month, and that on that day there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, with an eclipse, which they think was the one seen by Antimachus, the epic poet of Teos, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. 754 B.C.,And in the times of Varro the philosopher, a Roman who was most deeply versed in history, there lived Tarutius, a companion of his, who, besides being a philosopher and a mathematician, had applied himself to the art of casting nativities, in order to indulge a speculative turn of mind, and was thought to excel in it.,To this man Varro gave the problem of fixing the day and hour of the birth of Romulus, making his deductions from the conjunctions of events reported in the man’s life, just as the solutions of geometrical problems are derived; for the same science, he said, must be capable not only of foretelling a man’s life when the time of his birth is known, but also, from the given facts of his life, of hunting out the time of his birth.,This task, then Tarutius performed, and when he had taken a survey of the man’s experiences and achievements, and had brought together the time of his life, the manner of his death, and all such details, he very courageously and bravely declared that Romulus was conceived in his mother’s womb in the first year of the second Olympiad, 772 B.C. in the month Choeac of the Egyptian calendar, on the twenty-third day, and in the third hour, when the sun was totally eclipsed; and that he was born in the month Thoth, on the twenty-first day, at sunrise;,and that Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the second and third hour: for it is thought that a city’s fortune, as well as that of a man, has a decisive time, which may be known by the position of the stars at its very origin. These and similar speculations will perhaps attract readers by their novelty and extravagance, rather than offend them by their fabulous character. |
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133. Plutarch, Sulla, 5.11, 9.7-9.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 237; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 255| 9.7. ἀλλʼ ἐμπαθὴς ὢν καὶ τῷ θυμῷ παραδεδωκὼς τὴν τῶν πρασσομένων ἡγεμονίαν, ὅς γε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μόνον ἑώρα, φίλους δὲ καὶ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκείους εἰς οὐδένα λόγον θέμενος οὐδʼ οἶκτον κατῄει διὰ πυρός, ᾧ τῶν αἰτίων καὶ μὴ διάγνωσις οὐκ ἦν. τούτων δὲ γινομένων Μάριος ἐξωσθεὶς πρὸς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερὸν ἐκάλει διὰ κηρύγματος ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸ οἰκετικόν ἐπελθόντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων κρατηθεὶς ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως. | 9.7. but in a passion, and having surrendered to his anger the command over his actions, since he thought only of his enemies, and without any regard or even pity for friends and kindred and relations, made his entry by the aid of fire, which made no distinction between the guilty and the innocent. Meanwhile Marius, who had been driven back to the temple of Tellus, made a proclamation calling the slaves to his support under promise of freedom; but the enemy coming on, he was overpowered and fled from the city. 10 |
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| 134. Plutarch, Theseus, 27 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 135 |
| 135. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 837d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 136. Plutarch, On The Education of Children, 7d (10) (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 90 |
| 137. Plutarch, Crassus, 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica •varro, m. terentius, estates of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 125 |
| 138. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 6, 212 |
| 139. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79 |
140. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.125-12.126, 14.191, 14.194, 14.196, 14.199, 14.212, 14.223, 14.226, 14.241-14.242, 14.245-14.246, 14.260-14.261, 14.263-14.264, 14.320, 14.323, 15.345, 18.211 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •varro murena, aulus terentius •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224| 12.125. ̔́Ομοιον δέ τι τούτῳ καὶ Μᾶρκον ̓Αγρίππαν φρονήσαντα περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἴδαμεν: τῶν γὰρ ̓Ιώνων κινηθέντων ἐπ' αὐτοὺς καὶ δεομένων τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου, ἵνα τῆς πολιτείας, ἣν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν ̓Αντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου υἱωνὸς ὁ παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν Θεὸς λεγόμενος, 12.126. μόνοι μετέλθωσιν, ἀξιούντων δ', εἰ συγγενεῖς εἰσιν αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαῖοι, σέβεσθαι τοὺς αὐτῶν θεούς, καὶ δίκης περὶ τούτων συστάσης ἐνίκησαν οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι συνηγορήσαντος αὐτοῖς Νικολάου τοῦ Δαμασκηνοῦ: ὁ γὰρ ̓Αγρίππας ἀπεφήνατο μηδὲν αὐτῷ καινίζειν ἐξεῖναι. 14.191. τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι. 14.194. διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι, 14.196. Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.199. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον. 14.212. τῶν πρὸ ἐμοῦ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐν ταῖς ἐπαρχίαις μαρτυρησάντων ̔Υρκανῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπί τε συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων, εὐχαριστήσαντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου αὐτοῖς, καλῶς ἔχει καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπομνημονεύειν καὶ προνοεῖν, ὡς ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ τοῖς ̔Υρκανοῦ παισὶν ὑπὸ συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων ἀξία τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὐνοίας αὐτῶν καὶ ὧν εὐεργέτησαν ἡμᾶς χάρις ἀνταποδοθῇ. 14.223. ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.226. ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.241. Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες Γαί̈ῳ ̔Ραβελλίῳ Γαί̈ου υἱῷ ὑπάτῳ χαίρειν. Σώπατρος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν παρὰ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, δι' ἧς ἐδήλου ἡμῖν παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα, 14.242. ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν. 14.245. Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα. 14.246. βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι. 14.261. δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ' ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι. 14.263. ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ̓Ιουδαίων Μάρκῳ ̓Ιουλίῳ Ποντίου υἱῷ Βρούτῳ ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι τὰ σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου, 14.264. ὁ στρατηγὸς συνεχώρησεν, δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ, τοῦ πράγματος ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀνήκοντος, μηδένα κωλύεσθαι παρατηρεῖν τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν μηδὲ πράττεσθαι ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπιτετράφθαι δ' αὐτοῖς πάντα ποιεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους. 14.323. Τὸ δ' αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Σιδωνίοις καὶ ̓Αντιοχεῦσιν καὶ ̓Αραδίοις ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν ̔Ρωμαίους ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους. 15.345. κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν Καίσαρι τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου τὴν ἀδικίαν. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ̔Ηρώδῃ προσένειμεν, ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ' ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν Τράχωνα γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον: 18.211. ̔Ο δὲ Τιβέριος Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου, σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν, μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον. | 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.323. 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. 15.345. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; 18.211. 9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; |
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141. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.398 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro murena, aulus terentius Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140| 1.398. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν πρώτην ἀκτιάδα προστίθησιν αὐτοῦ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τόν τε Τράχωνα καλούμενον καὶ τὴν προσεχῆ Βαταναίαν τε καὶ τὴν Αὐρανῖτιν χώραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε: Ζηνόδωρος ὁ τὸν Λυσανίου μεμισθωμένος οἶκον οὐ διέλειπεν ἐπαφεὶς τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ Τράχωνος λῃστὰς Δαμασκηνοῖς. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ Οὐάρρωνα τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῆς Συρίας καταφυγόντες ἐδεήθησαν δηλῶσαι τὴν συμφορὰν αὐτῶν Καίσαρι: Καῖσαρ δὲ γνοὺς ἀντεπέστελλεν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ λῃστήριον. | 1.398. 4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. |
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142. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.65, 2.79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183| 2.65. σεδ συπερ ηαεξ, θυομοδο εργο, ινθυιτ, σι συντ ξιυες, εοσδεμ δεος θυος αλεχανδρινι νον ξολυντ? ξυι ρεσπονδεο, θυομοδο ετιαμ, ξυμ υος σιτις αεγψπτιι, ιντερ αλτερυτρος προελιο μαγνο ετ σινε 2.79. αμμιρορ αυτεμ ετιαμ εος, θυι ει ηυιυσμοδι φομιτεμ πραεβυερυντ ιδ εστ ποσιδονιυμ ετ απολλονιυμ μολονις, θυονιαμ αξξυσαντ θυιδεμ νος, θυαρε νος εοσδεμ δεος ξυμ αλιις νον ξολιμυς, μεντιεντες αυτεμ παριτερ ετ δε νοστρο τεμπλο βλασπηεμιας ξομπονεντες ινξονγρυας νον σε πυταντ ιμπιε αγερε, δυμ σιτ υαλδε τυρπισσιμυμ λιβερις θυαλιβετ ρατιονε μεντιρι μυλτο μαγις δε τεμπλο απυδ ξυνξτος ηομινες νομινατο ταντα σανξτιτατε πολλεντε. | 2.65. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.79. 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with such his materials; I mean Posidonius and Apollonius [the son of] Molo, who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us; |
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| 143. Juvenal, Satires, a b c d\n0 1.1.6 1.1.6 1 1\n1 8.20.6 8.20.6 8 20\n2 27.27.13 27.27.13 27 27\n3 29.21.1 29.21.1 29 21\n4 10 10 10 None\n5 3.11 3.11 3 11\n6 "6.425" "6.425" "6 425" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 78 |
144. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.639-1.672, 2.363-2.364, 9.5-9.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro (m. terentius varro) •varro, m. terentius •varro, m. terentius, Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 143; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 69; Keith and Edmondson, Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle (2016) 17, 18 | 1.639. Waving in downward whirl a blazing pine, A fiend patrols the town, like that which erst At Thebes urged on Agave, or which hurled Lycurgus' bolts, or that which as he came From Hades seen, at haughty Juno's word, Brought terror to the soul of Hercules. Trumpets like those that summon armies forth Were heard re-echoing in the silent night: And from the earth arising Sulla's ghost Sang gloomy oracles, and by Anio's wave 1.640. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.641. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.642. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.643. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.644. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.645. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.646. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.647. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.648. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.649. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth 1.650. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.651. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.652. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.653. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.654. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.655. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.656. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.657. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.658. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.659. Brought into being, in accursd flames He bids consume. Then round the walls of RomeEach trembling citizen in turn proceeds. The priests, chief guardians of the public faith, With holy sprinkling purge the open space That borders on the wall; in sacred garb Follows the lesser crowd: the Vestals come By priestess led with laurel crown bedecked, To whom alone is given the right to see Minerva's effigy that came from Troy. 1.660. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.661. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.662. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.663. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.664. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.665. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.666. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.667. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.668. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.669. Next come the keepers of the sacred books And fate's predictions; who from Almo's brook Bring back Cybebe laved; the augur too Taught to observe sinister flight of birds; And those who serve the banquets to the gods; And Titian brethren; and the priest of Mars, Proud of the buckler that adorns his neck; By him the Flamen, on his noble head The cap of office. While they tread the path That winds around the walls, the aged seer 1.670. Collects the thunderbolts that fell from heaven, And lays them deep in earth, with muttered words Naming the spot accursed. Next a steer, Picked for his swelling neck and beauteous form, He leads to the altar, and with slanting knife Spreads on his brow the meal, and pours the wine. The victim's struggles prove the gods averse; But when the servers press upon his horns He bends the knee and yields him to the blow. No crimson torrent issued at the stroke, 1.671. Collects the thunderbolts that fell from heaven, And lays them deep in earth, with muttered words Naming the spot accursed. Next a steer, Picked for his swelling neck and beauteous form, He leads to the altar, and with slanting knife Spreads on his brow the meal, and pours the wine. The victim's struggles prove the gods averse; But when the servers press upon his horns He bends the knee and yields him to the blow. No crimson torrent issued at the stroke, 1.672. Collects the thunderbolts that fell from heaven, And lays them deep in earth, with muttered words Naming the spot accursed. Next a steer, Picked for his swelling neck and beauteous form, He leads to the altar, and with slanting knife Spreads on his brow the meal, and pours the wine. The victim's struggles prove the gods averse; But when the servers press upon his horns He bends the knee and yields him to the blow. No crimson torrent issued at the stroke, 2.363. Shall give Hesperia peace and end her toils. Who then will reign shall find no need for war. You ask, 'Why follow Magnus? If he wins He too will claim the Empire of the world.' Then let him, conquering with my service, learn Not for himself to conquer." Thus he spoke And stirred the blood that ran in Brutus' veins Moving the youth to action in the war. Soon as the sun dispelled the chilly night, The sounding doors flew wide, and from the tomb 2.364. Shall give Hesperia peace and end her toils. Who then will reign shall find no need for war. You ask, 'Why follow Magnus? If he wins He too will claim the Empire of the world.' Then let him, conquering with my service, learn Not for himself to conquer." Thus he spoke And stirred the blood that ran in Brutus' veins Moving the youth to action in the war. Soon as the sun dispelled the chilly night, The sounding doors flew wide, and from the tomb 9.5. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, 9.6. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, 9.7. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, 9.8. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, 9.9. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, 9.10. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day 9.11. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day 9.12. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day 9.13. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day 9.14. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day |
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| 145. Martial, Epigrams, 5.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
146. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.103, 3.44-3.45, 3.47, 3.58-3.60, 3.90 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 266; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 245, 342 | 3.45. But in addition to the natural philosophers and Homer, who all said that the entire known world was surrounded by sea, there is Cornelius Nepos, who is more dependable as an authority because he is more modern. Nepos, however, adduces Quintus Metellus Celer as witness of the fact, and he records that Metellus reported it as follows. When Celer was proconsul of Gaul, certain Indians were presented to him as a gift by the king of the Boii. By asking what route they had followed to reach there, Celer learned that they had been snatched by storm from Indian waters, that they had traversed the intervening region, and that finally they had arrived on the shores of Germany. Ergo, the sea is continuous, but the rest of that same coast is frozen by the unremitting cold and is therefore deserted. 3.90. Hanno the Carthaginian, however, was dispatched by his people to explore it. When he had exited Our Sea through the mouth of Ocean and circumnavigated a great part of it, he had reported back that Africa was deficient not in sea but in the hustle and bustle of human life. In the time of our ancestors, while running away from King Lathyrus of Alexandria, a certain Eudoxus set out from the Arabian Gulf by this sea, as Nepos affirms, and he sailed all the way to Gades. That is why its coasts are, to a certain extent, known. |
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| 147. Columella, De Re Rustica, 4.2, 9.pre1, 1.6.1, 1.6.2, 8.14.8, 1.6.3, 1.6.5, 1.6.6, 1.6.7, 1.6.4, 1.6.9, 1.6.8, 1.6.13, 1.6.12, 1.6.11, 1.6.10, 1.6.24, 1.6.23, 1.6.22, 1.6.21, 1.6.20, 1.6.19, 1.6.18, 1.6.17, 1.6.16, 1.6.15, 1.6.14, 8.1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42 |
| 148. Mishnah, Oholot, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Balberg, Purity, Body, and Self in Early Rabbinic Literature (2014) 107 |
149. New Testament, Mark, 5.11-5.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42| 5.11. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἀγέλη χοίρων μεγάλη βοσκομένη· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.14. Καὶ οἱ βόσκοντες αὐτοὺς ἔφυγον καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἀγρούς· καὶ ἦλθον ἰδεῖν τί ἐστιν τὸ γεγονός. | 5.11. Now there was on the mountainside a great herd of pigs feeding. 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.14. Those who fed them fled, and told it in the city and in the country. The people came to see what it was that had happened. |
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| 150. Persius, Satires, 1.71-1.72, 5.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 142; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 119 |
| 151. Persius, Saturae, 1.71-1.72, 5.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 142; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 119 |
152. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, a b c d\n0 26 26 26 None\n1 54 54 54 None\n2 89 89 89 None\n3 7 7 7 None\n4 83 83 83 None\n5 "38.15" "38.15" "38 15" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 26 | 26. By this time Psyche had thrown the bridal veil over the child's head; our pathic friend was marching in front with a torch; a long procession of drunken women followed, clapping their hands, having previously decked the marriage bed with a splendid coverlet. Then Quartilla, fired by the wanton pleasantry, likewise rose from table, and seizing Giton drew him into the chamber. The lad was not at all loath to go, and even the child manifested very little fear or reluctance at the name of matrimony. In due course when they were in bed and the door shut, we sat down on the threshold of the nuptial chamber, and first of all Quartilla applied an inquisitive eye to a crack in the door contrived for some such naughty purpose, and watched their childish dalliance with lecherous intentness. She drew me gently to her side to enjoy the same spectacle, and our faces being close together as we looked, she would, at every interval in the performance, twist her lips sideways to meet mine, and kept continually pecking at me with a sort of furtive kisses.. . . . We threw ourselves into bed and spent the rest of the night without terrors. . . . The third day had come. A good dinner was promised. But we were bruised and sore. Escape was better even than rest. We were making some melancholy plans for avoiding the coming storm, when one of Agamemnon's servants came up as we stood hesitating, and said, "Do you not know at whose house it is today? Trimalchio, a very rich man, who has a clock and a uniformed trumpeter in his dining-room, to keep telling him how much of his life is lost and gone." We forgot our troubles and hurried into our clothes, and told Giton, who till now had been waiting on us very willingly, to follow us to the baths. |
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153. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, a b c d\n0 26 26 26 None\n1 54 54 54 None\n2 89 89 89 None\n3 83 83 83 None\n4 7 7 7 None\n5 "38.15" "38.15" "38 15" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 26 | 26. By this time Psyche had thrown the bridal veil over the child's head; our pathic friend was marching in front with a torch; a long procession of drunken women followed, clapping their hands, having previously decked the marriage bed with a splendid coverlet. Then Quartilla, fired by the wanton pleasantry, likewise rose from table, and seizing Giton drew him into the chamber. The lad was not at all loath to go, and even the child manifested very little fear or reluctance at the name of matrimony. In due course when they were in bed and the door shut, we sat down on the threshold of the nuptial chamber, and first of all Quartilla applied an inquisitive eye to a crack in the door contrived for some such naughty purpose, and watched their childish dalliance with lecherous intentness. She drew me gently to her side to enjoy the same spectacle, and our faces being close together as we looked, she would, at every interval in the performance, twist her lips sideways to meet mine, and kept continually pecking at me with a sort of furtive kisses.. . . . We threw ourselves into bed and spent the rest of the night without terrors. . . . The third day had come. A good dinner was promised. But we were bruised and sore. Escape was better even than rest. We were making some melancholy plans for avoiding the coming storm, when one of Agamemnon's servants came up as we stood hesitating, and said, "Do you not know at whose house it is today? Trimalchio, a very rich man, who has a clock and a uniformed trumpeter in his dining-room, to keep telling him how much of his life is lost and gone." We forgot our troubles and hurried into our clothes, and told Giton, who till now had been waiting on us very willingly, to follow us to the baths. |
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| 154. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, a b c d\n0 2.152.1 2.152.1 2 152\n1 6.183 6.183 6 183\n2 2.122 2.122 2 122\n3 2.121 2.121 2 121\n4 2.120 2.120 2 120\n.. ... ... .. ...\n82 8.166 8.166 8 166\n83 7.197 7.197 7 197\n84 33.66 33.66 33 66\n85 35.125 35.125 35 125\n86 34.36 34.36 34 36\n\n[87 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79 |
155. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.10-28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 215| 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. | 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight. |
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156. New Testament, Romans, 10.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 103| 10.17. ἄρα ἡ πίστις ἐξ ἀκοῆς, ἡ δὲ ἀκοὴ διὰ ῥήματος Χριστοῦ. | 10.17. So faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the word of God. |
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| 157. Martial, Epigrams, 5.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
| 158. Ptolemy, Geography, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5 |
| 159. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.77, 1.97, 2.69, 2.443, 3.94, 4.1-4.51, 5.404 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •terentius varro, m. •varro, m. terentius •m. terentius varro •terentius varro, m., on saecula •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, proscription of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 237; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 1, 2, 5, 213; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 123; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 117, 130 |
160. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.4.1, 1.8.1, 8.11.1, 1.8.11, 5.4.3, 3.1.1, 2.2.9, 3.5.1b, 8.1, 6.3.10, "9.1.1" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 106 | 1.4.1. Lucius Tarquinius the king, having a mind to add other troops of knights to the troops which Romulus had enrolled in accordance with the auspices, was opposed by the augur Attus Navius, and in a great fury asked him, if that which he thought of might be done. When Attus took the auspices and answered that it might, the king commanded him to cleave a whet-stone with a razor. As soon as it was brought, Attus achieved this incredible task, and made the king admire the effect of his profession. |
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| 161. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 103, 28, 95 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 238 |
| 162. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 7.16.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 336 |
| 163. Appian, The Illyrian Wars, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 |
| 164. Appian, The Spanish Wars, 50-51, 53-60, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 242 |
| 165. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42 |
166. Tacitus, Annals, 3.2, 6.11.3, 6.12.1-6.12.3, 6.18-6.19, 6.20.1-6.20.2, 16.12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro murena, aulus terentius •m. terentius varro Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 123; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224| 3.2. Miserat duas praetorias cohortis Caesar, addito ut magistratus Calabriae Apulique et Campani suprema erga memoriam filii sui munera fungerentur. igitur tribunorum centurionumque umeris cineres portabantur; praecedebant incompta signa, versi fasces; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur, atrata plebes, trabeati equites pro opibus loci vestem odores aliaque funerum sollemnia cremabant. etiam quorum diversa oppida, tamen obvii et victimas atque aras dis Manibus statuentes lacrimis et conclamationibus dolorem testabantur. Drusus Tarracinam progressus est cum Claudio fratre liberisque Germanici, qui in urbe fuerant. consules M. Valerius et M. Aurelius (iam enim magistratum occeperant) et senatus ac magna pars populi viam complevere, disiecti et ut cuique libitum flentes; aberat quippe adulatio, gnaris omnibus laetam Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari. 3.2. Eodem anno Tacfarinas, quem priore aestate pulsum a Camillo memoravi, bellum in Africa renovat, vagis primum populationibus et ob pernicitatem inultis, dein vicos excindere, trahere gravis praedas; postremo haud procul Pagyda flumine cohortem Romanam circumsedit. praeerat castello Decrius impiger manu, exercitus militia et illam obsidionem flagitii ratus. is cohortatus milites, ut copiam pugnae in aperto faceret aciem pro castris instruit. primoque impetu pulsa cohorte promptus inter tela occursat fugientibus, increpat signiferos quod inconditis aut desertoribus miles Romanus terga daret; simul exceptat vulnera et quamquam transfosso oculo adversum os in hostem intendit neque proelium omisit donec desertus suis caderet. 6.18. Dein redeunt priores metus postulato maiestatis Considio Proculo; qui nullo pavore diem natalem celebrans raptus in curiam pariterque damnatus interfectusque, et sorori eius Sanciae aqua atque igni interdictum accusante Q. Pomponio. is moribus inquies haec et huiusce modi a se factitari praetendebat ut parta apud principem gratia periculis Pomponii Secundi fratris mederetur. etiam in Pompeiam Macrinam exilium statuitur cuius maritum Argolicum socerum Laconem e primoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat. pater quoque inlustris eques Romanus ac frater praetorius, cum damnatio instaret, se ipsi interfecere. datum erat crimini quod Theophanen Mytilenaeum proavum eorum Cn. Magnus inter intimos habuisset, quodque defuncto Theophani caelestis honores Graeca adulatio tribuerat. 6.19. Post quos Sex. Marius Hispaniarum ditissimus defertur incestasse filiam et saxo Tarpeio deicitur. ac ne dubium haberetur magnitudinem pecuniae malo vertisse, aerarias aurariasque eius, quamquam publicarentur, sibimet Tiberius seposuit. inritatusque suppliciis cunctos qui carcere attinebantur accusati societatis cum Seiano necari iubet. iacuit immensa strages, omnis sexus, omnis aetas, inlustres ignobiles, dispersi aut aggerati. neque propinquis aut amicis adsistere, inlacrimare, ne visere quidem diutius dabatur, sed circumiecti custodes et in maerorem cuiusque intenti corpora putrefacta adsectabantur, dum in Tiberim traherentur ubi fluitantia aut ripis adpulsa non cremare quisquam, non contingere. interciderat sortis humanae commercium vi metus, quantumque saevitia glisceret, miseratio arcebatur. | 3.2. The Caesar had sent two cohorts of his Guard; with further orders that the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania should render the last offices to the memory of his son. And so his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions: before him the standards went unadorned, the Axes reversed; while, at every colony they passed, the commons in black and the knights in official purple burned raiment, perfumes, and other of the customary funeral tributes, in proportion to the resources of the district. Even the inhabitants of outlying towns met the procession, devoted their victims and altars to the departed spirit, and attested their grief with tears and cries. Drusus came up to Tarracina, with Germanicus' brother Claudius and the children who had been left in the capital. The consuls, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had already begun their magistracy), the senate, and a considerable part of the people, filled the road, standing in scattered parties and weeping as they pleased: for of adulation there was none, since all men knew that Tiberius was with difficulty dissembling his joy at the death of Germanicus. < 3.2. The Caesar had sent two cohorts of his Guard; with further orders that the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania should render the last offices to the memory of his son. And so his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions: before him the standards went unadorned, the Axes reversed; while, at every colony they passed, the commons in black and the knights in official purple burned raiment, perfumes, and other of the customary funeral tributes, in proportion to the resources of the district. Even the inhabitants of outlying towns met the procession, devoted their victims and altars to the departed spirit, and attested their grief with tears and cries. Drusus came up to Tarracina, with Germanicus' brother Claudius and the children who had been left in the capital. The consuls, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had already begun their magistracy), the senate, and a considerable part of the people, filled the road, standing in scattered parties and weeping as they pleased: for of adulation there was none, since all men knew that Tiberius was with difficulty dissembling his joy at the death of Germanicus. 6.18. Old fears now returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus; who, while celebrating his birthday without a qualm, was swept off to the senate-house and in the same moment condemned and executed. His sister Sancia was banned from fire and water, the accuser being Quintus Pomponius: a restless character, who pleaded that the object of his activity in this and similar cases was, by acquiring favour with the emperor, to palliate the dangers of his brother Pomponius Secundus. Exile was also the sentence of Pompeia Macrina, whose husband Argolicus and father-inâlaw Laco, two of the most prominent men in Achaia had been struck down by the Caesar. Her father, too, a Roman knight of the highest rank, and her brother, a former praetor, finding their condemnation at hand, committed suicide. The crime laid to their account was that Theophanes of Mytilene (great-grandfather of Pompeia and her brother) had been numbered with the intimates of Pompey, and that, after his death, Greek sycophancy had paid him the honour of deification. < 6.18. Old fears now returned with the indictment for treason of Considius Proculus; who, while celebrating his birthday without a qualm, was swept off to the senate-house and in the same moment condemned and executed. His sister Sancia was banned from fire and water, the accuser being Quintus Pomponius: a restless character, who pleaded that the object of his activity in this and similar cases was, by acquiring favour with the emperor, to palliate the dangers of his brother Pomponius Secundus. Exile was also the sentence of Pompeia Macrina, whose husband Argolicus and father-inâlaw Laco, two of the most prominent men in Achaia had been struck down by the Caesar. Her father, too, a Roman knight of the highest rank, and her brother, a former praetor, finding their condemnation at hand, committed suicide. The crime laid to their account was that Theophanes of Mytilene (great-grandfather of Pompeia and her brother) had been numbered with the intimates of Pompey, and that, after his death, Greek sycophancy had paid him the honour of deification. 6.19. After these, Sextus Marius, the richest man of Spain, was arraigned for incest with his daughter and flung from the Tarpeian Rock; while, to leave no doubt that it was the greatness of his wealth which had redounded to his ruin, his copper-mines and gold-mines, though forfeit to the state, were reserved by Tiberius for himself. And as executions had whetted his appetite, he gave orders for all persons in custody on the charge of complicity with Sejanus to be killed. On the ground lay the huge hecatomb of victims: either sex, every age; the famous, the obscure; scattered or piled in mounds. Nor was it permitted to relatives or friends to stand near, to weep over them, or even to view them too long; but a cordon of sentries, with eyes for each beholder's sorrow, escorted the rotting carcasses, as they were dragged to the Tiber, there to float with the current or drift to the banks, with none to commit them to the flames or touch them. The ties of our common humanity had been dissolved by the force of terror; and before each advance of cruelty compassion receded. < 6.19. After these, Sextus Marius, the richest man of Spain, was arraigned for incest with his daughter and flung from the Tarpeian Rock; while, to leave no doubt that it was the greatness of his wealth which had redounded to his ruin, his copper-mines and gold-mines, though forfeit to the state, were reserved by Tiberius for himself. And as executions had whetted his appetite, he gave orders for all persons in custody on the charge of complicity with Sejanus to be killed. On the ground lay the huge hecatomb of victims: either sex, every age; the famous, the obscure; scattered or piled in mounds. Nor was it permitted to relatives or friends to stand near, to weep over them, or even to view them too long; but a cordon of sentries, with eyes for each beholder's sorrow, escorted the rotting carcasses, as they were dragged to the Tiber, there to float with the current or drift to the banks, with none to commit them to the flames or touch them. The ties of our common humanity had been dissolved by the force of terror; and before each advance of cruelty compassion receded. |
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| 167. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 79 |
| 168. Suetonius, Lives of The Caesars, 52.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro reatinus, marcus terentius Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
169. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 | 18. He was the first to establish a regular salary of a hundred thousand sesterces for Latin and Greek teachers of rhetoric, paid from the privy purse. He also presented eminent poets with princely largess and great rewards, and artists, too, such as the restorer of the Venus of Cos and of the Colossus. To a mechanical engineer, who promised to transport some heavy columns to the Capitol at small expense, he gave no mean reward for his invention, but refused to make use of it, saying: "You must let me feed my poor commons." |
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| 170. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 143 |
171. Suetonius, Nero, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 200 | 46.1. In addition he was frightened by manifest portents from dreams, auspices and omens, both old and new. Although he had never before been in the habit of dreaming, after he had killed his mother it seemed to him that he was steering a ship in his sleep and that the helm was wrenched from his hands; that he was dragged by his wife Octavia into thickest darkness, and that he was now covered with a swarm of winged ants, and now was surrounded by the statues of the nations which had been dedicated in Pompey's theatre and stopped in his tracks. A Spanish steed of which he was very fond was changed into the form of an ape in the hinder parts of its body, and its head, which alone remained unaltered, gave forth tuneful neighs. |
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172. Suetonius, Iulius, 6.2, 41.3, 43.1, 44.2, 74.2, 76.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 295, 296; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 113; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 123 | 6.2. In place of Cornelia he took to wife Pompeia, daughter of Quintus Pompeius and granddaughter of Lucius Sulla. But he afterward divorced her, suspecting her of adultery with Publius Clodius; and in fact the report that Clodius had gained access to her in woman's garb during a public religious ceremony was so persistent, that the senate decreed that the pollution of the sacred rites be judicially investigated. 44.2. to reduce the civil code to fixed limits, and of the vast and prolix mass of statutes to include only the best and most essential in a limited number of volumes; to open to the public the greatest possible libraries of Greek and Latin books, assigning to Marcus Varro the charge of procuring and classifying them; 76.1. Yet after all, his other actions and words so turn the scale, that it is thought that he abused his power and was justly slain. For not only did he accept excessive honours, such as an uninterrupted consulship, the dictatorship for life, and the censorship of public morals, as well as the forename Imperator, the surname of Father of his Country, a statue among those of the kings, and a raised couch in the orchestra; but he also allowed honours to be bestowed on him which were too great for mortal man: a golden throne in the House and on the judgment seat; a chariot and litter in the procession at the circus; temples, altars, and statues beside those of the gods; a special priest, an additional college of the Luperci, and the calling of one of the months by his name. In fact, there were no honours which he did not receive or confer at pleasure. |
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| 173. Suetonius, Tiberius, 14.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 240 |
| 174. Suetonius, Domitianus, 14.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
175. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.4.3, 2.14.1-2.14.4, 8.3.6, 10.1.93-10.1.95, 12.10.3-12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177; Laemmle, Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration (2021) 379; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 7, 23; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 147; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 | 2.14.1. Rhetoric is a Greek term which has been translated into Latin by oratoria or oratrix. I would not for the world deprive the translators of the praise which is their due for attempting to increase the vocabulary of our native tongue; but translations from Greek into Latin are not always satisfactory, just as the attempt to represent Latin words in a Greek dress is sometimes equally unsuccessful. 2.14.2. And the translations in question are fully as harsh as the essentia and queentia of Plautus, and have not even the merit of being exact. For oratoria is formed like elocutoria and oratrix like elocutrix, whereas the rhetoric with which we are concerned is rather to be identified with eloquentia, and the word is undoubtedly used in two senses by the Greeks. 8.3.6. Cicero was right when, in one of his letters to Brutus, he wrote, "Eloquence which evokes no admiration is, in my opinion, unworthy of the name." Aristotle likewise thinks that the excitement of admiration should be one of our first aims. But such ornament must, as I have already said, be bold, manly and chaste, free from all artificial dyes, and must glow with health and vigour. 12.10.3. The first great painters, whose works deserve inspection for something more than their mere antiquity, are said to have been Polygnotus and Aglaophon, whose simple colouring has still such enthusiastic admirers that they prefer these almost primitive works, which may be regarded as the first foundations of the art that was to be, over the works of the greatest of their successors, their motive being, in my opinion, an ostentatious desire to seem persons of superior taste. 12.10.4. Later Zeuxis and Parrhasius contributed much to the progress of painting. These artists were separated by no great distance of time, since both flourished about the period of the Peloponnesian war; for example, Xenophon has preserved a conversation between Socrates and Parrhasius. The first-mentioned seems to have discovered the method of representing light and shade, while the latter is said to have devoted special attention to the treatment of line. 12.10.5. For Zeuxis emphasised the limbs of the human body, thinking thereby to add dignity and grandeur to his style: it is generally supposed that in this he followed the example of Homer, who likes to represent even his female characters as being of heroic mould. Parrhasius, on the other hand, was so fine a draughtsman that he has been styled the law-giver of his art, on the ground that all other artists take his representations of gods and heroes as models, as though no other course were possible. 12.10.6. It was, however, from about the period of the reign of Philip down to that of the successors of Alexander that painting flourished more especially, although the different artists are distinguished for different excellences. Protogenes, for example, was renowned for accuracy, Pamphilus and Melanthius for soundness of taste, Antiphilus for facility, Theon of Samos for his depiction of imaginary scenes, known as ÏανÏαÏίαι, and Apelles for genius and grace, in the latter of which qualities he took especial pride. Euphranor, on the other hand, was admired on the ground that, while he ranked with the most eminent masters of other arts, he at the same time achieved a marvellous skill in the arts of sculpture and painting. 12.10.7. The same differences exist between sculptors. The art of Callon and Hegesias is somewhat rude and recalls the Etruscans, but the work of Calamis has already begun to be less stiff, while Myron's statues show a greater form than had been achieved by the artists just mentioned. Polyclitus surpassed all others for care and grace, but although the majority of critics account him as the greatest of sculptors, to avoid making him faultless they express the opinion that his work is lacking in grandeur. 12.10.8. For while he gave the human form an ideal grace, he is thought to have been less successful in representing the dignity of the gods. He is further alleged to have shrunken from representing persons of maturer years, and to have ventured on nothing more difficult than a smooth and beardless face. But the qualities lacking in Polyclitus are allowed to have been possessed by Phidias and Alcamenes. 12.10.9. On the other hand, Phidias is regarded as more gifted in his representation of gods station of men, and indeed for chryselephantine statues he is without a peer, as he would in truth be, even if he had produced nothing in this material beyond his Minerva at Athens and his Jupiter at Olympia in Elis, whose beauty is such that it is said to have added something even to the awe with which the god was already regarded: so perfectly did the majesty of the work give the impression of godhead. Lysippus and Praxiteles are asserted to be supreme as regards faithfulness to nature. For Demetrius is blamed for carrying realism too far, and is less concerned about the beauty than the truth of his work. |
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| 176. Arrian, Periplus, 9 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 336 |
| 177. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.32.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 154 |
| 178. Suetonius, Galba, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224 |
179. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 2.51, 2.47, 2.49, 2.48, 2.46, 2.41, 2.44, 2.33, 2.32, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39, 2.40, 2.42, 2.43, 2.45, 5.16.1, 5.17, 5.16, 5.15, 2.59, 2.38.4, 6.32, 5.17.1, 5.16.6, 5.16.5, 5.16.4, 5.16.3, 2.50, 5.17.5, 5.18, 5.18.12, 5.18.10, 5.17.2, 5.17.3, 5.17.4, 3 pref, 3 pref 3, 1 pref. 11, 3 pref 1-4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 315, 332 | 2.51. LET me revert for a moment to the lightning that portends something, but a something that does not concern us; for instance, whether the same kind of lightning as has occurred will again occur in the same year. Sometimes lightning contains no indication at all, or one whose grasp eludes us; as, for example, those manifestations of it that are scattered through the spaces of the sea or in lonely deserts. Their indication, if any, is lost. |
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| 180. Soranus, Gynaecology, 2.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 143 |
181. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 88.20, 94.64-94.65, 108.31, 115.6, 123.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 89; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 45; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 147; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 42; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 210 | 94.64. It was not virtue or reason which persuaded Gnaeus Pompeius to take part in foreign and civil warfare; it was his mad craving for unreal glory. Now he attacked Spain and the faction of Sertorius;[34] now he fared forth to enchain the pirates and subdue the seas.[35] These were merely excuses and pretexts for extending his power. 94.64. But let us unite the two. For indeed branches are useless without their roots, and the roots themselves are strengthened by the growths which they have produced. Everyone can understand how useful the hands are; they obviously help us. But the heart, the source of the hands growth and power and motion, is hidden. And I can say the same thing about precepts: they are manifest, while the doctrines of wisdom are concealed. And as only the initiated[29] know the more hallowed portion of the rites, so in philosophy the hidden truths are revealed only to those who are members and have been admitted to the sacred rites. But precepts and other such matters are familiar even to the uninitiated. 94.65. What drew him into Africa, into the North, against Mithridates, into Armenia and all the corners of Asia?[36] Assuredly it was his boundless desire to grow bigger; for only in his own eyes was he not great enough. And what impelled Gaius Caesar to the combined ruin of himself and of the state? Renown, self-seeking, and the setting no limit to pre-eminence over all other men. He could not allow a single person to outrank him, although the state allowed two men to stand at its head. 94.65. Posidonius holds that not only precept-giving (there is nothing to prevent my using this word), but even persuasion, consolation, and encouragement, are necessary. To these he adds the investigation of causes (but I fail to see why I should not dare to call it aetiology, since the scholars who mount guard over the Latin language thus use the term as having the right to do so). He remarks that it will also be useful to illustrate each particular virtue; this science Posidonius calls ethology, while others call it characterization.[30] It gives the signs and marks which belong to each virtue and vice, so that by them distinction may be drawn between like things. |
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182. Suetonius, Augustus, 29.5, 31.1, 72.2, 94.12, 95.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 295; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157; Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 104; Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 237, 243; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 2, 213; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 117 | 29.5. And many such works were built at that time by many men; for example, the temple of Hercules and the Muses by Marcius Philippus, the temple of Diana by Lucius Cornificius, the Hall of Liberty by Asinius Pollio, the temple of Saturn by Munatius Plancus, a theatre by Cornelius Balbus, an amphitheatre by Statilius Taurus, and by Marcus Agrippa in particular many magnificent structures. 30 31.1. After he finally had assumed the office of pontifex maximus on the death of Lepidus (for he could not make up his mind to deprive him of the honour while he lived) he collected whatever prophetic writings of Greek or Latin origin were in circulation anonymously or under the names of authors of little repute, and burned more than two thousand of them, retaining only the Sibylline books and making a choice even among those; and he deposited them in two gilded cases under the pedestal of the Palatine Apollo. 72.2. If ever he planned to do anything in private or without interruption, he had a retired place at the top of the house, which he called "Syracuse" and "technyphion." In this he used to take refuge, or else in the villa of one of his freedmen in the suburbs; but whenever he was not well, he slept at Maecenas's house. For retirement he went most frequently to places by the sea and the islands of Campania, or to the towns near Rome, such as Lanuvium, Praeneste or Tibur, where he very often held court in the colonnades of the Temple of Hercules. 94.12. While in retirement at Apollonia, Augustus mounted with Agrippa to the studio of the astrologer Theogenes. Agrippa was the first to try his fortune, and when a great and almost incredible career was predicted for him, Augustus persisted in concealing the time of his birth and in refusing to disclose it, through diffidence and fear that he might be found to be less eminent. When he at last gave it unwillingly and hesitatingly, and only after many requests, Theogenes sprang up and threw himself at his feet. From that time on Augustus had such faith in his destiny, that he made his horoscope public and issued a silver coin stamped with the sign of the constellation Capricornus, under which he was born. 95 |
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| 183. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, de lingua latina •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 85 |
| 184. Suetonius, De Rhetoribus, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151 |
| 185. Suetonius, Lives of The Caesars, 52.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro reatinus, marcus terentius Found in books: Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 28 |
| 186. Statius, Siluae, 5.2.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
| 187. Tosefta, Oholot, 5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Balberg, Purity, Body, and Self in Early Rabbinic Literature (2014) 107 |
188. Lucian, The Runaways, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 41 | 14. are easily aped: it is a simple matter to assume the cloak and wallet, walk with a stick, and bawl, and bark, and bray, against all corners. They know that they are safe; their cloth protects them. Liberty is thus within their grasp: no need to ask their master's leave; should he attempt to reclaim them, their sticks are at his service. No more short commons for them now, no more of crusts whose dryness is mitigated only by herbs or salt fish: they have choice of meats, drink the best of wines, and take money where they will, shearing the sheep, as they call it when they levy contributions, in the certainty that many will give, from respect to their garb or fear of their tongues. 14. The externals of philosophy, as you know, are easily aped: it is a simple matter to assume the cloak and wallet, walk with a stick, and bawl, and bark, and bray, against all corners. They know that they are safe; their cloth protects them. Liberty is thus within their grasp: no need to ask their master's leave; should he attempt to reclaim them, their sticks are at his service. No more short commons for them now, no more of crusts whose dryness is mitigated only by herbs or salt fish: they have choice of meats, drink the best of wines, and take money where they will, shearing the sheep, as they call it when they levy contributions, in the certainty that many will give, from respect to their garb or fear of their tongues. |
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| 189. Lucian, A True Story, 1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, de lingua latina •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 85 |
| 190. Anon., Acts of Andrew, 430-437, 439, 438 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42 |
| 191. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 26.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, c., dictators, named by •terentius varro, c., enemies of Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263, 264 |
192. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 3.23, 7.5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 29; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 221| 7.5.1. Σμύρναν δὲ ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα πόλεσιν οὖσαν Αἰολέων καὶ οἰκουμένην τῆς χώρας, καθʼ ἃ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι πόλιν ἣν καλοῦσιν ἀρχαίαν, Ἴωνες ἐκ Κολοφῶνος ὁρμηθέντες ἀφελόμενοι τοὺς Αἰολεῖς ἔσχον· χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ Ἴωνες μετέδοσαν Σμυρναίοις τοῦ ἐν Πανιωνίῳ συλλόγου. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Φιλίππου τῆς ἐφʼ ἡμῶν πόλεως ἐγένετο οἰκιστὴς κατʼ ὄψιν ὀνείρατος· | 7.5.1. Smyrna, one of the twelve Aeolian cities, built on that site which even now they call the old city, was seized by Ionians who set out from Colophon and displaced the Aeolians; subsequently, however, the Ionians allowed the Smyrnaeans to take their place in the general assembly at Panionium. The modern city was founded by Alexander, the son of Philip, in accordance with a vision in a dream. |
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| 193. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.46 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 86 |
| 194. Apuleius, Florida, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 96 |
195. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.20 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 106 | 1.20. SUCH was the companion and admirer that he had met with, and in common with him most of his travels and life were passed. And as they fared on into Mesopotamia, the tax-gatherer who presided over the Bridge (Zeugma) led them into the registry and asked them what they were taking out of the country with them. And Apollonius replied: I am taking with me temperance, justice, virtue, continence, valor, discipline. And in this way he strung together a number of feminine nouns or names. The other, already scenting his own perquisites, said: You must then write down in the register these female slaves. Apollonius answered: Impossible, for they are not female slaves that I am taking out with me, but ladies of quality.Now Mesopotamia is bordered on one side by the Tigris, and on the other by the Euphrates, rivers which flow from Armenia and from the lowest slopes of Taurus; but they contain a tract like a continent, in which there are some cities, though for the most part only villages, and the races that inhabit them are the Armenian and the Arab. These races are so shut in by the rivers that most of them, who lead the life of nomads, are so convinced that they are islanders, as to say that they are going down to the sea, when they are merely on their way to the rivers, and think that these rivers border the earth and encircle it. For they curve around the continental tract in question, and discharge their waters into the same sea. But there are people who say that the greater part of the Euphrates is lost in a marsh, and that this river ends in the earth. But some have a bolder theory to which they adhere, and declare that it runs under the earth to turn up in Egypt and mingle itself with the Nile. Well, for the sake of accuracy and truth, and in order to leave out nothing of the things that Damis wrote, I should have liked to relate all the incidents that occurred on their journey through these barbarous regions; but my subject hurries me on to greater and more remarkable episodes. Nevertheless, I must perforce dwell upon two topics: on the courage which Apollonius showed, in making a journey through races of barbarians and robbers, which were not at that time even subject to the Romans, and at the cleverness with which after the matter of the Arabs he managed to understand the language of the animals. For he learnt this on his way through these Arab tribes, who best understand and practice it. For it is quite common for the Arabs to listen to the birds prophesying like any oracles, but they acquire this faculty of understanding them by feeding themselves, so they say, either on the heart or liver of serpents. |
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| 196. Apuleius, On Plato, 1.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 118 |
197. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 54 | 10. Moreover, we must inquire likewise touching schoolmasters; nor only of them, but also all other professors of literature. Nay, on the contrary, we must not doubt that they are in affinity with manifold idolatry: first, in that it is necessary for them to preach the gods of the nations, to express their names, genealogies, honourable distinctions, all and singular; and further, to observe the solemnities and festivals of the same, as of them by whose means they compute their revenues. What schoolmaster, without a table of the seven idols, will yet frequent the Quinquatria? The very first payment of every pupil he consecrates both to the honour and to the name of Minerva; so that, even though he be not said to eat of that which is sacrificed to idols nominally (not being dedicated to any particular idol), he is shunned as an idolater. What less of defilement does he recur on that ground, than a business brings which, both nominally and virtually, is consecrated publicly to an idol? The Minervalia are as much Minerva's, as the Saturnalia Saturn's; Saturn's, which must necessarily be celebrated even by little slaves at the time of the Saturnalia. New-year's gifts likewise must be caught at, and the Septimontium kept; and all the presents of Midwinter and the feast of Dear Kinsmanship must be exacted; the schools must be wreathed with flowers; the flamens' wives and the diles sacrifice; the school is honoured on the appointed holy-days. The same thing takes place on an idol's birthday; every pomp of the devil is frequented. Who will think that these things are befitting to a Christian master, unless it be he who shall think them suitable likewise to one who is not a master? We know it may be said, If teaching literature is not lawful to God's servants, neither will learning be likewise; and, How could one be trained unto ordinary human intelligence, or unto any sense or action whatever, since literature is the means of training for all life? How do we repudiate secular studies, without which divine studies cannot be pursued? Let us see, then, the necessity of literary erudition; let us reflect that partly it cannot be admitted, partly cannot be avoided. Learning literature is allowable for believers, rather than teaching; for the principle of learning and of teaching is different. If a believer teach literature, while he is teaching doubtless he commends, while he delivers he affirms, while he recalls he bears testimony to, the praises of idols interspersed therein. He seals the gods themselves with this name; whereas the Law, as we have said, prohibits the names of gods to be pronounced, and this name to be conferred on vanity. Hence the devil gets men's early faith built up from the beginnings of their erudition. Inquire whether he who catechizes about idols commit idolatry. But when a believer learns these things, if he is already capable of understanding what idolatry is, he neither receives nor allows them; much more if he is not yet capable. Or, when he begins to understand, it behooves him first to understand what he has previously learned, that is, touching God and the faith. Therefore he will reject those things, and will not receive them; and will be as safe as one who from one who knows it not, knowingly accepts poison, but does not drink it. To him necessity is attributed as an excuse, because he has no other way to learn. Moreover, the not teaching literature is as much easier than the not learning, as it is easier, too, for the pupil not to attend, than for the master not to frequent, the rest of the defilements incident to the schools from public and scholastic solemnities. |
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| 198. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 2.8.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
| 199. Tertullian, Apology, 14.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42 |
200. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 2.1.9, 2.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 30 | 2.8. There remains the gentile class of gods among the several nations: these were adopted out of mere caprice, not from the knowledge of the truth; and our information about them comes from the private notions of different races. God, I imagine, is everywhere known, everywhere present, powerful everywhere - an object whom all ought to worship, all ought to serve. Since, then, it happens that even they, whom all the world worships in common, fail in the evidence of their true divinity, how much more must this befall those whom their very votaries have not succeeded in discovering! For what useful authority could possibly precede a theology of so defective a character as to be wholly unknown to fame? How many have either seen or heard of the Syrian Atargatis, the African Cœlestis, the Moorish Varsutina, the Arabian Obodas and Dusaris, or the Norican Belenus, or those whom Varro mentions - Deluentinus of Casinum, Visidianus of Narnia, Numiternus of Atina, or Ancharia of Asculum? And who have any clear notions of Nortia of Vulsinii? There is no difference in the worth of even their names, apart from the human surnames which distinguish them. I laugh often enough at the little coteries of gods in each municipality, which have their honours confined within their own city walls. To what lengths this licence of adopting gods has been pushed, the superstitious practices of the Egyptians show us; for they worship even their native animals, such as cats, crocodiles, and their snake. It is therefore a small matter that they have also deified a man - him, I mean, whom not Egypt only, or Greece, but the whole world worships, and the Africans swear by; about whose state also all that helps our conjectures and imparts to our knowledge the semblance of truth is stated in our own (sacred) literature. For that Serapis of yours was originally one of our own saints called Joseph. The youngest of his brethren, but superior to them in intellect, he was from envy sold into Egypt, and became a slave in the family of Pharaoh king of the country. Importuned by the unchaste queen, when he refused to comply with her desire, she turned upon him and reported him to the king, by whom he is put into prison. There he displays the power of his divine inspiration, by interpreting aright the dreams of some (fellow-prisoners). Meanwhile the king, too, has some terrible dreams. Joseph being brought before him, according to his summons, was able to expound them. Having narrated the proofs of true interpretation which he had given in the prison, he opens out his dream to the king: those seven fat-fleshed and well-favoured cattle signified as many years of plenty; in like manner, the seven lean-fleshed animals predicted the scarcity of the seven following years. He accordingly recommends precautions to be taken against the future famine from the previous plenty. The king believed him. The issue of all that happened showed how wise he was, how invariably holy, and now how necessary. So Pharaoh set him over all Egypt, that he might secure the provision of grain for it, and thenceforth administer its government. They called him Serapis, from the turban which adorned his head. The peck-like shape of this turban marks the memory of his grain-provisioning; while evidence is given that the care of the supplies was all on his head, by the very ears of grain which embellish the border of the head-dress. For the same reason, also, they made the sacred figure of a dog, which they regard (as a sentry) in Hades, and put it under his right hand, because the care of the Egyptians was concentrated under his hand. And they put at his side Pharia, whose name shows her to have been the king's daughter. For in addition to all the rest of his kind gifts and rewards, Pharaoh had given him his own daughter in marriage. Since, however, they had begun to worship both wild animals and human beings, they combined both figures under one form Anubis, in which there may rather be seen clear proofs of its own character and condition enshrined by a nation at war with itself, refractory to its kings, despised among foreigners, with even the appetite of a slave and the filthy nature of a dog. |
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| 201. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.28 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 202. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, f217 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 245 |
203. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.6-2.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, Found in books: Keith and Edmondson, Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle (2016) 17, 18 | 2.6. The charms of PhotisBut my curiosity was aroused, and as soon as I heard the word 'magic' instead of being cautious of Pamphile I longed to embark, willingly and of my own accord, on an apprenticeship in such matters, whatever the cost, and go leaping headlong into the deepest pit. Mad with impatience, I loosed myself at last from Byrrhena's clasp as from handcuffs, added a quick 'Farewell!' and fled swiftly back to Milo's house. While speeding along like a man out of his mind, I kept talking to myself: 'Now Lucius keep your wits about you and stay in control. This is the opportunity you've been waiting for. You'll have your fill of marvellous adventures as you've always wanted. Forget your childish fears, and get to grips with things vigorously, hand to hand; avoid any dallying with your hostess, and respect religiously good Milo's marriage bed, though you can chase Photis the maid as much as you wish. After all she's pretty to look at, has playful ways, and she's as sharp as a needle. Last night when you were giving way to drowsiness, she led you to the bedroom in a friendly way, turned down the sheets seductively, tucked you in quite tenderly, and kissing you on the head showed by her expression how reluctant she was to leave, and then she turned and looked back several times. So that seems good and promising, quite favourable even, and though it may be bad for your health, let Photis be seduced.' I'd arrived at Milo's door still debating with myself and, as they say, making the decision with my feet. I found that neither Milo nor his wife were at home, but only darling Photis. She was preparing diced innards for stuffing, minced meat, soup from the offal, and what I'd already divined with my nostrils, a wonderfully tasty sausage. She was neatly dressed in a linen tunic gathered in with a bright red band beneath her breasts, rotating the cooking pot in her flowerlike fingers, stirring it with a circular motion, at the same time flexing her body smoothly, her hips subtly wiggling, her supple spine gently shaking, rippling delicately. I was transfixed by the sight, completely stunned; I simply stood, and so did that which a moment before had been limply asleep. At last I spoke: 'How beautifully, how delightfully, my dear Photis, your hips rotate that little pot! What a lovely treat you're about! Happy, and blessed for sure, that man whom you'd allow a dip of his little finger.' With a ready and witty tongue she replied: 'Away with you, my lad, keep far away from the heat. If the tiniest flame should touch you even lightly, you'll be badly burned, and no one but me would be able to quench the blaze, I who season things sweetly, and know how to make a stew or a bed to please.' Saying this she turned towards me and laughed. But I refused to go till I'd diligently explored every aspect of her appearance. My first delight has also been – why speak of anything else – the hair on a woman's head; to consider it carefully first in public, and enjoy it later at home. The reason behind this preference of mine is perfectly well-considered: namely that as the main part of the body openly and clearly seen it's the first thing to meet the eyes. And then what gaily-coloured clothes do for the rest of the person, its own natural beauty does for the head. And finally when women wish to prove their true loveliness they remove their dresses, slip off their garments, wishing to show their naked forms, knowing they will be better liked for the blushing glow of their skin than the gilded tissue of silks. But in truth – though it's forbidden to say so, and I hope as such no dreadful example of it ever occurs – if you were to shave the hair from the head of the most marvellously beautiful woman and leave her face naked of its natural adornment, though she had come down from heaven, was born from the sea, nurtured by the waves, even though, I say, she were Venus herself, ringed by the choir of Graces, with a whole throng of Cupids at her side, wearing that famous belt, fragrant with cinnamon and dripping balsam; if she were bald as a coot, she'd not even please a husband like Vulcan. But when hair gleams with its own dear colour and brilliant sheen, when it flames to life in the sun's rays or softly reflects them, and varying in shade displays contrasting charms, now shining gold massed in smooth honeyed shadows, now with raven blackness imitating the purple collar of a pigeon's neck; or when it's glossed with Arabian oils, and parted with a finely toothed comb, caught up behind to greet a lover's eyes, and like a mirror reflect a more pleasing image than reality, or when bunched up its many tresses crown her head, or released in long waves flow down her back! In the end, such is the glory of a woman's hair that though she adorns herself with garments, gold and gems and other finery, unless her hair is groomed she cannot be called well-dressed. As for my Photis, her hair was not elaborate but its casualness added charm. Her soft luxuriant tresses were loosened to hang over her neck, to cover her shoulders and rest a moment on the slightly curved hem of her tunic, then gathered in a mass at the ends and fastened in a knot on the top of her head. I could bear no longer the excruciating torment of such intense delight, but rushing at her I planted the sweetest of kisses on the place where her hair rose towards the crown of her head. She twisted her neck towards me then, and turned to me with a sidelong glance of those sharp eyes. 'Oh you child,' she said, 'bittersweet the taste you sample. Take care not to feel a lasting ache from eating too sugary a honey.' 'What matter, my jester,' I replied, 'if you'll revive me with a little kiss, I'm ready to be stretched out over the flame and roasted.' And with that I clasped her tight and started to kiss her. Her ardour now began to rival my own, mounting to an equal crescendo of passion; her mouth opened, her breath was like cinnamon, and her tongue darted against mine with a taste of nectar, in unrestrained desire. 'I'm dying,' I gasped, 'I'm already lost unless you show mercy.' After kissing me again, she answered: 'Don't despair! Since we both want the one thing, I'm your slave; you won't have to wait much longer. When they light the torches tonight I'll come to your room. off with you now and gather your strength: since I'll be battling with you all night, courageously and with spirit.' |
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| 204. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 6.274, 6.275, 211d (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro, m. Found in books: McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (1999) 42; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 130 |
| 205. Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis, 10.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 94 |
| 206. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 310.19, 310.20, 346.27, 304.33-306.8, 176.20, 176.24, 176.23, 228.23, 228.22, 228.21, 228.20, 176.22, 176.21, 27615-277.2l, 71l, 282, 284, 283 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 27 |
207. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 41.36.2, 41.36.3, 43.21, 44.4.4, 44.6.2, 45.7.2, 46.46.2, 46.46.3, 47.1, 47.2, 47.3, 47.4, 47.5, 47.6, 47.7, 47.8, 47.9, 47.10, 47.11, 47.12, 47.13, 47.14, 47.15, 47.16, 47.17, 49.14.3, 49.16.2, 51.19.2, 53.19.1, 53.19.2, 53.19.3, 53.19.4, 53.19.5, 53.25, 53.30.1, 53.30.2, 54.3.8, 54.24.3, 55.29, 55.30, 55.31, 55.32, 55.33, 55.34, 57.19.4, 59.5, 66.15.1, 75.4.5, 14 peter (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 2, 113, 154, 175; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 200; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 137, 179; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 123; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 117; Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224 | 41.36.2. The latter accepted the office as soon as he entered the city, but committed no act of terror while holding it. On the contrary, he granted a return to all the exiles except Milo, and filled the offices for the ensuing year; for up to that time they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the absentees, 44.4.4. In addition to these remarkable privileges they named him father of his country, stamped this title on the coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sacrifice, ordered that he should have a statue in the cities and in all the temples of Rome, 45.7.2. And when this act also was allowed, no one trying to prevent it through fear of the populace, then at last some of the other decrees already passed in honour of Caesar were put into effect. Thus they called one of the months July after him, and in the course of certain festivals of thanksgiving for victory they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar. 47.7. These acts were committed chiefly by Lepidus and Antony; for they had been honoured by the former Caesar for many years, and as they had been holding offices and governorships for a long time they had many enemies., But Caesar seems to have taken part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, since he himself had no need at all to kill a large number; for he was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father's ways. Moreover, as he was still a young man and had just entered politics, he was under no necessity in any case of hating many persons violently, and, besides, he wished to be loved., A proof of this is that from the time he broke off his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he no longer did anything of the sort. And even at this time he not only refrained from destroying many but actually saved a very large number; and he treated with great severity those who betrayed their masters or friends and very leniently those who helped others. <, Witness the case of Tanusia, a woman of note. She at first concealed her husband Titus Vinius, one of the proscribed, in a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a popular festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the influence of Caesar's sister Octavia brought it about that Caesar alone of the triumvirs entered the theatre., Then she rushed in and informed him of her deed, of which he was still ignorant, brought in the chest itself and produced from it her husband. Caesar, astonished, released all of them â for death was the penalty also for such as concealed anyone â and enrolled Philopoemen among the knights. < 47.7. 1. These acts were committed chiefly by Lepidus and Antony; for they had been honoured by the former Caesar for many years, and as they had been holding offices and governorships for a long time they had many enemies.,2. But Caesar seems to have taken part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, since he himself had no need at all to kill a large number; for he was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father's ways. Moreover, as he was still a young man and had just entered politics, he was under no necessity in any case of hating many persons violently, and, besides, he wished to be loved.,3. A proof of this is that from the time he broke off his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he no longer did anything of the sort. And even at this time he not only refrained from destroying many but actually saved a very large number; and he treated with great severity those who betrayed their masters or friends and very leniently those who helped others.,4. Witness the case of Tanusia, a woman of note. She at first concealed her husband Titus Vinius, one of the proscribed, in a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a popular festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the influence of Caesar's sister Octavia brought it about that Caesar alone of the triumvirs entered the theatre.,5. Then she rushed in and informed him of her deed, of which he was still ignorant, brought in the chest itself and produced from it her husband. Caesar, astonished, released all of them â for death was the penalty also for such as concealed anyone â and enrolled Philopoemen among the knights. < 47.8. So Caesar saved the lives of as many as he could; and Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and was not inexorable toward the others. But Antony killed savagely and mercilessly, not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those who had attempted to assist any of them., He always viewed their heads, even if he happened to be eating, and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. And even Fulvia also caused the death of many, both to satisfy her enmity and to gain their wealth, in some cases men with whom her husband was not even acquainted;, at any rate, when he saw the head of one man, he exclaimed: "I knew not this man!" When, however, the head of Cicero also was brought to them one day (he had been overtaken and slain in flight), Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against it and then ordered it to be exposed on the rostra more prominently than the rest, in order that it might be seen in the very place where Cicero had so often been heard declaiming against him, together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off., And Fulvia took the head into her hands before it was removed, and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the pins that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests., Yet even this pair saved some persons from whom they got more money than they could expect to obtain by their death; and in order that the places for their names on the tablets might not be empty, they inscribed others in their stead. Indeed, with the exception of releasing his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia, Antony performed no praiseworthy act. < 47.8. 1. So Caesar saved the lives of as many as he could; and Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and was not inexorable toward the others. But Antony killed savagely and mercilessly, not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those who had attempted to assist any of them.,2. He always viewed their heads, even if he happened to be eating, and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. And even Fulvia also caused the death of many, both to satisfy her enmity and to gain their wealth, in some cases men with whom her husband was not even acquainted;,3. at any rate, when he saw the head of one man, he exclaimed: "I knew not this man!" When, however, the head of Cicero also was brought to them one day (he had been overtaken and slain in flight), Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against it and then ordered it to be exposed on the rostra more prominently than the rest, in order that it might be seen in the very place where Cicero had so often been heard declaiming against him, together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off.,4. And Fulvia took the head into her hands before it was removed, and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the pins that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests.,5. Yet even this pair saved some persons from whom they got more money than they could expect to obtain by their death; and in order that the places for their names on the tablets might not be empty, they inscribed others in their stead. Indeed, with the exception of releasing his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia, Antony performed no praiseworthy act. < 51.19.2. Moreover, they decreed that the foundation of the shrine of Julius should be adorned with the beaks of the captured ships and that a festival should be held every four years in honour of Octavius; that there should also be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of his victory; also that when he should enter the city the Vestal Virgins and the senate and the people with their wives and children should go out to meet him. 53.19.1. In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times. 53.19.1. In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times. 2 Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records. 53.19.2. Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records. 53.19.3. But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates. 53.19.3. But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates. 4 As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult. 53.19.4. As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult. 53.19.5. In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all. 53.19.5. In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all. 6 Hence in my own narrative of later events, so far as they need to be mentioned, everything that I shall say will be in accordance with reports that have been given out, whether it be really the truth or otherwise. In addition to these reports, however, my own opinion will be given, as far as possible, whenever I have been able, from the abundant evidence which I have gathered from my reading, from hearsay, and from what I have seen, to form a judgment that differs from the common report. 53.25. In this same year Polemon, the king of Pontus, was enrolled among the friends and allies of the Roman people; and the privilege was granted the senators of occupying the front seats in all the theatres of his realm., Augustus was planning an expedition into Britain, since the people there would not come to terms, but he was detained by the revolt of the Salassi and by the hostility of the Cantabri and Astures. The former dwell at the foot of the Alps, as I have stated, whereas both the other tribes occupy the strongest part of the Pyrenees on the side of Spain, together with the plain which lies below., For these reasons Augustus, who was now consul for the ninth time, with Marcus Silanus as colleague, sent Terentius Varro against the Salassi. Varro invaded their country at many points at the same time, in order that they might not join forces and so be more difficult to subdue; and he conquered them very easily, inasmuch as they attacked his divisions only in small groups., After forcing them to come to terms he demanded a stated sum of money, as if he were going to impose no other punishment; then, sending soldiers everywhere ostensibly to collect the money, he arrested those who were of military age and sold them, on the understanding that none of them should be liberated within twenty years., The best of their land was given to some of the Pretorians, and later on received the city called (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Augusta Praetoria. Augustus himself waged war upon the Astures and upon the Cantabri at one and the same time. But these peoples would neither yield to him, because they were confident on account of their strongholds,, nor would they come to close quarters, owing to their inferior numbers and the circumstance that most of them were javelin-throwers, and, besides, they kept causing him a great deal of annoyance, always forestalling him by seizing the higher ground whenever a manoeuvre was attempted, and lying in ambush for him in the valleys and woods., Accordingly Augustus found himself in very great embarrassment, and having fallen ill from over-exertion and anxiety, he retired to Tarraco and there remained in poor health. Meanwhile Gaius Antistius fought against them and accomplished a good deal, not because he was a better general than Augustus,, but because the barbarians felt contempt for him and so joined battle with the Romans and were defeated. In this way he captured a few places, and afterwards Titus Carisius took Lancia, the principal fortress of the Astures, after it had been abandoned, and also won over many other places. 53.25. 1. In this same year Polemon, the king of Pontus, was enrolled among the friends and allies of the Roman people; and the privilege was granted the senators of occupying the front seats in all the theatres of his realm.,2. Augustus was planning an expedition into Britain, since the people there would not come to terms, but he was detained by the revolt of the Salassi and by the hostility of the Cantabri and Astures. The former dwell at the foot of the Alps, as I have stated, whereas both the other tribes occupy the strongest part of the Pyrenees on the side of Spain, together with the plain which lies below.,3. For these reasons Augustus, who was now consul for the ninth time, with Marcus Silanus as colleague, sent Terentius Varro against the Salassi. Varro invaded their country at many points at the same time, in order that they might not join forces and so be more difficult to subdue; and he conquered them very easily, inasmuch as they attacked his divisions only in small groups.,4. After forcing them to come to terms he demanded a stated sum of money, as if he were going to impose no other punishment; then, sending soldiers everywhere ostensibly to collect the money, he arrested those who were of military age and sold them, on the understanding that none of them should be liberated within twenty years.,5. The best of their land was given to some of the Pretorians, and later on received the city called (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Augusta Praetoria. Augustus himself waged war upon the Astures and upon the Cantabri at one and the same time. But these peoples would neither yield to him, because they were confident on account of their strongholds,,6. nor would they come to close quarters, owing to their inferior numbers and the circumstance that most of them were javelin-throwers, and, besides, they kept causing him a great deal of annoyance, always forestalling him by seizing the higher ground whenever a manoeuvre was attempted, and lying in ambush for him in the valleys and woods.,7. Accordingly Augustus found himself in very great embarrassment, and having fallen ill from over-exertion and anxiety, he retired to Tarraco and there remained in poor health. Meanwhile Gaius Antistius fought against them and accomplished a good deal, not because he was a better general than Augustus,,8. but because the barbarians felt contempt for him and so joined battle with the Romans and were defeated. In this way he captured a few places, and afterwards Titus Carisius took Lancia, the principal fortress of the Astures, after it had been abandoned, and also won over many other places. 54.3.8. Indeed, he would have allayed all the criticism of those who were not pleased with what had been done, had he not gone further and permitted sacrifices to be both voted and offered as for a victory. < 57.19.4. In fact, so thoroughly did he investigate and understand the destiny in store for every one of the more prominent men, that on meeting Galba (the later emperor), when the latter had a wife betrothed to him, he remarked: "You also shall one day taste of the sovereignty." He spared him, as I conjecture, because this was settled as his fate, but, as he explained it himself, because Galba would reign only in old age and long after his own death. 59.5. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor., For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public., Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given., At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,, driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. < 59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. < 75.4.5. then choruses of boys and men, singing a dirge-like hymn to Pertinax; there followed all the subject nations, represented by bronze figures attired in native dress, and the guilds of the City itself — those of the lictors, the scribes, the heralds, and all the rest. 6 Then came images of other men who had been distinguished for some exploit or invention or manner of life. Behind these were the cavalry and infantry in armour, the race-horses, and all the funeral offerings that the emperor and we senators and our wives, and the corporations of the City, had sent. Following them came an altar gilded all over and adorned with ivory and gems of India. |
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| 208. Gaius, Instiutiones, 2.101-2.103 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 27 |
| 209. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 1.71, 2.72, 20.9, 22.16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 113, 123; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 42, 155 |
| 210. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.22.8, 2.22.19, 2.22, 17.17.1, 13.15.4., 13.12.6, 13.15.4, 15.17.5, 10.15.3, 11.7.2, praef. 5, 1.25.17, 18.15.2, 10.1.6, 2.8.7, 1.17.5, 1.17.4, 1.17.1, 1.17.2, 1.17.3, 3.9.3, 3.9.4, 3.9.2, 3.9.1, 3.9.5, 3.9.6, 3.10.17, 14.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 197 |
211. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, a b c d\n0 1.6 1.6 1 6\n1 "1.6.7" "1.6.7" "1 6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson, Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s (2019) 224 | 1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum, by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods? |
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| 212. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, a b c d\n0 "1.6.7" "1.6.7" "1 6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, and caesar Found in books: Pasco-Pranger, Founding the Year: Ovid's Fasti and the Poetics of the Roman Calendar (2006) 36 |
213. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.79, 5.86, 5.88-5.89, 8.48, 9.12 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro reatinus, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 84, 90; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 30 | 2.79. He made a request to Dionysius on behalf of a friend and, failing to obtain it, fell down at his feet. And when some one jeered at him, he made reply, It is not I who am to blame, but Dionysius who has his ears in his feet. He was once staying in Asia and was taken prisoner by Artaphernes, the satrap. Can you be cheerful under these circumstances? some one asked. Yes, you simpleton, was the reply, for when should I be more cheerful than now that I am about to converse with Artaphernes? Those who went through the ordinary curriculum, but in their studies stopped short at philosophy, he used to compare to the suitors of Penelope. For the suitors won Melantho, Polydora and the rest of the handmaidens, but were anything but successful in their wooing of the mistress. 5.89. Furthermore, he wrote geometrical and dialectical works, and is, besides, everywhere versatile and lofty in diction, and a great adept at charming the reader's mind.It seems that he delivered his native city from oppressions by assassinating its ruler, as is stated in his work on Men of the Same Name by Demetrius of Magnesia, who also tells the following story about him: As a boy, and when he grew up, he kept a pet snake, and, being at the point of death, he ordered a trusted attendant to conceal the corpse but to place the snake on his bier, that he might seem to have departed to the gods. 8.48. this is declared by Theaetetus's epigram:Know'st one Pythagoras, long-haired Pythagoras,The far-famed boxer of the Samians?I am Pythagoras; ask the EliansWhat were my feats, thou'lt not believe the tale.Favorinus says that our philosopher used definitions throughout the subject matter of mathematics; their use was extended by Socrates and his disciples, and afterwards by Aristotle and the Stoics.Further, we are told that he was the first to call the heaven the universe and the earth spherical, though Theophrastus says it was Parmenides, and Zeno that it was Hesiod. |
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| 214. Babylonian Talmud, Horayot, 17.6-17.15 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •terentius varro, m., on saecula Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 117, 118, 120 |
| 215. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.67, 2.71, 3.10, 3.38, 5.18, 6.1, 6.11, 6.22 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42, 142; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 86, 87, 89, 106 |
| 216. Porphyry, Introduction, Or The Predictables, 1.5-1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 77 |
| 217. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 69 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •terentius varro, m., on saecula Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 117 |
| 218. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 105 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 234 |
| 219. Plotinus, Enneads, 1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 78 |
220. Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, 46-47 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 77, 78 | 47. That is the reason he made so much use of the mathematical disciplines and speculations, which are intermediate between the physical and the incorporeal realm, for the reason that like bodies they have a threefold dimension, and yet share the impassibility of incorporeals; as degrees of preparation to the contemplation of the really existent things; by an artificial reason diverting the eyes of the mind from corporeal things, whose manner and state never remain in the same condition, to a desire for true (spiritual) food. By means of these mathematical sciences therefore, Pythagoras rendered men truly happy, by this artistic introduction of truly [consistent] things. |
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| 221. Nonius Marcellus, De Conpendiosa Doctrina, 135.9, 135.10, 135.11, 551.13, 551.15, 541 m 42, 141 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 97, 99 |
| 222. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.5.4-1.5.7, 1.6.17, 1.6.25, 1.7.36, 1.12.16, 1.12.31, 1.12.34-1.12.35, 1.13.21, 1.14.6-1.14.12, 1.15.8-1.15.13, 1.15.19-1.15.20, 1.16, 1.16.3, 1.16.10, 1.16.18-1.16.20, 1.16.30, 1.16.32-1.16.33, 3.7.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro reatinus, m. terentius •varro, m. terentius •m. terentius varro •terentius varro lucullus, m. •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 24; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151; Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 11; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 21; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 23, 25, 27, 34, 50, 51, 56, 108, 113, 123 |
| 223. Ausonius, Griphus Ternarii Numeri (Edyll. Xi), 33, 32, 31, 30, ep. (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 96 |
| 224. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 5.2.6-5.2.7, 5.23.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5; Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 225. Nonius Marcellus, De Conpendiosa Doctrina, 135.9, 135.10, 135.11, 551.13, 551.15, 541 m 42, 141 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 97, 99 |
226. Augustine, The City of God, 4.31, 6.11, 7.24, 7.6, 19.7, 19.8, 6.4 = Varro Ant. Div. fr. 5 Cardauns, 4.31 = Varro Ant. Div. fr. 12 Cardauns, 6.3 = Varro Ant. Div. fr. 4 Cardauns, 6.9, 6.2, 6.3, 4.31.7, 4.27, 6.5, 18.52, 10.29, "6.2", "7.35" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 212 | 4.31. What says Varro himself, whom we grieve to have found, although not by his own judgment, placing the scenic plays among things divine? When in many passages he is exhorting, like a religious man, to the worship of the gods, does he not in doing so admit that he does not in his own judgment believe those things which he relates that the Roman state has instituted; so that he does not hesitate to affirm that if he were founding a new state, he could enumerate the gods and their names better by the rule of nature? But being born into a nation already ancient, he says that he finds himself bound to accept the traditional names and surnames of the gods, and the histories connected with them, and that his purpose in investigating and publishing these details is to incline the people to worship the gods, and not to despise them. By which words this most acute man sufficiently indicates that he does not publish all things, because they would not only have been contemptible to himself, but would have seemed despicable even to the rabble, unless they had been passed over in silence. I should be thought to conjecture these things, unless he himself, in another passage, had openly said, in speaking of religious rites, that many things are true which it is not only not useful for the common people to know, but that it is expedient that the people should think otherwise, even though falsely, and therefore the Greeks have shut up the religious ceremonies and mysteries in silence, and within walls. In this he no doubt expresses the policy of the so-called wise men by whom states and peoples are ruled. Yet by this crafty device the malign demons are wonderfully delighted, who possess alike the deceivers and the deceived, and from whose tyranny nothing sets free save the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord. The same most acute and learned author also says, that those alone seem to him to have perceived what God is, who have believed Him to be the soul of the world, governing it by design and reason. And by this, it appears, that although he did not attain to the truth - for the true God is not a soul, but the maker and author of the soul - yet if he could have been free to go against the prejudices of custom, he could have confessed and counselled others that the one God ought to be worshipped, who governs the world by design and reason; so that on this subject only this point would remain to be debated with him, that he had called Him a soul, and not rather the creator of the soul. He says, also, that the ancient Romans, for more than a hundred and seventy years, worshipped the gods without an image. And if this custom, he says, could have remained till now, the gods would have been more purely worshipped. In favor of this opinion, he cites as a witness among others the Jewish nation; nor does he hesitate to conclude that passage by saying of those who first consecrated images for the people, that they have both taken away religious fear from their fellow citizens, and increased error, wisely thinking that the gods easily fall into contempt when exhibited under the stolidity of images. But as he does not say they have transmitted error, but that they have increased it, he therefore wishes it to be understood that there was error already when there were no images. Wherefore, when he says they alone have perceived what God is who have believed Him to be the governing soul of the world, and thinks that the rites of religion would have been more purely observed without images, who fails to see how near he has come to the truth? For if he had been able to do anything against so inveterate an error, he would certainly have given it as his opinion both that the one God should be worshipped, and that He should be worshipped without an image; and having so nearly discovered the truth, perhaps he might easily have been put in mind of the mutability of the soul, and might thus have perceived that the true God is that immutable nature which made the soul itself. Since these things are so, whatever ridicule such men have poured in their writings against the plurality of the gods, they have done so rather as compelled by the secret will of God to confess them, than as trying to persuade others. If, therefore, any testimonies are adduced by us from these writings, they are adduced for the confutation of those who are unwilling to consider from how great and maligt a power of the demons the singular sacrifice of the shedding of the most holy blood, and the gift of the imparted Spirit, can set us free. |
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| 227. Avienus, Ora Maritima, 174-175, 177, 176 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 243 |
| 228. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 27.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
| 229. Martianus Capella, On The Marriage of Philology And Mercury, 1.28, 2.112, 2.118, 2.120, 2.126, 2.138, 2.220, 3.221-3.222, 3.229, 3.326, 3.335, 4.335, 5.426, 5.565, 6.578, 6.639, 6.662, 7.729, 8.817, 9.891, 9.928, 9.998 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius •varro, marcus terentius, de grammatica Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 79, 90, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 147 |
| 230. Diomedes Grammarian, Ars Grammatica, 1.485 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 26 |
| 231. Augustine, Sermons, 111 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 232. Symmachus, Letters, 1.3.2, 1.4, 3.11.3, 4.18.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 233. Libanius, Orations, 11.85-11.88 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 29 |
| 234. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.17, 1.6.25, 1.12.16, 1.16.10, 3.7.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius •terentius varro lucullus, m. •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 24; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 151; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 21; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 |
| 235. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.7.9, 2.16.26-2.16.27, 2.17.27, 2.18.28, 2.19.29, 2.20.30, 2.23.36, 2.25.39, 2.29.45-2.29.46, 2.31.48-2.31.49, 3.6.11, 3.29.40, 4.3.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 130 |
| 236. Augustine, De Quantitate Animae, 33.70-33.76 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 72, 98 |
| 237. Augustine, De Ordine Libri Duo, 1.1.3, 1.3.6, 1.8.24, 2.7.45, 2.11.30-2.11.32, 2.12.35-2.12.37, 2.13.38, 2.14.39-2.14.41, 2.15.42-2.15.43, 2.16.45, 2.18.47, 2.20.53-2.20.54 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 70 |
| 238. Charisius, Ars Grammatica (Fragmenta), 1.89 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5 |
| 239. Charisius, Ars Grammatica, 1.89 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5 |
240. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.8.10 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 225 | 22.8.10. The complete voyage around its shores, as one would encircle an island, is a distance of 23,000 Polyb. iv. 39, 1, gives 20,000: Strabo, ii. 5, 22, 25,000; Pliny, N.H. iv. 77, says that Varro made it 21,000, and Nepos, 21,350. stadia, as is asserted by Eratosthenes, Hecataeus, Ptolemy, and other very accurate investigators of such problems; and according to the testimony of all geographers it has the form of a drawn Scythian bow. The descriptions of the Scythian bow in the handbooks on antiquities vary, and are sometimes misleading, in particular the comparison with different forms of the Greek sigma. As represented in vases and other works of art, it has, as a general rule, the form of the following cut: Figure from Smith’s Dict. of Ant. 1 p. 126. It is well defined in the note on Strabo, ii. 5, 22, in L.C.L. i. 479, n. 4. When it was drawn, which is commonly taken to be the meaning of nervo coagmentati, the arms were bent down and the handle remained immovable; see also note on § 37, below. |
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| 241. Ausonius, Letters, 10.21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 242. Ausonius, Letters, 10.21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 243. Augustine, Soliloquiorum Libri Duo, 1.1, 1.9.3, 2.11.19-2.11.20, 2.25.1, 2.32.8, 2.35.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 81, 107, 108, 110 |
| 244. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 19.12-19.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 40 |
| 245. Augustine, Contra Academicos, 2.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro m. terentius Found in books: Maso, CIcero's Philosophy (2022) 25 |
| 246. Libanius, Letters, 1434, 1058 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
247. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 31 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 | 31. A decree concerning Physicians [362 CE, May 12. CONSTANTINOPLE] That the science of medicine is salutary for mankind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that this science also is descended from heaven. For by its means the infirmity of our nature and the disorders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in accordance with reason and justice, we decree what is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may live free from the burdens attaching to senators. 31. A decree concerning Physicians3 [362, May 12. Const.] That the science of medicine is salutary for mankind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that this science also is descended from heaven. For by its means the infirmity of our nature and the disorders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in accordance with reason and justice, we decree what is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may live free from the burdens attaching to senators. |
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| 248. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, a b c d\n0 3.443 3.443 3 443\n1 8.721 8.721 8 721\n2 8.654 8.654 8 654\n3 1.448 1.448 1 448\n4 8.552 8.552 8 552\n5 1.282 1.282 1 282\n6 3.349 3.349 3 349\n7 8.684 8.684 8 684\n8 "7.188" "7.188" "7 188" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 153 |
| 249. Augustine, Retractiones, 1.3.2, 1.4.4, 1.5.6, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 6, 70, 71, 72, 81, 83, 105, 108, 110 |
| 250. Augustine, Confessions, 4.7, 4.17.30, 9.2.3-9.2.4, 9.6.14, 10.32.49-10.32.50, 10.33.49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 71 |
| 251. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 1.14, 3.10 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 25; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 252 |
| 252. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 1.17.1. pr. (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 144 |
| 253. Cassiodorus, Institutio Divinarum Litterarum, 2.3.2, 2.3.22, 2.7.2-2.7.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 7, 93, 99, 100, 102, 118 |
| 254. Justinian, Digest, 34.2.25 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
| 255. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.11, 1.2.2, 1.2.1, 1.1. pr.-1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 142 |
| 256. Priscian, Institutio, 8.78 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 87, 88 |
| 257. Proclus, In Primum Euclidis Librum Commentarius, 24.21-24.27 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 78 |
| 258. Claudianus Mamertus, De Statu Animae, 2.8-2.9 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 82, 83, 94, 100 |
| 259. Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmina, 14, praef., 23.151, 2.90 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 94 |
| 260. Zosimus, New History, 2.91.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro murena, aulus terentius Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140 |
261. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters, 2.9.5, 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.3.5, 4.10, 5.2, 8.6.18, 9.9.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 84, 88, 89, 94, 99, 100 | 4.3. III To Claudianus [Mamertus] [472 CE] You declare, most honoured master, that I have offended against the laws of friendship: you allege that though it is my turn to give you epistolary greeting, I have let my tablets and stylus lie, and no traveller's hand has been burdened with papyrus of mine inscribed with my assiduous wishes for your welfare. The suggestion is unfair; you cannot really suppose that any man on earth, with the least devotion to Latin letters, would lightly submit his compositions to the ordeal of being read to you; you, with whose accomplishments, but for the overwhelming privilege of antiquity, I should never rank either Fronto's gravity, or the fulminating force of Apuleius; for compared with you the Varros, both he of the Atax and he of Reate, and the Plinies, uncle and nephew, will always seem provincial. [2] In support of this opinion I have only to mention your new volume on the nature of the Soul, with all its wealth of evidence and mastery of diction. The dedication to me I regarded as an inestimable gift: the fame which my own books would never keep alive, would now be immortalized by yours. Great God! what a wonderful book it is, and of what authority! abstruse in subject, in exposition clear as day; in statement serried, expansive in discussion, and though barbed with many a point of syllogism, yet soft with vernal flowers of eloquence! [3] You have found ancient words which by their very age regain the charm of novelty; compared with these even a classic vocabulary seems obsolete. And what is more, the style, so succinct in its short clauses, has yet an even flow; loaded with facts, concise in comment, these pages do not merely propound — they inform. It was once, and rightly, held the highest part of eloquence to condense much matter into a small space and aim at exhausting the subject before the paper. [4] And what a charming feature it is in your books, when you allow some relaxation in the sustained display of mastery and interpose most welcome Graces amid the severities of argument; by this means the reader's attention, strained by following that exhaustive analysis of doctrine and philosophy, is suddenly relieved by the most delightful of digressions, comforting as harbours after open seas. O work of endless excellences! O worthy expression of a genius subtle without tenuity, which neither freshets of hyperbole swell, nor mean terms minish and abase! 4.10. X To his friend [Magnus] Felix [477 CE] IT is many years since I have written to you, my good lord, and this greeting breaks a long silence; I had not the heart to keep up the old frequent correspondence while I was living in banishment from my country, and my spirit was broken by the hard lot of an exile. You ought to have compassion on one who admits his delinquency as I do; for whosoever is brought low should go humbly and not attempt to preserve the same familiar footing as before with those towards whom affection may be less in place than reverence. That is why I have said nothing so long, and why, after the arrival of my son Heliodorus, I could at least acquiesce in your silence, though I could hardly be expected to regard it with satisfaction. [2] You used to say, in jest, that you stood in positive awe of my eloquence. Even were it seriously meant, the ground for that excuse is gone; for as soon as I had finished my volume of Letters, which, though I say it, was a careful piece of work, I reverted to the every-day style in everything else. And indeed my fine style itself is much on the same level; for what is the use of giving finish to phrases which will never see the light? If, however, you are faithful to an old friendship and allow our correspondence once more to follow its former course, I too will return to the old track and be as communicative as ever. Nay more, if Christ will guide my steps and my patron on his return will only sanction my departure, how eagerly will I fly to meet you wherever you may be, and revive by my presence a friendship which my negligent pen has left to languish. Farewell. 5.2. II To his friend Nymphidius [c. 472 CE] CLAUDIANUS MAMERTUS, the most accomplished of our Christian philosophers and the most learned man in the world, wrote not long ago a notable work in three volumes on the Nature of the Soul; in its embellishment and final elaboration he employed the method of the disposition and logical arrangement of profane philosophy, demonstrating that the nine Muses are not maidens at all, but Liberal Arts. The attentive reader discovers in his pages the real personified titles of the Nine, who of themselves and for themselves create their proper appellations. For in this book Grammar divides, and Rhetoric declaims; Arithmetic reckons, Geometry metes; Music balances, Logic disputes; Astrology predicts, Architecture constructs; Poetry attunes her measures. [2] Pleased with the novelty of a theory like this, and kindled to enthusiasm by so much ripe wisdom, you had hardly seen the book before you asked to have it for a short time to examine and copy it and to make extracts; you promised to return it quickly, and your request was granted as soon as made. Now, it is far from fitting that I should be deceived in this little matter, and that you should be the deceiver. It is high time for you to send the book back; if you liked it, you must have had enough of it by now; if you dislike it, more than enough. Whichever it be, you have now to clear your reputation. If you mean to delay the return of a volume for which I have to ask you, I shall think that you care more for the parchment than for the work. Farewell. |
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| 262. Gregory of Tours, Liber Vitae Patrum, a b c d\n0 "12.3" "12.3" "12 3" (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, Found in books: Keith and Edmondson, Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle (2016) 31 |
| 263. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 5.33.14, 6.5.1-6.5.2, 8.7.3, 10.199, 19.24.6, 19.24.16 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro •terentius varro, m. •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of •varro, marcus terentius •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Borg, Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic (2008) 295; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157; Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42, 151; Jażdżewska and Doroszewski,Plutarch and his Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire (2024) 215, 216; Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 45; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 25; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 153 |
| 264. Isidore of Seville, Origines (Etymologiarum), 1.2, 2.23, 6.5 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157; Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 69, 99 |
| 265. Justinian, Digesta, 41 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, estates of Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 172 |
| 266. Augustine, Letters, 101.3 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 81 |
| 267. Philistides of Mallos, Fr., f3 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244 |
| 268. Aristotle, Research On Animals, 6.18.572a, f488, f595 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 243 |
| 269. Livy, Summary, 54-55, 20 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 137 |
| 270. Ptolemy, Geographical Guide, 2.6.76, 5.9.12-5.9.21, 6.9.8, 6.14.1-6.14.10 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244, 336, 341, 342 |
| 271. Aratos of Soloi, Phainomena, 544-552 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 35 |
| 272. Propertius, Pseudo-Skylax, 24 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 179 |
| 273. Silenus Calactinus, Fragments, f7 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 244 |
| 274. Anon., Periplous of The Erythraian Sea, 9 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 336 |
| 275. Isidorus of Charax, Parthian Stations, f8 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 245 |
| 276. Artemidorus of Ephesus, Oneirocritica, f8, f14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 245 |
| 277. Eratosthenes, Geography, f115, f115-16, f66, f114 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 225 |
| 278. Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, Fr., f53, f50 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 212 |
| 279. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.18 Tagged with subjects: •varro (m. terentius varro) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 85 |
| 280. Tanusius Geminus, Historia, 4 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 34 |
| 281. Balbillus, In Ccag, 252 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 240 |
| 282. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.13.91, 3.6.8 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 153; Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 123 |
| 283. Pseudo-Scymnus, Description of The World, 875 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 266 |
| 284. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 358 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 285. Scholia To Theon, Progymn., Inst., 100-157, 159-163, 83-99, 158 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 34 |
| 286. Fulgentius, Mythologiae, 1.15 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 95 |
| 287. Antiquitates Rerum Humanarum, Frag., 2a, 47, 7, 8, 9, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 212 |
| 288. Calpurnius Piso, F, f36 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 120 |
| 289. Zosimus, Extracts of History’ ¢‚¬„¢’¢‚¬Å¡Š‚£’¢¢Š¬…¡’‚¢¢¢‚¬Å¡‚¬¦‚¡, 2.1-2.7 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 120 |
| 290. Ennius, Tr., Ed. Jocelyn, f 17 (c), f 95 (a) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 152 |
| 291. Sat. Men., Ed. Bücheler, 451 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 155 |
| 292. Palestinian Talmud, Šeqalim, 3.6.38 Tagged with subjects: •varro (terentius varro, m.) Found in books: Perry, Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman (2014) 52 |
| 293. Maximus The Confessor, Amb., 91 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Horkey, Cosmos in the Ancient World (2019) 238 |
| 294. Epigraphy, Ils, 139, 140, 26, 7742a, 7742b, 7761, 8888, 5406 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 34 |
| 295. Solinus, Pun., 1.32 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 252 |
| 296. Eugippius, Comment. V. Sev., 2 fr. 491 Lend (Dig. 41.1.1. pr.) Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 143 |
| 297. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 6.4, 6.10 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 212 |
| 298. Epigraphy, Cil, 5.2864, 3.805, 3.824, 3.804, 3.807, 3.803, 3.841, 3.810, 3.825, 3.837, 3.820, 3.809, 3.812, 3.811, 3.823, 3.838, 3.822, 3.808, 3.819, 3.821, 3.814, 3.835, 3.832, 3.815, 3.816, 3.833, 3.802, 3.834, 3.839, 3.840, 3.831, 3.801, 3.836, 3.806, 3.817, 3.827, 3.828, 3.829, 3.818, 3.830, 3.826, 3.813, 2.5439.127, 2.5439.126, 2.5439.125, 12.4333, 12.756, 11.6331, i2.719, i2.709, 9.4026, 8.646, 8.5367, 8.2391, 11.1471, 8.5530, 8.7432, 8.15987, 8.8500, 8.18864, 8.17910, 14.2647-14.2651 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 34 |
| 299. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.13, 7.26 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on title of dictator •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 87, 94 |
| 302. Laelius Felix, Gell., 15.27.1-15.27.3 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 27 |
| 303. Sabinus, Masurius, Macrob. Sat., 1.4.15 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 54 |
| 304. Arch., Att., 5.18.1 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 56 |
| 305. Paulus Diaconus, De Verborum Significatione, 42.16-42.17, 67.2, 110.21-110.25, 287.3-287.6, 311.1-311.3 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 25, 26, 50, 54, 56 |
| 307. Anon., Tabula Triumphalis Barberiniana, inscrital 13.1. 70-71 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m., on magistrate vitio creatus Found in books: Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 94 |
| 308. Theopompus of Chios, Quadrigarius, f49 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 23 |
| 309. App., Alex., 37.3 Tagged with subjects: •varro marcus terentius varro Found in books: Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 39 |
| 310. Ausonius, Prog., 2.21, 20.8, 26.1-26.6 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78 |
| 311. Suetonius, Ap. Isid. De Rerum Nat., 37 Tagged with subjects: •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 196 |
| 312. Manilius, Astronomica, 4.589-4.594, 4.791-4.794 Tagged with subjects: •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 252; Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 196 |
| 313. Steph. Byz., Lexicon, kattousa Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 212 |
| 314. Cicero, Varr., 45 Tagged with subjects: •varro m. terentius Found in books: Maso, CIcero's Philosophy (2022) 25 |
| 315. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 42.3.5 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 336 |
| 317. Marcianus Heracl., Marcianus Heracl., ggm I 566.42-44, ggm I 566.4-8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 271 |
| 318. Papyri, P. Artemid., 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.14-5.45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 287 |
| 319. Artemidorus Ephesius, Fr., fr.9 s., fr.1 stiehle Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 287 |
| 322. Petronius, Fr., 37 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183 |
| 325. Licentius of Tagaste, Carmen Ad Augustinum, 1, 10-15, 3-9, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 80, 81 |
| 326. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 111, 127, 169, 191, 113 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 56 |
| 327. Ps. Asconius, Commentaries On Speeches of Cicero, 187.12-14 st., 193.19-26 st., 207.8-20 st., 208.9 st., 223.16-17 st., 256.6 st., 259.1-3 st. Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 221 |
| 328. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 2 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro lucullus, m. Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 279 |
| 330. Varro, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, a b c d\n0 "6.2" "6.2" "6 2"\n1 6.24 6.24 6 24\n2 6.25 6.25 6 25\n3 6.26 6.26 6 26\n4 6.23 6.23 6 23\n5 6.27 6.27 6 27\n6 6.29 6.29 6 29\n7 6.30 6.30 6 30\n8 6.31 6.31 6 31\n9 6.33 6.33 6 33\n10 6.34 6.34 6 34\n11 "6.12" "6.12" "6 12"\n12 6.19 6.19 6 19\n13 6.28 6.28 6 28\n14 6.7 6.7 6 7\n15 6.1 6.1 6 1\n16 6.32 6.32 6 32\n17 6.18 6.18 6 18\n18 6.17 6.17 6 17\n19 6.10 6.10 6 10\n20 6.11 6.11 6 11\n21 6.12 6.12 6 12\n22 6.9 6.9 6 9\n23 6.13 6.13 6 13\n24 6.16 6.16 6 16\n25 6.15 6.15 6 15\n26 6.2 6.2 6 2\n27 6.8 6.8 6 8\n28 6.5 6.5 6 5\n29 6.14 6.14 6 14\n30 6.4 6.4 6 4\n31 6.3 6.3 6 3\n32 6.22 6.22 6 22\n33 6.20 6.20 6 20\n34 6.21 6.21 6 21\n35 6.6 6.6 6 6\n36 "5.184" "5.184" "5 184"\n37 "6.1" "6.1" "6 1"\n38 "6.3" "6.3" "6 3"\n39 5.63 5.63 5 63\n40 5.62 5.62 5 62\n41 5.61 5.61 5 61 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pasco-Pranger, Founding the Year: Ovid's Fasti and the Poetics of the Roman Calendar (2006) 36 |
| 331. Palladius, De Re Rust., a b c d\n0 "1.37.4" "1.37.4" "1 37 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, Found in books: Keith and Edmondson, Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle (2016) 31 |
| 332. Epigraphy, Igrom., 1.833 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 153 |
| 333. Varro, De Vita Sua, 1 peter Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, knowledge of hispania •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, naval crown awarded to •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 5 |
| 334. Varro, Hebdomades, 1 chappuis Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, literary career of •varro, m. terentius, military career of •varro, m. terentius, political career of •varro, m. terentius, relationship with cicero •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 7 |
| 335. Nonius, Nonius, 147.16 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, as author of saturae menippeae •varro, m. terentius, as interlocutor in de re rustica Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 45 |
| 336. Vegetius Renatus, De Re Militari, 4.38 Tagged with subjects: •vagellius, (terentius) varro, m. Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 196 |
337. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.24.3, 2.91, 2.91.2, 2.110-2.116 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. •varro murena, aulus terentius •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 140; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 179; Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 255 | 2.24.3. Sulla had now settled affairs across the sea. There came to him ambassadors of the Parthians — he was the first of the Romans to be so honoured — and among them some wise men who, from the marks on his body, foretold that his life and his fame would be worthy of a god. Returning to Italy he landed at Brundisium, having not more than thirty thousand men to face more than two hundred thousand of the enemy. 4 of all the exploits of Sulla there is nothing that I should consider more noteworthy than that, during the three years in which the party of Marius and Cinna were continuously masters of Italy, he never hid from them his intention to wage war on them, but at the same time he did not interrupt the war which he then had on his hands. He considered that his duty was to crush the enemy before taking vengeance upon citizens, and that after he had repelled the menace of the foreigner and won a victory in this way abroad, he should then prove himself the master in a war at home. 5 Before Lucius Sulla's arrival Cinna was slain in a mutiny of his army. He was a man who deserved to die by the sentence of his victorious enemies rather than at the hands of his angry soldiers. of him one can truly say that he formed daring plans, such as no good citizen would have conceived, and that he accomplished what none but a most resolute man could have accomplished, and that he was foolhardy enough in the formulation of his plans, but in their execution a man. Carbo remained sole consul throughout the year without electing a colleague in the place of Cinna. |
|
| 338. Anon., Origo Gentis Romanae, 4.3-4.4 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 153 |
| 339. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, 9a21-28 Tagged with subjects: •m. terentius varro Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 136 |
| 340. Asconius Pedianus, Works, 30.1-2c, 6.3-8c Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper, The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives (2023) 55 |
| 341. Gregory of Tours, Decem Libri Historiarum, 10.18 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 91 |
| 342. Callimachus, Aetia Prol., 12, 11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 107 |
| 343. Aristotle, Protrepticus, fr. 17 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 103 |
| 344. Alanus De Insulis, Anticlaudianus, 5.258 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 103 |
| 345. Stobaeus, Historia Ecclesiastica, 3 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 90 |
| 346. Ammonius, Anonymus De Constitutione Mundi, pl 90.908c Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius, disciplinarum libri •varro, marcus terentius, also known as musae Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 88 |
| 347. Epigraphy, Illrp, 11.14-16, 474, 505, 506, 508, 508, 515 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti (2011) 50 |
| 348. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 9.600 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius (scholar), library of Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 157 |
| 349. Aesop, Dk, 24 b4 Tagged with subjects: •terentius varro, m. (varro), bodily conceptions in de vita populi romani •terentius varro, m. (varro), on the mixed constitution Found in books: Walters, Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome (2020) 19 |
| 350. Porphyry, Schol. Ad Hor. Sat., 1.2.63 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 42 |
| 351. Tibullus, Suplicia, 3.13, 3.16 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 197 |
| 352. Epigraphy, Lscgsupp., 73 Tagged with subjects: •varro, marcus terentius Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 24 |
| 353. Various, Anthologia Latina, 9.559 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Bianchetti et al., Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (2015) 271 |
| 354. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 3.6.83 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius Found in books: Edmondson, Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (2008) 177 |
| 355. Epigraphy, Syll. , 749 Tagged with subjects: •varro, m. terentius, services to pompey Found in books: Nelsestuen, Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic (2015) 153 |
