1. Homer, Iliad, 2.682 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 201 | 2.682. / And with them were ranged thirty hollow ships.Now all those again that inhabited Pelasgian Argos, and dwelt in Alos and Alope and Trachis, and that held Phthia and Hellas, the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans— |
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| 2. Archilochus, Fragments, 120 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 17 |
| 3. Archilochus, Fragments, 120 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 17 |
| 4. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.31, 2.86-2.88 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30, 199 |
5. Aeschylus, Persians, 241-242 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 201| 242. οὔτινος δοῦλοι κέκληνται φωτὸς οὐδʼ ὑπήκοοι. Ἄτοσσα | 242. of no man are they called the slaves or vassals. Atossa |
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| 6. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 6.158-6.162, 13.18-13.19 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 17, 32 |
7. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 25| 471a. ΠΩΛ. ἄθλιος ἄρα οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος κατὰ τὸν σὸν λόγον; ΣΩ. εἴπερ γε, ὦ φίλε, ἄδικος. ΠΩΛ. ἀλλὰ μὲν δὴ πῶς οὐκ ἄδικος; ᾧ γε προσῆκε μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς οὐδὲν ἣν νῦν ἔχει, ὄντι ἐκ γυναικὸς ἣ ἦν δούλη Ἀλκέτου τοῦ Περδίκκου ἀδελφοῦ, καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὸ δίκαιον δοῦλος ἦν Ἀλκέτου, καὶ εἰ ἐβούλετο τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν, ἐδούλευεν ἂν Ἀλκέτῃ καὶ ἦν εὐδαίμων κατὰ τὸν σὸν λόγον. νῦν δὲ θαυμασίως ὡς ἄθλιος γέγονεν, ἐπεὶ τὰ μέγιστα ἠδίκηκεν· | 471a. Pol. Then this Archelaus, on your statement, is wretched? Soc. Yes, my friend, supposing he is unjust. Pol. Well, but how can he be other than unjust? He had no claim to the throne which he now occupies, being the son of a woman who was a slave of Perdiccas’ brother Alcetas, and in mere justice he was Alcetas’ slave; and if he wished to do what is just, he would be serving Alcetas and would be happy, by your account; but, as it is, he has become a prodigy of wretchedness, |
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| 8. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 6 |
9. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 19, 199| 568c. κομψοί. | 568c. among them will pardon us. But going about to other cities, I fancy, collecting crowds and hiring fine, loud, persuasive voices, they draw the polities towards tyrannies or democracies. Yes, indeed. And, further, they are paid and honored for this, chiefly, as is to be expected, by tyrants, and secondly by democracy. But the higher they go, breasting constitution hill, the more their honor fails, |
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| 10. Isocrates, Orations, 8.82, 17.52 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 20, 66 |
| 11. Philistus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 75 |
| 12. Sophocles, Antigone, 173-174, 450 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
13. Xenophon, Memoirs, 4.6.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 199| 4.6.12. βασιλείαν δὲ καὶ τυραννίδα ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀμφοτέρας ἡγεῖτο εἶναι, διαφέρειν δὲ ἀλλήλων ἐνόμιζε. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἑκόντων τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ κατὰ νόμους τῶν πόλεων ἀρχὴν βασιλείαν ἡγεῖτο, τὴν δὲ ἀκόντων τε καὶ μὴ κατὰ νόμους, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ὁ ἄρχων βούλοιτο, τυραννίδα. καὶ ὅπου μὲν ἐκ τῶν τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιτελούντων αἱ ἀρχαὶ καθίστανται, ταύτην μὲν τὴν πολιτείαν ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι, ὅπου δʼ ἐκ τιμημάτων, πλουτοκρατίαν, ὅπου δʼ ἐκ πάντων, δημοκρατίαν. | 4.6.12. Kingship and despotism, in his judgment, were both forms of government, but he held that they differed. For government of men with their consent and in accordance with the laws of the state was kingship; while government of unwilling subjects and not controlled by laws, but imposed by the will of the ruler, was despotism. And where the officials are chosen among those who fulfil the requirements of the laws, the constitution is an aristocracy: where rateable property is the qualification for office, you have a plutocracy: where all are eligible, a democracy. |
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| 14. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.37-3.38 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
| 15. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 410, 1391 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 16. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1045, 1085, 127, 136, 155-156, 194, 274-275, 291, 374, 423-424, 430, 1087 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 201 |
17. Herodotus, Histories, 1.23-1.24, 3.82, 7.157-7.158, 7.157.2, 7.165-7.166 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 17, 22, 199 | 1.23. Periander, who disclosed the oracle's answer to Thrasybulus, was the son of Cypselus, and sovereign of Corinth . The Corinthians say (and the Lesbians agree) that the most marvellous thing that happened to him in his life was the landing on Taenarus of Arion of Methymna , brought there by a dolphin. This Arion was a lyre-player second to none in that age; he was the first man whom we know to compose and name the dithyramb which he afterwards taught at Corinth . 1.24. They say that this Arion, who spent most of his time with Periander, wished to sail to Italy and Sicily , and that after he had made a lot of money there he wanted to come back to Corinth . ,Trusting none more than the Corinthians, he hired a Corinthian vessel to carry him from Tarentum . But when they were out at sea, the crew plotted to take Arion's money and cast him overboard. Discovering this, he earnestly entreated them, asking for his life and offering them his money. ,But the crew would not listen to him, and told him either to kill himself and so receive burial on land or else to jump into the sea at once. ,Abandoned to this extremity, Arion asked that, since they had made up their minds, they would let him stand on the half-deck in all his regalia and sing; and he promised that after he had sung he would do himself in. ,The men, pleased at the thought of hearing the best singer in the world, drew away toward the waist of the vessel from the stern. Arion, putting on all his regalia and taking his lyre, stood up on the half-deck and sang the “Stirring Song,” and when the song was finished he threw himself into the sea, as he was with all his regalia. ,So the crew sailed away to Corinth ; but a dolphin (so the story goes) took Arion on his back and bore him to Taenarus. Landing there, he went to Corinth in his regalia, and when he arrived, he related all that had happened. ,Periander, skeptical, kept him in confinement, letting him go nowhere, and waited for the sailors. When they arrived, they were summoned and asked what news they brought of Arion. While they were saying that he was safe in Italy and that they had left him flourishing at Tarentum , Arion appeared before them, just as he was when he jumped from the ship; astonished, they could no longer deny what was proved against them. ,This is what the Corinthians and Lesbians say, and there is a little bronze memorial of Arion on Taenarus, the figure of a man riding upon a dolphin. 3.82. Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. Darius was the third to express his opinion. “It seems to me,” he said, “that Megabyzus speaks well concerning democracy but not concerning oligarchy. For if the three are proposed and all are at their best for the sake of argument, the best democracy and oligarchy and monarchy, I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. ,One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. ,But in an oligarchy, the desire of many to do the state good service often produces bitter hate among them; for because each one wishes to be first and to make his opinions prevail, violent hate is the outcome, from which comes faction and from faction killing, and from killing it reverts to monarchy, and by this is shown how much better monarchy is. ,Then again, when the people rule it is impossible that wickedness will not occur; and when wickedness towards the state occurs, hatred does not result among the wicked, but strong alliances; for those that want to do the state harm conspire to do it together. This goes on until one of the people rises to stop such men. He therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their idol is made their monarch; and thus he also proves that monarchy is best. ,But (to conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, where did freedom come from for us and who gave it, from the people or an oligarchy or a single ruler? I believe, therefore, that we who were liberated through one man should maintain such a government, and, besides this, that we should not alter our ancestral ways that are good; that would not be better.” 7.157. By these means Gelon had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows: “The Lacedaemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Hellas, how he proposes to bridge the Hellespont and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Hellas to his will. ,Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. ,Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aid us, and you champion your own cause; in general a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue.” 7.157.2. Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 7.165. There is, however, another story told by the Sicilians: even though he was to be under Lacedaemonian authority, Gelon would still have aided the Greeks had it not been for Terillus son of Crinippus, the tyrant of Himera. This man, who had been expelled from Himera by Theron son of Aenesidemus, sovereign ruler of Acragas, at this very time brought against Gelon three hundred thousand Phoenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligyes, Elisyci, Sardinians, and Cyrnians, led by Amilcas son of Annon, the king of the Carchedonians. Terillus had induced him to do this partly through the prerogative of personal friendship, but mainly through the efforts of Anaxilaus son of Cretines, tyrant of Rhegium. He had handed over his own children as hostages to Amilcas, and brought him into Sicily to the help of his father-in-law; for Anaxilaus had as his wife Terillus' daughter Cydippe. Accordingly Gelon sent the money to Delphi, because he could not aid the Greeks. 7.166. They add this tale too—that Gelon and Theron won a victory over Amilcas the Carchedonian in Sicily on the same day that the Greeks defeated the Persian at Salamis. This Amilcas was, on his father's side, a Carchedonian, and a Syracusan on his mother's and had been made king of Carchedon for his virtue. When the armies met and he was defeated in the battle, it is said that he vanished from sight, for Gelon looked for him everywhere but was not able to find him anywhere on earth, dead or alive. |
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| 18. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1169 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 183 |
| 19. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 2.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
| 20. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Rhetoric To Alexander, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 199 |
| 21. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 6 |
| 22. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 199 |
| 23. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3 |
| 24. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 18.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 19 |
| 25. Theophrastus, Characters, 11.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
| 26. Eubulus, Fragments, 24 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
| 27. Machon, Fragments, 11.141-11.147 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 20 |
| 28. Plautus, Amphitruo, 65-76, 78-86, 77 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3 |
| 29. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 115 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 88 |
30. Cicero, Pro Archia, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 103| 23. nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat, propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur. qua re, si res eae quas gessimus orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo hominum nostrorum hominum nostrorum Bases : minus ( om. c2k, del. Madvig ) manuum nostrarum codd. tela pervenerint, eodem eodem eandem G : om. e gloriam famamque penetrare, quod cum ipsis populis de quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla sunt, tum eis iis χς : his cett. certe qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. | |
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31. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 11.26.5-11.26.6, 11.49.2-11.49.4, 13.91.3-13.91.4, 13.94-13.96, 13.94.5-13.94.6, 14.45, 14.64-14.70, 14.109, 15.74.5, 16.10.3, 16.20.6, 16.32.3, 16.55.1, 16.91.5, 16.92-16.95, 16.92.5, 16.95.1, 17.16.3-17.16.5, 19.9, 20.108, 22.8.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity •tragedy, and autocrats •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, friendships with poets and actors Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 22, 24, 26, 30, 32, 35, 66 | 11.26.5. And he was already on the point of setting out to sea, when certain men from Corinth put in at Syracuse and brought the news that the Greeks had won the sea-battle at Salamis and that Xerxes and a part of his armament had retreated from Europe. Consequently he stopped his preparations for departure, while welcoming the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and then he called them to an assembly, issuing orders for each man to appear fully armed. As for himself, he came to the assembly not only with no arms but not even wearing a tunic and clad only in a cloak, and stepping forward he rendered an account of his whole life and of all he had done for the Syracusans; 11.26.6. and when the throng shouted its approval at each action he mentioned and showed especially its amazement that he had given himself unarmed into the hands of any who might wish to slay him, so far was he from being a victim of vengeance as a tyrant that they united in acclaiming him with one voice Benefactor and Saviour and King. 11.49.2. This he did out of a desire, not only that he might have a substantial help ready at hand for any need that might arise, but also that from the recently founded state of ten thousand men he might receive the honours accorded to heroes. And the Naxians and Catanians whom he had removed from their native states he transferred to Leontini and commanded them to make their homes in that city along with the native population. 11.49.3. And Theron, seeing that after the slaughter of the Himerans the city was in need of settlers, made a mixed multitude there, enrolling as its citizens both Dorians and any others who so wished. 11.49.4. These citizens lived together on good terms in the state for fifty-eight years; but at the expiration of this period the city was conquered and razed to the ground by the Carthaginians and has remained without inhabitants to this day. 13.91.3. Nevertheless, even though an assembly of the people was held in Syracuse and great fears hung over them, not a man would venture to offer any counsel respecting the war. While everyone was at a loss what to do, Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, taking the floor, accused the generals of betraying their cause to the Carthaginians and stirred up the assemblage to exact punishment of them, urging them not to await the futile procedure prescribed by the laws but to pass judgement upon them at once. 13.91.4. And when the archons, in accordance with the laws, laid a fine upon Dionysius on the charge of raising an uproar, Philistus, who later composed his History, a man of great wealth, paid the fine and urged Dionysius to speak out whatever he had had in his mind to say. And when Philistus went on to say that if they wanted to fine Dionysius throughout the whole day he would provide the money for him, from then on Dionysius, full of confidence, hand stirring up the multitude, and throwing the assembly into confusion he accused the generals of taking bribes to put the security of the Acragantini in jeopardy. And he also denounced the rest of the most renowned citizens, presenting them as friends of oligarchy. 13.94. 1. A play was being presented in Syracuse and Dionysius arrived in the city at the time when the people were leaving the theatre. When the populace rushed in throngs to him and were questioning him about the Carthaginians, they were unaware, he said, that they had more dangerous enemies than their foreign foes â the men within the city in charge of the public interests; these men the citizens trusted while they held public festivals, but these very men, while plundering the public funds, had let the soldiers go unpaid, and although the enemy was making their preparations for the war on a scale which could not be surpassed and were about to lead their forces upon Syracuse, the generals were giving these matters no concern whatsoever.,2. The reason for such conduct, he continued, he had been aware of before, but now he had got fuller information. For Himilcon had sent a herald to him, ostensibly to treat about the captives, but in fact to urge him, now that Himilcon had induced a large number of Dionysius' colleagues not to bother themselves with what was taking place, at least to offer no opposition, since he, Dionysius, did not choose to coâoperate with him.,3. Consequently, Dionysius continued, he did not wish to serve longer as general, but was present in Syracuse to lay down his office; for it was intolerable for him, while the other generals were selling out their country, to be the only one to fight together with the citizens and yet be at the same time destined to be thought in after years to have shared in their betrayal.,4. Although the populace had been stirred by what Dionysius had said and his words spread through the whole army, at the time every man departed to his home full of anxiety. But on the following day, when an assembly had been convened in which Dionysius won no small approval when he lodged many accusations against the magistrates and stirred up the populace against the generals,,5. finally some of the members cried out to appoint him general with supreme power and not to wait until the enemy were storming their walls; for the magnitude of the war, they urged, made necessary such a general, through whose leadership their cause could prosper; as for the traitors, their case would be debated in another assembly, since it was foreign to the present situation; indeed at a former time three hundred thousand Carthaginians had been conquered at Himera when Gelon was general with supreme power. And soon the multitude, as is their wont, swung to the worse decision and Dionysius was appointed general with supreme power. And now, since the situation corresponded to his desires, he proposed a decree that the pay of the mercenaries be doubled; for they would all, he said, if this were done, be more eager for the coming contest, and he urged them not to worry at all about the funds, since it would be an easy task to raise them. 13.94.5. finally some of the members cried out to appoint him general with supreme power and not to wait until the enemy were storming their walls; for the magnitude of the war, they urged, made necessary such a general, through whose leadership their cause could prosper; as for the traitors, their case would be debated in another assembly, since it was foreign to the present situation; indeed at a former time three hundred thousand Carthaginians had been conquered at Himera when Gelon was general with supreme power. And soon the multitude, as is their wont, swung to the worse decision and Dionysius was appointed general with supreme power. And now, since the situation corresponded to his desires, he proposed a decree that the pay of the mercenaries be doubled; for they would all, he said, if this were done, be more eager for the coming contest, and he urged them not to worry at all about the funds, since it would be an easy task to raise them. 13.95. 2. After the assembly was adjourned no small number of the Syracusans condemned what had been done, as if they themselves had not had their way in the matter; for as their thoughts turned to their own state they could imagine the tyrannical power which was to follow. Now these men, in their desire to insure their freedom, had unwittingly established a despot over their country;,3. Dionysius, on the other hand, wishing to forestall the change of mind on the part of the populace, kept seeking a means whereby he could ask for a guard for his person, for if this were granted him he would easily establish himself in the tyranny. At once, then, he issued orders that all men of military age up to forty years should provide themselves rations for thirty days and report to him under arms at Leontini. This city was at that time an outpost of the Syracusans, being full of exiles and foreigners. For Dionysius hoped that he would have these men on his side, desiring as they did a change of government, and that the majority of the Syracusans would not even come to Leontini.,4. However, while he was encamped at night in the countryside, he pretended that he was the object of a plot and had his personal servants raise a tumult and uproar; and after doing this he took refuge on the acropolis, where he passed the night, keeping fires burning and summoning to him his most trustworthy soldiers.,5. And at daybreak, when the common people were gathered into Leontini, he delivered a long plausible speech to further his design and persuaded the populace to give him a guard of six hundred soldiers whomsoever he should select. It is said that Dionysius did this in imitation of Peisistratus the Athenian;,6. for he, we are told, after wounding himself, appeared before the assembly alleging that he had been the victim of a plot, and because of this he received a guard at the hands of the citizens, by means of which he established the tyranny. And at this time Dionysius, having deceived the multitude by a similar device, put into effect the structure of his tyranny. 13.96. 1. For instance Dionysius at once selected such citizens as were without property but bold in spirit, more than a thousand in number, provided them with costly arms, and buoyed them up with extravagant promises; the mercenaries also he won to himself by calling them to him and conversing with them in friendly fashion. He made changes also in the military posts, conferring their commands upon his most faithful followers; and Dexippus the Lacedaemonian he dismissed to Greece, for he was suspicious of this man lest he should seize a favourable opportunity and restore to the Syracusans their liberty.,2. He also called to himself the mercenaries in Gela and gathered from all quarters the exiles and impious, hoping that in these men the tyranny would find its strongest support. While in Syracuse, however, he took up his quarters in the naval station, having openly proclaimed himself tyrant. Although the Syracusans were offended, they were compelled to keep quiet; for they were unable to effect anything now, since not only was the city thronged with mercenary soldiers but the people were filled with fear of the Carthaginians who possessed such powerful armaments.,3. Now Dionysius straightway married the daughter of Hermocrates, the conqueror of the Athenians, and gave his sister in marriage to Polyxenus, the brother of Hermocrates' wife. This he did out of a desire to draw a distinguished house into relationship with him in order to make firm the tyranny. After this he summoned an assembly and had his most influential opponents, Daphnaeus and Demarchus, put to death.,4. Now Dionysius, from a scribe and ordinary private citizen, had become tyrant of the largest city in the Greek world; and he maintained his domice until his death, having ruled as tyrant for thirty-eight years. But we shall give a detailed account of his deeds and of the expansion of his rule in connection with the appropriate periods of time; for it seems that this man, single-handed, established the strongest and longest tyranny of any recorded by history.,5. The Carthaginians, after their capture of the city, transferred to Carthage both the votive offerings and statues and every object of greatest value, and when they had burned down the temples and plundered the city, they spent the winter there. And in the springtime they made ready every kind of engine of war and of missile, planning to lay siege first to the city of the Geloans. 14.45. 1. After Dionysius had taken in marriage both maidens at the same time, he gave a series of public dinners for the soldiers and the larger part of the citizens; for he now renounced the oppressive aspect of his tyranny, and changing to a course of equitable dealing, he ruled over his subjects in more humane fashion, no more putting them to death or banishing them, as had been his practice.,2. After his marriages he let a few days pass and then called an assembly of the Syracusans and urged them to make war against the Carthaginians, declaring that they were most hostile to all Greeks generally and that they had designs at every opportunity on the Greeks of Sicily in particular.,3. For the present, he pointed out, the Carthaginians were inactive because of the plague which had broken out among them and had destroyed the larger part of the inhabitants of Libya, but when they had recovered their strength, they would not refrain from attacking the Sicilian Greeks, against whom they had been plotting from the earliest time.,4. It was therefore preferable, he continued, to wage a decisive war upon them while they were still weak than to wait and compete when they were strong. At the same time he pointed out how terrible a thing it was to allow the Greek cities to be enslaved by barbarians, and that these cities would the more zealously join in the war, the more eagerly they desired to obtain their freedom.,5. After speaking at length in support of his policy he speedily won the approval of the Syracusans. Indeed they were no less eager than he for war, first of all because of their hatred of the Carthaginians who were the cause of their being compelled to take orders from the tyrant; secondly, because they hoped that Dionysius would treat them in more humane fashion because of his fear of the enemy and of an attack upon him by the citizens he had enslaved; but most of all, because they hoped that once they had got weapons in their hand, they could strike for their liberty, let Fortune but give them the opportunity. 14.64. 1. After this Dionysius and Leptines had set out with warships to escort a supply of provisions; and the Syracusans, who were thus left to themselves, seeing by chance a vessel approaching laden with food, sailed out against it with five ships, seized it, and brought it to the city.,2. The Carthaginians put out against them with forty ships, whereupon the Syracusans manned all their ships and in the ensuing battle both captured the flag-ship and destroyed twenty-four of the remainder; and then, pursuing the fleeing ships as far as the enemy's anchorage, they challenged the Carthaginians to battle.,3. Elated at their success and thinking how often Dionysius had met defeat, whereas they, without his presence, had won a victory over the Carthaginians, they were now puffed up with pride.,4. And as they gathered in groups they talked together about how they took no steps to end their slavery to Dionysius, even though they had an opportunity to depose him; for up until then they had been without arms, but now because of the war they had weapons at their command.,5. Even while discussions of this kind were taking place, Dionysius sailed into the harbour and, calling an assembly, praised the Syracusans and urged them to be of good courage, promising that he would speedily put an end to the war. And he was on the point of dismissing the assembly when Theodorus, a Syracusan, who was held in high esteem among the cavalry and was considered a man of action, made bold to speak as follows in regard to their liberty. 14.65. 1. "Although Dionysius has introduced some falsehoods, the last statement he made was true: that he would speedily put an end to the war. He could accomplish this if he were no longer our commander â for he has often been defeated â but had returned to the citizens the freedom their fathers enjoyed.,2. As things are, no one of us faces battle with good courage so long as victory differs not a whit from defeat; for if conquered, we shall have to obey the commands of the Carthaginians, and if conquerors, to have in Dionysius a harsher master than they would be. For even should the Carthaginians defeat us in war, they would only impose a fixed tribute and would not prevent us from governing the city in accordance with our ancient laws; but this man has plundered our temples, has taken the property of private citizens together with the lives of their owners, and pays a wage to servants to secure the enslavement of their masters. Such horrors as attend the storming of cities are perpetrated by him in time of peace, yet he promises to put an end to the war with the Carthaginians.,3. But it behooves us, fellow citizens, to put an end not only to the Phoenician war but to the tyrant within our walls. For the acropolis, which is guarded by the weapons of slaves, is a hostile redoubt in our city; the multitude of mercenaries has been gathered to hold the Syracusans in slavery; and he lords it over the city, not like a magistrate dispensing justice on equal terms, but like a dictator who by policy makes all decisions for his own advantage. For the time being the enemy possess a small portion of our territory, but Dionysius has devastated it all and given it to those who join in increasing his tyranny.,4. "How long, then, are we to be patient though we suffer such abuses as brave men endure to die rather than to experience them? In battle against the Carthaginians we bravely face the final sacrifice, but against a harsh tyrant, in behalf of freedom and our fatherland, even in speech we no longer dare to raise our voices; we face in battle so many myriads of the enemy, but we stand in shivering fear of a single ruler, who has not the manliness of a superior slave. 14.66. 1. "Surely no one would think of comparing Dionysius with Gelon of old. For Gelon, by reason of his own high character, together with the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilian Greeks, set free the whole of Sicily, whereas this man, who found the cities free, has delivered all the rest of them over to the lordship of the enemy and has himself enslaved his native state.,2. Gelon fought so far forward in behalf of Sicily that he never let his allies in the cities even catch sight of the enemy, whereas this man, after fleeing from Motyê through the entire length of the island, has cooped himself up within our walls, full of confidence against his fellow citizens, but unable to bear even the sight of the enemy.,3. As a consequence Gelon, by reason both of his high character and of his great deeds, received the leadership by the free will not only of the Syracusans but also of the Sicilian Greeks, while, as for this man whose generalship has led to the destruction of his allies and the enslavement of his fellow citizens, how can he escape the just hatred of all? For not only is he unworthy of leadership but, if justice were done, would die ten thousand deaths.,4. Because of him Gela and Camarina were subdued, Messenê lies in total ruin, twenty thousand allies are perished in a sea-battle, and, in a word, we have been enclosed in one city and all the other Greek cities throughout Sicily have been destroyed. For in addition to his other malefactions he sold into slavery Naxos and Catanê; he has completely destroyed cities that were allies, cities whose existence was opportune.,5. With the Carthaginians he has fought two battles and has come out vanquished in each. Yet when he was entrusted with a generalship by the citizens but one time, he speedily robbed them of their freedom, slaying those who spoke openly on behalf of the laws and exiling the more wealthy; he gave the wives of the banished in marriage to slaves and to a motley throng; he put the weapons of citizens in the hands of barbarians and foreigners. And these deeds, O Zeus and all the gods, were the work of a public clerk, of a desperate man. 14.67. 1. "Where, then, is the Syracusans' love of freedom? Where the deeds of our ancestors? I say nothing of the three hundred thousand Carthaginians who were totally destroyed at Himera; I pass by the overthrow of the tyrants who followed Gelon. But only yesterday, as it were, when the Athenians attacked Syracuse with such great armaments, our fathers left not a man free to carry back word of the disaster.,2. And shall we, who have such great examples of our fathers' valour, take orders from Dionysius, especially when we have weapons in our hands? Surely some divine providence has gathered us here, with allies about us and weapons in our hands, for the purpose of recovering our freedom, and it is within our power this day to play the part of brave men and rid ourselves with one accord of our heavy yoke.,3. For hitherto, while we were disarmed and without allies and guarded by a multitude of mercenaries, we have, I dare say, yielded to the pressure of circumstances; but now, since we have arms in our hands and allies to give us aid as well as bear witness of our bravery, let us not yield but make it clear that it was circumstances, not cowardice, that made us submit to slavery.,4. Are we not ashamed that we should have as commander in our wars the man who has plundered the temples of our city and that we choose as representative in such important matters a person to whom no man of good sense would entrust the management of his private affairs? And though all other peoples in times of war, because of the great perils they face, observe with the greatest care their obligations to the gods, do we expect that a man of such notorious impiety will put an end to the war? 14.68. 1. "In fact, if a man cares to put a finer point on it, he will find that Dionysius is as wary of peace as he is of war. For he believes that, as matters stand, the Syracusans, because of their fear of the enemy, will not attempt anything against him, but that once the Carthaginians have been defeated they will claim their freedom, since they will have weapons in their hands and will be proudly conscious of their deeds.,2. Indeed this is the reason, in my opinion, why in the first war he betrayed Gela and Camarina and made these cities desolate, and why in his negotiations he agreed that most of the Greek cities should be given over to the enemy.,3. After this he broke faith in time of peace with Naxos and Catanê and sold the inhabitants into slavery, razing one to the ground and giving the other to the Campanians from Italy to dwell in.,4. And when, after the destruction of these peoples, the rest of Sicily made many attempts to overthrow his tyranny, he again declared war upon the Carthaginians; for his scruple against breaking his agreement in violation of the oaths he had taken was not so great as his fear of the surviving concentrations of the Sicilian Greeks. "Moreover, it is obvious that he has been at all times on the alert to effect their destruction.,5. First of all at Panormus, when the enemy were disembarking and were in bad physical condition after the stormy passage, he could have offered battle, but did not choose to do. After that he stood idly by and sent no help to Messenê, a city strategically situated and of great size, but allowed it to be razed, not only in order that the greatest possible number of Sicilian Greeks should perish, but also that the Carthaginians might intercept the reinforcements from Italy and the fleets from the Peloponnesus.,6. Last of all, he joined battle offshore at Catanê, careless of the advantage of pitching battle near the city, where the vanquished could find safety in their own harbours. After the battle, when strong winds sprang up and the Carthaginians were forced to haul their fleet up on land, he had a most favourable opportunity for victory;,7. for the land forces of the enemy had not yet arrived and the violent storm was driving the enemy's ships on the shore. At that time, if we had all attacked on land, the only outcomes left the enemy would have been, either to be captured with ease, if they left their ships, or to strew the coast with wreckage, if they matched their strength against the waves. 14.69. 1. "But to lodge accusations against Dionysius at greater length among Syracusans is, I should judge, not necessary. For if men who have suffered in very deed such irretrievable ruin are not roused to rage, will they, forsooth, be moved by words to wreak vengeance upon him â men too who have seen his behaviour as the worst of citizens, the harshest of tyrants, the most ignoble of all generals?,2. For as often as we have stood in line of battle under his command, so often have we been defeated, whereas but just now, when we fought independently, we defeated with a few ships the enemy's entire force. We should, therefore, seek out another leader, to avoid fighting under a general who has pillaged the shrines of the gods and so finding ourselves engaged in a war against the gods;,3. for it is manifest that heaven opposes those who have selected the worst enemy of religion to be their commander. Noting that when he is present our armies in full force suffer defeat, whereas, when he is absent, even a small detachment is sufficient to defeat the Carthaginians, should not all men see in this the visible presence of the gods?,4. Therefore, fellow citizens, if he is willing to lay down his office of his own accord, let us allow him to leave the city with his possessions; but if he does not choose to do so, we have at the present moment the fairest opportunity to assert our freedom. We are all gathered together; we have weapons in our hands; we have allies about us, not only the Greeks from Italy but also those from the Peloponnesus.,5. The chief command must be given, according to the laws, either to citizens, or to the Corinthians who dwell in our mother-city, or to the Spartans who are the first power in Greece." 14.70. 1. After this speech by Theodorus the Syracusans were in high spirits and kept their eyes fixed on their allies; and when Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, the admiral of the allies, stepped up to the platform, all expected that he would take the lead for liberty.,2. But he was on friendly terms with the tyrant and declared that the Lacedaemonians had dispatched him to aid the Syracusans and Dionysius against the Carthaginians, not to overthrow the rule of Dionysius. At this statement so contrary to expectation the mercenaries flocked about Dionysius, and the Syracusans in dismay made no move, although they called down many curses on the Spartans.,3. For on a previous occasion Aretes the Lacedaemonian, at the time that he was asserting the right of the Syracusans to freedom, had betrayed them, and now at this time Pharacidas vetoed the movement of the Syracusans. For the moment Dionysius was in great fear and dissolved the assembly, but later he won the favour of the multitude by kindly words, honouring some of them with gifts and inviting some to general banquets.,4. After the Carthaginians had seized the suburb and pillaged the temple of Demeter and Corê, a plague struck the army. Over and above the disaster sent by influence of the city, there were contributing causes: that myriads of people were gathered together, that it was the time of year which is most productive of plagues, and that the particular summer had brought unusually hot water.,5. It also seems likely that the place itself was responsible for the excessive extent of the disaster; for on a former occasion the Athenians too, who occupied the same camp, had perished in great numbers from the plague, since the terrain was marshy and in a hollow.,6. First, before sunrise, because of the cold from the breeze over the waters, their bodies were struck with chills, but in the middle of the day the heat was stifling, as must be the case when so great a multitude is gathered together in a narrow place. 14.109. 1. The Olympic Games were at hand and Dionysius dispatched to the contest several four-horse teams, which far surpassed all others in swiftness, and also pavilions for the festive occasion, which were interwoven with gold and embellished with expensive cloth of gay and varied colours. He also sent the best professional reciters that they might present his poems in the gathering and thus win glory for the name of Dionysius, for he was madly addicted to poetry.,2. In charge of all this he sent along his brother Thearides. When Thearides arrived at the gathering, he was a centre of attraction for the beauty of the pavilions and the large number of four-horse teams; and when the reciters began to present the poems of Dionysius, at first the multitude thronged together because of the pleasing voices of the actors and all were filled with wonder. But on second consideration, when they observed how poor his verses were, they laughed Dionysius to scorn and went so far to their rejection that some of them even ventured to rifle the tents.,3. Indeed the orator Lysias, who was at that time in Olympia urged the multitude not to admit to the sacred festival the representatives from a most impious tyranny; and at this time he delivered his Olympiacus.,4. In the course of the contest chance brought it about that some of Dionysius' chariots left the course and others collided among themselves and were wrecked. Likewise the ship which was on its way to Sicily carrying the representatives from the games was wrecked by strong winds near Taras in Italy.,5. Consequently the sailors who got safe to Syracuse spread the story throughout the city, we are told, that the badness of the verses caused the ill-success, not only of the reciters, but of the teams and of the ship with them.,6. When Dionysius learned of the ridicule that had been heaped upon his verses, his flatterers told him that every fair accomplishment is first an object of envy and then of admiration. He therefore did not give up his devotion to writing.,7. The Romans fought a battle at Gurasium with the Volscians and slew great numbers of the enemy. 15.74.5. Dionysius the younger on his succession to the tyranny first gathered the populace in an assembly and urged them in appropriate words to maintain toward him the loyalty that passed to him with the heritage that he had received from his father; then, having buried his father with magnificent obsequies in the citadel by the gates called royal, he made secure for himself the administration of the government. 16.10.3. Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles as generals with absolute power. 16.20.6. An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land. Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily. 16.32.3. When Onomarchus arose and delivered a carefully argued speech urging them to adhere to their original purpose, he swung the sentiment of the gathering toward war, though he did so not so much with the intention of consulting the common welfare as with a view to his own interests, for he had been sentenced frequently and severely by the Amphictyons in the same manner as the rest and had not discharged the fines. Accordingly, seeing that war was more desirable for himself than peace, he quite logically urged the Phocians and their allies to adhere to the project of Philomelus. 16.55.1. After the capture of Olynthus, he celebrated the Olympian festival to the gods in commemoration of his victory, and offered magnificent sacrifices; and he organized a great festive assembly at which he held splendid competitions and thereafter invited many of the visiting strangers to his banquets. 16.91.5. He wanted as many Greeks as possible to take part in the festivities in honour of the gods, and so planned brilliant musical contests and lavish banquets for his friends and guests. 16.92. 1. So great numbers of people flocked together from all directions to the festival, and the games and the marriage were celebrated in Aegae in Macedonia. Not only did individual notables crown him with golden crowns but most of the important cities as well, and among them Athens.,2. As this award was being announced by the herald, he ended with the declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered up. The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming.,3. There were other like words also spoken, seemingly divinely inspired, which forecast the king's death. At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and in his popularity, to present some well-received pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian campaign. The artist thought that his piece would be taken as appropriate to Philip's crossing and intended to rebuke the wealth of the Persian king, great and famous as it was, (suggesting) that it could some day be overturned by fortune. Here are the words that he first sang: "Your thoughts reach higher than the air; You dream of wide fields' cultivation. The homes you plan surpass the homes That men have known, but you do err, Guiding your life afar. But one there is who'll catch the swift, Who goes a way obscured in gloom, And sudden, unseen, overtakes And robs us of our distant hopes â Death, mortals' source of many woes."He continued with the rest of the song, all of it dealing with the same theme.,4. Philip was enchanted with the message and was completely occupied with the thought of the overthrow of the Persian king, for he remembered the Pythian oracle which bore the same meaning as the words quoted by the tragic actor.,5. Finally the drinking was over and the start of the games set for the following day. While it was still dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suitable for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve gods. 16.92.5. Finally the drinking was over and the start of the games set for the following day. While it was still dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suitable for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve gods. 16.93. 1. Every seat in the theatre was taken when Philip appeared wearing a white cloak, and by his express orders his bodyguard held away from him and followed only at a distance, since he wanted to show publicly that he was protected by the goodwill of all the Greeks, and had no need of a guard of spearmen.,2. Such was the pinnacle of success that he had attained, but as the praises and congratulations of all rang in his ears, suddenly without warning the plot against the king was revealed as death struck.,3. We shall set forth the reasons for this in order that our story may be clear. There was a Macedonian Pausanias who came of a family from the district Orestis. He was a bodyguard of the king and was beloved of him because of his beauty.,4. When he saw that the king was becoming enamoured of another Pausanias (a man of the same name as himself), he addressed him with abusive language, accusing him of being a hermaphrodite and prompt to accept the amorous advances of any who wished.,5. Unable to endure such an insult, the other kept silent for the time, but, after confiding to Attalus, one of his friends, what he proposed to do, he brought about his own death voluntarily and in a spectacular fashion.,6. For a few days after this, as Philip was engaged in battle with Pleurias, king of the Illyrians, Pausanias stepped in front of him and, receiving on his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his death.,7. The incident was widely discussed and Attalus, who was a member of the court circle and influential with the king, invited the first Pausanias to dinner and when he had plied him till drunk with unmixed wine, handed his unconscious body over to the muleteers to abuse in drunken licentiousness.,8. So he presently recovered from his drunken stupor and, deeply resenting the outrage to his person, charged Attalus before the king with the outrage. Philip shared his anger at the barbarity of the act but did not wish to punish Attalus at that time because of their relationship, and because Attalus's services were needed urgently.,9. He was the nephew of the Cleopatra whom the king had just married as a new wife and he had been selected as a general of the advanced force being sent into Asia, for he was a man valiant in battle. For these reasons, the king tried to mollify the righteous anger of Pausanias at his treatment, giving him substantial presents and advancing him in honour among his bodyguards. 16.94. 1. Pausanias, nevertheless, nursed his wrath implacably, and yearned to avenge himself, not only on the one who had done him wrong, but also on the one who failed to avenge him. In this design he was encouraged especially by the sophist Hermocrates. He was his pupil, and when he asked in the course of his instruction how one might become most famous, the sophist replied that it would be by killing the one who had accomplished most, for just as long as he was remembered, so long his slayer would be remembered also. Pausanias connected this saying with his private resentment, and admitting no delay in his plans because of his grievance he determined to act under cover of the festival in the following manner.,2. He posted horses at the gates of the city and came to the entrance of the theatre carrying a Celtic dagger under his cloak.,3. When Philip directed his attending friends to precede him into the theatre, while the guards kept their distance, he saw that the king was left alone, rushed at him, pierced him through his ribs, and stretched him out dead; then ran for the gates and the horses which he had prepared for his flight.,4. Immediately one group of the bodyguards hurried to the body of the king while the rest poured out in pursuit of the assassin; among these last were Leonnatus and Perdiccas and Attalus. Having a good start, Pausanias would have mounted his horse before they could catch him had he not caught his boot in a vine and fallen. As he was scrambling to his feet, Perdiccas and the rest came up with him and killed him with their javelins. 16.95. 1. Such was the end of Philip, who had made himself the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time, and because of the extent of his kingdom had made himself a throned companion of the twelve gods. He had ruled twenty-four years.,2. He is known to fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to support his claim to a throne won for himself the greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth of his position was not due so much to his prowess in arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy.,3. Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his valour in actual battle.,4. Every member of his army shared in the successes which were won in the field but he alone got credit for victories won through negotiation. ,5. Now that we have come to the death of Philip, we shall conclude this book here according to our original statement. Beginning the next one with Alexander's accession as king we shall try to include all of his career in one book. 16.95.1. Such was the end of Philip, who had made himself the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time, and because of the extent of his kingdom had made himself a throned companion of the twelve gods. He had ruled twenty-four years. 17.16.3. He then proceeded to show them where their advantage lay and by appeals aroused their enthusiasm for the contests which lay ahead. He made lavish sacrifices to the gods at Dium in Macedonia and held the dramatic contests in honour of Zeus and the Muses which Archelaüs, one of his predecessors, had instituted. 17.16.4. He celebrated the festival for nine days, naming each day after one of the Muses. He erected a tent to hold a hundred couches and invited his Friends and officers, as well as the ambassadors from the cities, to the banquet. Employing great magnificence, he entertained great numbers in person besides distributing to his entire force sacrificial animals and all else suitable for the festive occasion, and put his army in a fine humour. 19.9. 1. Next he called together the Assembly and accused the Six Hundred and the oligarchy that they had brought into existence, saying that he had cleansed the state of those men who were trying to become her masters; and he proclaimed that he was restoring liberty undefiled to the people, and that he wished to be relieved at last of his burdens and become a private citizen on terms of equality with all.,2. As he said this, he tore off his military cloak and, assuming civil garb, set out to leave, showing that he himself was one of the many. But in doing this he was merely playing the part of a democrat with full knowledge that the majority of the members of the Assembly had had a share in his unholy acts and for this reason would not be willing to vote the generalship to anyone else.,3. At any rate, those who had plundered the property of the victims instantly cried out, begging him not to leave them but to accept the general administration of the state. At first he maintained silence; then, as the mob pressed more insistently upon him, he said that he accepted the generalship, but that he would not rule jointly with others,,4. for he would not consent as one member of a board to be held legally accountable for acts illegally committed by the others. Since the majority agreed that he should rule alone, he was elected general with absolute power, and thereafter he openly exercised authority and governed the city.,5. of the Syracusans who were uncorrupted, some were forced to endure in patience because of their fears, and others, outmatched by the mob, did not venture to make an unavailing display of their hostility. On the other hand, many of those who were poor and involved in debt welcomed the revolution, for Agathocles promised in the Assembly both to abolish debts and to distribute land to the poor.,6. When he had finished with these matters, he made an end of further slaughter and punishment. With a complete change of humour he showed himself affable to the common people and won no slight popularity by aiding many, by encouraging no small number with promises, and by currying favour from all by philanthropic words.,7. Although he possessed such power, he neither assumed a diadem, nor employed a bodyguard, nor affected a haughty demeanour, as is the custom of almost all tyrants. He kept a careful watch over the public revenues and over the preparation of armour and weapons, and he had warships constructed in addition to those already at hand. He also gained control of most of the regions and cities of the interior. This, then, was the situation in Sicily. 20.108. 1. Antigonus, who had made preparations to celebrate great games and a festival in Antigonia, had collected from all sides the most famous athletes and artists to compete for great prizes and fees. But when he heard of the crossing of Lysimachus and the desertion of his own generals, he abandoned the games but distributed to the athletes and artists not less than two hundred talents as compensation.,2. He himself taking his army set out from Syria and made a rapid march against the enemy. Arriving at Tarsus in Cilicia, he paid the army for three months from the money he had brought down from Cyinda.,3. Apart from this fund, he was carrying three thousand talents with the army in order that he might have this provision whenever he had need of money. Then, crossing the Taurus Range, he marched toward Cappadocia; and, advancing upon those who had deserted him in upper Phrygia and Lycaonia, he restored them again to the former alliance.,4. At this very time Lysimachus, on hearing of the presence of the enemy, held a council considering how he ought to meet the approaching dangers.,5. They decided not to join in battle until Seleucus should come down from the upper satrapies, but to occupy strong positions and, after making their encampment safe with palisade and ditch, to await the onslaught of the enemy. They therefore carried out their decision with vigour; but Antigonus, when he came near the enemy, drew up his army and challenged them to battle.,6. When no one dared to issue forth, he himself occupied certain places through which it was necessary that the provisions of his opponents should be transported; and Lysimachus, fearing that if their food supply should be cut off, they would then be at the mercy of the enemy, broke camp at night, made a forced march of four hundred stades, and camped near Dorylaeum;,7. for the stronghold had an ample store of grain and other supplies, and a river ran by it that could give protection to those who camped beside it. Pitching camp, they strengthened their encampment with a deep ditch and a triple stockade. 22.8.4. Thus Pyrrhus sailed unchallenged into Syracuse, and accepted delivery of the Island from Thoenon, and of the rest of the city from the citizens and Sosistratus. This Sosistratus had made himself master of Acragas and of many other cities, and had an army of more than ten thousand men. Pyrrhus effected a reconciliation between Thoenon and Sosistratus and the Syracusans and restored harmony, thinking to gain great popularity by virtue of the peace. |
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| 32. Horace, Odes, 1.16.17-1.16.18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 228 |
33. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 135-139, 34-42, 33 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3 | 33. for he encouraged the idle and lazy mob of the city (and the mob of Alexandria is one accustomed to great license of speech, and one which delights above measure in calumny and evil-speaking), to abuse the king, either beginning to revile him in his own person, or else exhorting and exciting others to do so by the agency of persons who were accustomed to serve him in business of this kind. |
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34. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 2.2-2.3, 3.133, 32.41-32.43, 32.60 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32, 112, 165 | 2.2. It is true that sometimes, because of their youth and enthusiasm, they spoil the sport by barking and starting the game too soon, but sometimes too they bring down the game themselves by bounding ahead. This, in fact, happened to Alexander at the very beginning, so that they say he brought about the battle and victory of Chaeronea when his father shrank from taking the risk. Now it was on this occasion, when they were at Dium in Pieria on their way home from the campaign and were sacrificing to the Muses and celebrating the Olympic festival, which is said to be an ancient institution in that country, 2.3. that Philip in the course of their conversation put this question to Alexander: "Why, my son, have you become so infatuated with Homer that you devote yourself to him alone of all the poets? You really ought not to neglect the others, for the men are wise." And Alexander replied: "My reason, father, is that not all poetry, any more than every style of dress, is appropriate to a king, as it seems to me. 3.133. Since nature made him a man, and man of exalted station in life, he too needs some distraction as it were to relieve his more serious duties; and it is this, alas! which for many has proved to be the source of many ignoble and soul-destroying vices â vices which also destroy the high esteem in which royalty is held. 32.41. What, then, do you suppose those people say when they have returned to their homes at the ends of the earth? Do they not say: "We have seen a city that in most respects is admirable and a spectacle that surpasses all human spectacles, with regard both to beauty and sanctuaries and multitude of inhabitants and abundance of all that man requires," going on to describe to their fellow citizens as accurately as possible all the things that I myself named a short while ago â all about the Nile, the land, and the sea, and in particular the epiphany of the god; "and yet," they will add, "it is a city that is mad over music and horse-races and in these matters behaves in a manner entirely unworthy of itself. For the Alexandrians are moderate enough when they offer sacrifice or stroll by themselves or engage in their other pursuits; but when they enter the theatre or the stadium, just as if drugs that would madden them lay buried there, they lose all consciousness of their former state and are not ashamed to say or do anything that occurs to them. 32.42. And what is most distressing of all is that, despite their interest in the show, they do not really see, and, though they wish to hear, they do not hear, being evidently out of their senses and deranged â not only men, but even women and children. And when the dreadful exhibition is over and they are dismissed, although the more violent aspect of their disorder has been extinguished, still at street-corners and in alley-ways the malady continues throughout the entire city for several days; just as when a mighty conflagration has died down, you can see for a long time, not only the smoke, but also some portions of the buildings still aflame." 32.43. Moreover, some Persian or Bactrian is likely to say: "We ourselves know how to ride horses and are held to be just about the best in horsemanship" â for they cultivate that art for the defence of their empire and independence â "but for all that we have never behaved that way or anything like it"; whereas you, who have never handled a horse or mounted one yourselves, are unable to restrain yourselves, but are like lame men squabbling over a foot-race. That may explain why, cowards and slackers though you are, you have won so many cavalry battles in the past! 32.60. Surely it is not the Spartans you are imitating, is it? It is said, you know, that in olden days they made war to the accompaniment of the pipe; but your warfare is to the accompaniment of the harp. Or do you desire â for I myself have compared king with commons do you, I ask, desire to be thought afflicted with the same disease as Nero? Why, not even he profited by his intimate acquaintance with music and his devotion to it. And how much better it would be to imitate the present ruler in his devotion to culture and reason! Will you not discard that disgraceful and immoderate craving for notoriety? Will you not be cautious about poking fun at everybody else, and, what is more, before persons who, if I may say so, have nothing great or wonderful to boast of? |
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35. Plutarch, Timoleon, 37.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66| 37.3. τοῦ δὲ Δημαινέτου πολλὰ κατηγορήσαντος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τῆς στρατηγίας, πρός ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπε, τοῖς δὲ θεοῖς ἔφη χάριν ὀφείλειν, οἷς εὔξατο Συρακουσίους ἐπιδεῖν τῆς παρρησίας κυρίους γενομένους. | 37.3. And when the other, Demaenetus, brought many denunciations in open assembly against his conduct in the field, to him, indeed, Timoleon made no answer, but said he owed thanks to the gods, for he had prayed them that he might live to see the Syracusans gain the right of free speech. |
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36. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.11.1-1.11.2, 6.28.3, 7.14.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tragedy, and autocrats •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 22, 33| 1.11.1. ταῦτα δὲ διαπραξάμενος ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν· καὶ τῷ τε Διὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ τὴν θυσίαν τὴν ἀπʼ Ἀρχελάου ἔτι καθεστῶσαν ἔθυσε καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐν Αἰγαῖς διέθηκε τὰ Ὀλύμπια· οἱ δὲ καὶ ταῖς Μούσαις λέγουσιν ὅτι ἀγῶνα ἐποίησε. 1.11.2. καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἀγγέλλεται τὸ Ὀρφέως τοῦ Οἰάγρου τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς ἄγαλμα τὸ ἐν Πιερίδι ἱδρῶσαι ξυνεχῶς· καὶ ἄλλοι ἄλλα ἐπεθείαζον τῶν μάντεων, Ἀρίστανδρος δέ, ἀνὴρ Τελμισσεύς, μάντις, θαρρεῖν ἐκέλευσεν Ἀλέξανδρον· δηλοῦσθαι γὰρ, ὅτι ποιηταῖς ἐπῶν τε καὶ μελῶν καὶ ὅσοι ἀμφὶ ᾠδὴν ἔχουσι πολὺς πόνος ἔσται ποιεῖν τε καὶ ᾅδειν ἀλέξανδρον καὶ τὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου ἔργα. 6.28.3. ἀλλὰ ἐκεῖνα ἤδη Ἀριστοβούλῳ ἑπόμενος ξυγγράφω, θῦσαι ἐν Καρμανίᾳ Ἀλέξανδρον χαριστήρια τῆς κατʼ Ἰνδῶν νίκης καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς στρατιᾶς, ὅτι ἀπεσώθη ἐκ Γαδρωσίων, καὶ ἀγῶνα διαθεῖναι μουσικόν τε καὶ γυμνικόν· καταλέξαι δὲ καὶ Πευκέσταν ἐς τοὺς σωματοφύλακας, ἤδη μὲν ἐγνωκότα σατράπην καταστῆσαι τῆς Περσίδος, ἐθέλοντα δὲ πρὸ τῆς σατραπείας μηδὲ ταύτης τῆς τιμῆς καὶ πίστεως ἀπείρατον εἶναι ἐπὶ τῷ ἐν Μαλλοῖς ἔργῳ· 7.14.10. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ ἔταξεν ἀντὶ Ἡφαιστίωνος χιλίαρχον ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ τῇ ἑταιρικῇ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς μὴ ἀπόλοιτο τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐκ τῆς τάξεως, ἀλλὰ Ἡφαιστίωνός τε ἡ χιλιαρχία ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῆς ἡγεῖτο τὸ ἐξ Ἡφαιστίωνος πεποιημένον. ἀγῶνά τε ἐπενόει ποιῆσαι γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικὸν πλήθει τε τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων καὶ τῇ εἰς αὐτὸν χορηγίᾳ πολύ τι τῶν ἄλλων τῶν πρόσθεν ἀριδηλότερον· τρισχιλίους γὰρ ἀγωνιστὰς τοὺς σύμπαντας παρεσκεύασε. καὶ οὗτοι ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τῷ τάφῳ λέγουσιν ὅτι ἠγωνίσαντο. | |
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| 37. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 72, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 26, 35 |
38. Plutarch, Themistocles, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 22| 25.1. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐξῆσαι τὴν πόλιν βουλόμενος ἐκάλει πάντας ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις, καὶ τὸ δεῦρʼ ἴτε πάντες λεῴ κήρυγμα Θησέως γενέσθαι φασὶ πανδημίαν τινὰ καθιστάντος. οὐ μὴν ἄτακτον οὐδὲ μεμιγμένην περιεῖδεν ὑπὸ πλήθους ἐπιχυθέντος ἀκρίτου γενομένην τὴν δημοκρατίαν, ἀλλὰ πρῶτος ἀποκρίνας χωρὶς εὐπατρίδας καὶ γεωμόρους καὶ δημιουργούς, | |
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| 39. Suetonius, Augustus, 85, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 112, 163, 165, 166, 172, 183, 199, 201, 228 |
| 40. Suetonius, Nero, 20.3, 21.3, 46.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3, 165 |
| 41. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3 |
| 42. Tacitus, Annals, 14.15.5, 15.65.2, 15.67.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3, 112 |
| 43. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 26 |
| 44. Juvenal, Satires, 8.229 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
| 45. Plutarch, Dion, 42.8-42.43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
| 46. Plutarch, Demetrius, 34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
47. Plutarch, De Fluviis, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 25| 25.1. 1. Ἰνδὸς ποταμός ἐστι τῆς Ἰνδίας, ῥοίζῳ μεγάλῳ καταφερόμενος εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰχθυοφάγων γῆν· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Μαυσωλὸς ἀπὸ Μαυσωλοῦ τοῦ Ἡλίου μετωνομάσθη δὲ δι᾿ σἰτίαν τοιαύτην. Τῶν τοῦ Διονόσου μυστηρίων τελουμένων καὶ τῶν ἐγχωρίων τῇ δεισιδαιμονία προσευκαιρούντων, Ἰνδὸς, τῶν ἐπισήμων νέος, τὴν Ὀξυάλκου τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα Δαμασαλκίδαν κανηφοροῦσαν βιασάμενος ἔφθειρεν· ζητούμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου πρὸς κόλασιν, διὰ φόβον ἑαυτὸν ἔβαλεν εἰς ποταμὸν Μαυσωλὸν, ὃς ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ Ἰνδὸς μετωνομάσθη. | |
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| 48. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
49. Plutarch, Lysander, 18.4-18.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, friendships with poets and actors Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 34| 18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 18.5. Πλάτων δὲ νέος ὢν τότε, καὶ θαυμάζων τὸν Ἀντίμαχον ἐπὶ τῇ ποιητικῇ, βαρέως φέροντα τὴν ἧτταν ἀνελάμβανε καὶ παρεμυθεῖτο, τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι κακὸν εἶναι φάμενος τὴν ἄγνοιαν, ὥσπερ τὴν τυφλότητα τοῖς μὴ βλέπουσιν. ἐπεὶ μέντοι ὁ κιθαρῳδὸς Ἀριστόνους ἑξάκις Πύθια νενικηκὼς ἐπηγγέλλετο τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ φιλοφρονούμενος, ἂν νικήσῃ πάλιν, Λυσάνδρου κηρύξειν ἑαυτόν, ἦ δοῦλον; εἶπεν. | 18.4. 18.5. |
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50. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 6.22.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 25| 6.22.2. οἰκιστὴν μὲν δὴ γενέσθαι τῇ πόλει Πίσον τὸν Περιήρους φασὶ τοῦ Αἰόλου· Πισαῖοι δὲ ἐφειλκύσαντο αὐθαίρετον συμφορὰν ἀπεχθανόμενοί τε Ἠλείοις καὶ σπουδὴν ποιούμενοι τιθέναι τὸν Ὀλυμπικὸν ἀγῶνα ἀντὶ Ἠλείων, οἵγε Ὀλυμπιάδι μὲν τῇ ὀγδόῃ τὸν Ἀργεῖον ἐπηγάγοντο Φείδωνα τυράννων τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι μάλιστα ὑβρίσαντα καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἔθεσαν ὁμοῦ τῷ Φείδωνι, τετάρτῃ δὲ Ὀλυμπιάδι καὶ τριακοστῇ στρατὸν οἱ Πισαῖοι καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν Πανταλέων ὁ Ὀμφαλίωνος παρὰ τῶν προσχώρων ἀθροίσαντες ἐποίησαν ἀντὶ Ἠλείων τὰ Ὀλύμπια. | 6.22.2. The founder of the city, they say, was Pisus, the son of Perieres, the son of Aeolus. The people of Pisa brought of themselves disaster on their own heads by their hostility to the Eleans, and by their keenness to preside over the Olympic games instead of them. At the eighth Festival 748 B.C. they brought in Pheidon of Argos , the most overbearing of the Greek tyrants, and held the games along with him, while at the thirty-fourth Festival 644 B.C. the people of Pisa , with their king Pantaleon the son of Omphalion, collected an army from the neighborhood, and held the Olympic games instead of the Eleans. |
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| 51. Lucian, The Ignorant Book-Collector, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 33 |
| 52. Philostratus The Athenian, Nero, 8-9 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 53. Lucian, The Dance, 38, 40-60, 39 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 112 |
| 54. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 4.38.5, 4.39.2, 7.4.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
| 55. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 7.38, 7.40-7.41, 11.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 56. Polyaenus, Stratagems, (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 20 |
| 57. Gellius, Attic Nights, 10.18.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 33 |
| 58. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 75 |
59. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 40.13.1, 59.5, 61.20.4, 63.9.4, 63.10.2, 63.22.6, 63.24.5, 66.8.2-66.8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3, 103, 163, 165, 166, 172, 183, 199, 201, 228 | 40.13.1. Crassus, on his side, quietly won over the garrisons and especially the Greek cities, among them one named Nicephorium. For colonists in great numbers, descendants of the Macedonians and of the other Greeks who had campaigned in Asia with them, readily transferred their allegiance to the Romans, since they were oppressed by the violence of the barbarians (?), and placed strong hopes in the invaders, whom they regarded as friends of the Greeks. 59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. 63.22.6. They were held by Augustus and by Claudius, whereas this fellow might most properly be termed Thyestes, Oedipus, Alcmeon, or Orestes; for these are the characters that he represents on the stage and it is these titles that he has assumed in place of the others. Therefore rise now at length against him; succour yourselves and succour the Romans; liberate the entire world!" |
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| 60. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.54.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
| 61. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 15.2.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
62. Strabo, Geography, 9.2.2 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 102, 103 | 9.2.2. Ephorus declares that Boeotia is superior to the countries of the bordering tribes, not only in fertility of soil, but also because it alone has three seas and has a greater number of good harbors; in the Crisaean and Corinthian Gulf s it receives the products of Italy and Sicily and Libya, while in the part which faces Euboea, since its seaboard branches off on either side of the Euripus, on one side towards Aulis and the territory of Tanagra and on the other towards Salganeus and Anthedon, the sea stretches unbroken in the one direction towards Egypt and Cyprus and the islands, and in the other direction towards Macedonia and the regions of the Propontis and the Hellespont. And he adds that Euboea has, in a way, been made a part of Boeotia by the Euripus, since the Euripus is so narrow and is spanned by a bridge to Euripus only two plethra long. Now he praises the country on account of these things; and he says that it is naturally well suited to hegemony, but that those who were from time to time its leaders neglected careful training and education, and therefore, although they at times achieved success, they maintained it only for a short time, as is shown in the case of Epameinondas; for after he died the Thebans immediately lost the hegemony, having had only a taste of it; and that the cause of this was the fact that they belittled the value of learning and of intercourse with mankind, and cared for the military virtues alone. Ephorus should have added that these things are particularly useful in dealing with Greeks, although force is stronger than reason in dealing with the barbarians. And the Romans too, in ancient times, when carrying on war with savage tribes, needed no training of this kind, but from the time that they began to have dealings with more civilized tribes and races, they applied themselves to this training also, and so established themselves as lords of all. |
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| 63. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Nemean Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32 |
| 64. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 31 |
| 65. Epigraphy, Ig, 12.6.334 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, friendships with poets and actors Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 34 |
| 66. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.45, 7.707 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 21, 74 |
| 67. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1.929 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, friendships with poets and actors Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 35 |
| 68. Anon., Scholia To Aristophanes Thesm., 137 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
| 69. Anon., Suda, μ454, φ358, α1982 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32 |
| 70. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 4.8.3 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 88 |
| 71. Chion of Heraclea, Letters, 17.1 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 26 |
| 72. Demosthenes, Orations, 15.19, 19.192 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32, 199 |
| 73. Epigraphy, Didyma, 163, 233 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 228 |
| 74. Epigraphy, Iasos, 1 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 24 |
| 75. Epigraphy, Ig I , 117.31-117.36 Tagged with subjects: •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 22 |
| 76. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1.344, 1.346-1.347, 1.347.11-1.347.15, 1.423, 18.6-18.7 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, friendships with poets and actors •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 24, 26, 35 |
| 77. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 358 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 163, 165, 166, 172, 183, 199, 201, 228 |
| 78. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2399 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 66 |
| 79. Hermippus of Smyrna, Fhg Iii, 46 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 20 |
| 80. Dioscorides (Epigrammatist), Anthologia Palatina, 7.707 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 74 |
| 81. Hermippus of Smyrna, Fgrh 1026, None Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30 |
| 82. Euripides, Trgf Fr., 208, 228, 287 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 83. Arrian, Epict. Diss., 1.24.16 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 84. Memnon of Heraclea Pontica, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 33 |
| 85. Epigraphy, Seg, 52.741, 53.587 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •tragedy, and autocrats Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 20, 31 |
| 87. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 22.2 Tagged with subjects: •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and theatre •autocrats/autocracy see also dionysus, monarchy, satyrplay, tragedy, tyrants\n, and divinity Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 30, 66 |
| 88. Epigraphy, Mylasa, 2-3, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 24 |
