1. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 734, 733 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 142| 733. τῆς σῆς πορείας, Βόσπορος δʼ ἐπώνυμος | |
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2. Herodotus, Histories, 2.85-2.89 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 210 | 2.85. They mourn and bury the dead like this: whenever a man of note is lost to his house by death, all the women of the house daub their faces or heads with mud; then they leave the corpse in the house and roam about the city lamenting, with their garments girt around them and their breasts showing, and with them all the women of their relatives; ,elsewhere, the men lament, with garments girt likewise. When this is done, they take the dead body to be embalmed. 2.86. There are men whose sole business this is and who have this special craft. ,When a dead body is brought to them, they show those who brought it wooden models of corpses, painted likenesses; the most perfect way of embalming belongs, they say, to One whose name it would be impious for me to mention in treating such a matter; the second way, which they show, is less perfect than the first, and cheaper; and the third is the least costly of all. Having shown these, they ask those who brought the body in which way they desire to have it prepared. ,Having agreed on a price, the bearers go away, and the workmen, left alone in their place, embalm the body. If they do this in the most perfect way, they first draw out part of the brain through the nostrils with an iron hook, and inject certain drugs into the rest. ,Then, making a cut near the flank with a sharp knife of Ethiopian stone, they take out all the intestines, and clean the belly, rinsing it with palm wine and bruised spices; ,they sew it up again after filling the belly with pure ground myrrh and casia and any other spices, except frankincense. After doing this, they conceal the body for seventy days, embalmed in saltpetre; no longer time is allowed for the embalming; ,and when the seventy days have passed, they wash the body and wrap the whole of it in bandages of fine linen cloth, anointed with gum, which the Egyptians mostly use instead of glue; ,then they give the dead man back to his friends. These make a hollow wooden figure like a man, in which they enclose the corpse, shut it up, and keep it safe in a coffin-chamber, placed erect against a wall. 2.87. That is how they prepare the dead in the most costly way; those who want the middle way and shun the costly, they prepare as follows. ,The embalmers charge their syringes with cedar oil and fill the belly of the dead man with it, without making a cut or removing the intestines, but injecting the fluid through the anus and preventing it from running out; then they embalm the body for the appointed days; on the last day they drain the belly of the cedar oil which they put in before. ,It has such great power as to bring out with it the internal organs and intestines all dissolved; meanwhile, the flesh is eaten away by the saltpetre, and in the end nothing is left of the body but hide and bones. Then the embalmers give back the dead body with no more ado. 2.88. The third manner of embalming, the preparation of the poorer dead, is this: they cleanse the belly with a purge, embalm the body for the seventy days and then give it back to be taken away. 2.89. Wives of notable men, and women of great beauty and reputation, are not at once given to the embalmers, but only after they have been dead for three or four days; ,this is done to deter the embalmers from having intercourse with the women. For it is said that one was caught having intercourse with the fresh corpse of a woman, and was denounced by his fellow-workman. |
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3. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 5.64-5.66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 207| 5.64. ex eadem urbe humilem homunculum a pulvere et radio excitabo, qui multis annis post fuit, Archimedem. cuius ego quaestor ignoratum ab Syracusanis, cum esse omnino negarent, saeptum septum X undique et vestitum vestitutum V 1 vepribus et dumetis indagavi sepulcrum. tenebam enim quosdam senariolos, quos in eius monumento esse inscriptos acceperam, qui declarabant in summo sepulcro sphaeram spheram X (18 spherae RV sphaere GK) esse positam cum cylindro. 5.65. ego autem cum omnia conlustrarem oculis—est enim ad ad a GRV 1 ( corr. V 3 ) portas Agragantinas ego ducem cum...16 portas gaianas Non.335,24 agragantinas Came rarius agragianas X gaianas (gafanas L 1 ) Non. agragentinas Sey. ( cf. Th.l.l.l.1428 ) magna frequentia sepulcrorum—, animum adverti columellam non multum e dumis eminentem, in qua inerat sphaerae figura et cylindri. atque ego statim Syracusanis— erant autem principes mecum—dixi me illud ipsum arbitrari esse, quod quaererem. inmissi cum inmissi cum s V 3 inmusicum X (inmuscum K) falcibus multi multi famuli Lattmann milites olim Sey. purgarunt et aperuerunt locum. 5.66. quo cum patefactus patefactum X esset aditus, ad adversam a ddit' adadv. G basim bassim X ( corr. G 1 ) accessimus. accessimus R sed -ss- e corr. ( fuit fort. accedimus) acces imus V apparebat epigramma epygramma KRV exesis posterioribus partibus versiculorum dimidiatum dimidiatis X (di prius in r. R 1 ) corr. Bentl. (dimidiatus de versiculis vel de epigrammate dici poterat, de partibus non poterat cf. Gell. 3, 14 ) fere. ita nobilissima Graeciae civitas, quondam vero etiam doctissima, sui civis unius acutissimi monumentum ignorasset, nisi ab homine Arpinate Arpinati We.cl.leg.1, 4 al. didicisset. sed redeat, reddeat X ( corr. G 1 ) unde aberravit oratio: quis est omnium, qui qui quo V 1 modo cum Musis, id est cum humanitate humilitate K 1 ut v. et cum doctrina, habeat aliquod commercium, qui se non hunc mathematicum malit quam illum tyrannum? si vitae modum actionemque quaerimus, alterius mens rationibus agitandis exquirendisque alebatur cum oblectatione sollertiae, qui est unus suavissimus pastus patus K 1 ( r ss. c ) animorum, alterius in caede et iniuriis cum et diurno et nocturno metu. age confer Democritum Pythagoram, Anaxagoram: quae regna, quas opes studiis eorum et delectationibus antepones? | |
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| 4. Sallust, Historiae, 3.88 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 207 |
5. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 5.313, 13.708, 15.745-15.842, 15.871-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208, 212, 214| 5.313. vel nos Emathiis ad Paeonas usque nivosos 13.708. urbibus Ausonios optant contingere portus: 15.745. Hic tamen accessit delubris advena nostris: 15.746. Caesar in urbe sua deus est; quem Marte togaque 15.747. praecipuum non bella magis finita triumphis 15.748. resque domi gestae properataque gloria rerum 15.749. in sidus vertere novum stellamque comantem, 15.750. quam sua progenies; neque enim de Caesaris actis 15.751. ullum maius opus, quam quod pater exstitit huius: 15.752. scilicet aequoreos plus est domuisse Britannos 15.753. perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili 15.754. victrices egisse rates Numidasque rebelles 15.755. Cinyphiumque Iubam Mithridateisque tumentem 15.756. nominibus Pontum populo adiecisse Quirini 15.757. et multos meruisse, aliquos egisse triumphos, 15.758. quam tantum genuisse virum? Quo praeside rerum 15.759. humano generi, superi, favistis abunde! 15.760. Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine cretus, 15.761. ille deus faciendus erat. Quod ut aurea vidit 15.762. Aeneae genetrix, vidit quoque triste parari 15.763. pontifici letum et coniurata arma moveri, 15.764. palluit et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, divis 15.765. “adspice” dicebat, “quanta mihi mole parentur 15.766. insidiae quantaque caput cum fraude petatur, 15.767. quod de Dardanio solum mihi restat Iulo. 15.768. Solane semper ero iustis exercita curis, 15.769. quam modo Tydidae Calydonia vulneret hasta, 15.770. nunc male defensae confundant moenia Troiae, 15.771. quae videam natum longis erroribus actum 15.772. iactarique freto sedesque intrare silentum 15.773. bellaque cum Turno gerere, aut, si vera fatemur, 15.774. cum Iunone magis? Quid nunc antiqua recordor 15.775. damna mei generis? Timor hic meminisse priorum 15.776. non sinit: en acui sceleratos cernitis enses? 15.777. Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque repellite, neve 15.778. caede sacerdotis flammas exstinguite Vestae!” 15.779. Talia nequiquam toto Venus anxia caelo 15.780. verba iacit superosque movet, qui rumpere quamquam 15.781. ferrea non possunt veterum decreta sororum, 15.782. signa tamen luctus dant haud incerta futuri. 15.783. Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes 15.784. terribilesque tubas auditaque cornua caelo 15.785. praemonuisse nefas; solis quoque tristis imago 15.786. lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris. 15.787. Saepe faces visae mediis ardere sub astris, 15.788. saepe inter nimbos guttae cecidere cruentae. 15.789. Caerulus et vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra 15.790. sparsus erat, sparsi Lunares sanguine currus. 15.791. Tristia mille locis Stygius dedit omina bubo, 15.792. mille locis lacrimavit ebur, cantusque feruntur 15.793. auditi sanctis et verba mitia lucis. 15.794. Victima nulla litat magnosque instare tumultus 15.795. fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis. 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.797. nocturnos ululasse canes umbrasque silentum 15.798. erravisse ferunt motamque tremoribus urbem. 15.799. Non tamen insidias venturaque vincere fata 15.800. praemonitus potuere deum, strictique feruntur 15.801. in templum gladii; neque enim locus ullus in urbe 15.802. ad facinus diramque placet nisi curia, caedem. 15.803. Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque 15.804. pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube, 15.805. qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 15.806. et Diomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses. 15.807. Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808. nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809. tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810. ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro, 15.811. quae neque concussum caeli neque fulminis iram 15.812. nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813. Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814. fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815. et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri. 15.816. Hic sua complevit, pro quo, Cytherea, laboras, 15.817. tempora, perfectis, quos terrae debuit, annis. 15.818. Ut deus accedat caelo templisque colatur, 15.819. tu facies natusque suus, qui nominis heres 15.820. impositum feret unus onus caesique parentis 15.821. nos in bella suos fortissimus ultor habebit. 15.822. Illius auspiciis obsessae moenia pacem 15.823. victa petent Mutinae, Pharsalia sentiet illum. 15.824. Emathiique iterum madefient caede Philippi, 15.825. et magnum Siculis nomen superabitur undis, 15.826. Romanique ducis coniunx Aegyptia taedae 15.827. non bene fisa cadet, frustraque erit illa minata, 15.828. servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo. 15.829. Quid tibi barbariem, gentesque ab utroque iacentes 15.830. oceano numerem? Quodcumque habitabile tellus 15.831. sustinet, huius erit: pontus quoque serviet illi! 15.832. Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertet 15.833. iura suum legesque feret iustissimus auctor 15.834. exemploque suo mores reget inque futuri 15.835. temporis aetatem venturorumque nepotum 15.836. prospiciens prolem sancta de coniuge natam 15.837. ferre simul nomenque suum curasque iubebit, 15.838. nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequaverit annos, 15.839. aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget. 15.840. Hanc animam interea caeso de corpore raptam 15.841. fac iubar, ut semper Capitolia nostra forumque 15.842. divus ab excelsa prospectet Iulius aede.” 15.871. Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872. nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.873. Cum volet, illa dies, quae nil nisi corporis huius 15.874. ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875. parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876. astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877. quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878. ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879. siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam. | |
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| 6. Livy, History, 9.17-9.19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 207 |
| 7. Horace, Odes, 1.37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 209, 211, 212 |
| 8. Propertius, Elegies, 3.11.30-3.11.58 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 209, 212 |
9. Tacitus, Annals, 1.61-1.62, 2.59-2.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 206, 211| 1.61. Igitur cupido Caesarem invadit solvendi suprema militibus ducique, permoto ad miserationem omni qui aderat exercitu ob propinquos, amicos, denique ob casus bellorum et sortem hominum. praemisso Caecina ut occulta saltuum scrutaretur pontesque et aggeres umido paludum et fallacibus campis inponeret, incedunt maestos locos visuque ac memoria deformis. prima Vari castra lato ambitu et dimensis principiis trium legionum manus ostentabant; dein semiruto vallo, humili fossa accisae iam reliquiae consedisse intellegebantur: medio campi albentia ossa, ut fugerant, ut restiterant, disiecta vel aggerata. adiacebant fragmina telorum equorumque artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa ora. lucis propinquis barbarae arae, apud quas tribunos ac primorum ordinum centuriones mactaverant. et cladis eius superstites, pugnam aut vincula elapsi, referebant hic cecidisse legatos, illic raptas aquilas; primum ubi vulnus Varo adactum, ubi infelici dextera et suo ictu mortem invenerit; quo tribunali contionatus Arminius, quot patibula captivis, quae scrobes, utque signis et aquilis per superbiam inluserit. 1.62. Igitur Romanus qui aderat exercitus sextum post cladis annum trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas reliquias an suorum humo tegeret, omnis ut coniunctos, ut consanguineos, aucta in hostem ira, maesti simul et infensi condebant. primum extruendo tumulo caespitem Caesar posuit, gratissimo munere in defunctos et praesentibus doloris socius. quod Tiberio haud probatum, seu cuncta Germanici in deterius trahenti, sive exercitum imagine caesorum insepultorumque tardatum ad proelia et formidolosiorem hostium credebat; neque imperatorem auguratu et vetustissimis caerimoniis praeditum adtrectare feralia debuisse. 2.59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. 2.61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. | 1.61. There came upon the Caesar, therefore, a passionate desire to pay the last tribute to the fallen and their leader, while the whole army present with him were stirred to pity at thought of their kindred, of their friends, ay! and of the chances of battle and of the lot of mankind. Sending Caecina forward to explore the secret forest passes and to throw bridges and causeways over the flooded marshes and treacherous levels, they pursued their march over the dismal tract, hideous to sight and memory. Varus' first camp, with its broad sweep and measured spaces for officers and eagles, advertised the labours of three legions: then a half-ruined wall and shallow ditch showed that there the now broken remt had taken cover. In the plain between were bleaching bones, scattered or in little heaps, as the men had fallen, fleeing or standing fast. Hard by lay splintered spears and limbs of horses, while human skulls were nailed prominently on the tree-trunks. In the neighbouring groves stood the savage altars at which they had slaughtered the tribunes and chief centurions. Survivors of the disaster, who had escaped the battle or their chains, told how here the legates fell, there the eagles were taken, where the first wound was dealt upon Varus, and where he found death by the suicidal stroke of his own unhappy hand. They spoke of the tribunal from which Arminius made his harangue, all the gibbets and torture-pits for the prisoners, and the arrogance with which he insulted the standards and eagles. 1.62. And so, six years after the fatal field, a Roman army, present on the ground, buried the bones of the three legions; and no man knew whether he consigned to earth the remains of a stranger or a kinsman, but all thought of all as friends and members of one family, and, with anger rising against the enemy, mourned at once and hated. At the erection of the funeral-mound the Caesar laid the first sod, paying a dear tribute to the departed, and associating himself with the grief of those around him. But Tiberius disapproved, possibly because he put an invidious construction on all acts of Germanicus, possibly because he held that the sight of the unburied dead must have given the army less alacrity for battle and more respect for the enemy, while a commander, invested with the augurate and administering the most venerable rites of religion, ought to have avoided all contact with a funeral ceremony. 2.60. Not yet aware, however, that his itinerary was disapproved, Germanicus sailed up the Nile, starting from the town of Canopus â founded by the Spartans in memory of the helmsman so named, who was buried there in the days when Menelaus, homeward bound for Greece, was blown to a distant sea and the Libyan coast. From Canopus he visited the next of the river-mouths, which is sacred to Hercules (an Egyptian born, according to the local account, and the eldest of the name, the others of later date and equal virtue being adopted into the title); then, the vast remains of ancient Thebes. On piles of masonry Egyptian letters still remained, embracing the tale of old magnificence, and one of the senior priests, ordered to interpret his native tongue, related that "once the city contained seven hundred thousand men of military age, and with that army King Rhamses, after conquering Libya and Ethiopia, the Medes and the Persians, the Bactrian and the Scyth, and the lands where the Syrians and Armenians and neighbouring Cappadocians dwell, had ruled over all that lies between the Bithynian Sea on the one hand and the Lycian on the other." The tribute-lists of the subject nations were still legible: the weight of silver and gold, the number of weapons and horses, the temple-gifts of ivory and spices, together with the quantities of grain and other necessaries of life to be paid by the separate countries; revenues no less imposing than those which are now exacted by the might of Parthia or by Roman power. 2.61. But other marvels, too, arrested the attention of Germanicus: in especial, the stone colossus of Memnon, which emits a vocal sound when touched by the rays of the sun; the pyramids reared mountain high by the wealth of emulous kings among wind-swept and all but impassable sands; the excavated lake which receives the overflow of Nile; and, elsewhere, narrow gorges and deeps impervious to the plummet of the explorer. Then he proceeded to Elephantine and Syene, once the limits of the Roman Empire, which now stretches to the Persian Gulf. |
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| 10. Plutarch, Apopthegmata Romana, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 |
| 11. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.762-13.775 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 210 |
| 12. Martial, Epigrams, 10.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 213 |
| 13. Martial, Epigrams, 10.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 213 |
| 14. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.1, 7.770-7.776, 7.785-7.786, 7.852, 8.692-8.699, 8.713-8.793, 8.820-8.846, 9.1-9.18, 9.64, 9.150-9.163, 9.475-9.479, 9.511-9.586, 9.961-9.999, 9.1010-9.1104, 10.6-10.52, 10.58, 10.63-10.73, 10.160-10.171, 10.329-10.338 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 215 |
| 15. Statius, Siluae, 2.7, 3.2.101-3.2.126, 3.2.142-3.2.143 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 15, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 218 |
| 16. Suetonius, Augustus, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 |
| 17. Tacitus, Agricola, 46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 |
| 18. Frontinus, Strategemata, 1.1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 209 |
| 19. Suetonius, Iulius, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 |
20. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208| 11.3. ὁμοίως δὲ πάλιν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, σχολῆς οὔσης ἀναγινώσκοντά τι τῶν περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου γεγραμμένων σφόδρα γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, εἶτα καὶ δακρῦσαι· τῶν δὲ φίλων θαυμασάντων τὴν αἰτίαν εἰπεῖν οὐ δοκεῖ ὑμῖν ἄξιον εἶναι λύπης, εἰ τηλικοῦτος μὲν ὢν Ἀλέξανδρος ἤδη τοσούτων ἐβασίλευεν, ἐμοὶ δὲ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὔπω πέπρακται; | 11.3. |
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| 21. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.89, 2.149-2.154 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208, 209 |
22. Tacitus, Histories, 2.70 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 206 | 2.70. Vitellius next turned aside to Cremona, and after witnessing the exhibition of gladiators provided by Caecina, conceived a desire to tread the plains of Bedriacum and to see with his own eyes the traces of his recent victory. It was a revolting and ghastly sight: not forty days had passed since the battle, and on every side were mutilated corpses, severed limbs, rotting bodies of men and horses, the ground soaked with filth and gore, trees overthrown and crops trampled down in appalling devastation. No less barbarous was the sight presented by that part of the road which the people of Cremona strewed with laurel and roses, while they erected altars and slew victims as if they were greeting an eastern king; but their present joy was later the cause of their ruin. Valens and Caecina attended Vitellius and explained the scene of the battle; they showed that at this point the legions had rushed to the attack; there the cavalry had charged; and there the auxiliary forces had surrounded the foe. Tribunes too and prefects, each extolling his own deeds, mingled truth with falsehood or at least with exaggeration of the truth. The common soldiers also with shouts of joy turned from the road, recognized the stretches over which the battle had raged, and looked with wonder on the heaps of arms and the piles of bodies. Some among them were moved to tears and pity by the vicissitudes of fortune on which they gazed. But Vitellius never turned away his eyes or showed horror at the sight of so many citizens deprived of the rites of burial. Indeed he was filled with joy, and, ignorant of his own fate which was so near, he offered sacrifice to the local divinities. |
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| 23. Suetonius, Caligula, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 |
24. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 37.52.2, 51.16-51.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208 | 37.52.2. in fact, he hoped, if he should at this time accomplish something, to be chosen consul immediately and to display mighty achievements. He was especially encouraged in this hope by the fact that while at Gades, when quaestor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his mother, and had learned from the seers that he should enjoy great power. Hence, on beholding there a likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Hercules, he had groaned aloud, lamenting that he had performed no great deed as yet. 51.16. 1. As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2. I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3. This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4. nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5. After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 51.17. 1. Afterwards he made Egypt tributary and gave it in charge of Cornelius Gallus. For in view of the populousness of both the cities and the country, the facile, fickle character of the inhabitants, and the extent of the grain-supply and of the wealth, so far from daring to entrust the land to any senator, he would not even grant a senator permission to live in it, except as he personally made the concession to him by name.,2. On the other hand he did not allow the Egyptians to be senators in Rome; but whereas he made various dispositions as regards the several cities, he commanded the Alexandrians to conduct their government without senators; with such capacity for revolution, I suppose, did he credit them.,3. And of the system then imposed upon them most details are rigorously preserved at the present time, but they have their senators both in Alexandria, beginning first under the emperor Severus, and also in Rome, these having first been enrolled in the senate in the reign of Severus' son Antoninus.,4. Thus was Egypt enslaved. All the inhabitants who resisted for a time were finally subdued, as, indeed, Heaven very clearly indicated to them beforehand. For it rained not only water where no drop had ever fallen previously, but also blood; and there were flashes of armour from the clouds as this bloody rain fell from them.,5. Elsewhere there was the clashing of drums and cymbals and the notes of flutes and trumpets, and a serpent of huge size suddenly appeared to them and uttered an incredibly loud hiss. Meanwhile comets were seen and dead men's ghosts appeared, the statues frowned, and Apis bellowed a note of lamentation and burst into tears.,6. So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought.,7. And apart from these, all the rest, even though no particular complaint could be lodged against them, had two-thirds of their property demanded of them. Out of this wealth all the troops received what was owing them, and those who were with Caesar at the time got in addition a thousand sesterces on condition of not plundering the city.,8. Repayment was made in full to those who had previously advanced loans, and to both the senators and the knights who had taken part in the war large sums were given. In fine, the Roman empire was enriched and its temples adorned. |
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25. Strabo, Geography, 17.1.8, 17.1.10-17.1.13 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208, 209, 214 | 17.1.8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and] confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him. 17.1.10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of embalming the dead.On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places, which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient rites and customs are neglected.In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it.The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or race-course), as it is called, and other buildings near it, and reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Caesar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidae, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved. 17.1.11. Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the son of Lagus by Philadelphus, Philadelphus by Euergetes; next succeeded Philopator the lover of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, afterwards Philometor, the son (thus far) always succeeding the father. But Philometor was succeeded by his brother, the second Euergetes, who was also called Physcon. He was succeeded by Ptolemy surnamed Lathurus, Lathurus by Auletes of our time, who was the father of Cleopatra. All these kings, after the third Ptolemy, were corrupted by luxury and effeminacy, and the affairs of government were very badly administered by them; but worst of all by the fourth, the seventh, and the last, Auletes (or the Piper), who, besides other deeds of shamelessness, acted the piper; indeed he gloried so much in the practice, that he scrupled not to appoint trials of skill in his palace; on which occasions he presented himself as a competitor with other rivals. He was deposed by the Alexandrines; and of his three daughters, one, the eldest, who was legitimate, they proclaimed queen; but his two sons, who were infants, were absolutely excluded from the succession.As a husband for the daughter established on the throne, the Alexandrines invited one Cybiosactes from Syria, who pretended to be descended from the Syrian kings. The queen after a few days, unable to endure his coarseness and vulgarity, rid herself of him by causing him to be strangled. She afterwards married Archelaus, who also pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that Archelaus who carried on war against Sulla, and was afterwards honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of Cappadocia in our time, and priest of Comana in Pontus. He was then (at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians, but unknown to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and declared king.At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as his guest on his arrival at Rome, and recommended him to the senate, negotiated his return, and contrived the execution of most of the deputies, in number a hundred, who had undertaken to appear against him: at their head was Dion the academic philosopher.Ptolemy (Auletes) on being restored by Gabinius, put to death both Archelaus and his daughter; but not long after he was reinstated in his kingdom, he died a natural death, leaving two sons and two daughters, the eldest of whom was Cleopatra.The Alexandrines declared as sovereigns the eldest son and Cleopatra. But the adherents of the son excited a sedition, and banished Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria.It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight from Palaepharsalus, came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. He was treacherously slain by the king's party. When Caesar arrived, he put the young prince to death, and sending for Cleopatra from her place of exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns.After the death of Caesar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his wife, and had children by her. He was present with her at the battle of Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Caesar pursued them, put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and revelry. 17.1.12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute, and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and which of right falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freedmen and stewards, who are entrusted with affairs of more or less importance.Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge. The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation at the state of things when lie was there: he describes the inhabitants of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil affairs. Tile second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body ; for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens; but still they were better than the mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions, frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of the poet (says Polybius) were verified: The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. 17.1.13. Such then, if not worse, was the condition of the city under the last kings. The Romans, as far as they were able, corrected, as I have said, many abuses, and established an orderly government, by appointing vice-governors, nomarchs, and ethnarchs, whose business it was to superintend affairs of minor importance.The greatest advantage which the city possesses arises from its being the only place in all Egypt well situated by nature for communication with the sea by its excellent harbour, and with the land by the river, by means of which everything is easily transported and collected together into this city, which is the greatest mart in the habitable world.These may be said to be the superior excellencies of the city. Cicero, in one of his orations, in speaking of the revenues of Egypt, states that an annual tribute of 12,000 talents was paid to Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. If then a king, who administered his government in the worst possible manner, and with the greatest negligence, obtained so large a revenue, what must we suppose it to be at present, when affairs are administered with great care, and when the commerce with India and with Troglodytica has been so greatly increased ? For formerly not even twenty vessels ventured to navigate the Arabian Gulf, or advance to the smallest distance beyond the straits at its mouth; but now large fleets are despatched as far as India and the extremities of Ethiopia, from which places the most valuable freights are brought to Egypt, and are thence exported to other parts, so that a double amount of custom is collected, arising from imports on the one hand, and from exports on the other. The most expensive description of goods is charged with the heaviest impost; for in fact Alexandreia has a monopoly of trade, and is almost the only receptacle for this kind of merchandise and place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends.Next to it is Cyrenaea, and the neighboring barbarians, the Marmaridae. |
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26. Vergil, Aeneis, 3.294-3.471, 8.688-8.713 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 206, 209 | 3.294. or ken our way. Three days of blinding dark, 3.295. three nights without a star, we roved the seas; 3.296. The fourth, land seemed to rise. Far distant hills 3.297. and rolling smoke we saw. Down came our sails, 3.298. out flew the oars, and with prompt stroke the crews 3.299. wept the dark waves and tossed the crested foam. 3.300. From such sea-peril safe, I made the shores 3.301. of Strophades,—a name the Grecians gave 3.302. to islands in the broad Ionic main, — 3.303. the Strophades, where dread Celaeno bides, 3.304. with other Harpies, who had quit the halls 3.305. of stricken Phineus, and for very fear 3.306. fled from the routed feast; no prodigy 3.307. more vile than these, nor plague more pitiless 3.308. ere rose by wrath divine from Stygian wave; 3.309. birds seem they, but with face like woman-kind; 3.310. foul-flowing bellies, hands with crooked claws, 3.311. and ghastly lips they have, with hunger pale. 3.312. Scarce had we made the haven, when, behold! 3.313. Fair herds of cattle roaming a wide plain, 3.314. and horned goats, untended, feeding free 3.315. in pastures green, surprised our happy eyes. 3.316. with eager blades we ran to take and slay, 3.317. asking of every god, and chicfly Jove, 3.318. to share the welcome prize: we ranged a feast, 3.319. with turf-built couches and a banquet-board 3.320. along the curving strand. But in a trice, 3.321. down from the high hills swooping horribly, 3.322. the Harpies loudly shrieking, flapped their wings, 3.323. natched at our meats, and with infectious touch 3.324. polluted all; infernal was their cry, 3.325. the stench most vile. Once more in covert far 3.326. beneath a caverned rock, and close concealed 3.327. with trees and branching shade, we raised aloft 3.328. our tables, altars, and rekindled fires. 3.329. Once more from haunts unknown the clamorous flock 3.330. from every quarter flew, and seized its prey 3.331. with taloned feet and carrion lip most foul. 3.332. I called my mates to arms and opened war 3.333. on that accursed brood. My band obeyed; 3.334. and, hiding in deep grass their swords and shields, 3.335. in ambush lay. But presently the foe 3.336. wept o'er the winding shore with loud alarm : 3.337. then from a sentry-crag, Misenus blew 3.338. a signal on his hollow horn. My men 3.339. flew to the combat strange, and fain would wound 3.340. with martial steel those foul birds of the sea; 3.341. but on their sides no wounding blade could fall, 3.342. nor any plume be marred. In swiftest flight 3.343. to starry skies they soared, and left on earth 3.344. their half-gnawed, stolen feast, and footprints foul. 3.345. Celaeno only on a beetling crag 3.346. took lofty perch, and, prophetess of ill, 3.347. hrieked malediction from her vulture breast: 3.348. “Because of slaughtered kine and ravished herd, 3.349. ons of Laomedon, have ye made war? 3.350. And will ye from their rightful kingdom drive 3.351. the guiltless Harpies? Hear, O, hear my word 3.352. (Long in your bosoms may it rankle sore!) 3.353. which Jove omnipotent to Phoebus gave, 3.354. Phoebus to me: a word of doom, which I, 3.355. the Furies' elder sister, here unfold: 3.356. ‘To Italy ye fare. The willing winds 3.357. your call have heard; and ye shall have your prayer 3.358. in some Italian haven safely moored. 3.359. But never shall ye rear the circling walls 3.360. of your own city, till for this our blood 3.361. by you unjustly spilt, your famished jaws 3.363. She spoke: her pinions bore her to the grove, 3.364. and she was seen no more. But all my band 3.365. huddered with shock of fear in each cold vein; 3.366. their drooping spirits trusted swords no more, 3.367. but turned to prayers and offerings, asking grace, 3.368. carce knowing if those creatures were divine, 3.369. or but vast birds, ill-omened and unclean. 3.370. Father Anchises to the gods in heaven 3.371. uplifted suppliant hands, and on that shore 3.372. due ritual made, crying aloud; “Ye gods 3.373. avert this curse, this evil turn away! 3.374. Smile, Heaven, upon your faithful votaries.” 3.375. Then bade he launch away, the chain undo, 3.376. et every cable free and spread all sail. 3.377. O'er the white waves we flew, and took our way 3.378. where'er the helmsman or the winds could guide. 3.379. Now forest-clad Zacynthus met our gaze, 3.380. engirdled by the waves; Dulichium, 3.381. ame, and Neritos, a rocky steep, 3.382. uprose. We passed the cliffs of Ithaca 3.383. that called Laertes king, and flung our curse 3.384. on fierce Ulysses' hearth and native land. 3.385. nigh hoar Leucate's clouded crest we drew, 3.386. where Phoebus' temple, feared by mariners, 3.387. loomed o'er us; thitherward we steered and reached 3.388. the little port and town. Our weary fleet 3.390. So, safe at land, our hopeless peril past, 3.391. we offered thanks to Jove, and kindled high 3.392. his altars with our feast and sacrifice; 3.393. then, gathering on Actium 's holy shore, 3.394. made fair solemnities of pomp and game. 3.395. My youth, anointing their smooth, naked limbs, 3.396. wrestled our wonted way. For glad were we, 3.397. who past so many isles of Greece had sped 3.398. and 'scaped our circling foes. Now had the sun 3.399. rolled through the year's full circle, and the waves 3.400. were rough with icy winter's northern gales. 3.401. I hung for trophy on that temple door 3.402. a swelling shield of brass (which once was worn 3.403. by mighty Abas) graven with this line: 3.404. SPOIL OF AENEAS FROM TRIUMPHANT FOES. 3.405. Then from that haven I command them forth; 3.406. my good crews take the thwarts, smiting the sea 3.407. with rival strokes, and skim the level main. 3.408. Soon sank Phaeacia's wind-swept citadels 3.409. out of our view; we skirted the bold shores 3.410. of proud Epirus , in Chaonian land, 3.412. Here wondrous tidings met us, that the son 3.413. of Priam, Helenus, held kingly sway 3.414. o'er many Argive cities, having wed 3.415. the Queen of Pyrrhus, great Achilles' son, 3.416. and gained his throne; and that Andromache 3.417. once more was wife unto a kindred lord. 3.418. Amazement held me; all my bosom burned 3.419. to see the hero's face and hear this tale 3.420. of strange vicissitude. So up I climbed, 3.421. leaving the haven, fleet, and friendly shore. 3.422. That self-same hour outside the city walls, 3.423. within a grove where flowed the mimic stream 3.424. of a new Simois, Andromache, 3.425. with offerings to the dead, and gifts of woe, 3.426. poured forth libation, and invoked the shade 3.427. of Hector, at a tomb which her fond grief 3.428. had consecrated to perpetual tears, 3.429. though void; a mound of fair green turf it stood, 3.430. and near it rose twin altars to his name. 3.431. She saw me drawing near; our Trojan helms 3.432. met her bewildered eyes, and, terror-struck 3.433. at the portentous sight, she swooning fell 3.434. and lay cold, rigid, lifeless, till at last, 3.435. carce finding voice, her lips addressed me thus : 3.436. “Have I true vision? Bringest thou the word 3.437. of truth, O goddess-born? Art still in flesh? 3.438. Or if sweet light be fled, my Hector, where?” 3.439. With flood of tears she spoke, and all the grove 3.440. reechoed to her cry. Scarce could I frame 3.441. brief answer to her passion, but replied 3.442. with broken voice and accents faltering: 3.443. “I live, 't is true. I lengthen out my days 3.444. through many a desperate strait. But O, believe 3.445. that what thine eyes behold is vision true. 3.446. Alas! what lot is thine, that wert unthroned 3.447. from such a husband's side? What after-fate 3.448. could give thee honor due? Andromache, 3.450. With drooping brows and lowly voice she cried : 3.451. “O, happy only was that virgin blest, 3.452. daughter of Priam, summoned forth to die 3.453. in sight of Ilium , on a foeman's tomb! 3.454. No casting of the lot her doom decreed, 3.455. nor came she to her conqueror's couch a slave. 3.456. Myself from burning Ilium carried far 3.457. o'er seas and seas, endured the swollen pride 3.458. of that young scion of Achilles' race, 3.459. and bore him as his slave a son. When he 3.460. ued for Hermione, of Leda's line, 3.461. and nuptial-bond with Lacedaemon's Iords, 3.462. I, the slave-wife, to Helenus was given, 3.463. and slave was wed with slave. But afterward 3.464. Orestes, crazed by loss of her he loved, 3.465. and ever fury-driven from crime to crime, 3.466. crept upon Pyrrhus in a careless hour 3.467. and murdered him upon his own hearth-stone. 3.468. Part of the realm of Neoptolemus 3.469. fell thus to Helenus, who called his lands 3.470. Chaonian, and in Trojan Chaon's name 3.471. his kingdom is Chaonia. Yonder height 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns 8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds 8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia , 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. 8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen 8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome 8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. 8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son 8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read 8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me |
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| 27. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.41.1, 2.87 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208, 209 |
| 28. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 1.531-1.560, 2.640, 3.20-3.31, 3.357-3.416, 4.344-4.422 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 142, 214 |
| 29. Papyri, P.Oxy., 25.2435 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 211 |
30. Vergil, Georgics, 4.463 Tagged with subjects: •tombs, of cleopatra Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 212| 4.463. atque Getae atque Hebrus et Actias Orithyia. | |
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