1. Hesiod, Theogony, 1003-1007 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 203 | 1007. Her troops in dreadful strife, unwearying, |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 21.277-21.278, 22.358-22.360 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 | 21.277. / None other of the heavenly gods do I blame so much, but only my dear mother, that beguiled me with false words, saying that beneath the wall of the mail-clad Trojans I should perish by the swift missiles of Apollo. Would that Hector had slain me, the best of the men bred here; 21.278. / None other of the heavenly gods do I blame so much, but only my dear mother, that beguiled me with false words, saying that beneath the wall of the mail-clad Trojans I should perish by the swift missiles of Apollo. Would that Hector had slain me, the best of the men bred here; 22.358. / Then even in dying spake unto him Hector of the flashing helm:Verily I know thee well, and forbode what shall be, neither was it to be that I should persuade thee; of a truth the heart in thy breast is of iron. Bethink thee now lest haply I bring the wrath of the gods upon thee on the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo shall slay thee, 22.359. / Then even in dying spake unto him Hector of the flashing helm:Verily I know thee well, and forbode what shall be, neither was it to be that I should persuade thee; of a truth the heart in thy breast is of iron. Bethink thee now lest haply I bring the wrath of the gods upon thee on the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo shall slay thee, 22.360. / valorous though thou art, at the Scaean gate. Even as he thus spake the end of death enfolded him and his soul fleeting from his limbs was gone to Hades, bewailing her fate, leaving manliness and youth. And to him even in his death spake goodly Achilles: |
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| 3. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 1.9.1-1.9.2, 5.34-5.38, 9.1-9.2, 9.4-9.7 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186, 202 |
4. Aeschylus, Persians, 350 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186| 350. ἀρχὴ δὲ ναυσὶ συμβολῆς τίς ἦν, φράσον· | 350. But the beginning of the encounter of the fleets, tell me about it. Who began the onset? Was it the Hellenes? Or my son, exulting in the multitude of his ships? Messenger |
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| 5. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 5.105-5.107, 6.23-6.25, 8.22 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 183, 202 |
| 6. Pindar, Paeanes, 6.1-6.73, 6.78-6.183 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 201, 202 |
| 7. Pindar, Olympian Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 202 |
| 8. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 3.2-3.3, 4.12-4.13, 5.8-5.16, 7.32-7.33, 7.42-7.47, 8.9-8.12 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 202, 203, 221, 222 |
9. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1144, 1143 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217| 1143. ἐλθὼν δὲ σὺν ὁπλίταισι τετρακισχιλίοις | |
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10. Herodotus, Histories, 7.143-7.144, 8.35-8.39, 8.121-8.122, 8.131.1, 8.132.1-8.132.2, 9.81.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217, 221, 222 | 7.143. Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. ,Correctly understood, the gods' oracle was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies, and his advice was that they should believe their ships to be the wooden wall and so make ready to fight by sea. ,When Themistocles put forward this interpretation, the Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than the readers of oracles, who would have had them prepare for no sea fight, and, in short, offer no resistance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other country. 7.144. The advice of Themistocles had prevailed on a previous occasion. The revenues from the mines at Laurium had brought great wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when each man was to receive ten drachmae for his share, Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make no such division but to use the money to build two hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with Aegina. ,This was in fact the war the outbreak of which saved Hellas by compelling the Athenians to become seamen. The ships were not used for the purpose for which they were built, but later came to serve Hellas in her need. These ships, then, had been made and were already there for the Athenians' service, and now they had to build yet others. ,In their debate after the giving of the oracle they accordingly resolved that they would put their trust in the god and meet the foreign invader of Hellas with the whole power of their fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks who were so minded. 8.35. So this part of the barbarian army marched as I have said, and others set forth with guides for the temple at Delphi, keeping Parnassus on their right. These, too, laid waste to every part of Phocis which they occupied, burning the towns of the Panopeans and Daulii and Aeolidae. ,The purpose of their parting from the rest of the army and marching this way was that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and lay its wealth before Xerxes, who (as I have been told) had better knowledge of the most notable possessions in the temple than of what he had left in his own palace, chiefly the offerings of Croesus son of Alyattes; so many had always spoken of them. 8.36. When the Delphians learned all this, they were very much afraid, and in their great fear they inquired of the oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing, saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. ,Upon hearing that, the Delphians took thought for themselves. They sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods into the Corycian cave, but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short, all the Delphians left the town save sixty men and the prophet. 8.37. Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple, the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, which no man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. ,So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle, but when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine, but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. ,When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky, and two peaks broken off from Parnassus came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph were heard from the temple of Athena. 8.38. All of this together struck panic into the barbarians, and the Delphians, perceiving that they fled, descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said (as I have been told) that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described: two men-at-arms of stature greater than human,they said, had come after them, slaying and pursuing. 8.39. These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus' by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous' near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. ,The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. 8.121. As for the Greeks, not being able to take Andros, they went to Carystus. When they had laid it waste, they returned to Salamis. First of all they set apart for the gods, among other first-fruits, three Phoenician triremes, one to be dedicated at the Isthmus, where it was till my lifetime, the second at Sunium, and the third for Ajax at Salamis where they were. ,After that, they divided the spoils and sent the first-fruits of it to Delphi; of this was made a man's image twelve cubits high, holding in his hand the figurehead of a ship. This stood in the same place as the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian. 8.122. Having sent the first-fruits to Delphi, the Greeks, in the name of the country generally, made inquiry of the god whether the first-fruits which he had received were of full measure and whether he was content. To this he said that he was content with what he had received from all other Greeks, but not from the Aeginetans. From these he demanded the victor's prize for the sea-fight of Salamis. When the Aeginetans learned that, they dedicated three golden stars which are set on a bronze mast, in the angle, nearest to Croesus' bowl. 8.131.1. As for the Greeks, the coming of spring and Mardonius' being in Thessaly moved them to action. They had not yet begun the mustering of their army, but their fleet, one hundred and ten ships, came to Aegina. 8.132.1. When all the ships had arrived at Aegina, there came to the Greek quarters messengers from the Ionians, the same who a little while before that had gone to Sparta and entreated the Lacedaemonians to free Ionia. 8.132.2. One of these was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These, who at first were seven, made a faction and conspired to slay Strattis, the tyrant of Chios, but when their conspiracy became known, one of the accomplices having revealed their enterprise, the six who remained got them secretly out of Chios, from where they went to Sparta and now to Aegina, entreating the Greeks to sail to Ionia. 9.81.1. Having brought all the loot together, they set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi. From this was made and dedicated that tripod which rests upon the bronze three-headed serpent, nearest to the altar; another they set apart for the god of Olympia, from which was made and dedicated a bronze figure of Zeus, ten cubits high; and another for the god of the Isthmus, from which was fashioned a bronze Poseidon seven cubits high. When they had set all this apart, they divided what remained, and each received, according to his worth, concubines of the Persians and gold and silver, and all the rest of the stuff and the beasts of burden. |
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11. Euripides, Andromache, 1106, 52-55, 1107 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 222| 1107. δίκας παρασχεῖν βουλόμεσθ': ᾔτησα γὰρ | |
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| 12. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 335, 334 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
13. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.31.3, 5.53, 6.32.2, 7.20.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217| 2.31.3. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ἐσβολαὶ Ἀθηναίων ἐς τὴν Μεγαρίδα καὶ ἱππέων καὶ πανστρατιᾷ, μέχρι οὗ Νίσαια ἑάλω ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων. 6.32.2. ξυνεπηύχοντο δὲ καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ὁ ἐκ τῆς γῆς τῶν τε πολιτῶν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος εὔνους παρῆν σφίσιν. παιανίσαντες δὲ καὶ τελεώσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἀνήγοντο, καὶ ἐπὶ κέρως τὸ πρῶτον ἐκπλεύσαντες ἅμιλλαν ἤδη μέχρι Αἰγίνης ἐποιοῦντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ἔνθαπερ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα τῶν ξυμμάχων ξυνελέγετο, ἠπείγοντο ἀφικέσθαι. 7.20.3. καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημοσθένης ἐς τὴν Αἴγιναν προσπλεύσας τοῦ στρατεύματός τε εἴ τι ὑπελέλειπτο περιέμενε καὶ τὸν Χαρικλέα τοὺς Ἀργείους παραλαβεῖν. | 2.31.3. Other incursions into the Megarid were afterwards made by the Athenians annually during the war, sometimes only with cavalry, sometimes with all their forces. This went on until the capture of Nisaea . 6.32.2. In their prayers joined also the crowds on shore, the citizens and all others that wished them well. The hymn sung and the libations finished, they put out to sea, and first sailing out in column then raced each other as far as Aegina , and so hastened to reach Corcyra where the rest of the allied forces were also assembling. 7.20.3. and accordingly sailed to Aegina and there waited for the remainder of his armament, and for Charicles to fetch the Argive troops. |
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| 14. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 6.24.9 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 15. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 16. Aeschines, Letters, 16, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
| 17. Theophrastus, De Signis Tempestatum, 1.24 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 181 |
18. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.1048 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 222| 1.1048. ἐνναέται τιμαῖς ἡρωίσι κυδαίνουσιν. | |
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19. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.20.1, 9.26.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 | 7.20.1. The consuls appointed to succeed them, Marcus Minucius Augurinus and Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who were both invested with this magistracy for the second time, being men not unskilled either in arms or in debate, took great care to supply the city plentifully with both corn and all other provisions, believing that the harmony of the masses depended on their well-being in this respect. Nevertheless, it was not their good fortune to obtain both these ends at the same time, but the surfeit of good things was accompanied by the insolence of those who had the benefit of them. 9.26.9. Accordingly, the people did not think it fitting either to hold festival as for a glorious victory or to mourn as for a great and irreparable calamity; and the senate, while ordering the required sacrifices to be offered to the gods, did not permit the consuls to conduct the triumphal procession in token of a victory. A few days later the city was filled with all sorts of provisions, as not only the men who had been sent out by the commonwealth but also those who were accustomed to carry on this trade had brought in much corn; consequently, everybody enjoyed the same abundance as aforetime. |
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| 20. Livy, History, 7.2.2, 7.27.1, 8.25.5, 22.10.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 21. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 113, 107 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
22. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.61, 4.82, 11.34.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 181, 217, 223 | 4.61. 1. Minos, when he learned of the fate which had befallen his son, came to Athens and demanded satisfaction for the murder of Androgeos. And when no one paid any attention to him, he declared war against the Athenians and uttered imprecations to Zeus, calling down drought and famine throughout the state of the Athenians. And when drought quickly prevailed about Attica and Greece and the crops were destroyed, the heads of the communities gathered together and inquired of the god what steps they could take to rid themselves of their present evils. The god made answer to them that they should go to Aeacus, the son of Zeus and Aeginê, the daughter of Asopus, and ask him to off up prayers on their behalf.,2. And when they had done as they had been commanded, among the rest of the Greeks, the drought was broken, but among the Athenians alone it continued; wherefore the Athenians were compelled to make inquiry of the god how they might be rid of their present evils. Thereupon the god made answer that they could do so if they would render to Minos such satisfaction for the murder of Androgeos as he might demand.,3. The Athenians obeyed the order of the god, and Minos commanded them that they should give seven youths and as many maidens every nine years to the Minotaur for him to devour, for as long a time as the monster should live. And when the Athenians gave them, the inhabitants of Attica were rid of their evils and Minos ceased warring on Athens. At the expiration of nine years Minos came again to Attica accompanied by a great fleet and demanded and received the fourteen young people.,4. Now Theseus was one of those who were to set forth, and Aegeus made the agreement with the captain of the vessel that, if Theseus should overcome the Minotaur, they should sail back with their sails white, but if he died, they should be black, just as they had been accustomed to do on the previous occasion. When they had landed in Crete, Ariadnê, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of Theseus, who was unusually handsome, and Theseus, after conversing with her and securing her assistance, both slew the Minotaur and got safely away, since he had learned from her the way out of the labyrinth.,5. In making his way back to his native land he carried off Ariadnê and sailed out unobserved during the night, after which he put in at the island which at that time was called Dia, but is now called Naxos. At this same time, the myths relate, Dionysus showed himself on the island, and because of the beauty of Ariadnê he took the maiden away from Theseus and kept her as his lawful wife, loving her exceedingly. Indeed, after her death he considered her worthy of immortal honours because of the affection he had for her, and placed among the stars of heaven the "Crown of Ariadnê.",6. But Theseus, they say, being vexed exceedingly because the maiden had been taken from him, and forgetting because of his grief the command of Aegeus, came to port in Attica with the black sails.,7. And of Aegeus, we are told, witnessing the return of the ship and thinking that his son was dead, performed an act which was at the same time heroic and a calamity; for he ascended the acropolis and then, because he was disgusted with life by reason of his excessive grief, cast himself down from the height.,8. After Aegeus had died, Theseus, succeeding to the kingship, ruled over the masses in accordance with the laws and performed many deeds which contributed to the aggrandisement of his native land. The most notable thing which he accomplished was the incorporation of the demes, which were small in size but many in number, into the city of Athens;,9. since from that time on the Athenians were filled with pride by reason of the importance of their state and aspired to the leadership of the Greeks. But for our part, now that we have set forth these facts at sufficient length, we shall record what remains to be said about Theseus. 4.82. 1. As for Aristaeus, after the death of Acteon, we are told, he went to the oracle of his father, Apollo, who prophesied to him that he was to change his home to the island of Ceos and told him likewise of the honours which would be his among the Ceans.,2. To this island he sailed, but since a plague prevailed throughout Greece the sacrifice he offered there was on behalf of all the Greeks. And since the sacrifice was made at the time of the rising of the star Sirius, which is the period when the etesian winds customarily blow, the pestilential diseases, we are told, came to an end.,3. Now the man who ponders upon this event may reasonably marvel at the strange turn which fortune took; for the same man who saw his son done to death by the dogs likewise put an end to the influence of that star which, of all the stars of heaven, bears the same name and is thought to bring destruction upon mankind, and by so doing was responsible for saving the lives of the rest.,4. We are further informed that Aristaeus left descendants behind on the island of Ceos and then returned to Libya, from where he set forth with the aid of his mother, a Nymph, and put ashore on the island of Sardinia. Here he made his home, and since he loved the island because of its beauty, he set out plantings in it and brought it under cultivation, whereas formerly it had lain waste.,5. And after this he visited other islands and spent some time in Sicily, where, because of the abundance of the fruits on the island and the multitude of flocks and herds which grazed there, he was eager to display to its inhabitants the benefactions which were his to bestow. Consequently among the inhabitants of Sicily, as men say, Aristaeus received especial honour as a god, in particular by those who harvested the fruit of the olive-tree.,6. And finally, as the myths relate, he visited Dionysus in Thrace and was initiated into his secret rites, and during his stay in the company of the god he learned from him much useful knowledge. And after dwelling some time in the neighbourhood of Mount Haemus he never was seen again of men, and became the recipient of immortal honours not only among the barbarians of that region but among the Greeks as well. 11.34.2. Leotychides the Lacedaemonian and Xanthippus the Athenian, the commanders of the naval force, after the battle of Salamis collected the fleet in Aegina, and after spending some days there they sailed to Delos with two hundred and fifty triremes. And while they lay at anchor there, ambassadors came to them from Samos asking them to liberate the Greeks of Asia. |
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23. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 183| 3.12.6. Ἕκτωρ μὲν οὖν Ἀνδρομάχην τὴν Ἠετίωνος γαμεῖ, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ Οἰνώνην τὴν Κεβρῆνος τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγατέρα. αὕτη παρὰ Ῥέας τὴν μαντικὴν μαθοῦσα προέλεγεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὴ πλεῖν ἐπὶ Ἑλένην. μὴ πείθουσα δὲ εἶπεν, ἐὰν τρωθῇ, παραγενέσθαι πρὸς αὐτήν· μόνην 1 -- γὰρ θεραπεῦσαι δύνασθαι. τὸν δὲ Ἑλένην ἐκ Σπάρτης ἁρπάσαι, πολεμουμένης δὲ Τροίας τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ Φιλοκτήτου τόξοις Ἡρακλείοις πρὸς Οἰνώνην ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς Ἴδην. ἡ δὲ μνησικακοῦσα θεραπεύσειν 2 -- οὐκ ἔφη. Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν εἰς Τροίαν κομιζόμενος ἐτελεύτα, Οἰνώνη δὲ μετανοήσασα τὰ πρὸς θεραπείαν φάρμακα ἔφερε, καὶ καταλαβοῦσα αὐτὸν νεκρὸν ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησεν. ὁ δὲ Ἀσωπὸς ποταμὸς Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Τηθύος, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, Πηροῦς καὶ Ποσειδῶνος, ὡς δέ τινες, Διὸς καὶ Εὐρυνόμης. τούτῳ Μετώπη γημαμένη 3 -- (Λάδωνος δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγάτηρ αὕτη) δύο μὲν παῖδας ἐγέννησεν, Ἰσμηνὸν καὶ Πελάγοντα, εἴκοσι δὲ θυγατέρας, ὧν μὲν 4 -- μίαν Αἴγιναν ἥρπασε Ζεύς. ταύτην Ἀσωπὸς ζητῶν ἧκεν εἰς Κόρινθον, καὶ μανθάνει παρὰ Σισύφου τὸν ἡρπακότα εἶναι Δία. Ζεὺς δὲ Ἀσωπὸν μὲν κεραυνώσας διώκοντα πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπέπεμψε ῥεῖθρα (διὰ τοῦτο μέχρι καὶ νῦν ἐκ τῶν τούτου ῥείθρων ἄνθρακες φέρονται), Αἴγιναν δὲ κομίσας 1 -- εἰς τὴν τότε Οἰνώνην λεγομένην νῆσον, νῦν δὲ Αἴγιναν ἀπʼ ἐκείνης κληθεῖσαν, μίγνυται, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς Αἰακόν. τούτῳ Ζεὺς ὄντι μόνῳ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τοὺς μύρμηκας ἀνθρώπους ἐποίησε. γαμεῖ δὲ Αἰακὸς Ἐνδηίδα τὴν Σκείρωνος, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες ἐγένοντο Πηλεύς τε καὶ Τελαμών. Φερεκύδης δέ φησι Τελαμῶνα φίλον, οὐκ ἀδελφὸν Πηλέως εἶναι, ἀλλʼ Ἀκταίου παῖδα καὶ Γλαύκης τῆς Κυχρέως. μίγνυται δὲ αὖθις Αἰακὸς Ψαμάθῃ τῇ Νηρέως εἰς φώκην 1 -- ἠλλαγμένῃ διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα Φῶκον. ἦν δὲ εὐσεβέστατος πάντων 2 -- Αἰακός. διὸ καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατεχούσης ἀφορίας διὰ Πέλοπα, ὅτι Στυμφάλῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ἀρκάδων πολεμῶν καὶ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν ἑλεῖν μὴ δυνάμενος, προσποιησάμενος φιλίαν ἔκτεινεν αὐτὸν καὶ διέσπειρε μελίσας, χρησμοὶ 3 -- θεῶν ἔλεγον ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν ἐνεστώτων κακῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἐὰν Αἰακὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς εὐχὰς ποιήσηται ποιησαμένου δὲ εὐχὰς Αἰακοῦ τῆς ἀκαρπίας ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἀπαλλάττεται. τιμᾶται δὲ καὶ παρὰ Πλούτωνι τελευτήσας Αἰακός, καὶ τὰς κλεῖς τοῦ Ἅιδου φυλάττει. διαφέροντος δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι Φώκου, τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς 1 -- Πηλέα καὶ Τελαμῶνα ἐπιβουλεῦσαι· καὶ λαχὼν κλήρῳ Τελαμὼν συγγυμναζόμενον αὐτὸν βαλὼν δίσκῳ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς κτείνει, καὶ κομίσας μετὰ Πηλέως κρύπτει κατά τινος ὕλης. φωραθέντος δὲ τοῦ φόνου φυγάδες ἀπὸ Αἰγίνης ὑπὸ Αἰακοῦ ἐλαύνονται. | |
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| 24. Phlegon of Tralles, Macrobii (Part of Fragmenta), 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 220 |
25. Plutarch, Themistocles, 1.1, 3.5, 5.4-5.5, 6.4, 15.2, 17.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217| 1.1. ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γεωγραφίαις, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, οἱ ἱστορικοὶ τὰ διαφεύγοντα τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι τῶν πινάκων πιεζοῦντες, αἰτίας αἰτίας Amyot, Stephanus, Coraës, Sintenis 2 with C; Bekker and Sintenis 1 have ἐνίοις ( explaining some by saying ). παραγράφουσιν ὅτι τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα θῖνες ἄνυδροι καὶ θηριώδεις ἢ πηλὸς ἀϊδνὴς ἢ σκυθικὸν κρύος ἢ πέλαγος πεπηγός, οὕτως ἐμοὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν βίων τῶν παραλλήλων γραφήν, τὸν ἐφικτὸν εἰκότι λόγῳ καὶ βάσιμον ἱστορίᾳ πραγμάτων ἐχομένῃ χρόνον διελθόντι, περὶ τῶν ἀνωτέρω καλῶς εἶχεν εἰπεῖν· τὰ δʼ ἐπέκεινα τερατώδη καὶ τραγικὰ ποιηταὶ καὶ μυθογράφοι νέμονται, καὶ οὐκέτʼ ἔχει πίστιν οὐδὲ σαφήνειαν. 3.5. φράσας δὲ πρὸς μόνην ἐκείνην, καὶ διακελευσάμενος, ἂν υἱὸς ἐξ αὐτοῦ γένηται, καὶ λαβὼν ἀνδρὸς ἡλικίαν δυνατὸς ᾖ τὴν πέτραν ἀναστῆσαι καὶ ὑφελεῖν τὰ καταλειφθέντα, πέμπειν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχοντα ταῦτα μηδενὸς εἰδότος, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἔνεστι μάλιστα λανθάνοντα πάντας (ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἐδεδοίκει τοὺς Παλλαντίδας, ἐπιβουλεύοντας αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀπαιδίαν καταφρονοῦντας· ἦσαν δὲ πεντήκοντα παῖδες ἐκ Πάλλαντος γεγονότες), ἀπῄει. 5.4. ὅπως οὖν μὴ παρέχοιεν ἐκ τῶν τριχῶν ἀντίληψιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπεκείραντο. τοῦτο δὲ ἀμέλει καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Μακεδόνα ἐννοήσαντά φασι προστάξαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ξυρεῖν τὰ γένεια τῶν Μακεδόνων, ὡς λαβὴν ταύτην ἐν ταῖς μάχαις οὖσαν προχειροτάτην. 6.4. ὁ γὰρ δὴ χρόνος ἐκεῖνος ἤνεγκεν ἀνθρώπους χειρῶν μὲν ἔργοις καὶ ποδῶν τάχεσι καὶ σωμάτων ῥώμαις, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπερφυεῖς καὶ ἀκαμάτους, πρὸς οὐδὲν δὲ τῇ φύσει χρωμένους ἐπιεικὲς οὐδὲ ὠφέλιμον, ἀλλʼ ὕβρει τε χαίροντας ὑπερηφάνῳ, καὶ ἀπολαύοντας τῆς δυνάμεως ὠμότητι καὶ πικρίᾳ, καὶ τῷ κρατεῖν τε καὶ βιάζεσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν τὸ παραπῖπτον, αἰδῶ δὲ καὶ δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, ὡς ἀτολμίᾳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν καὶ φόβῳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖσθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας, οὐδὲν οἰομένους προσήκειν τοῖς πλέον ἔχειν δυναμένοις. 15.2. τοὺς δὲ παῖδας εἰς Κρήτην κομιζομένους ὁ μὲν τραγικώτατος μῦθος ἀποφαίνει τὸν Μινώταυρον ἐν τῷ Λαβυρίνθῳ διαφθείρειν, ἢ πλανωμένους αὐτοὺς καὶ τυχεῖν ἐξόδου μὴ δυναμένους ἐκεῖ καταθνήσκειν, τὸν δὲ Μινώταυρον, ὥσπερ Εὐριπίδης φησί, σύμμικτον εἶδος κἀποφώλιον βρέφος γεγονέναι, καὶ ταύρου μεμῖχθαι καὶ βροτοῦ διπλῇ φύσει. Nauck, 3Trag. Graec. Frag., p. 680. 17.4. πρότερον μὲν οὖν οὐδεμία σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς ὑπέκειτο· διὸ καὶ μέλαν ἱστίον ἔχουσαν, ὡς ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ προδήλῳ, τὴν ναῦν ἔπεμπον· τότε δὲ τοῦ Θησέως τὸν πατέρα θαρρύνοντος καὶ μεγαληγοροῦντος ὡς χειρώσεται τὸν Μινώταυρον, ἔδωκεν ἕτερον ἱστίον λευκὸν τῷ κυβερνήτῃ, κελεύσας ὑποστρέφοντα σωζομένου τοῦ Θησέως ἐπάρασθαι τὸ λευκόν, εἰ δὲ μή, τῷ μέλανι πλεῖν καὶ ἀποσημαίνειν τὸ πάθος. | |
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26. Plutarch, Cimon, 6.2, 7.4-7.6, 8.1, 9.1, 10.4-10.7, 11.2, 14.3-14.4, 16.1, 16.3, 16.9, 19.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217| 6.2. ἔπειτα Παυσανίου τοῖς μὲν βαρβάροις διαλεγομένου περὶ προδοσίας καὶ βασιλεῖ γράφοντος ἐπιστολάς, τοῖς δὲ συμμάχοις τραχέως καὶ αὐθαδῶς προσφερομένου καὶ πολλὰ διʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ ὄγκον ἀνόητον ὑβρίζοντος, ὑπολαμβάνων πράως τοὺς ἀδικουμένους καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐξομιλῶν ἔλαθεν οὐ διʼ ὅπλων τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡγεμονίαν, ἀλλὰ λόγῳ καὶ ἤθει παρελόμενος. 7.4. 7.5. τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ· 8.1. ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ γε θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς· ὅταν γάρ, ἔφη, μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου. 9.1. συνδειπνῆσαι δὲ τῷ Κίμωνί φησιν ὁ Ἴων παντάπασι μειράκιον ἥκων εἰς Ἀθήνας ἐκ Χίου παρὰ Λαομέδοντι· καὶ τῶν σπονδῶν γενομένων παρακληθέντος παρακληθέντος, ᾄσαντος Bekker corrects, after Schafer, to παρακληθέντα, ᾄσαντα . ᾆσαι, καὶ ἄσαντος παρακληθέντος, ᾄσαντος Bekker corrects, after Schafer, to παρακληθέντα, ᾄσαντα . οὐκ ἀηδῶς ἐπαινεῖν τοὺς παρόντας ὡς δεξιώτερον Θεμιστοκλέους· ἐκεῖνον γὰρ ᾄδειν μὲν οὐ φάναι μαθεῖν οὐδὲ κιθαρίζειν, πόλιν δὲ ποιῆσαι μεγάλην καὶ πλουσίαν ἐπίστασθαι· 10.4. 10.5. ἔτι τοίνυν Γοργίας μὲν ὁ Λεοντῖνός φησι τὸν Κίμωνα τὰ χρήματα κτᾶσθαι μὲν ὡς χρῷτο, χρῆσθαι δὲ ὡς τιμῷτο, Κριτίας δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα γενόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἐλεγείαις εὔχεται· 10.6. οἱ μὲν γάρ, ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ πόλις μέγα φρονεῖ δικαίως, τό τε σπέρμα τῆς τροφῆς εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐξέδωκαν ὑδάτων τε πηγαίων The lacuna can only be conjecturally filled. καὶ πυρὸς ἔναυσιν χρῄζουσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐδίδαξαν, ἐδίδαξαν Bekker corrects, with Schafer, to ἔδειξαν . ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν οἰκίαν τοῖς πολίταις πρυτανεῖον ἀποδείξας κοινόν, ἐν δὲ τῇ χώρᾳ καρπῶν ἑτοίμων ἀπαρχὰς καὶ ὅσα ὧραι καλὰ φέρουσι χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν ἅπαντα τοῖς ξένοις παρέχων, τρόπον τινὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Κρόνου μυθολογουμένην κοινωνίαν εἰς τὸν βίον αὖθις κατῆγεν. 10.7. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα κολακείαν ὄχλου καὶ δημαγωγίαν εἶναι διαβάλλοντες ὑπὸ τῆς ἄλλης ἐξηλέγχοντο τοῦ ἀνδρὸς προαιρέσεως ἀριστοκρατικῆς καὶ Λακωνικῆς οὔσης, ὅς γε καὶ Θεμιστοκλεῖ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος ἐπαίροντι τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἀντέβαινε μετʼ Ἀριστείδου, καὶ πρὸς Ἐφιάλτην ὕστερον χάριτι τοῦ δήμου καταλύοντα τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν διηνέχθη, 11.2. Κίμων δὲ τὴν ἐναντίαν ὁδὸν ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ πορευόμενος βίαν μὲν οὐδενὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων προσῆγε, χρήματα δὲ λαμβάνων παρὰ τῶν οὐ βουλομένων στρατεύεσθαι καὶ ναῦς κενάς, ἐκείνους εἴα δελεαζομένους τῇ σχολῇ περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα διατρίβειν, γεωργοὺς καὶ χρηματιστὰς ἀπολέμους ἐκ πολεμικῶν ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ ἀνοίας γινομένους, τῶν δʼ Ἀθηναίων ἀνὰ μέρος πολλοὺς ἐμβιβάζων καὶ διαπονῶν ταῖς στρατείαις ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τοῖς παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων μισθοῖς καὶ χρήμασι δεσπότας αὐτῶν τῶν διδόντων ἐποίησε. 14.3. ἀπολογούμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς οὐκ Ἰώνων ἔφη προξενεῖν οὐδὲ Θεσσαλῶν, πλουσίων ὄντων, ὥσπερ ἑτέρους, ἵνα θεραπεύωνται καὶ λαμβάνωσιν, ἀλλὰ Λακεδαιμονίων, μιμούμενος καὶ ἀγαπῶν τὴν παρʼ αὐτοῖς εὐτέλειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην, ἧς οὐδένα προτιμᾶν πλοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πλουτίζων ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν πόλιν ἀγάλλεσθαι. 14.4. μνησθεὶς δὲ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκείνης ὁ Στησίμβροτός φησι τὴν Ἐλπινίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κίμωνος δεομένην ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ Περικλέους (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν κατηγόρων ὁ σφοδρότατος), τὸν δὲ μειδιάσαντα γραῦς εἶ, φάναι, γραῦς, ὦ Ἐλπινίκη, ὡς τηλικαῦτα διαπράττεσθαι πράγματα· πλὴν ἔν γε τῇ δίκῃ πρᾳότατον γενέσθαι τῷ Κίμωνι καὶ πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν ἅπαξ ἀναστῆναι μόνον, ὥσπερ ἀφοσιούμενον. 16.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς φιλολάκων· καὶ τῶν γε παίδων τῶν διδύμων τὸν ἕτερον Λακεδαιμόνιον ὠνόμασε, τὸν δʼ ἕτερον Ἠλεῖον, ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ Κλειτορίας γενομένους, ὡς Στησίμβροτος ἱστορεῖ· διὸ πολλάκις τὸν Περικλέα τὸ μητρῷον αὐτοῖς γένος ὀνειδίζειν. Διόδωρος δʼ ὁ Περιηγητὴς καὶ τούτους φησὶ καὶ τὸν τρίτον τῶν Κίμωνος υἱῶν Θεσσαλὸν ἐξ Ἰσοδίκης γεγονέναι τῆς Εὐρυπτολέμου τοῦ Μεγακλέους. 16.3. τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα διʼ ἐκείνου τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν διεπράττετο, πρᾴως μὲν τοῖς συμμάχοις, κεχαρισμένως δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ὁμιλοῦντος. ἔπειτα δυνατώτεροι γενόμενοι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐκ ἠρέμα προσκείμενον ὁρῶντες ἤχθοντο. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ παντὶ μεγαλύνων τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτε τύχοι μεμφόμενος αὐτοῖς ἢ παροξύνων, ὥς φησι Στησίμβροτος, εἰώθει λέγειν· ἀλλʼ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοί γε τοιοῦτοι. | 6.2. 7.4. 7.5. 8.1. 9.1. 10.4. 10.5. 10.6. 10.7. 11.2. 14.3. 14.4. 16.1. 16.3. |
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| 27. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.34 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 222 |
| 28. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 6.3.28 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182 |
29. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.44.9, 2.29.7-2.29.9, 10.8.7, 10.14, 10.24-10.31 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 203, 219, 221, 222| 1.44.9. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὄρους τῇ ἄκρᾳ Διός ἐστιν Ἀφεσίου καλουμένου ναός· φασὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ συμβάντος ποτὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αὐχμοῦ θύσαντος Αἰακοῦ κατά τι δὴ λόγιον τῷ Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ †κομίσαντα δὲ ἀφεῖναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἀφέσιον καλεῖσθαι τὸν Δία. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι καὶ Πανός. 2.29.7. ἐπειργασμένοι δέ εἰσι κατὰ τὴν ἔσοδον οἱ παρὰ Αἰακόν ποτε ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων σταλέντες· αἰτίαν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν Αἰγινήταις καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ λέγουσιν. αὐχμὸς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπὶ χρόνον ἐπίεζε καὶ οὔτε τὴν ἐκτὸς ἰσθμοῦ χώραν οὔτε Πελοποννησίοις ὗεν ὁ θεός, ἐς ὃ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέστειλαν ἐρησομένους τὸ αἴτιον ὅ τι εἴη καὶ αἰτήσοντας ἅμα λύσιν τοῦ κακοῦ. τούτοις ἡ Πυθία εἶπε Δία ἱλάσκεσθαι, χρῆναι δέ, εἴπερ ὑπακούσει σφίσιν, Αἰακὸν τὸν ἱκετεύσαντα εἶναι. 2.29.8. οὕτως Αἰακοῦ δεησομένους ἀποστέλλουσιν ἀφʼ ἑκάστης πόλεως· καὶ ὁ μὲν τῷ Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ θύσας καὶ εὐξάμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα γῆν ἐποίησεν ὕεσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐλθόντων ὡς αὐτὸν εἰκόνας ταύτας ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Αἰγινῆται. τοῦ περιβόλου δὲ ἐντὸς ἐλαῖαι πεφύκασιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ βωμός ἐστιν οὐ πολὺ ἀνέχων ἐκ τῆς γῆς· ὡς δὲ καὶ μνῆμα οὗτος ὁ βωμὸς εἴη Αἰακοῦ, λεγόμενόν ἐστιν ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ. 2.29.9. παρὰ δὲ τὸ Αἰάκειον Φώκου τάφος χῶμά ἐστι περιεχόμενον κύκλῳ κρηπῖδι, ἐπίκειται δέ οἱ λίθος τραχύς· καὶ ἡνίκα Φῶκον Τελαμὼν καὶ Πηλεὺς προηγάγοντο ἐς ἀγῶνα πεντάθλου καὶ περιῆλθεν ἐς Πηλέα ἀφεῖναι τὸν λίθον—οὗτος γὰρ ἀντὶ δίσκου σφίσιν ἦν—, ἑκὼν τυγχάνει τοῦ Φώκου. ταῦτα δὲ ἐχαρίζοντο τῇ μητρί· αὐτοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐγεγόνεσαν ἐκ τῆς Σκίρωνος θυγατρός, Φῶκος δὲ οὐκ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἀδελφῆς Θέτιδος ἦν, εἰ δὴ τὰ ὄντα λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες. Πυλάδης τέ μοι καὶ διὰ ταῦτα φαίνεται καὶ οὐκ Ὀρέστου φιλίᾳ μόνον βουλεῦσαι Νεοπτολέμῳ τὸν φόνον. 10.8.7. τῶν μὲν δὴ Μασσαλιωτῶν χαλκοῦν τὸ ἀνάθημά ἐστι· χρυσοῦ δὲ ἀσπίδα ὑπὸ Κροίσου τοῦ Λυδοῦ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τῇ Προνοίᾳ δοθεῖσαν, ἐλέγετο ὑπὸ τῶν Δελφῶν ὡς Φιλόμηλος αὐτὴν ἐσύλησε. πρὸς δὲ τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Προνοίας Φυλάκου τέμενός ἐστιν ἥρωος· καὶ ὁ Φύλακος οὗτος ὑπὸ Δελφῶν ἔχει φήμην κατὰ τὴν ἐπιστρατείαν σφίσιν ἀμῦναι τὴν Περσῶν. | 1.44.9. On the top of the mountain is a temple of Zeus surnamed Aphesius (Releaser). It is said that on the occasion of the drought that once afflicted the Greeks Aeacus in obedience to an oracular utterance sacrificed in Aegina to Zeus God of all the Greeks, and Zeus rained and ended the drought, gaining thus the name Aphesius. Here there are also images of Aphrodite, Apollo, and Pan. 2.29.7. Wrought in relief at the entrance are the envoys whom the Greeks once dispatched to Aeacus. The reason for the embassy given by the Aeginetans is the same as that which the other Greeks assign. A drought had for some time afflicted Greece , and no rain fell either beyond the Isthmus or in the Peloponnesus , until at last they sent envoys to Delphi to ask what was the cause and to beg for deliverance from the evil. The Pythian priestess bade them propitiate Zeus, saying that he would not listen to them unless the one to supplicate him were Aeacus. 2.29.8. And so envoys came with a request to Aeacus from each city. By sacrifice and prayer to Zeus, God of all the Greeks (Panellenios), he caused rain to fall upon the earth, and the Aeginetans made these likenesses of those who came to him. Within the enclosure are olive trees that have grown there from of old, and there is an altar which is raised but a little from the ground. That this altar is also the tomb of Aeacus is told as a holy secret. 2.29.9. Beside the shrine of Aeacus is the grave of Phocus, a barrow surrounded by a basement, and on it lies a rough stone. When Telamon and Peleus had induced Phocus to compete at the pentathlon, and it was now the turn of Peleus to hurl the stone, which they were using for a quoit, he intentionally hit Phocus. The act was done to please their mother; for, while they were both born of the daughter of Sciron, Phocus was not, being, if indeed the report of the Greeks be true, the son of a sister of Thetis. I believe it was for this reason, and not only out of friendship for Orestes, that Pylades plotted the murder of Neoptolemus. 10.8.7. The votive offering of the Massiliots is of bronze. The gold shield given to Athena Forethought by Croesus the Lydian was said by the Delphians to have been stolen by Philomelus. Near the sanctuary of Forethought is a precinct of the hero Phylacus. This Phylacus is reported by the Delphians to have defended them at the time of the Persian invasion. |
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| 30. Gregory of Nazianzus, In Theophania (Orat. 38), 205, 58, 211 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 203 |
| 31. Diodore of Tarsus, Commentary On The Psalms, 141-147, 149-159, 148 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 32. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1358 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 222 |
| 33. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Paeans, 6.62-6.64, 6.125 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 185 |
| 34. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Nemean Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 222 |
| 35. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, 7.152 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 188 |
| 36. Anon., Scholia To Eur. Andr., 687 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 203 |
| 37. Quodvultdeus, De Cataclysmo, 507 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217 |
| 38. Papyri, Bgu, None Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217 |
| 39. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 9.14-9.15 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 181, 182, 219 |
| 40. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, None Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 41. Anon., Tanhuma, Huqat, 5.3 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
| 42. Demosthenes, Orations, 4.49, 4.69 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 43. Epigraphy, Seg, 32.54, 33.147 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185, 222 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Prose Sur Pierre, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 45. Teles, Hense Edition, 727 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 217 |
| 46. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,5, 129 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 188 |
| 47. Papyri, P.Qurra, 113-114, 149 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 48. Epigraphy, Fd Iii, 2.78, 2.137-2.138 Tagged with subjects: •theoxenia, delphi, aiginetans and Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
