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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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110 results for "temple"
1. Septuagint, Baruch, 10.18 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 49
2. Septuagint, Tobit, 8.15 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
8.15. Then Raguel blessed God and said, "Blessed art thou, O God, with every pure and holy blessing.Let thy saints and all thy creatures bless thee;let all thy angels and thy chosen people bless thee for ever.
3. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 1.32-1.45, 10.6, 13.7, 23.8, 33.2, 34.1-34.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple •destruction of the second temple •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 33, 35; Schremer (2010) 131
1.32. "וּבַדָּבָר הַזֶּה אֵינְכֶם מַאֲמִינִם בַּיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 1.33. "הַהֹלֵךְ לִפְנֵיכֶם בַּדֶּרֶךְ לָתוּר לָכֶם מָקוֹם לַחֲנֹתְכֶם בָּאֵשׁ לַיְלָה לַרְאֹתְכֶם בַּדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר תֵּלְכוּ־בָהּ וּבֶעָנָן יוֹמָם׃", 1.34. "וַיִּשְׁמַע יְהוָה אֶת־קוֹל דִּבְרֵיכֶם וַיִּקְצֹף וַיִּשָּׁבַע לֵאמֹר׃", 1.35. "אִם־יִרְאֶה אִישׁ בָּאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵלֶּה הַדּוֹר הָרָע הַזֶּה אֵת הָאָרֶץ הַטּוֹבָה אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי לָתֵת לַאֲבֹתֵיכֶם׃", 1.36. "זוּלָתִי כָּלֵב בֶּן־יְפֻנֶּה הוּא יִרְאֶנָּה וְלוֹ־אֶתֵּן אֶת־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר דָּרַךְ־בָּהּ וּלְבָנָיו יַעַן אֲשֶׁר מִלֵּא אַחֲרֵי יְהוָה׃", 1.37. "גַּם־בִּי הִתְאַנַּף יְהוָה בִּגְלַלְכֶם לֵאמֹר גַּם־אַתָּה לֹא־תָבֹא שָׁם׃", 1.38. "יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בִּן נוּן הָעֹמֵד לְפָנֶיךָ הוּא יָבֹא שָׁמָּה אֹתוֹ חַזֵּק כִּי־הוּא יַנְחִלֶנָּה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 1.39. "וְטַפְּכֶם אֲשֶׁר אֲמַרְתֶּם לָבַז יִהְיֶה וּבְנֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדְעוּ הַיּוֹם טוֹב וָרָע הֵמָּה יָבֹאוּ שָׁמָּה וְלָהֶם אֶתְּנֶנָּה וְהֵם יִירָשׁוּהָּ׃", 1.41. "וַתַּעֲנוּ וַתֹּאמְרוּ אֵלַי חָטָאנוּ לַיהוָה אֲנַחְנוּ נַעֲלֶה וְנִלְחַמְנוּ כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּנוּ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ וַתַּחְגְּרוּ אִישׁ אֶת־כְּלֵי מִלְחַמְתּוֹ וַתָּהִינוּ לַעֲלֹת הָהָרָה׃", 1.42. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֵלַי אֱמֹר לָהֶם לֹא תַעֲלוּ וְלֹא־תִלָּחֲמוּ כִּי אֵינֶנִּי בְּקִרְבְּכֶם וְלֹא תִּנָּגְפוּ לִפְנֵי אֹיְבֵיכֶם׃", 1.43. "וָאֲדַבֵּר אֲלֵיכֶם וְלֹא שְׁמַעְתֶּם וַתַּמְרוּ אֶת־פִּי יְהוָה וַתָּזִדוּ וַתַּעֲלוּ הָהָרָה׃", 1.44. "וַיֵּצֵא הָאֱמֹרִי הַיֹּשֵׁב בָּהָר הַהוּא לִקְרַאתְכֶם וַיִּרְדְּפוּ אֶתְכֶם כַּאֲשֶׁר תַּעֲשֶׂינָה הַדְּבֹרִים וַיַּכְּתוּ אֶתְכֶם בְּשֵׂעִיר עַד־חָרְמָה׃", 1.45. "וַתָּשֻׁבוּ וַתִּבְכּוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה וְלֹא־שָׁמַע יְהוָה בְּקֹלְכֶם וְלֹא הֶאֱזִין אֲלֵיכֶם׃", 10.6. "וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל נָסְעוּ מִבְּאֵרֹת בְּנֵי־יַעֲקָן מוֹסֵרָה שָׁם מֵת אַהֲרֹן וַיִּקָּבֵר שָׁם וַיְכַהֵן אֶלְעָזָר בְּנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", 13.7. "כִּי יְסִיתְךָ אָחִיךָ בֶן־אִמֶּךָ אוֹ־בִנְךָ אוֹ־בִתְּךָ אוֹ אֵשֶׁת חֵיקֶךָ אוֹ רֵעֲךָ אֲשֶׁר כְּנַפְשְׁךָ בַּסֵּתֶר לֵאמֹר נֵלְכָה וְנַעַבְדָה אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא יָדַעְתָּ אַתָּה וַאֲבֹתֶיךָ׃", 23.8. "לֹא־תְתַעֵב אֲדֹמִי כִּי אָחִיךָ הוּא לֹא־תְתַעֵב מִצְרִי כִּי־גֵר הָיִיתָ בְאַרְצוֹ׃", 33.2. "וַיֹּאמַר יְהוָה מִסִּינַי בָּא וְזָרַח מִשֵּׂעִיר לָמוֹ הוֹפִיעַ מֵהַר פָּארָן וְאָתָה מֵרִבְבֹת קֹדֶשׁ מִימִינוֹ אשדת [אֵשׁ] [דָּת] לָמוֹ׃", 33.2. "וּלְגָד אָמַר בָּרוּךְ מַרְחִיב גָּד כְּלָבִיא שָׁכֵן וְטָרַף זְרוֹעַ אַף־קָדְקֹד׃", 34.1. "וְלֹא־קָם נָבִיא עוֹד בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל כְּמֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר יְדָעוֹ יְהוָה פָּנִים אֶל־פָּנִים׃", 34.1. "וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה מֵעַרְבֹת מוֹאָב אֶל־הַר נְבוֹ רֹאשׁ הַפִּסְגָּה אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי יְרֵחוֹ וַיַּרְאֵהוּ יְהוָה אֶת־כָּל־הָאָרֶץ אֶת־הַגִּלְעָד עַד־דָּן׃", 34.2. "וְאֵת כָּל־נַפְתָּלִי וְאֶת־אֶרֶץ אֶפְרַיִם וּמְנַשֶּׁה וְאֵת כָּל־אֶרֶץ יְהוּדָה עַד הַיָּם הָאַחֲרוֹן׃", 34.3. "וְאֶת־הַנֶּגֶב וְאֶת־הַכִּכָּר בִּקְעַת יְרֵחוֹ עִיר הַתְּמָרִים עַד־צֹעַר׃", 34.4. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֵלָיו זֹאת הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּעְתִּי לְאַבְרָהָם לְיִצְחָק וּלְיַעֲקֹב לֵאמֹר לְזַרְעֲךָ אֶתְּנֶנָּה הֶרְאִיתִיךָ בְעֵינֶיךָ וְשָׁמָּה לֹא תַעֲבֹר׃", 34.5. "וַיָּמָת שָׁם מֹשֶׁה עֶבֶד־יְהוָה בְּאֶרֶץ מוֹאָב עַל־פִּי יְהוָה׃", 34.6. "וַיִּקְבֹּר אֹתוֹ בַגַּיְ בְּאֶרֶץ מוֹאָב מוּל בֵּית פְּעוֹר וְלֹא־יָדַע אִישׁ אֶת־קְבֻרָתוֹ עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 34.7. "וּמֹשֶׁה בֶּן־מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה בְּמֹתוֹ לֹא־כָהֲתָה עֵינוֹ וְלֹא־נָס לֵחֹה׃", 34.8. "וַיִּבְכּוּ בְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת־מֹשֶׁה בְּעַרְבֹת מוֹאָב שְׁלֹשִׁים יוֹם וַיִּתְּמוּ יְמֵי בְכִי אֵבֶל מֹשֶׁה׃", 1.32. "Yet in this thing ye do not believe the LORD your God,", 1.33. "Who went before you in the way, to seek you out a place to pitch your tents in: in fire by night, to show you by what way ye should go, and in the cloud by day.’", 1.34. "And the LORD heard the voice of your words, and was wroth, and swore, saying:", 1.35. "’Surely there shall not one of these men, even this evil generation, see the good land, which I swore to give unto your fathers,", 1.36. "save Caleb the son of Jephunneh, he shall see it; and to him will I give the land that he hath trodden upon, and to his children; because he hath wholly followed the LORD.’", 1.37. "Also the LORD was angry with me for your sakes, saying: Thou also shalt not go in thither;", 1.38. "Joshua the son of Nun, who standeth before thee, he shall go in thither; encourage thou him, for he shall cause Israel to inherit it.", 1.39. "Moreover your little ones, that ye said should be a prey, and your children, that this day have no knowledge of good or evil, they shall go in thither, and unto them will I give it, and they shall possess it.", 1.40. "But as for you, turn you, and take your journey into the wilderness by the way to the Red Sea.’", 1.41. "Then ye answered and said unto me: ‘We have sinned against the LORD, we will go up and fight, according to all that the LORD our God commanded us.’ And ye girded on every man his weapons of war, and deemed it a light thing to go up into the hill-country.", 1.42. "And the LORD said unto me: ‘Say unto them: Go not up, neither fight; for I am not among you; lest ye be smitten before your enemies.’", 1.43. "So I spoke unto you, and ye hearkened not; but ye rebelled against the commandment of the LORD, and were presumptuous, and went up into the hill-country.", 1.44. "And the Amorites, that dwell in that hill-country, came out against you, and chased you, as bees do, and beat you down in Seir, even unto Hormah.", 1.45. "And ye returned and wept before the LORD; but the LORD hearkened not to your voice, nor gave ear unto you.", 10.6. "And the children of Israel journeyed from Beeroth-benejaakan to Moserah; there Aaron died, and there he was buried; and Eleazar his son ministered in the priest’s office in his stead.", 13.7. "If thy brother, the son of thy mother, or thy son, or thy daughter, or the wife of thy bosom, or thy friend, that is as thine own soul, entice thee secretly, saying: 'Let us go and serve other gods,' which thou hast not known, thou, nor thy fathers;", 23.8. "Thou shalt not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother; thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian, because thou wast a stranger in his land.", 33.2. "And he said: The LORD came from Sinai, And rose from Seir unto them; He shined forth from mount Paran, And He came from the myriads holy, At His right hand was a fiery law unto them.", 34.1. "And Moses went up from the plains of Moab unto mount Nebo, to the top of Pisgah, that is over against Jericho. And the LORD showed him all the land, even Gilead as far as Dan;", 34.2. "and all Naphtali, and the land of Ephraim and Manasseh, and all the land of Judah as far as the hinder sea;", 34.3. "and the South, and the Plain, even the valley of Jericho the city of palm-trees, as far as Zoar.", 34.4. "And the LORD said unto him: ‘This is the land which I swore unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, saying: I will give it unto thy seed; I have caused thee to see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not go over thither.’", 34.5. "So Moses the servant of the LORD died there in the land of Moab, according to the word of the LORD.", 34.6. "And he was buried in the valley in the land of Moab over against Beth-peor; and no man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day.", 34.7. "And Moses was a hundred and twenty years old when he died: his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated.", 34.8. "And the children of Israel wept for Moses in the plains of Moab thirty days; so the days of weeping in the mourning for Moses were ended.",
4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 3.2, 15.3, 15.11, 24.9-24.11, 28.1, 29.19-29.30, 34.5-34.29 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 32, 33; Goodman (2006) 208; Schremer (2010) 42
3.2. "וַיֵּרָא מַלְאַךְ יְהֹוָה אֵלָיו בְּלַבַּת־אֵשׁ מִתּוֹךְ הַסְּנֶה וַיַּרְא וְהִנֵּה הַסְּנֶה בֹּעֵר בָּאֵשׁ וְהַסְּנֶה אֵינֶנּוּ אֻכָּל׃", 3.2. "וְשָׁלַחְתִּי אֶת־יָדִי וְהִכֵּיתִי אֶת־מִצְרַיִם בְּכֹל נִפְלְאֹתַי אֲשֶׁר אֶעֱשֶׂה בְּקִרְבּוֹ וְאַחֲרֵי־כֵן יְשַׁלַּח אֶתְכֶם׃", 15.3. "יְהוָה אִישׁ מִלְחָמָה יְהוָה שְׁמוֹ׃", 15.11. "מִי־כָמֹכָה בָּאֵלִם יְהוָה מִי כָּמֹכָה נֶאְדָּר בַּקֹּדֶשׁ נוֹרָא תְהִלֹּת עֹשֵׂה פֶלֶא׃", 24.9. "וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה וְאַהֲרֹן נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא וְשִׁבְעִים מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 24.11. "וְאֶל־אֲצִילֵי בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לֹא שָׁלַח יָדוֹ וַיֶּחֱזוּ אֶת־הָאֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאכְלוּ וַיִּשְׁתּוּ׃", 28.1. "שִׁשָּׁה מִשְּׁמֹתָם עַל הָאֶבֶן הָאֶחָת וְאֶת־שְׁמוֹת הַשִּׁשָּׁה הַנּוֹתָרִים עַל־הָאֶבֶן הַשֵּׁנִית כְּתוֹלְדֹתָם׃", 28.1. "וְאַתָּה הַקְרֵב אֵלֶיךָ אֶת־אַהֲרֹן אָחִיךָ וְאֶת־בָּנָיו אִתּוֹ מִתּוֹךְ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לְכַהֲנוֹ־לִי אַהֲרֹן נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא אֶלְעָזָר וְאִיתָמָר בְּנֵי אַהֲרֹן׃", 29.19. "וְלָקַחְתָּ אֵת הָאַיִל הַשֵּׁנִי וְסָמַךְ אַהֲרֹן וּבָנָיו אֶת־יְדֵיהֶם עַל־רֹאשׁ הָאָיִל׃", 29.21. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מִן־הַדָּם אֲשֶׁר עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ וּמִשֶּׁמֶן הַמִּשְׁחָה וְהִזֵּיתָ עַל־אַהֲרֹן וְעַל־בְּגָדָיו וְעַל־בָּנָיו וְעַל־בִּגְדֵי בָנָיו אִתּוֹ וְקָדַשׁ הוּא וּבְגָדָיו וּבָנָיו וּבִגְדֵי בָנָיו אִתּוֹ׃", 29.22. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מִן־הָאַיִל הַחֵלֶב וְהָאַלְיָה וְאֶת־הַחֵלֶב הַמְכַסֶּה אֶת־הַקֶּרֶב וְאֵת יֹתֶרֶת הַכָּבֵד וְאֵת שְׁתֵּי הַכְּלָיֹת וְאֶת־הַחֵלֶב אֲשֶׁר עֲלֵהֶן וְאֵת שׁוֹק הַיָּמִין כִּי אֵיל מִלֻּאִים הוּא׃", 29.23. "וְכִכַּר לֶחֶם אַחַת וַחַלַּת לֶחֶם שֶׁמֶן אַחַת וְרָקִיק אֶחָד מִסַּל הַמַּצּוֹת אֲשֶׁר לִפְנֵי יְהוָה׃", 29.24. "וְשַׂמְתָּ הַכֹּל עַל כַּפֵּי אַהֲרֹן וְעַל כַּפֵּי בָנָיו וְהֵנַפְתָּ אֹתָם תְּנוּפָה לִפְנֵי יְהוָה׃", 29.25. "וְלָקַחְתָּ אֹתָם מִיָּדָם וְהִקְטַרְתָּ הַמִּזְבֵּחָה עַל־הָעֹלָה לְרֵיחַ נִיחוֹחַ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אִשֶּׁה הוּא לַיהוָה׃", 29.26. "וְלָקַחְתָּ אֶת־הֶחָזֶה מֵאֵיל הַמִּלֻּאִים אֲשֶׁר לְאַהֲרֹן וְהֵנַפְתָּ אֹתוֹ תְּנוּפָה לִפְנֵי יְהוָה וְהָיָה לְךָ לְמָנָה׃", 29.27. "וְקִדַּשְׁתָּ אֵת חֲזֵה הַתְּנוּפָה וְאֵת שׁוֹק הַתְּרוּמָה אֲשֶׁר הוּנַף וַאֲשֶׁר הוּרָם מֵאֵיל הַמִּלֻּאִים מֵאֲשֶׁר לְאַהֲרֹן וּמֵאֲשֶׁר לְבָנָיו׃", 29.28. "וְהָיָה לְאַהֲרֹן וּלְבָנָיו לְחָק־עוֹלָם מֵאֵת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל כִּי תְרוּמָה הוּא וּתְרוּמָה יִהְיֶה מֵאֵת בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מִזִּבְחֵי שַׁלְמֵיהֶם תְּרוּמָתָם לַיהוָה׃", 29.29. "וּבִגְדֵי הַקֹּדֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר לְאַהֲרֹן יִהְיוּ לְבָנָיו אַחֲרָיו לְמָשְׁחָה בָהֶם וּלְמַלֵּא־בָם אֶת־יָדָם׃", 34.5. "וַיֵּרֶד יְהוָה בֶּעָנָן וַיִּתְיַצֵּב עִמּוֹ שָׁם וַיִּקְרָא בְשֵׁם יְהוָה׃", 34.6. "וַיַּעֲבֹר יְהוָה עַל־פָּנָיו וַיִּקְרָא יְהוָה יְהוָה אֵל רַחוּם וְחַנּוּן אֶרֶךְ אַפַּיִם וְרַב־חֶסֶד וֶאֱמֶת", 34.7. "נֹצֵר חֶסֶד לָאֲלָפִים נֹשֵׂא עָוֺן וָפֶשַׁע וְחַטָּאָה וְנַקֵּה לֹא יְנַקֶּה פֹּקֵד עֲוֺן אָבוֹת עַל־בָּנִים וְעַל־בְּנֵי בָנִים עַל־שִׁלֵּשִׁים וְעַל־רִבֵּעִים׃", 34.8. "וַיְמַהֵר מֹשֶׁה וַיִּקֹּד אַרְצָה וַיִּשְׁתָּחוּ׃", 34.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר אִם־נָא מָצָאתִי חֵן בְּעֵינֶיךָ אֲדֹנָי יֵלֶךְ־נָא אֲדֹנָי בְּקִרְבֵּנוּ כִּי עַם־קְשֵׁה־עֹרֶף הוּא וְסָלַחְתָּ לַעֲוֺנֵנוּ וּלְחַטָּאתֵנוּ וּנְחַלְתָּנוּ׃", 34.11. "שְׁמָר־לְךָ אֵת אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוְּךָ הַיּוֹם הִנְנִי גֹרֵשׁ מִפָּנֶיךָ אֶת־הָאֱמֹרִי וְהַכְּנַעֲנִי וְהַחִתִּי וְהַפְּרִזִּי וְהַחִוִּי וְהַיְבוּסִי׃", 34.12. "הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּכְרֹת בְּרִית לְיוֹשֵׁב הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה בָּא עָלֶיהָ פֶּן־יִהְיֶה לְמוֹקֵשׁ בְּקִרְבֶּךָ׃", 34.13. "כִּי אֶת־מִזְבְּחֹתָם תִּתֹּצוּן וְאֶת־מַצֵּבֹתָם תְּשַׁבֵּרוּן וְאֶת־אֲשֵׁרָיו תִּכְרֹתוּן׃", 34.14. "כִּי לֹא תִשְׁתַּחֲוֶה לְאֵל אַחֵר כִּי יְהוָה קַנָּא שְׁמוֹ אֵל קַנָּא הוּא׃", 34.15. "פֶּן־תִּכְרֹת בְּרִית לְיוֹשֵׁב הָאָרֶץ וְזָנוּ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְזָבְחוּ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם וְקָרָא לְךָ וְאָכַלְתָּ מִזִּבְחוֹ׃", 34.16. "וְלָקַחְתָּ מִבְּנֹתָיו לְבָנֶיךָ וְזָנוּ בְנֹתָיו אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶן וְהִזְנוּ אֶת־בָּנֶיךָ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶן׃", 34.17. "אֱלֹהֵי מַסֵּכָה לֹא תַעֲשֶׂה־לָּךְ׃", 34.18. "אֶת־חַג הַמַּצּוֹת תִּשְׁמֹר שִׁבְעַת יָמִים תֹּאכַל מַצּוֹת אֲשֶׁר צִוִּיתִךָ לְמוֹעֵד חֹדֶשׁ הָאָבִיב כִּי בְּחֹדֶשׁ הָאָבִיב יָצָאתָ מִמִּצְרָיִם׃", 34.19. "כָּל־פֶּטֶר רֶחֶם לִי וְכָל־מִקְנְךָ תִּזָּכָר פֶּטֶר שׁוֹר וָשֶׂה׃", 34.21. "שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים תַּעֲבֹד וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי תִּשְׁבֹּת בֶּחָרִישׁ וּבַקָּצִיר תִּשְׁבֹּת׃", 34.22. "וְחַג שָׁבֻעֹת תַּעֲשֶׂה לְךָ בִּכּוּרֵי קְצִיר חִטִּים וְחַג הָאָסִיף תְּקוּפַת הַשָּׁנָה׃", 34.23. "שָׁלֹשׁ פְּעָמִים בַּשָּׁנָה יֵרָאֶה כָּל־זְכוּרְךָ אֶת־פְּנֵי הָאָדֹן יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 34.24. "כִּי־אוֹרִישׁ גּוֹיִם מִפָּנֶיךָ וְהִרְחַבְתִּי אֶת־גְּבוּלֶךָ וְלֹא־יַחְמֹד אִישׁ אֶת־אַרְצְךָ בַּעֲלֹתְךָ לֵרָאוֹת אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ שָׁלֹשׁ פְּעָמִים בַּשָּׁנָה׃", 34.25. "לֹא־תִשְׁחַט עַל־חָמֵץ דַּם־זִבְחִי וְלֹא־יָלִין לַבֹּקֶר זֶבַח חַג הַפָּסַח׃", 34.26. "רֵאשִׁית בִּכּוּרֵי אַדְמָתְךָ תָּבִיא בֵּית יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לֹא־תְבַשֵּׁל גְּדִי בַּחֲלֵב אִמּוֹ׃", 34.27. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה כְּתָב־לְךָ אֶת־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה כִּי עַל־פִּי הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה כָּרַתִּי אִתְּךָ בְּרִית וְאֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 34.28. "וַיְהִי־שָׁם עִם־יְהוָה אַרְבָּעִים יוֹם וְאַרְבָּעִים לַיְלָה לֶחֶם לֹא אָכַל וּמַיִם לֹא שָׁתָה וַיִּכְתֹּב עַל־הַלֻּחֹת אֵת דִּבְרֵי הַבְּרִית עֲשֶׂרֶת הַדְּבָרִים׃", 34.29. "וַיְהִי בְּרֶדֶת מֹשֶׁה מֵהַר סִינַי וּשְׁנֵי לֻחֹת הָעֵדֻת בְּיַד־מֹשֶׁה בְּרִדְתּוֹ מִן־הָהָר וּמֹשֶׁה לֹא־יָדַע כִּי קָרַן עוֹר פָּנָיו בְּדַבְּרוֹ אִתּוֹ׃", 3.2. "And the angel of the LORD appeared unto him in a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush; and he looked, and, behold, the bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed.", 15.3. "The LORD is a man of war, The LORD is His name.", 15.11. "Who is like unto Thee, O LORD, among the mighty? Who is like unto Thee, glorious in holiness, Fearful in praises, doing wonders?", 24.9. "Then went up Moses, and Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel;", 24.10. "and they saw the God of Israel; and there was under His feet the like of a paved work of sapphire stone, and the like of the very heaven for clearness.", 24.11. "And upon the nobles of the children of Israel He laid not His hand; and they beheld God, and did eat and drink.", 28.1. "And bring thou near unto thee Aaron thy brother, and his sons with him, from among the children of Israel, that they may minister unto Me in the priest’s office, even Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar, Aaron’s sons.", 29.19. "And thou shalt take the other ram; and Aaron and his sons shall lay their hands upon the head of the ram.", 29.20. "Then shalt thou kill the ram, and take of its blood, and put it upon the tip of the right ear of Aaron, and upon the tip of the right ear of his sons, and upon the thumb of their right hand, and upon the great toe of their right foot, and dash the blood against the altar round about.", 29.21. "And thou shalt take of the blood that is upon the altar, and of the anointing oil, and sprinkle it upon Aaron, and upon his garments, and upon his sons, and upon the garments of his sons with him; and he and his garments shall be hallowed, and his sons and his sons’garments with him.", 29.22. "Also thou shalt take of the ram the fat, and the fat tail, and the fat that covereth the inwards, and the lobe of the liver, and the two kidneys, and the fat that is upon them, and the right thigh; for it is a ram of consecration;", 29.23. "and one loaf of bread, and one cake of oiled bread, and one wafer, out of the basket of unleavened bread that is before the LORD.", 29.24. "And thou shalt put the whole upon the hands of Aaron, and upon the hands of his sons; and shalt wave them for a wave-offering before the LORD.", 29.25. "And thou shalt take them from their hands, and make them smoke on the altar upon the burnt-offering, for a sweet savour before the LORD; it is an offering made by fire unto the LORD.", 29.26. "And thou shalt take the breast of Aaron’s ram of consecration, and wave it for a wave-offering before the LORD; and it shall be thy portion.", 29.27. "And thou shalt sanctify the breast of the wave-offering, and the thigh of the heave-offering, which is waved, and which is heaved up, of the ram of consecration, even of that which is Aaron’s, and of that which is his sons’.", 29.28. "And it shall be for Aaron and his sons as a due for ever from the children of Israel; for it is a heave-offering; and it shall be a heave-offering from the children of Israel of their sacrifices of peace-offerings, even their heave-offering unto the LORD.", 29.29. "And the holy garments of Aaron shall be for his sons after him, to be anointed in them, and to be consecrated in them.", 29.30. "Seven days shall the son that is priest in his stead put them on, even he who cometh into the tent of meeting to minister in the holy place.", 34.5. "And the LORD descended in the cloud, and stood with him there, and proclaimed the name of the LORD.", 34.6. "And the LORD passed by before him, and proclaimed: ‘The LORD, the LORD, God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth;", 34.7. "keeping mercy unto the thousandth generation, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin; and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children’s children, unto the third and unto the fourth generation.’", 34.8. "And Moses made haste, and bowed his head toward the earth, and worshipped.", 34.9. "And he said: ‘If now I have found grace in Thy sight, O Lord, let the Lord, I pray Thee, go in the midst of us; for it is a stiffnecked people; and pardon our iniquity and our sin, and take us for Thine inheritance.’", 34.10. "And He said: ‘Behold, I make a covet; before all thy people I will do marvels, such as have not been wrought in all the earth, nor in any nation; and all the people among which thou art shall see the work of the LORD that I am about to do with thee, that it is tremendous.", 34.11. "Observe thou that which I am commanding thee this day; behold, I am driving out before thee the Amorite, and the Canaanite, and the Hittite, and the Perizzite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite.", 34.12. "Take heed to thyself, lest thou make a covet with the inhabitants of the land whither thou goest, lest they be for a snare in the midst of thee.", 34.13. "But ye shall break down their altars, and dash in pieces their pillars, and ye shall cut down their Asherim.", 34.14. "For thou shalt bow down to no other god; for the LORD, whose name is Jealous, is a jealous God;", 34.15. "lest thou make a covet with the inhabitants of the land, and they go astray after their gods, and do sacrifice unto their gods, and they call thee, and thou eat of their sacrifice;", 34.16. "and thou take of their daughters unto thy sons, and their daughters go astray after their gods, and make thy sons go astray after their gods.", 34.17. "Thou shalt make thee no molten gods.", 34.18. "The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep. Seven days thou shalt eat unleavened bread, as I commanded thee, at the time appointed in the month Abib, for in the month Abib thou camest out from Egypt.", 34.19. "All that openeth the womb is Mine; and of all thy cattle thou shalt sanctify the males, the firstlings of ox and sheep.", 34.20. "And the firstling of an ass thou shalt redeem with a lamb; and if thou wilt not redeem it, then thou shalt break its neck. All the first-born of thy sons thou shalt redeem. And none shall appear before Me empty.", 34.21. "Six days thou shalt work, but on the seventh day thou shalt rest; in plowing time and in harvest thou shalt rest.", 34.22. "And thou shalt observe the feast of weeks, even of the first-fruits of wheat harvest, and the feast of ingathering at the turn of the year.", 34.23. "Three times in the year shall all thy males appear before the Lord GOD, the God of Israel.", 34.24. "For I will cast out nations before thee, and enlarge thy borders; neither shall any man covet thy land, when thou goest up to appear before the LORD thy God three times in the year.", 34.25. "Thou shalt not offer the blood of My sacrifice with leavened bread; neither shall the sacrifice of the feast of the passover be left unto the morning.", 34.26. "The choicest first-fruits of thy land thou shalt bring unto the house of the LORD thy God. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother’s milk.’", 34.27. "And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Write thou these words, for after the tenor of these words I have made a covet with thee and with Israel.’", 34.28. "And he was there with the LORD forty days and forty nights; he did neither eat bread, nor drink water. And he wrote upon the tables the words of the covet, the ten words.", 34.29. "And it came to pass, when Moses came down from mount Sinai with the two tables of the testimony in Moses’hand, when he came down from the mount, that Moses knew not that the skin of his face sent forth abeams while He talked with him.",
5. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 200
49.10. "The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.",
6. Hebrew Bible, Hosea, 12.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
12.1. "וְאָנֹכִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם עֹד אוֹשִׁיבְךָ בָאֳהָלִים כִּימֵי מוֹעֵד׃", 12.1. "סְבָבֻנִי בְכַחַשׁ אֶפְרַיִם וּבְמִרְמָה בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל וִיהוּדָה עֹד רָד עִם־אֵל וְעִם־קְדוֹשִׁים נֶאֱמָן׃", 12.1. "Ephraim compasseth Me about with lies, And the house of Israel with deceit; And Judah is yet wayward towards God, And towards the Holy One who is faithful.",
7. Hebrew Bible, Job, 5.1, 15.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
5.1. "קְרָא־נָא הֲיֵשׁ עוֹנֶךָּ וְאֶל־מִי מִקְּדֹשִׁים תִּפְנֶה׃", 5.1. "הַנֹּתֵן מָטָר עַל־פְּנֵי־אָרֶץ וְשֹׁלֵחַ מַיִם עַל־פְּנֵי חוּצוֹת׃", 15.15. "הֵן בקדשו [בִּקְדֹשָׁיו] לֹא יַאֲמִין וְשָׁמַיִם לֹא־זַכּוּ בְעֵינָיו׃", 5.1. "Call now; is there any that will answer thee? And to which of the holy ones wilt thou turn?", 15.15. "Behold, He putteth no trust in His holy ones; Yea, the heavens are not clean in His sight.",
8. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 5.14, 12.1, 15.39, 20.23-20.29, 25.13, 26.61, 33.37-33.39 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 32, 33, 35; Hasan Rokem (2003) 64; Schremer (2010) 51
5.14. "וְעָבַר עָלָיו רוּחַ־קִנְאָה וְקִנֵּא אֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְהִוא נִטְמָאָה אוֹ־עָבַר עָלָיו רוּחַ־קִנְאָה וְקִנֵּא אֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְהִיא לֹא נִטְמָאָה׃", 12.1. "וְהֶעָנָן סָר מֵעַל הָאֹהֶל וְהִנֵּה מִרְיָם מְצֹרַעַת כַּשָּׁלֶג וַיִּפֶן אַהֲרֹן אֶל־מִרְיָם וְהִנֵּה מְצֹרָעַת׃", 12.1. "וַתְּדַבֵּר מִרְיָם וְאַהֲרֹן בְּמֹשֶׁה עַל־אֹדוֹת הָאִשָּׁה הַכֻּשִׁית אֲשֶׁר לָקָח כִּי־אִשָּׁה כֻשִׁית לָקָח׃", 15.39. "וְהָיָה לָכֶם לְצִיצִת וּרְאִיתֶם אֹתוֹ וּזְכַרְתֶּם אֶת־כָּל־מִצְוֺת יְהוָה וַעֲשִׂיתֶם אֹתָם וְלֹא־תָתֻרוּ אַחֲרֵי לְבַבְכֶם וְאַחֲרֵי עֵינֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר־אַתֶּם זֹנִים אַחֲרֵיהֶם׃", 20.23. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְאֶל־אַהֲרֹן בְּהֹר הָהָר עַל־גְּבוּל אֶרֶץ־אֱדוֹם לֵאמֹר׃", 20.24. "יֵאָסֵף אַהֲרֹן אֶל־עַמָּיו כִּי לֹא יָבֹא אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נָתַתִּי לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל עַל אֲשֶׁר־מְרִיתֶם אֶת־פִּי לְמֵי מְרִיבָה׃", 20.25. "קַח אֶת־אַהֲרֹן וְאֶת־אֶלְעָזָר בְּנוֹ וְהַעַל אֹתָם הֹר הָהָר׃", 20.26. "וְהַפְשֵׁט אֶת־אַהֲרֹן אֶת־בְּגָדָיו וְהִלְבַּשְׁתָּם אֶת־אֶלְעָזָר בְּנוֹ וְאַהֲרֹן יֵאָסֵף וּמֵת שָׁם׃", 20.27. "וַיַּעַשׂ מֹשֶׁה כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה וַיַּעֲלוּ אֶל־הֹר הָהָר לְעֵינֵי כָּל־הָעֵדָה׃", 20.28. "וַיַּפְשֵׁט מֹשֶׁה אֶת־אַהֲרֹן אֶת־בְּגָדָיו וַיַּלְבֵּשׁ אֹתָם אֶת־אֶלְעָזָר בְּנוֹ וַיָּמָת אַהֲרֹן שָׁם בְּרֹאשׁ הָהָר וַיֵּרֶד מֹשֶׁה וְאֶלְעָזָר מִן־הָהָר׃", 20.29. "וַיִּרְאוּ כָּל־הָעֵדָה כִּי גָוַע אַהֲרֹן וַיִּבְכּוּ אֶת־אַהֲרֹן שְׁלֹשִׁים יוֹם כֹּל בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 25.13. "וְהָיְתָה לּוֹ וּלְזַרְעוֹ אַחֲרָיו בְּרִית כְּהֻנַּת עוֹלָם תַּחַת אֲשֶׁר קִנֵּא לֵאלֹהָיו וַיְכַפֵּר עַל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 26.61. "וַיָּמָת נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא בְּהַקְרִיבָם אֵשׁ־זָרָה לִפְנֵי יְהוָה׃", 33.37. "וַיִּסְעוּ מִקָּדֵשׁ וַיַּחֲנוּ בְּהֹר הָהָר בִּקְצֵה אֶרֶץ אֱדוֹם׃", 33.38. "וַיַּעַל אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֵן אֶל־הֹר הָהָר עַל־פִּי יְהוָה וַיָּמָת שָׁם בִּשְׁנַת הָאַרְבָּעִים לְצֵאת בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַחֲמִישִׁי בְּאֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ׃", 33.39. "וְאַהֲרֹן בֶּן־שָׁלֹשׁ וְעֶשְׂרִים וּמְאַת שָׁנָה בְּמֹתוֹ בְּהֹר הָהָר׃", 5.14. "and the spirit of jealousy come upon him, and he warned his wife, and she be defiled; or if the spirit of jealousy come upon him, and he warned his wife, and she be not defiled;", 12.1. "And Miriam and Aaron spoke against Moses because of the Cushite woman whom he had married; for he had married a Cushite woman.", 15.39. "And it shall be unto you for a fringe, that ye may look upon it, and remember all the commandments of the LORD, and do them; and that ye go not about after your own heart and your own eyes, after which ye use to go astray;", 20.23. "And the LORD spoke unto Moses and Aaron in mount Hor, by the border of the land of Edom, saying:", 20.24. "’Aaron shall be gathered unto his people; for he shall not enter into the land which I have given unto the children of Israel, because ye rebelled against My word at the waters of Meribah.", 20.25. "Take Aaron and Eleazar his son, and bring them up unto mount Hor.", 20.26. "And strip Aaron of his garments, and put them upon Eleazar his son; and Aaron shall be gathered unto his people, and shall die there.’", 20.27. "And Moses did as the LORD commanded; and they went up into mount Hor in the sight of all the congregation.", 20.28. "And Moses stripped Aaron of his garments, and put them upon Eleazar his son; and Aaron died there in the top of the mount; and Moses and Eleazar came down from the mount.", 20.29. "And when all the congregation saw that Aaron was dead, they wept for Aaron thirty days, even all the house of Israel.", 25.13. "and it shall be unto him, and to his seed after him, the covet of an everlasting priesthood; because he was jealous for his God, and made atonement for the children of Israel.’", 26.61. "And Nadab and Abihu died, when they offered strange fire before the LORD.", 33.37. "And they journeyed from Kadesh, and pitched in mount Hor, in the edge of the land of Edom.—", 33.38. "And Aaron the priest went up into mount Hor at the commandment of the LORD, and died there, in the fortieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the fifth month, on the first day of the month.", 33.39. "And Aaron was a hundred and twenty and three years old when he died in mount Hor.",
9. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 23.22 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 36
23.22. "שְׁמַע לְאָבִיךָ זֶה יְלָדֶךָ וְאַל־תָּבוּז כִּי־זָקְנָה אִמֶּךָ׃", 23.22. "Hearken unto thy father that begot thee, And despise not thy mother when she is old.",
10. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 5.21, 10.1-10.3, 19.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 32; Schremer (2010) 44, 131
5.21. "נֶפֶשׁ כִּי תֶחֱטָא וּמָעֲלָה מַעַל בַּיהוָה וְכִחֵשׁ בַּעֲמִיתוֹ בְּפִקָּדוֹן אוֹ־בִתְשׂוּמֶת יָד אוֹ בְגָזֵל אוֹ עָשַׁק אֶת־עֲמִיתוֹ׃", 10.1. "וּלֲהַבְדִּיל בֵּין הַקֹּדֶשׁ וּבֵין הַחֹל וּבֵין הַטָּמֵא וּבֵין הַטָּהוֹר׃", 10.1. "וַיִּקְחוּ בְנֵי־אַהֲרֹן נָדָב וַאֲבִיהוּא אִישׁ מַחְתָּתוֹ וַיִּתְּנוּ בָהֵן אֵשׁ וַיָּשִׂימוּ עָלֶיהָ קְטֹרֶת וַיַּקְרִבוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֵשׁ זָרָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא צִוָּה אֹתָם׃", 10.2. "וַתֵּצֵא אֵשׁ מִלִּפְנֵי יְהוָה וַתֹּאכַל אוֹתָם וַיָּמֻתוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה׃", 10.2. "וַיִּשְׁמַע מֹשֶׁה וַיִּיטַב בְּעֵינָיו׃", 10.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר מֹשֶׁה אֶל־אַהֲרֹן הוּא אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּר יְהוָה לֵאמֹר בִּקְרֹבַי אֶקָּדֵשׁ וְעַל־פְּנֵי כָל־הָעָם אֶכָּבֵד וַיִּדֹּם אַהֲרֹן׃", 19.17. "לֹא־תִשְׂנָא אֶת־אָחִיךָ בִּלְבָבֶךָ הוֹכֵחַ תּוֹכִיחַ אֶת־עֲמִיתֶךָ וְלֹא־תִשָּׂא עָלָיו חֵטְא׃", 5.21. "If any one sin, and commit a trespass against the LORD, and deal falsely with his neighbour in a matter of deposit, or of pledge, or of robbery, or have oppressed his neighbour;", 10.1. "And Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron, took each of them his censer, and put fire therein, and laid incense thereon, and offered strange fire before the LORD, which He had not commanded them.", 10.2. "And there came forth fire from before the LORD, and devoured them, and they died before the LORD.", 10.3. "Then Moses said unto Aaron: ‘This is it that the LORD spoke, saying: Through them that are nigh unto Me I will be sanctified, and before all the people I will be glorified.’ And Aaron held his peace.", 19.17. "Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart; thou shalt surely rebuke thy neighbour, and not bear sin because of him.",
11. Hebrew Bible, Ruth, 2.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 36
2.4. "וְהִנֵּה־בֹעַז בָּא מִבֵּית לֶחֶם וַיֹּאמֶר לַקּוֹצְרִים יְהוָה עִמָּכֶם וַיֹּאמְרוּ לוֹ יְבָרֶכְךָ יְהוָה׃", 2.4. "And, behold, Boaz came from Beth-lehem, and said unto the reapers: ‘The LORD be with you.’ And they answered him: ‘The LORD bless thee.’",
12. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 6.1-6.15, 14.2, 31.10, 89.6, 89.8, 106.31, 119.126 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple •destruction of the second temple •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34, 35; Schremer (2010) 36, 51
6.1. "לַמְנַצֵּחַ בִּנְגִינוֹת עַל־הַשְּׁמִינִית מִזְמוֹר לְדָוִד׃", 6.1. "שָׁמַע יְהוָה תְּחִנָּתִי יְהוָה תְּפִלָּתִי יִקָּח׃", 6.2. "יְהוָה אַל־בְּאַפְּךָ תוֹכִיחֵנִי וְאַל־בַּחֲמָתְךָ תְיַסְּרֵנִי׃", 6.3. "חָנֵּנִי יְהוָה כִּי אֻמְלַל אָנִי רְפָאֵנִי יְהוָה כִּי נִבְהֲלוּ עֲצָמָי׃", 6.4. "וְנַפְשִׁי נִבְהֲלָה מְאֹד ואת [וְאַתָּה] יְהוָה עַד־מָתָי׃", 6.5. "שׁוּבָה יְהוָה חַלְּצָה נַפְשִׁי הוֹשִׁיעֵנִי לְמַעַן חַסְדֶּךָ׃", 6.6. "כִּי אֵין בַּמָּוֶת זִכְרֶךָ בִּשְׁאוֹל מִי יוֹדֶה־לָּךְ׃", 6.7. "יָגַעְתִּי בְּאַנְחָתִי אַשְׂחֶה בְכָל־לַיְלָה מִטָּתִי בְּדִמְעָתִי עַרְשִׂי אַמְסֶה׃", 6.8. "עָשְׁשָׁה מִכַּעַס עֵינִי עָתְקָה בְּכָל־צוֹרְרָי׃", 6.9. "סוּרוּ מִמֶּנִּי כָּל־פֹּעֲלֵי אָוֶן כִּי־שָׁמַע יְהוָה קוֹל בִּכְיִי׃", 6.11. "יֵבֹשׁוּ וְיִבָּהֲלוּ מְאֹד כָּל־אֹיְבָי יָשֻׁבוּ יֵבֹשׁוּ רָגַע׃", 14.2. "יְהוָה מִשָּׁמַיִם הִשְׁקִיף עַל־בְּנֵי־אָדָם לִרְאוֹת הֲיֵשׁ מַשְׂכִּיל דֹּרֵשׁ אֶת־אֱלֹהִים׃", 89.6. "וְיוֹדוּ שָׁמַיִם פִּלְאֲךָ יְהוָה אַף־אֱמוּנָתְךָ בִּקְהַל קְדֹשִׁים׃", 89.8. "אֵל נַעֲרָץ בְּסוֹד־קְדֹשִׁים רַבָּה וְנוֹרָא עַל־כָּל־סְבִיבָיו׃", 106.31. "וַתֵּחָשֶׁב לוֹ לִצְדָקָה לְדֹר וָדֹר עַד־עוֹלָם׃", 119.126. "עֵת לַעֲשׂוֹת לַיהוָה הֵפֵרוּ תּוֹרָתֶךָ׃", 6.1. "For the Leader; with string-music; on the Sheminith. A Psalm of David.", 6.2. "O LORD, rebuke me not in Thine anger, Neither chasten me in Thy wrath.", 6.3. "Be gracious unto me, O LORD, for I languish away; Heal me, O LORD, for my bones are affrighted.", 6.4. "My soul also is sore affrighted; And Thou, O LORD, how long?", 6.5. "Return, O LORD, deliver my soul; Save me for Thy mercy's sake.", 6.6. "For in death there is no remembrance of Thee; In the nether-world who will give Thee thanks?", 6.7. "I am weary with my groaning; Every night make I my bed to swim; I melt away my couch with my tears.", 6.8. "Mine eye is dimmed because of vexation; It waxeth old because of all mine adversaries.", 6.9. "Depart from me, all ye workers of iniquity; For the LORD hath heard the voice of my weeping.", 6.10. "The LORD hath heard my supplication; The LORD receiveth my prayer.", 6.11. "All mine enemies shall be ashamed and sore affrighted; They shall turn back, they shall be ashamed suddenly.", 14.2. "The LORD looked forth from heaven upon the children of men, to see if there were any man of understanding, that did seek after God.", 31.10. "Be gracious unto me, O LORD, for I am in distress; Mine eye wasteth away with vexation, yea, my soul and my body.", 89.6. "So shall the heavens praise Thy wonders, O LORD, Thy faithfulness also in the assembly of the holy ones.", 89.8. "A God dreaded in the great council of the holy ones, And feared of all them that are about Him?", 106.31. "And that was counted unto him for righteousness, Unto all generations for ever.", 119.126. "It is time for the LORD to work; They have made void Thy law.",
13. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 6.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 36
6.12. "וַיֵּרָא אֵלָיו מַלְּאַךְ יְהוָה וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו יְהוָה עִמְּךָ גִּבּוֹר הֶחָיִל׃", 6.12. "And the angel of the Lord appeared to him, and said to him, The Lord is with thee, thou mighty man of valour.",
14. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 17.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, destruction of the second temple Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 113
17.1. "אֲנִי יְהוָה חֹקֵר לֵב בֹּחֵן כְּלָיוֹת וְלָתֵת לְאִישׁ כדרכו [כִּדְרָכָיו] כִּפְרִי מַעֲלָלָיו׃", 17.1. "חַטַּאת יְהוּדָה כְּתוּבָה בְּעֵט בַּרְזֶל בְּצִפֹּרֶן שָׁמִיר חֲרוּשָׁה עַל־לוּחַ לִבָּם וּלְקַרְנוֹת מִזְבְּחוֹתֵיכֶם׃", 17.1. "The sin of Judah is written With a pen of iron, and with the point of a diamond; It is graven upon the tablet of their heart, And upon the horns of your altars.",
15. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 9.10, 19.7, 30.3 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
19.7. "עָרוֹת עַל־יְאוֹר עַל־פִּי יְאוֹר וְכֹל מִזְרַע יְאוֹר יִיבַשׁ נִדַּף וְאֵינֶנּוּ׃", 30.3. "וְהָיָה לָכֶם מָעוֹז פַּרְעֹה לְבֹשֶׁת וְהֶחָסוּת בְּצֵל־מִצְרַיִם לִכְלִמָּה׃", 30.3. "וְהִשְׁמִיעַ יְהוָה אֶת־הוֹד קוֹלוֹ וְנַחַת זְרוֹעוֹ יַרְאֶה בְּזַעַף אַף וְלַהַב אֵשׁ אוֹכֵלָה נֶפֶץ וָזֶרֶם וְאֶבֶן בָּרָד׃", 9.10. "Therefore the LORD doth set upon high the adversaries of Rezin against him, and spur his enemies;", 19.7. "The mosses by the Nile, by the brink of the Nile, and all that is sown by the Nile, shall become dry, be driven away, and be no more.", 30.3. "Therefore shall the stronghold of Pharaoh turn to your shame, and the shelter in the shadow of Egypt to your confusion.",
16. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 23.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 208
17. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 3.9, 8.16, 44.18 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 43; Goodman (2006) 52, 208; Kalmin (2014) 113
3.9. "כְּשָׁמִיר חָזָק מִצֹּר נָתַתִּי מִצְחֶךָ לֹא־תִירָא אוֹתָם וְלֹא־תֵחַת מִפְּנֵיהֶם כִּי בֵּית־מְרִי הֵמָּה׃", 8.16. "וַיָּבֵא אֹתִי אֶל־חֲצַר בֵּית־יְהוָה הַפְּנִימִית וְהִנֵּה־פֶתַח הֵיכַל יְהוָה בֵּין הָאוּלָם וּבֵין הַמִּזְבֵּחַ כְּעֶשְׂרִים וַחֲמִשָּׁה אִישׁ אֲחֹרֵיהֶם אֶל־הֵיכַל יְהוָה וּפְנֵיהֶם קֵדְמָה וְהֵמָּה מִשְׁתַּחֲוִיתֶם קֵדְמָה לַשָּׁמֶשׁ׃", 44.18. "פַּאֲרֵי פִשְׁתִּים יִהְיוּ עַל־רֹאשָׁם וּמִכְנְסֵי פִשְׁתִּים יִהְיוּ עַל־מָתְנֵיהֶם לֹא יַחְגְּרוּ בַּיָּזַע׃", 3.9. "As an adamant harder than flint have I made thy forehead; fear them not, neither be dismayed at their looks, for they are a rebellious house.’", 8.16. "And He brought me into the inner court of the LORD’S house, and, behold, at the door of the temple of the LORD, between the porch and the altar, were about five and twenty men, with their backs toward the temple of the LORD, and their faces toward the east; and they worshipped the sun toward the east.", 44.18. "They shall have linen tires upon their heads, and shall have linen breeches upon their loins; they shall not gird themselves with any thing that causeth sweat.",
18. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 7.11, 7.12, 13, 13.7-14.6, 14, 14.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 113
7.11. "וַיְמָאֲנוּ לְהַקְשִׁיב וַיִּתְּנוּ כָתֵף סֹרָרֶת וְאָזְנֵיהֶם הִכְבִּידוּ מִשְּׁמוֹעַ׃", 7.11. "But they refused to attend, and turned a stubborn shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they might not hear.",
19. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 7.1-7.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34
7.1. "כִּי עֶזְרָא הֵכִין לְבָבוֹ לִדְרוֹשׁ אֶת־תּוֹרַת יְהוָה וְלַעֲשֹׂת וּלְלַמֵּד בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל חֹק וּמִשְׁפָּט׃", 7.1. "וְאַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה בְּמַלְכוּת אַרְתַּחְשַׁסְתְּא מֶלֶךְ־פָּרָס עֶזְרָא בֶּן־שְׂרָיָה בֶּן־עֲזַרְיָה בֶּן־חִלְקִיָּה׃", 7.2. "בֶּן־שַׁלּוּם בֶּן־צָדוֹק בֶּן־אֲחִיטוּב׃", 7.2. "וּשְׁאָר חַשְׁחוּת בֵּית אֱלָהָךְ דִּי יִפֶּל־לָךְ לְמִנְתַּן תִּנְתֵּן מִן־בֵּית גִּנְזֵי מַלְכָּא׃", 7.3. "בֶּן־אֲמַרְיָה בֶן־עֲזַרְיָה בֶּן־מְרָיוֹת׃", 7.4. "בֶּן־זְרַחְיָה בֶן־עֻזִּי בֶּן־בֻּקִּי׃", 7.5. "בֶּן־אֲבִישׁוּעַ בֶּן־פִּינְחָס בֶּן־אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן־אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֵן הָרֹאשׁ׃", 7.1. "Now after these things, in the reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, Ezra the son of Seraiah, the son of Azariah, the son of Hilkiah,", 7.2. "the son of Shallum, the son of Zadok, the son of Ahitub,", 7.3. "the son of Amariah, the son of Azariah, the son of Meraioth,", 7.4. "the son of Zerahiah, the son of Uzzi, the son of Bukki,", 7.5. "the son of Abishua, the son of Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the chief priest—",
20. Septuagint, Tobit, 8.15 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
8.15. Then Raguel blessed God and said, "Blessed art thou, O God, with every pure and holy blessing.Let thy saints and all thy creatures bless thee;let all thy angels and thy chosen people bless thee for ever.
21. Anon., 1 Enoch, 1.9, 9.3, 12.2, 14.23, 14.25, 93.6, 103.2, 106.19, 108.3 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132, 133
1.9. And behold! He cometh with ten thousands of His holy ones To execute judgement upon all, And to destroy all the ungodly:And to convict all flesh of all the works of their ungodliness which they have ungodly committed, And of all the hard things which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him. 9.3. And now to you, the holy ones of heaven, the souls of men make their suit, saying, 'Bring our cause 12.2. hidden, and where he abode, and what had become of him. And his activities had to do with the Watchers, and his days were with the holy ones. 14.23. ten thousand (stood) before Him, yet He needed no counselor. And the most holy ones who were 14.25. Enoch, and hear my word.' And one of the holy ones came to me and waked me, and He made me rise up and approach the door: and I bowed my face downwards. 93.6. And after that in the fourth week, at its close, Visions of the holy and righteous shall be seen, And a law for all generations and an enclosure shall be made for them. 103.2. Mighty One in dominion, and by His greatness I swear to you. I know a mystery And have read the heavenly tablets, And have seen the holy books, And have found written therein and inscribed regarding them: 52. And after those days in that place where I had seen all the visions of that which is hidden -for",I had been carried off in a whirlwind and they had borne me towards the west-There mine eyes saw all the secret things of heaven that shall be, a mountain of iron, and a mountain of copper, and a mountain of silver, and a mountain of gold, and a mountain of soft metal, and a mountain of lead.,And I asked the angel who went with me, saying, 'What things are these which I have seen in,secret' And he said unto me: 'All these things which thou hast seen shall serve the dominion of His Anointed that he may be potent and mighty on the earth.'",And that angel of peace answered, saying unto me: 'Wait a little, and there shall be revealed unto thee all the secret things which surround the Lord of Spirits.,And these mountains which thine eyes have seen, The mountain of iron, and the mountain of copper, and the mountain of silver, And the mountain of gold, and the mountain of soft metal, and the mountain of lead, All these shall be in the presence of the Elect One As wax: before the fire, And like the water which streams down from above [upon those mountains], And they shall become powerless before his feet.,And it shall come to pass in those days that none shall be saved, Either by gold or by silver, And none be able to escape.,And there shall be no iron for war, Nor shall one clothe oneself with a breastplate. Bronze shall be of no service, And tin [shall be of no service and] shall not be esteemed, And lead shall not be desired.,And all these things shall be [denied and] destroyed from the surface of the earth, When the Elect One shall appear before the face of the Lord of Spirits.'
22. Anon., Jubilees, 17.11, 31.14, 33.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
17.11. And Abraham rose up early in the morning and took bread and a bottle of water, and placed them on the shoulders of Hagar and the child, and sent her away. br And she departed and wandered in the wilderness of Beersheba, 31.14. And the darkness left the eyes of Isaac, and he saw the two sons of Jacob, Levi and Judah, and he said: "Are these thy sons, my son? for they are like thee." 33.12. And again, it is written a second time: "Cursed he be who lieth with the wife of his father, for he hath uncovered his father's shame"; and all the holy ones of the Lord said "So be it; so be it."
23. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.1, 2.54, 9.50-9.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 35, 36
2.1. In those days Mattathias the son of John, son of Simeon, a priest of the sons of Joarib, moved from Jerusalem and settled in Modein. 2.54. Phinehas our father, because he was deeply zealous, received the covet of everlasting priesthood. 9.50. Bacchides then returned to Jerusalem and built strong cities in Judea: the fortress in Jericho, and Emmaus, and Beth-horon, and Bethel, and Timnath, and Pharathon, and Tephon, with high walls and gates and bars. 9.51. And he placed garrisons in them to harass Israel. 9.52. He also fortified the city of Beth-zur, and Gazara, and the citadel, and in them he put troops and stores of food. 9.53. And he took the sons of the leading men of the land as hostages and put them under guard in the citadel at Jerusalem.
24. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 42.17, 45.2, 50.6-50.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 43, 51
42.17. The Lord has not enabled his holy ones to recount all his marvelous works,which the Lord the Almighty has established that the universe may stand firm in his glory. 42.17. The voice of his thunder rebukes the earth;so do the tempest from the north and the whirlwind. He scatters the snow like birds flying down,and its descent is like locusts alighting. 45.2. He made him equal in glory to the holy ones,and made him great in the fears of his enemies. 45.2. He added glory to Aaron and gave him a heritage;he allotted to him the first of the first fruits,he prepared bread of first fruits in abundance; 50.7. like the sun shining upon the temple of the Most High,and like the rainbow gleaming in glorious clouds; 50.8. like roses in the days of the first fruits,like lilies by a spring of water,like a green shoot on Lebanon on a summer day; 50.9. like fire and incense in the censer,like a vessel of hammered gold adorned with all kinds of precious stones;
25. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 5.5, 10.10, 17.43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
5.5. Why has he been numbered among the sons of God?And why is his lot among the saints?" 10.10. When a righteous man fled from his brothers wrath,she guided him on straight paths;she showed him the kingdom of God,and gave him knowledge of angels;she prospered him in his labors,and increased the fruit of his toil.
26. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 7.9, 7.13, 7.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 131, 132; Goodman (2006) 208
7.9. "חָזֵה הֲוֵית עַד דִּי כָרְסָוָן רְמִיו וְעַתִּיק יוֹמִין יְתִב לְבוּשֵׁהּ כִּתְלַג חִוָּר וּשְׂעַר רֵאשֵׁהּ כַּעֲמַר נְקֵא כָּרְסְיֵהּ שְׁבִיבִין דִּי־נוּר גַּלְגִּלּוֹהִי נוּר דָּלִק׃", 7.13. "חָזֵה הֲוֵית בְּחֶזְוֵי לֵילְיָא וַאֲרוּ עִם־עֲנָנֵי שְׁמַיָּא כְּבַר אֱנָשׁ אָתֵה הֲוָה וְעַד־עַתִּיק יוֹמַיָּא מְטָה וּקְדָמוֹהִי הַקְרְבוּהִי׃", 7.18. "וִיקַבְּלוּן מַלְכוּתָא קַדִּישֵׁי עֶלְיוֹנִין וְיַחְסְנוּן מַלְכוּתָא עַד־עָלְמָא וְעַד עָלַם עָלְמַיָּא׃", 7.9. "I beheld Till thrones were placed, And one that was ancient of days did sit: His raiment was as white snow, And the hair of his head like pure wool; His throne was fiery flames, and the wheels thereof burning fire.", 7.13. "I saw in the night visions, And, behold, there came with the clouds of heaven One like unto a son of man, And he came even to the Ancient of days, And he was brought near before Him.", 7.18. "But the saints of the Most High shall receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever.’",
27. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q400, 0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
28. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
29. Cicero, Letters, 4.9.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
30. Dead Sea Scrolls, Scroll of Blessings, 1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
31. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 3.21-3.22, 4.24-4.25, 10.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
32. Dead Sea Scrolls, Genesis Apocryphon, 2.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
33. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 11.7-11.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
34. Dead Sea Scrolls, Apgen, 2.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
35. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 28.66-28.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 52
36. Dead Sea Scrolls, War Scroll, 1.16, 10.11-10.12, 12.1, 12.4, 12.7, 15.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
37. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34
1.1. I have conceived the idea of writing the life of Moses, who, according to the account of some persons, was the lawgiver of the Jews, but according to others only an interpreter of the sacred laws, the greatest and most perfect man that ever lived, having a desire to make his character fully known to those who ought not to remain in ignorance respecting him,
38. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.235 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34
2.235. for it is said with respect to Aaron, that "He stood between the dead and the living, and the plague was Stayed." For he who is making progress is not reckoned among those who are dead as to the life of virtue, inasmuch as he has a desire and admiration of what is honourable, nor among those who are living in extreme and perfect prosperity, for there is still something wanting to the end, but he touches both extremes;
39. Philo of Alexandria, On Curses, 54-55, 53 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34
53. Now of such a city as this, every impious man is found to be a builder in his own miserable soul, until God deliberately causes complete and great confusion to their sophistical Arts. And this will be, when not only "they build a city and tower, the head of which will reach to heaven," that is to say, [...] the mind or the reason of each individual as conversant about making great works, which they represent as having for its head a conception peculiar to itself, which is called in symbolical language heaven. For it is plain that the head and object of every reasoning must be the aforesaid mind; for the sake of which, long digressions and sentences are in the habit of being used by men who write histories. XVI.
40. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 3.144 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 34
41. Ovid, Fasti, 4.225-4.344 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
4.225. hunc sibi servari voluit, sua templa tueri, 4.226. et dixit semper fac puer esse velis. 4.227. ille fidem iussis dedit et si mentiar, inquit 4.228. ultima, qua fallam, sit Venus illa mihi. 4.229. fallit et in nympha Sagaritide desinit esse 4.230. quod fuit: hinc poenas exigit ira deae. 4.231. Naida volneribus succidit in arbore factis, 4.232. illa perit: fatum Naidos arbor erat. 4.233. hic furit et credens thalami procumbere tectum 4.234. effugit et cursu Dindyma summa petit 4.235. et modo tolle faces! remove modo verbera! clamat; 4.236. saepe Palaestinas iurat adesse deas. 4.237. ille etiam saxo corpus laniavit acuto, 4.238. longaque in immundo pulvere tracta coma est, 4.239. voxque fuit ‘merui! meritas do sanguine poenas. 4.240. a! pereant partes, quae nocuere mihi! 4.241. a! pereant’ dicebat adhuc, onus inguinis aufert, 4.242. nullaque sunt subito signa relicta viri. 4.243. venit in exemplum furor hic, mollesque ministri 4.244. caedunt iactatis vilia membra comis.’ 4.245. talibus Aoniae facunda voce Camenae 4.246. reddita quaesiti causa furoris erat. 4.247. ‘hoc quoque, dux operis, moneas, precor, unde petita 4.248. venerit, an nostra semper in urbe fuit?’ 4.249. ‘Dindymon et Cybelen et amoenam fontibus Iden 4.250. semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes: 4.251. cum Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, 4.252. est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates, 4.253. sed nondum fatis Latio sua numina posci 4.254. senserat, adsuetis substiteratque locis. 4.255. post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque 4.256. vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, 4.257. carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos 4.258. inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: 4.259. ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. 4.260. cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu. 4.261. ‘obscurae sortis patres ambagibus errant, 4.262. quaeve parens absit, quove petenda loco. 4.263. consulitur Paean,’ divum que arcessite Matrem, 4.264. inquit in Idaeo est invenienda iugo. 4.265. mittuntur proceres. Phrygiae tunc sceptra tenebat 4.266. Attalus: Ausoniis rem negat ille viris, 4.267. mira canam, longo tremuit cum murmure tellus, 4.268. et sic est adytis diva locuta suis: 4.269. ipsa peti volui, nec sit mora, mitte volentem. 4.270. dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat.’ 4.271. ille soni terrore pavens proficiscere, dixit 4.272. nostra eris: in Phrygios Roma refertur avos. 4.273. protinus innumerae caedunt pineta secures 4.274. illa, quibus fugiens Phryx pius usus erat: 4.275. mille manus coeunt, et picta coloribus ustis 4.276. caelestum Matrem concava puppis habet, 4.277. illa sui per aquas fertur tutissima nati 4.278. longaque Phrixeae stagna sororis adit 4.279. Rhoeteumque rapax Sigeaque litora transit 4.280. et Tenedum et veteres Eetionis opes. 4.281. Cyclades excipiunt, Lesbo post terga relicta, 4.282. quaeque Carysteis frangitur unda vadis. 4.283. transit et Icarium, lapsas ubi perdidit alas 4.284. Icarus et vastae nomina fecit aquae. 4.285. tum laeva Creten, dextra Pelopeidas undas 4.286. deserit et Veneris sacra Cythera petit, 4.287. hinc mare Trinacrium, candens ubi tinguere ferrum 4.288. Brontes et Steropes Acmonidesque solent, 4.289. aequoraque Afra legit Sardoaque regna sinistris 4.290. respicit a remis Ausoniamque tenet. 4.291. Ostia contigerat, qua se Tiberinus in altum 4.292. dividit et campo liberiore natat: 4.293. omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus 4.294. obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit. 4.295. procedunt pariter matres nataeque nurusque 4.296. quaeque colunt sanctos virginitate focos, 4.297. sedula fune viri contento brachia lassant: 4.298. vix subit adversas hospita navis aquas, 4.299. sicca diu fuerat tellus, sitis usserat herbas: 4.300. sedit limoso pressa carina vado. 4.301. quisquis adest operi, plus quam pro parte laborat, 4.302. adiuvat et fortis voce sote manus, 4.303. illa velut medio stabilis sedet insula ponto: 4.304. attoniti monstro stantque paventque viri. 4.305. Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, 4.306. nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: 4.307. casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus 4.308. laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est; 4.309. cultus et ornatis varie prodisse capillis 4.310. obfuit, ad rigidos promptaque lingua senes, 4.311. conscia mens recti famae mendacia risit, 4.312. sed nos in vitium credula turba sumus, 4.313. haec ubi castarum processit ab agmine matrum 4.314. et manibus puram fluminis hausit aquam, 4.315. ter caput inrorat, ter tollit in aethera palmas ( 4.316. quicumque aspiciunt, mente carere putant) 4.317. summissoque genu voltus in imagine divae 4.318. figit et hos edit crine iacente sonos: 4.319. ‘supplicis, alma, tuae, genetrix fecunda deorum, 4.320. accipe sub certa condicione preces. 4.321. casta negor. si tu damnas, meruisse fatebor; 4.322. morte luam poenas iudice victa dea. 4.323. sed si crimen abest, tu nostrae pignora vitae 4.324. re dabis et castas casta sequere manus.’ 4.325. dixit et exiguo funem conamine traxit ( 4.326. mira, sed et scaena testificata loquar): 4.327. mota dea est sequiturque ducem laudatque sequendo: 4.328. index laetitiae fertur ad astra sonus, 4.329. fluminis ad flexum veniunt (Tiberina priores 4.330. atria dixerunt), unde sinister abit. 4.331. nox aderat: querno religant in stipite funem 4.332. dantque levi somno corpora functa cibo. 4.333. lux aderat: querno solvunt a stipite funem; 4.334. ante tamen posito tura dedere foco, 4.335. ante coronarunt puppem et sine labe iuvencam 4.336. mactarunt operum coniugiique rudem, 4.337. est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo 4.338. et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: 4.339. illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 4.340. Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, 4.341. exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, 4.342. et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. 4.343. Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu, 4.344. credita vix tandem teste pudica dea; 4.225. She desired him to serve her, and protect her temple, 4.226. And said: “Wish, you might be a boy for ever.” 4.227. He promised to be true, and said: “If I’m lying 4.228. May the love I fail in be my last love.” 4.229. He did fail, and in meeting the nymph Sagaritis, 4.230. Abandoned what he was: the goddess, angered, avenged it. 4.231. She destroyed the Naiad, by wounding a tree, 4.232. Since the tree contained the Naiad’s fate. 4.233. Attis was maddened, and thinking his chamber’s roof 4.234. Was falling, fled for the summit of Mount Dindymus. 4.235. Now he cried: “Remove the torches”, now he cried: 4.236. “Take the whips away”: often swearing he saw the Furies. 4.237. He tore at his body too with a sharp stone, 4.238. And dragged his long hair in the filthy dust, 4.239. Shouting: “I deserved this! I pay the due penalty 4.240. In blood! Ah! Let the parts that harmed me, perish! 4.241. Let them perish!” cutting away the burden of his groin, 4.242. And suddenly bereft of every mark of manhood. 4.243. His madness set a precedent, and his unmanly servant 4.244. Toss their hair, and cut off their members as if worthless.’ 4.245. So the Aonian Muse, eloquently answering the question 4.246. I’d asked her, regarding the causes of their madness. 4.247. ‘Guide of my work, I beg you, teach me also, where She 4.248. Was brought from. Was she always resident in our City? 4.249. ‘The Mother Goddess always loved Dindymus, Cybele, 4.250. And Ida, with its pleasant streams, and the Trojan realm: 4.251. And when Aeneas brought Troy to Italian fields, the godde 4.252. Almost followed those ships that carried the sacred relics. 4.253. But she felt that fate didn’t require her powers in Latium, 4.254. So she stayed behind in her long-accustomed place. 4.255. Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, 4.256. And had lifted its head above the conquered world, 4.257. The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: 4.258. They say that what he found there was as follows: 4.259. ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. 4.260. When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’ 4.261. The dark oracle’s ambiguity set the senators puzzling 4.262. As to who that parent might be, and where to seek her. 4.263. Apollo was consulted, and replied: ‘Fetch the Mother 4.264. of all the Gods, who you’ll find there on Mount Ida.’ 4.265. Noblemen were sent. Attalus at that time held 4.266. The Phrygian sceptre: he refused the Italian lords. 4.267. Marvellous to tell, the earth shook with long murmurs, 4.268. And the goddess, from her shrine, spoke as follows: 4.269. ‘I myself wished them to seek me: don’t delay: send me, 4.270. Willingly. Rome is a worthy place for all divinities.’ 4.271. Quaking with fear at her words, Attalus, said: ‘Go, 4.272. You’ll still be ours: Rome claims Phrygian ancestry.’ 4.273. Immediately countless axes felled the pine-tree 4.274. Those trees pious Aeneas employed for his flight: 4.275. A thousand hands work, and the heavenly Mother 4.276. Soon has a hollow ship, painted in fiery colours. 4.277. She’s carried in perfect safety over her son’s waves, 4.278. And reaches the long strait named for Phrixus’ sister, 4.279. Passes fierce Rhoetum and the Sigean shore, 4.280. And Tenedos and Eetion’s ancient kingdom. 4.281. Leaving Lesbos behind she then steered for the Cyclades, 4.282. And the waves that break on Euboea’s Carystian shoals. 4.283. She passed the Icarian Sea, as well, where Icarus shed 4.284. His melting wings, giving his name to a vast tract of water. 4.285. Then leaving Crete to larboard, and the Pelopian wave 4.286. To starboard, she headed for Cythera, sacred to Venus. 4.287. From there to the Sicilian Sea, where Brontes, Sterope 4.288. And Aemonides forge their red-hot iron, 4.289. Then, skirting African waters, she saw the Sardinian 4.290. Realm behind to larboard, and reached our Italy. 4.291. She’d arrived at the mouth (ostia) where the Tiber divide 4.292. To meet the deep, and flows with a wider sweep: 4.293. All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, 4.294. Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river. 4.295. With them walked mothers, daughters, and brides, 4.296. And all those virgins who tend the sacred fires. 4.297. The men wearied their arms hauling hard on the ropes: 4.298. The foreign vessel barely made way against the stream. 4.299. For a long time there’d been a drought: the grass was dry 4.300. And scorched: the boat stuck fast in the muddy shallows. 4.301. Every man, hauling, laboured beyond his strength, 4.302. And encouraged their toiling hands with his cries. 4.303. Yet the ship lodged there, like an island fixed in mid-ocean: 4.304. And astonished at the portent, men stood and quaked. 4.305. Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, 4.306. And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: 4.307. She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour 4.308. Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her: 4.309. Her elegance, promenading around in various hairstyles, 4.310. And her ready tongue, with stiff old men, counted against her. 4.311. Conscious of virtue, she laughed at the rumoured lies, 4.312. But we’re always ready to credit others with faults. 4.313. Now, when she’d stepped from the line of chaste women, 4.314. Taking pure river water in her hands, she wetted her head 4.315. Three times, three times lifted her palms to the sky, 4.316. (Everyone watching her thought she’d lost her mind) 4.317. Then, kneeling, fixed her eyes on the goddess’s statue, 4.318. And, with loosened hair, uttered these words: 4.319. “ Kind and fruitful Mother of the Gods, accept 4.320. A suppliant’s prayers, on this one condition: 4.321. They deny I’m chaste: let me be guilty if you condemn me: 4.322. Convicted by a goddess I’ll pay for it with my life. 4.323. But if I’m free of guilt, grant a pledge of my innocence 4.324. By your action: and, chaste, give way to my chaste hands.” 4.325. She spoke: then gave a slight pull at the rope, 4.326. (A wonder, but the sacred drama attests what I say): 4.327. The goddess stirred, followed, and, following, approved her: 4.328. Witness the sound of jubilation carried to the stars. 4.329. They came to a bend in the river (called of old 4.330. The Halls of Tiber): there the stream turns left, ascending. 4.331. Night fell: they tied the rope to an oak stump, 4.332. And, having eaten, settled to a tranquil sleep. 4.333. Dawn rose: they loosed the rope from the oak stump, 4.334. After first laying a fire and offering incense, 4.335. And crowned the stern, and sacrificed a heifer 4.336. Free of blemish, that had never known yoke or bull. 4.337. There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, 4.338. And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: 4.339. There, a white-headed priest in purple robe 4.340. Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. 4.341. The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, 4.342. And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. 4.343. Claudia walked in front with a joyful face, 4.344. Her chastity proven by the goddess’s testimony:
42. Livy, History, 29.14.5-29.14.14 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
43. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 82, 90-91, 89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 200
89. And a proof of this is that, though at different times a great number of chiefs of every variety of disposition and character, have occupied their country, some of whom have endeavoured to surpass even ferocious wild beasts in cruelty, leaving no sort of inhumanity unpractised, and have never ceased to murder their subjects in whole troops, and have even torn them to pieces while living, like cooks cutting them limb from limb, till they themselves, being overtaken by the vengeance of divine justice, have at last experienced the same miseries in their turn:
44. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 11.18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 200
45. Mishnah, Avot, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 48
1.1. "משֶׁה קִבֵּל תּוֹרָה מִסִּינַי, וּמְסָרָהּ לִיהוֹשֻׁעַ, וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ לִזְקֵנִים, וּזְקֵנִים לִנְבִיאִים, וּנְבִיאִים מְסָרוּהָ לְאַנְשֵׁי כְנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה. הֵם אָמְרוּ שְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים, הֱווּ מְתוּנִים בַּדִּין, וְהַעֲמִידוּ תַלְמִידִים הַרְבֵּה, וַעֲשׂוּ סְיָג לַתּוֹרָה: \n", 1.1. "Moses received the torah at Sinai and transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to the Men of the Great Assembly. They said three things: Be patient in [the administration of] justice, raise many disciples and make a fence round the Torah.",
46. Mishnah, Berachot, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 36
9.5. "חַיָּב אָדָם לְבָרֵךְ עַל הָרָעָה כְּשֵׁם שֶׁהוּא מְבָרֵךְ עַל הַטּוֹבָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים ו) וְאָהַבְתָּ אֵת יְיָ אֱלֹהֶיךָ בְּכָל לְבָבְךָ וּבְכָל נַפְשְׁךָ וּבְכָל מְאֹדֶךָ. בְּכָל לְבָבְךָ, בִּשְׁנֵי יְצָרֶיךָ, בְּיֵצֶר טוֹב וּבְיֵצֶר רָע. וּבְכָל נַפְשְׁךָ, אֲפִלּוּ הוּא נוֹטֵל אֶת נַפְשֶׁךָ. וּבְכָל מְאֹדֶךָ, בְּכָל מָמוֹנֶךָ. דָּבָר אַחֵר בְּכָל מְאֹדֶךָ, בְּכָל מִדָּה וּמִדָּה שֶׁהוּא מוֹדֵד לְךָ הֱוֵי מוֹדֶה לוֹ בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד. לֹא יָקֵל אָדָם אֶת רֹאשׁוֹ כְּנֶגֶד שַׁעַר הַמִּזְרָח, שֶׁהוּא מְכֻוָּן כְּנֶגֶד בֵּית קָדְשֵׁי הַקָּדָשִׁים. לֹא יִכָּנֵס לְהַר הַבַּיִת בְּמַקְלוֹ, וּבְמִנְעָלוֹ, וּבְפֻנְדָּתוֹ, וּבְאָבָק שֶׁעַל רַגְלָיו, וְלֹא יַעֲשֶׂנּוּ קַפַּנְדַּרְיָא, וּרְקִיקָה מִקַּל וָחֹמֶר. כָּל חוֹתְמֵי בְרָכוֹת שֶׁהָיוּ בַמִּקְדָּשׁ, הָיוּ אוֹמְרִים מִן הָעוֹלָם. מִשֶּׁקִּלְקְלוּ הַמִּינִין, וְאָמְרוּ, אֵין עוֹלָם אֶלָּא אֶחָד, הִתְקִינוּ שֶׁיְּהוּ אוֹמְרִים, מִן הָעוֹלָם וְעַד הָעוֹלָם. וְהִתְקִינוּ, שֶׁיְּהֵא אָדָם שׁוֹאֵל אֶת שְׁלוֹם חֲבֵרוֹ בַּשֵּׁם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (רות ב) וְהִנֵּה בֹעַז בָּא מִבֵּית לֶחֶם, וַיֹּאמֶר לַקּוֹצְרִים יְיָ עִמָּכֶם, וַיֹּאמְרוּ לוֹ, יְבָרֶכְךָ יְיָ. וְאוֹמֵר (שופטים ו) יְיָ עִמְּךָ גִּבּוֹר הֶחָיִל. וְאוֹמֵר (משלי כג) אַל תָּבוּז כִּי זָקְנָה אִמֶּךָ. וְאוֹמֵר (תהלים קיט) עֵת לַעֲשׂוֹת לַייָ הֵפֵרוּ תוֹרָתֶךָ. רַבִּי נָתָן אוֹמֵר, הֵפֵרוּ תוֹרָתֶךָ עֵת לַעֲשׂוֹת לַייָ: \n", 9.5. "One must bless [God] for the evil in the same way as one blesses for the good, as it says, “And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul and with all your might” (Deuteronomy 6:5). “With all your heart,” with your two impulses, the evil impulse as well as the good impulse. “With all your soul” even though he takes your soul [life] away from you. “With all your might” with all your money. Another explanation, “With all your might” whatever treatment he metes out to you. One should not show disrespect to the Eastern Gate, because it is in a direct line with the Holy of Holies. One should not enter the Temple Mount with a staff, or with shoes on, or with a wallet, or with dusty feet; nor should one make it a short cut, all the more spitting [is forbidden]. All the conclusions of blessings that were in the Temple they would say, “forever [lit. as long as the world is].” When the sectarians perverted their ways and said that there was only one world, they decreed that they should say, “for ever and ever [lit. from the end of the world to the end of the world]. They also decreed that a person should greet his fellow in God’s name, as it says, “And behold Boaz came from Bethlehem and said to the reapers, ‘May the Lord be with you.’ And they answered him, “May the Lord bless you’” (Ruth 2:. And it also says, “The Lord is with your, you valiant warrior” (Judges 6:12). And it also says, “And do not despise your mother when she grows old” (Proverbs 23:22). And it also says, “It is time to act on behalf of the Lord, for they have violated Your teaching” (Psalms 119:126). Rabbi Natan says: [this means] “They have violated your teaching It is time to act on behalf of the Lord.”",
47. Mishnah, Eduyot, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of the Found in books: Hasan Rokem (2003) 64
5.6. "עֲקַבְיָא בֶּן מַהֲלַלְאֵל הֵעִיד אַרְבָּעָה דְבָרִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, עֲקַבְיָא, חֲזֹר בְּךָ בְאַרְבָּעָה דְבָרִים שֶׁהָיִיתָ אוֹמֵר וְנַעַשְׂךָ אַב בֵּית דִּין לְיִשְׂרָאֵל. אָמַר לָהֶן, מוּטָב לִי לְהִקָּרֵא שׁוֹטֶה כָּל יָמַי, וְלֹא לֵעָשׂוֹת שָׁעָה אַחַת רָשָׁע לִפְנֵי הַמָּקוֹם, שֶׁלֹּא יִהְיוּ אוֹמְרִים, בִּשְׁבִיל שְׂרָרָה חָזַר בּוֹ. הוּא הָיָה מְטַמֵּא שְׂעַר הַפְּקֻדָּה וְדַם הַיָּרוֹק. וַחֲכָמִים מְטַהֲרִין. הוּא הָיָה מַתִּיר שְׂעַר בְּכוֹר בַּעַל מוּם שֶׁנָּשַׁר וְהִנִּיחוֹ בְחַלּוֹן וְאַחַר כָּךְ שְׁחָטוֹ, וַחֲכָמִים אוֹסְרִים. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, אֵין מַשְׁקִין לֹא אֶת הַגִּיֹּרֶת וְלֹא אֶת שִׁפְחָה הַמְשֻׁחְרֶרֶת. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, מַשְׁקִין. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, מַעֲשֶׂה בְּכַרְכְּמִית, שִׁפְחָה מְשֻׁחְרֶרֶת שֶׁהָיְתָה בִירוּשָׁלַיִם, וְהִשְׁקוּהָ שְׁמַעְיָה וְאַבְטַלְיוֹן. אָמַר לָהֶם, דֻּגְמָא הִשְׁקוּהָ. וְנִדּוּהוּ, וּמֵת בְּנִדּוּיוֹ, וְסָקְלוּ בֵית דִּין אֶת אֲרוֹנוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה, חַס וְשָׁלוֹם שֶׁעֲקַבְיָא נִתְנַדָּה, שֶׁאֵין עֲזָרָה נִנְעֶלֶת בִּפְנֵי כָל אָדָם מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל בְּחָכְמָה וּבְיִרְאַת חֵטְא כַּעֲקַבְיָא בֶּן מַהֲלַלְאֵל. וְאֶת מִי נִדּוּ, אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן חֲנוֹךְ, שֶׁפִּקְפֵּק בְּטָהֳרַת יָדָיִם. וּכְשֶׁמֵּת, שָׁלְחוּ בֵית דִּין וְהִנִּיחוּ אֶבֶן עַל אֲרוֹנוֹ. מְלַמֵּד שֶׁכָּל הַמִּתְנַדֶּה וּמֵת בְּנִדּוּיוֹ, סוֹקְלִין אֶת אֲרוֹנוֹ: \n", 5.6. "Akavia ben Mahalalel testified concerning four things. They said to him: Akavia, retract these four things which you say, and we will make you the head of the court in Israel. He said to them: it is better for me to be called a fool all my days than that I should become [even] for one hour a wicked man before God; So they shouldn’t say: “he withdrew his opinions for the sake of power.” He used to pronounce impure the hair which has been left over [in leprosy], And green (yellow) blood (of vaginal discharge); But the Sages declared them clean. He used to permit the wool of a first-born animal which was blemished and which had fallen out and had been put in a niche, the first-born being slaughtered afterwards; But the sages forbid it. He used to say: a woman proselyte and a freed slave-woman are not made to drink of the bitter waters. But the Sages say: they are made to drink. They said to him: it happened in the case of Karkemith, a freed slave-woman who was in Jerusalem, that Shemaiah and Avtalion made her drink. He said to them: they made her drink an example (and not the real water). Whereupon they excommunicated him; and he died while he was under excommunication, and the court stoned his coffin. Rabbi Judah said: God forbid [that one should say] that Akavia was excommunicated; for the courtyard is never locked for any man in Israel who was equal to Avavia ben Mahalalel in wisdom and the fear of sin. But whom did they excommunicate? Eliezer the son of Hanoch who cast doubt against the laws concerning the purifying of the hands. And when he died the court sent and laid a stone on his coffin. This teaches that whoever is excommunicated and dies while under excommunication, his coffin is stoned.",
48. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 169
1.5. "הָאוֹכֵל אֵצֶל חָמִיו בִּיהוּדָה שֶׁלֹּא בְעֵדִים, אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לִטְעֹן טַעֲנַת בְּתוּלִים, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁמִּתְיַחֵד עִמָּהּ. אַחַת אַלְמְנַת יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאַחַת אַלְמְנַת כֹּהֵן, כְּתֻבָּתָן מָנֶה. בֵּית דִּין שֶׁל כֹּהֲנִים הָיוּ גוֹבִין לַבְּתוּלָה אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת זוּז, וְלֹא מִחוּ בְיָדָם חֲכָמִים: \n", 1.5. "He who eats with his father-in-law in Judea without the presence of witnesses cannot raise a claim of non-virginity against his wife because he has been alone with her. It is the same whether [the woman is] an Israelite widow or a priestly widow her kethubah is a maneh. The court of the priests collected for a virgin four hundred zuz, and the sages did not protest.",
49. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.120, 34.36, 34.48, 34.84, 35.130, 36.11-36.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
50. Plutarch, Cicero, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
51. Josephus Flavius, Life, 342 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 281
52. Mishnah, Megillah, 3.1, 4.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Goodman (2006) 221; Taylor (2012) 180
3.1. "בְּנֵי הָעִיר שֶׁמָּכְרוּ רְחוֹבָהּ שֶׁל עִיר, לוֹקְחִין בְּדָמָיו בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לוֹקְחִין תֵּבָה. תֵּבָה, לוֹקְחִין מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לוֹקְחִין סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לוֹקְחִין תּוֹרָה. אֲבָל אִם מָכְרוּ תוֹרָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לֹא יִקְחוּ מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לֹא יִקְחוּ תֵבָה. תֵּבָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ בֵית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לֹא יִקְחוּ אֶת הָרְחוֹב. וְכֵן בְּמוֹתְרֵיהֶן. אֵין מוֹכְרִין אֶת שֶׁל רַבִּים לְיָחִיד, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁמּוֹרִידִין אוֹתוֹ מִקְּדֻשָּׁתוֹ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי יְהוּדָה. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אִם כֵּן, אַף לֹא מֵעִיר גְּדוֹלָה לְעִיר קְטַנָּה: \n", 4.8. "הָאוֹמֵר אֵינִי עוֹבֵר לִפְנֵי הַתֵּבָה בִצְבוּעִין, אַף בִּלְבָנִים לֹא יַעֲבֹר. בְּסַנְדָּל אֵינִי עוֹבֵר, אַף יָחֵף לֹא יַעֲבֹר. הָעוֹשֶׂה תְפִלָּתוֹ עֲגֻלָּה, סַכָּנָה וְאֵין בָּהּ מִצְוָה. נְתָנָהּ עַל מִצְחוֹ אוֹ עַל פַּס יָדוֹ, הֲרֵי זוֹ דֶּרֶךְ הַמִּינוּת. צִפָּן זָהָב, וּנְתָנָהּ עַל בֵּית אֻנְקְלִי שֶׁלּוֹ, הֲרֵי זוֹ דֶּרֶךְ הַחִיצוֹנִים:", 3.1. "Townspeople who sold the town square, they may buy with the proceeds a synagogue. [If they sold] a synagogue, they may buy with the proceeds an ark. [If they sold] an ark they may buy covers [for scrolls]. [If they sold] covers, they may buy scrolls [of the Tanakh]. [If they sold] scrolls they may buy a Torah. But if they sold a Torah they may not buy with the proceeds scrolls [of the Tanakh]. If [they sold] scrolls they may not buy covers. If [they sold] covers they may not buy an ark. If [they sold] an ark they may not buy a synagogue. If [they sold] a synagogue they may not buy a town square. The same applies to any money left over. They may not sell [something] belonging to a community because this lowers its sanctity, the words of Rabbi Meir. They said to him: if so, it should not be allowed to sell from a larger town to a smaller one.", 4.8. "If one says, “I will not pass before the ark in colored clothes,” even in white clothes he may not pass before it. [If one says], “I will not pass before it in shoes,” even barefoot he may not pass before it. One who makes his tefillin [for the head] round, it is dangerous and has no religious value. If he put them on his forehead or on the palm of his hand, behold this is the way of heresy. If he overlaid them with gold or put [the one for the hand] on his sleeve, behold this is the manner of the outsiders.",
53. New Testament, Galatians, 3.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of, in matthew Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268
3.28. οὐκ ἔνι Ἰουδαῖος οὐδὲ Ἕλλην, οὐκ ἔνι δοῦλος οὐδὲ ἐλεύθερος, οὐκ ἔνι ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ· πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς εἷς ἐστὲ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. 3.28. There is neither Jewnor Greek, there is neither slave nor free man, there is neither malenor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus.
54. Mishnah, Yoma, 1.6, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 38; Goodman (2006) 158
1.6. "אִם הָיָה חָכָם, דּוֹרֵשׁ. וְאִם לָאו, תַּלְמִידֵי חֲכָמִים דּוֹרְשִׁין לְפָנָיו. וְאִם רָגִיל לִקְרוֹת, קוֹרֵא. וְאִם לָאו, קוֹרִין לְפָנָיו. וּבַמֶּה קוֹרִין לְפָנָיו, בְּאִיּוֹב וּבְעֶזְרָא וּבְדִבְרֵי הַיָּמִים. זְכַרְיָה בֶּן קְבוּטָל אוֹמֵר, פְּעָמִים הַרְבֵּה קָרִיתִי לְפָנָיו בְּדָנִיֵּאל: \n", 3.10. "בֶּן קָטִין עָשָׂה שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר דַּד לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא הָיוּ לוֹ אֶלָּא שְׁנַיִם. וְאַף הוּא עָשָׂה מוּכְנִי לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא יִהְיו מֵימָיו נִפְסָלִין בְּלִינָה. מֻנְבַּז הַמֶּלֶךְ הָיָה עוֹשֶׂה כָל יְדוֹת הַכֵּלִים שֶׁל יוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים שֶׁל זָהָב. הִילְנִי אִמּוֹ עָשְׂתָה נִבְרֶשֶׁת שֶׁל זָהָב עַל פִּתְחוֹ שֶׁל הֵיכָל. וְאַף הִיא עָשְׂתָה טַבְלָא שֶׁל זָהָב שֶׁפָּרָשַׁת סוֹטָה כְתוּבָה עָלֶיהָ. נִיקָנוֹר נַעֲשׂוּ נִסִּים לְדַלְתוֹתָיו, וְהָיוּ מַזְכִּירִין אוֹתוֹ לְשָׁבַח: \n", 1.6. "If he was a sage he would expound, and if not, the disciples of the sages would expound before him. If he was familiar with reading [the Scriptures] he would read, if not they would read before him. From what would they read before him? From Job, Ezra and Chronicles. Zechariah ben Kv’utal says: I have often read before him from Daniel.", 3.10. "Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise.",
55. New Testament, Romans, 10.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of, in matthew Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268
10.12. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν διαστολὴ Ἰουδαίου τε καὶ Ἕλληνος, ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς κύριος πάντων, πλουτῶν εἰς πάντας τοὺς ἐπικαλουμένους αὐτόν· 10.12. For there is no distinction between Jew and Greek; for the same Lord is Lord of all, and is rich to all who call on him.
56. New Testament, Matthew, 7.29, 17.10, 24.1-24.3, 24.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple •temple, destruction of, in matthew •temple, destruction of the Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268; Goodman (2006) 84; Hasan Rokem (2003) 132
7.29. ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς αὐτῶν. 17.10. Καὶ ἐπηρώτησαν αὐτὸν οἱ μαθηταὶ λέγοντες Τί οὖν οἱ γραμματεῖς λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἠλείαν δεῖ ἐλθεῖν πρῶτον; 24.1. Καὶ ἐξελθὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπορεύετο, καὶ προσῆλθον οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπιδεῖξαι αὐτῷ τὰς οἰκοδομὰς τοῦ ἱεροῦ· 24.2. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐ βλέπετε ταῦτα πάντα; ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς οὐ καταλυθήσεται. 24.3. Καθημένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ Ὄρους τῶν Ἐλαιῶν προσῆλθον αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν λέγοντες Εἰπὸν ἡμῖν πότε ταῦτα ἔσται, καὶ τί τὸ σημεῖον τῆς σῆς παρουσίας καὶ συντελείας τοῦ αἰῶνος. 24.32. Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς συκῆς μάθετε τὴν παραβολήν· ὅταν ἤδη ὁ κλάδος αὐτῆς γένηται ἁπαλὸς καὶ τὰ φύλλα ἐκφύῃ, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγὺς τὸ θέρος· 7.29. for he taught them with authority, and not like the scribes. 17.10. His disciples asked him, saying, "Then why do the scribes say that Elijah must come first? 24.1. Jesus went out from the temple, and was going on his way. His disciples came to him to show him the buildings of the temple. 24.2. But he answered them, "Don't you see all of these things? Most assuredly I tell you, there will not be left here one stone on another, that will not be thrown down." 24.3. As he sat on the Mount of Olives, the disciples came to him privately, saying, "Tell us, when will these things be? What is the sign of your coming, and of the end of the age?" 24.32. "Now from the fig tree learn this parable. When its branch has now become tender, and puts forth its leaves, you know that the summer is near.
57. New Testament, Mark, 1.21, 1.22, 2.6, 5.41, 7.1-4, 8.38, 10, 11, 12.1, 12.9, 12.10, 12.12, 12.18, 12.19, 12.20, 12.21, 12.22, 12.23, 12.24, 12.25, 12.26, 12.27, 12.28, 12.29, 12.30, 12.31, 12.32, 12.33, 12.34, 12.43, 13.1, 13.2, 13.14, 13.15, 13.16, 13.17, 13.18, 13.19, 13.20, 13.21, 13.22, 13.23, 14.12, 14.43, 14.44, 14.45, 14.46, 14.47, 14.53, 14.54, 14.55, 14.56, 14.57, 14.58, 14.59, 14.60, 14.61, 14.62, 14.63, 14.64, 14.65, 15.1, 15.3, 15.31, 15.42, 36, 53 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268; Taylor (2012) 122
13.1. Καὶ ἐκπορευομένου αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ λέγει αὐτῷ εἷς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ Διδάσκαλε, ἴδε ποταποὶ λίθοι καὶ ποταπαὶ οἰκοδομαί. 13.1. As he went out out of the temple, one of his disciples said to him, "Teacher, see what kind of stones and what kind of buildings!"
58. New Testament, Luke, 21.5-21.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of, in matthew Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268
21.5. Καί τινων λεγόντων περὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, ὅτι λίθοις καλοῖς καὶ ἀναθήμασιν κεκόσμηται, 21.6. εἶπεν Ταῦτα ἃ θεωρεῖτε, ἐλεύσονται ἡμέραι ἐν αἷς οὐκ ἀφεθήσεται λίθος ἐπὶ λίθῳ ὧδε ὃς οὐ καταλυθήσεται. 21.7. ἐπηρώτησαν δὲ αὐτὸν λέγοντες Διδάσκαλε, πότε οὖν ταῦτα ἔσται, καὶ τί τὸ σημεῖον ὅταν μέλλῃ ταῦτα γίνεσθαι; 21.5. As some were talking about the temple and how it was decorated with beautiful stones and gifts, he said, 21.6. "As for these things which you see, the days will come, in which there will not be left here one stone on another that will not be thrown down." 21.7. They asked him, "Teacher, so when will these things be? What is the sign that these things are about to happen?"
59. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.108, 2.179-2.181, 2.186, 2.188-2.194 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •priests adolescent, jewish, memory of after the destruction of the second temple •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 40, 47; Goodman (2006) 163, 208, 240
2.108. for although there be four courses of the priests, and every one of them have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain days only; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the performance of their sacrifices, and assemble together at mid-day, and receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple; 2.179. 20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord of these our manners that is any where among mankind; 2.180. for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.181. Nor can any one perceive amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives; but all our works are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God, which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things; as also, we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves. 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.188. 23. What form of government then can be more holy than this! what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity! 2.189. For what things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a few days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole lives. 2.190. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden?—They are simply and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and affirms that God contains all things, and is a being every way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being whatsoever, but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. 2.191. All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. 2.192. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. /p 2.193. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself.
60. New Testament, John, 1.1, 2.17-2.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of, in matthew Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 268
1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος. 2.17. Ἐμνήσθησαν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι γεγραμμένον ἐστίν Ὁ ζῆλος τοῦ οἴκου σου καταφάγεταί με. 2.18. Ἀπεκρίθησαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Τί σημεῖον δεικνύεις ἡμῖν, ὅτι ταῦτα ποιεῖς; 2.19. ἀπεκρίθη Ἰησοῦς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Λύσατε τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον καὶ [ἐν] τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐγερῶ αὐτόν. 2.20. εἶπαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι Τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτεσιν οἰκοδομήθη ὁ ναὸς οὗτος, καὶ σὺ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐγερεῖς αὐτόν; 2.21. ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἔλεγεν περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ. 1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 2.17. His disciples remembered that it was written, "Zeal for your house will eat me up." 2.18. The Jews therefore answered him, "What sign do you show us, seeing that you do these things?" 2.19. Jesus answered them, "Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up." 2.20. The Jews therefore said, "Forty-six years was this temple in building, and will you raise it up in three days?" 2.21. But he spoke of the temple of his body.
61. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 3.16-3.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 267
3.16. Οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι ναὸς θεοῦ ἐστὲ καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν οἰκεῖ; 3.17. εἴ τις τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ φθείρει, φθερεῖ τοῦτον ὁ θεός· ὁ γὰρ ναὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἅγιός ἐστιν, οἵτινές ἐστε ὑμεῖς. 3.16. Don't you know that you are a temple of God, and that God'sSpirit lives in you? 3.17. If anyone destroys the temple of God, Godwill destroy him; for God's temple is holy, which you are.
62. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 5.1-5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of, in matthew Found in books: Avery Peck et al. (2014) 267
5.1. οἴδαμεν γὰρ ὅτι ἐὰν ἡ ἐπίγειος ἡμῶν οἰκία τοῦ σκήνους καταλυθῇ, οἰκοδομὴν ἐκ θεοῦ ἔχομεν οἰκίαν ἀχειροποίητον αἰώνιον ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς. 5.2. καὶ γὰρ ἐν τούτῳ στενάζομεν, τὸ οἰκητήριον ἡμῶν τὸ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐπενδύσασθαι ἐπιποθοῦντες, 5.3. εἴ γεκαὶ ἐνδυσάμενοι οὐ γυμνοὶ εὑρεθησόμεθα. 5.4. καὶ γὰρ οἱ ὄντες ἐν τῷ σκήνει στενάζομεν βαρούμενοι ἐφʼ ᾧ οὐ θέλομεν ἐκδύσασθαι ἀλλʼ ἐπενδύσασθαι, ἵνα καταποθῇ τὸ θνητὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ζωῆς. 5.5. ὁ δὲ κατεργασάμενος ἡμᾶς εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο θεός, ὁ δοὺς ἡμῖν τὸν ἀρραβῶνα τοῦ πνεύματος.
63. New Testament, Acts, 2.46-2.47, 6.9-6.14, 12.12, 13.5, 15.37, 26.10-26.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goodman (2006) 147; Taylor (2012) 118
2.46. καθʼ ἡμέραν τε προσκαρτεροῦντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, κλῶντές τε κατʼ οἶκον ἄρτον, μετελάμβανον τροφῆς ἐν ἀγαλλιάσει καὶ ἀφελότητι καρδίας, 2.47. αἰνοῦντες τὸν θεὸν καὶ ἔχοντες χάριν πρὸς ὅλον τὸν λαόν. ὁ δὲ κύριος προσετίθει τοὺς σωζομένους καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 6.9. Ἀνέστησαν δέ τινες τῶν ἐκ τῆς συναγωγῆς τῆς λεγομένης Λιβερτίνων καὶ Κυρηναίων καὶ Ἀλεξανδρέων καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ Κιλικίας καὶ Ἀσίας συνζητοῦντες τῷ Στεφάνῳ, 6.10. καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυον ἀντιστῆναι τῇ σοφίᾳ καὶ τῷ πνεύματι ᾧ ἐλάλει. 6.11. τότε ὑπέβαλον ἄνδρας λέγοντας ὅτι Ἀκηκόαμεν αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ῥήματα βλάσφημα εἰς Μωυσῆν καὶ τὸν θεόν· 6.12. συνεκίνησάν τε τὸν λαὸν καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ τοὺς γραμματεῖς, καὶ ἐπιστάντες συνήρπασαν αὐτὸν καὶ ἤγαγον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, 6.13. ἔστησάν τε μάρτυρας ψευδεῖς λέγοντας Ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος οὐ παύεται λαλῶν ῥήματα κατὰ τοῦ τόπου τοῦ ἁγίου [τούτου] καὶ τοῦ νόμου, 6.14. ἀκηκόαμεν γὰρ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζωραῖος οὗτος καταλύσει τὸν τόπον τοῦτον καὶ ἀλλάξει τὰ ἔθη ἃ παρέδωκεν ἡμῖν Μωυσῆς. 12.12. συνιδών τε ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς Μαρίας τῆς μητρὸς Ἰωάνου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου Μάρκου, οὗ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ συνηθροισμένοι καὶ προσευχόμενοι. 13.5. καὶ γενόμενοι ἐν Σαλαμῖνι κατήγγελλον τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· εἶχον δὲ καὶ Ἰωάννην ὑπηρέτην. 15.37. Βαρνάβας δὲ ἐβούλετο συνπαραλαβεῖν καὶ τὸν Ἰωάνην τὸν καλούμενον Μάρκον· 26.10. ὃ καὶ ἐποίησα ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις, καὶ πολλούς τε τῶν ἁγίων ἐγὼ ἐν φυλακαῖς κατέκλεισα τὴν παρὰ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἐξουσίαν λαβών, ἀναιρουμένων τε αὐτῶν κατήνεγκα ψῆφον, 26.11. καὶ κατὰ πάσας τὰς συναγωγὰς πολλάκις τιμωρῶν αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζον βλασφημεῖν, περισσῶς τε ἐμμαινόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐδίωκον ἕως καὶ εἰς τὰς ἔξω πόλεις. 2.46. Day by day, continuing steadfastly with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread at home, they took their food with gladness and singleness of heart, 2.47. praising God, and having favor with all the people. The Lord added to the assembly day by day those who were being saved. 6.9. But some of those who were of the synagogue called "The Libertines," and of the Cyrenians, of the Alexandrians, and of those of Cilicia and Asia arose, disputing with Stephen. 6.10. They weren't able to withstand the wisdom and the Spirit by which he spoke. 6.11. Then they secretly induced men who said, "We have heard him speak blasphemous words against Moses and God." 6.12. They stirred up the people, the elders, and the scribes, and came on him and seized him, and brought him in to the council, 6.13. and set up false witnesses who said, "This man never stops speaking blasphemous words against this holy place and the law. 6.14. For we have heard him say that this Jesus of Nazareth will destroy this place, and will change the customs which Moses delivered to us." 12.12. Thinking about that, he came to the house of Mary, the mother of John whose surname was Mark, where many were gathered together and were praying. 13.5. When they were at Salamis, they proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews. They had also John as their attendant. 15.37. Barnabas planned to take John with them also, who was called Mark. 26.10. This I also did in Jerusalem. I both shut up many of the saints in prisons, having received authority from the chief priests, and when they were put to death I gave my vote against them. 26.11. Punishing them often in all the synagogues, I tried to make them blaspheme. Being exceedingly enraged against them, I persecuted them even to foreign cities.
64. New Testament, Colossians, 4.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 118
4.10. Ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Ἀρίσταρχος ὁ συναιχμάλωτός μου, καὶ Μάρκος ὁ ἀνεψιὸς Βαρνάβα,?̔περὶ οὗ ἐλάβετε ἐντολάς, ἐὰν ἔλθῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς δέξασθε αὐτόν?̓ 4.10. Aristarchus, my fellow prisoner greets you, and Mark, the cousin of Barnabas (concerning whom you received commandments, "if he comes to you, receive him"),
65. Mishnah, Rosh Hashanah, 4.1-4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 169
4.1. "יוֹם טוֹב שֶׁל רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה שֶׁחָל לִהְיוֹת בְּשַׁבָּת, בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ הָיוּ תוֹקְעִים, אֲבָל לֹא בַמְּדִינָה. מְשֶּׁחָרַב בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי, שֶׁיְּהוּ תּוֹקְעִין בְּכָל מָקוֹם שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ בֵית דִּין. אָמַר רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר, לֹא הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי אֶלָּא בְיַבְנֶה בִּלְבָד. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אֶחָד יַבְנֶה וְאֶחָד כָּל מָקוֹם שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ בֵית דִּין: \n", 4.2. "וְעוֹד זֹאת הָיְתָה יְרוּשָׁלַיִם יְתֵרָה עַל יַבְנֶה, שֶׁכָּל עִיר שֶׁהִיא רוֹאָה וְשׁוֹמַעַת וּקְרוֹבָה וִיכוֹלָה לָבֹא, תּוֹקְעִין. וּבְיַבְנֶה לֹא הָיוּ תוֹקְעִין אֶלָּא בְּבֵית דִּין בִּלְבָד: \n", 4.3. "בָּרִאשׁוֹנָה הָיָה הַלּוּלָב נִטָּל בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ שִׁבְעָה, וּבַמְּדִינָה יוֹם אֶחָד. מִשֶּׁחָרַב בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי שֶׁיְהֵא לוּלָב נִטָּל בַּמְּדִינָה שִׁבְעָה זֵכֶר לַמִּקְדָּשׁ, וְשֶׁיְּהֵא יוֹם הָנֵף כֻּלּוֹ אָסוּר: \n", 4.1. "If Yom Tov of Rosh Hashanah fell on Shabbat, they would blow the shofar in the Temple but not in the country. After the destruction of the Temple, Rabban Yoha ben Zakai decreed that it should be blown [on Shabbat] in every place where there was a court. Rabbi Eliezer said: Rabban Yoha ben Zakai decreed for Yavneh only. They said to him: both Yavneh and any place where there is a court.", 4.2. "There was another way in which Jerusalem was greater than Yavneh, that in every city which could see [Jerusalem] and hear and was near and could get to Jerusalem, they used to blow [on Shabbat], whereas in Yavneh they used to blow in the court only.", 4.3. "In earlier times the lulav was taken for seven days in the Temple, and in the provinces for one day only. When the temple was destroyed, Rabbi Yoha ben Zakkai decreed that the lulav should be taken in the provinces for seven days in memory of the Temple, [He also decreed] that on the whole of the day of waving it be forbidden [to eat the new produce].",
66. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.119, 2.136, 2.140, 2.152-2.157, 2.228-2.231, 2.409, 2.567, 3.11, 5.210-5.214, 5.228-5.236, 6.127, 6.300-6.309, 6.387-6.391, 7.132-7.135, 7.139-7.150, 7.158-7.162, 7.216, 7.420-7.432 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 39, 41; Goodman (2006) 52, 147, 221; Rutledge (2012) 277, 278, 279, 280; Taylor (2012) 168, 169, 175, 200
2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.228. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.230. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.231. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways. 2.409. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; 2.567. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. 3.11. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. 5.210. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s height. 5.211. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; 5.212. but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; 5.213. for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. 5.214. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures. 5.228. 7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; 5.229. but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration. 5.230. The high priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened. 5.231. When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringework, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. 5.232. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also. 5.233. The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them: 5.234. on the other part there hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned names of the tribes. 5.235. A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels. 5.236. However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God. 6.127. I appeal to the gods of my own country, and to every god that ever had any regard to this place (for I do not suppose it to be now regarded by any of them); I also appeal to my own army, and to those Jews that are now with me, and even to you yourselves, that I do not force you to defile this your sanctuary; 6.300. and after that they heard a sound as of a great multitude, saying, “Let us remove hence.” But, what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Aus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom for everyone to make tabernacles to God in the temple, 6.301. began on a sudden to cry aloud, “A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people!” This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. 6.302. However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say anything for himself, or anything peculiar to those that chastised him, but still he went on with the same words which he cried before. 6.303. Hereupon our rulers, supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman procurator, 6.304. where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his answer was, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem!” 6.305. And when Albinus (for he was then our procurator) asked him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. 6.306. Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem!” 6.307. Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. 6.308. This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; 6.309. for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, “Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house!” And just as he added at the last, “Woe, woe to myself also!” there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave up the ghost. 6.387. 3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple, 6.388. came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. 6.389. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with the precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. 6.390. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Titus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices, which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. 6.391. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus obtained of him for this man the same pardon that he had allowed to such as deserted of their own accord. 7.132. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; 7.133. for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; 7.134. for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. 7.135. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. 7.139. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; 7.140. for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; 7.141. for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; 7.142. and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. 7.143. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, 7.144. and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: 7.145. rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; 7.148. and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149. for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; 7.150. and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. 7.158. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: 7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.160. for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; 7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there. 7.216. 6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale; 7.420. 2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion, 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.425. for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him. 7.426. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopoli 7.427. where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428. he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, 7.429. for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.430. but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. 7.431. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.
67. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 6.3.98 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
68. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schremer (2010) 206
69. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 6.3.98 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
70. Tacitus, Histories, 2.2-2.3, 4.12-4.37, 4.54-4.79, 5.14-5.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 281
2.2.  These considerations and others like them made him waver between hope and fear; but hope finally won. Some believed that he turned back because of his passionate longing to see again Queen Berenice; and the young man's heart was not insensible to Berenice, but his feelings towards her proved no obstacle to action. He spent his youth in the delights of self-indulgence, but he showed more restraint in his own reign than in that of his father. So at this time he coasted along the shores of Achaia and Asia, leaving the land on the left, and made for the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus; from Cyprus he struck out boldly for Syria. While he was in Cyprus, he was overtaken by a desire to visit and examine the temple of Paphian Venus, which was famous both among natives and strangers. It may not prove a wearisome digression to discuss briefly the origin of this cult, the temple ritual, and the form under which the goddess is worshipped, for she is not so represented elsewhere. 2.3.  The founder of the temple, according to ancient tradition, was King Aerias. Some, however, say that this was the name of the goddess herself. A more recent tradition reports that the temple was consecrated by Cinyras, and that the goddess herself after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither; but that the science and method of divination were imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and so it was agreed that the descendants of both Tamiras and Cinyras should preside over the sacred rites. It is also said that in a later time the foreigners gave up the craft that they had introduced, that the royal family might have some prerogative over foreign stock. Only a descendant of Cinyras is now consulted as priest. Such victims are accepted as the individual vows, but male ones are preferred. The greatest confidence is put in the entrails of kids. Blood may not be shed upon the altar, but offering is made only with prayers and pure fire. The altar is never wet by any rain, although it is in the open air. The representation of the goddess is not in human form, but it is a circular mass that is broader at the base and rises like a turning-post to a small circumference at the top. The reason for this is obscure. 4.12.  During these same days the citizens received increasing rumours of disasters in Germany with no sign of sorrow: slaughtered armies, the capture of the legions' winter quarters, a revolt of the Gallic provinces men spoke of as though they were not misfortunes. As to that war, I propose to explain its causes somewhat deeply and the extent to which foreign and allied tribes were involved in this conflagration. The Batavians formed part of the Chatti so long as they lived across the Rhine; then, being expelled by a civil war, they occupied the edge of the Gallic bank which was uninhabited, and likewise an island close by, which is washed by the ocean in front but by the Rhine on its rear and sides. Without having their wealth exhausted — a thing which is rare in alliance with a stronger people — they furnished our empire only men and arms. They had long training in our wars with the Germans; then later they increased their renown by service in Britain, whither some cohorts were sent, led according to their ancient custom by the noblest among them. They had also at home a select body of cavalry which excelled in swimming; keeping their arms and horses they crossed the Rhine without breaking their formation. . . . 4.13.  Julius Paulus and Julius Civilis were by far the most distinguished among the Batavians, being both of royal stock. On a false charge of revolt, Paulus was executed by Fonteius Capito; Civilis was put in chains and sent to Nero, and although acquitted by Galba, he was again exposed to danger under Vitellius owing to the clamour of the army for his punishment: these were the causes of his anger, his hopes sprang from our misfortunes. Civilis, however, who was cunning beyond the average barbarian, bore himself also like a Sertorius or a Hannibal, since his face was disfigured like theirs; in order to avoid being attacked as an enemy, as he would have been if he had openly revolted from the Romans, he pretended to be a friend of Vespasian and enthusiastic for his party; indeed Primus Antonius had actually written to him directing him to divert the auxiliary troops called up by Vitellius and to hold back the legions on the pretext of a German revolt. Hordeonius Flaccus, who was on the ground, had given him the same suggestion, moved by his own partiality toward Vespasian and by his anxiety for the state, whose ruin was sure if war were renewed and all those thousands of armed men burst into Italy. 4.14.  So then Civilis, having determined to revolt, concealed for the time his deeper purpose, and being ready to determine his other plans by the event, began to make trouble in the following way. At the orders of Vitellius a levy of the young Batavians was now being made. This burden, which is naturally grievous, was made the heavier by the greed and licence of those in charge of the levy: they hunted out the old and the weak that they might get a price for letting them off; again they dragged away the children to satisfy their lust, choosing the handsomest — and the Batavian children are generally tall beyond their years. These acts aroused resentment, and the leaders in the conspiracy, on which they were now determined, persuaded the people to refuse the levy. Civilis called the leaders of his tribe and the boldest of the common people into a sacred grove under the pretext of giving a banquet, and when he saw that the night and revelry had fired their spirits, he began to speak of the honour and glory of their tribe, then passed on to count over their wrongs, the extortion practised on them, and all the rest of the misfortunes of slavery. "For," he declared, "we are no longer regarded as allies, as once we were, but as slaves. When does a governor come to us with full commission, even though his suite would be burdensome and insolent if he came? We are handed over to prefects and centurions: after one band is satisfied with murder and spoils, the troops are shifted, and new purses are looked for to be filled and varied pretexts for plundering are sought. We are threatened with a levy which separates children from parents and brothers from brothers, as if in death. Never has the Roman state been in direr straits than now, and there is nothing in their winter camps but booty and old men. Simply lift your eyes and do not fear the empty name of legions. But on our side are our strong infantry and cavalry, our kinsmen the Germans, the Gallic provinces that cherish the same desires as ourselves. Not even the Romans will regard this war with disfavour; if its outcome is uncertain we shall say that it was undertaken for Vespasian; for victory no account is ever rendered." 4.15.  His words won great applause, and he bound them all by their national oaths and barbarous rites. Men were despatched to the Canninefates to join them to their plan. The Canninefates live in part of the island; in origin, speech, and courage they are equal to the Batavians, but inferior to them in number. Presently by secret messages they won over to their cause auxiliary troops from Britain and the Batavian cohorts that had been sent into Germany, as I have stated above, and which were at that time stationed at Mogontiacum. There was among the Canninefates a man of brute courage named Brinno, who was of illustrious descent; his father had dared to commit many hostile acts and had shown his scorn for Gaius' absurd expeditions without suffering for it. The very name of his rebellious family therefore made Brinno a favorite; and in accordance with their tribal custom the Batavians set him on a shield and, lifting him on their shoulders, chose him as their leader. He at once called in the Frisians, a tribe living across the Rhine, and assailed by sea the winter camp of two cohorts which were nearest to attack. The Roman troops had not foreseen the assault, and even if they had, they did not have enough strength to keep off the enemy: so the camp was captured and plundered. Then the enemy attacked the Roman foragers and traders who were scattered about the country as if it were a time of peace. At the same time they threatened to destroy the Roman forts, which the prefects of the cohorts burned, for they could not defend them. The Roman ensigns and standards with all the soldiers were concentrated in the upper part of the island under the leadership of Aquilius, a centurion of the first rank; but they had rather the name than the strength of an army: for when Vitellius had withdrawn the effective cohorts, he had gathered a useless crowd from the nearest cantons of the Nervii and Germans and burdened them with arms. 4.16.  Thinking it best to proceed by craft, Civilis promptly rebuked the prefects for abandoning their forts, and declared that he would crush the revolt of the Canninefates with the cohort under his command; they were to return each to his winter quarters. It was clear that treachery lay behind his advice and that the cohorts when scattered could be more easily crushed; likewise it was plain that the real leader in this war was not Brinno but Civilis; the proofs of this gradually appeared, for the Germans, who delight in war, did not long conceal the facts. When treachery did not succeed, Civilis turned to force and organized the Canninefates, the Frisians, and the Batavians, each tribe in a troop by itself: the Roman line was drawn up to oppose them not far from the Rhine, and the vessels which had been brought here after the burning of the forts were turned to front the foe. The battle had not lasted long when a cohort of the Tungri transferred its standards to Civilis, and the Roman soldiers, demoralized by this sudden betrayal, were cut down by allies and foes alike. There was the same treachery also on the part of the fleet: some of the rowers, being Batavians, by pretending a lack of skill interfered with the sailors and combatants; presently they began to row in the opposite direction and bring the sterns to the bank on which the enemy stood; finally, they killed such of the helmsmen and centurions as did not take their view, until the entire fleet of twenty-four vessels either went over to the enemy or was captured. 4.17.  This victory was glorious for the enemy at the moment and useful for the future. They gained arms and boats which they needed, and were greatly extolled as liberators throughout the German and Gallic provinces. The Germans at once sent delegations offering assistance; the Gallic provinces Civilis tried to win to an alliance by craft and gifts, sending back the captured prefects to their own states and giving the soldiers of the cohorts permission to go or stay as they pleased. Those who stayed were given honourable service in the army, those who left were offered spoils taken from the Romans. At the same time in private conversation he reminded them of the miseries that they had endured so many years while they falsely called their wretched servitude a peace. "The Batavians," he said, "although free from tribute, have taken up arms against our common masters. In the very first engagement the Romans have been routed and defeated. What if the Gallic provinces should throw off the yoke? What forces are there left in Italy? It is by the blood of the provinces that provinces are won. Do not think of Vindex's battle. It was the Batavian cavalry that crushed the Aedui and Averni; among the auxiliary forces of Verginius were Belgians, and if you consider the matter aright you will see that Gaul owed its fall to its own forces. Now all belong to the same party, and we have gained besides all the strength that military training in Roman camps can give; I have with me veteran cohorts before which Otho's legions lately succumbed. Let Syria, Asia, and the East, which is accustomed to kings, play the slave; there are many still alive in Gaul who were born before tribute was known. Surely it was not long ago that slavery was driven from Germany by the killing of Quintilius Varus, and the emperor whom the Germans then challenged was not a Vitellius but a Caesar Augustus. Liberty is a gift which nature has granted even to dumb animals, but courage is the peculiar blessing of man. The gods favour the braver: on, therefore, carefree against the distressed, fresh against the weary. While some favour Vespasian and others Vitellius, the field is open against both."  In this way Civilis, turning his attention eagerly toward the Germanies and the Gauls, was preparing, should his plans prove successful, to gain the kingship over the strongest and richest nations. But Hordeonius Flaccus furthered his enterprises at first by affecting to be unaware of them; when, however, terrified messengers brought word of the capture of camps, the destruction of cohorts, and the expulsion of the Roman name from the island of the Batavians, he ordered Munius Lupercus, who commanded the two legions in winter quarters, to take the field against the foe. Lupercus quickly transported to the island all the legionaries that he had, as well as the Ubii from the auxiliaries quartered close by and a body of Treviran cavalry which was not far away. He joined to these forces a squadron of Batavian cavalry, which, although already won over to the other side, still pretended to be faithful, that by betraying the Romans on the very field itself it might win a greater reward for its desertion. Civilis had the standards of the captured cohorts ranged about him that his own troops might have the evidence of their newly-won glory before their eyes and that the enemy might be terrified by the memory of their defeat; he ordered his own mother and his sisters, likewise the wives and little children of all his men, to take their stand behind his troops to encourage them to victory or to shame them if defeated. When the enemy's line re-echoed with the men's singing and the women's cries, the shout with which the legions and cohorts answered was far from equal. Our left had already been exposed by the desertion of the Batavian horse, which at once turned against us. Yet the legionary troops kept their arms and maintained their ranks in spite of the alarming situation. The auxiliary forces made up of the Ubii and Treveri fled disgracefully and wandered in disorder over the country. The Germans made them the object of their attack, and so the legions meanwhile were able to escape to the camp called Vetera. Claudius Labeo, who was in command of the Batavian horse, had been a rival of Civilis in some local matter, and was consequently now removed to the Frisii, that he might not, if killed, excite his fellow-tribesmen to anger, or, if kept with the forces, sow seeds of discord. 4.19.  At this time a messenger dispatched by Civilis overtook the cohorts of Batavi and Canninefates which were on their way to Rome in accordance with the orders of Vitellius. They were at once puffed up with pride and insolence: they demanded a gift as a reward for their journey; they insisted on double pay and an increase in the number of cavalry; these things, it is true, had been promised by Vitellius, but the cohorts' real purpose was not to obtain their demands, but to find an excuse for revolt. In fact by granting many of their demands Flaccus accomplished nothing except to make them insist all the more on things which they knew he would refuse. They treated him with scorn and started for Lower Germany to join Civilis. Hordeonius summoned the tribunes and centurions and consulted them as to whether he should check the disobedient troops by force; then, moved by his natural timidity and the terrors of his subordinates, who were distressed by the uncertain temper of the auxiliaries and by the fact that the legions had been filled up from a hasty levy, he decided to keep his soldiers in camp. Next, repenting of his decision and influenced by the very men who had advised it, he wrote, as though purposing to follow himself, to the commander of the First legion, Herennius Gallus, stationed at Bonn, to keep the Batavi from passing; and added that he would press hard on their rear with his troops. Indeed the Batavi might have been crushed if Hordeonius on one side and Gallus on the other had moved their troops from both directions and caught the foe between them. Flaccus abandoned the undertaking and in a second letter warned Gallus not to alarm the Batavians as they withdrew: this gave rise to the suspicion that war was being begun with the approval of the Roman commanders, and that everything that had happened or that men feared would come to pass was due not to the inactivity of the soldiers of the power of the enemy, but to treachery on the part of the generals. 4.20.  When the Batavi were approaching the camp at Bonn, they sent a messenger ahead to set forth to Herennius Gallus the demands of the cohorts. This messenger said that they were not making war on the Romans on whose behalf they had often fought, but that they were weary of their long and profitless service and longed for their home and a life of peace. If no one opposed them they would pass without doing any harm; but if armed resistance were offered, they would find a path with the sword. When Gallus hesitated, the soldiers urged him to try the issue of battle. Three thousand legionaries and some cohorts of Belgians, which had been hastily raised, as well as a band of peasants and foragers, unwarlike but bold before they met actual danger, burst out of all the gates at once to surround the Batavi, who were inferior in numbers. But they, being veterans in service, gathered in solid columns, with their ranks closed on every side, secure on front and flanks and rear; so they broke through our thin line. When the Belgians gave way, the legion was driven back and in terror rushed for the rampart and gates of the camp. At these points there were the greatest losses: the ditches were heaped high with bodies and our men died not only by the sword and from wounds, but also from the crush and very many by their own weapons. The victors avoided Cologne and made no other hostile attempt during the rest of their march; they excused the battle at Bonn on the ground that they had asked for peace, and when this was refused, had consulted their own interests. 4.21.  The arrival of these veteran cohorts put Civilis in command of a real army, but being still uncertain what course to adopt and reflecting on the power of the Romans, he had all his forces swear allegiance to Vespasian, and sent a delegation to the two legions which after their recent defeat had retired to the camp called Vetera, bidding them take the same oath. They replied: "We do not follow the advice of a traitor or of enemies. Our emperor is Vitellius, for whom we will keep faith and fight to our last breath: no Batavian deserter therefore shall play the arbiter of Rome's destiny, but rather let him expect the punishment his crime deserves." On receiving this reply Civilis, hot with rage, swept the whole Batavian people into arms; the Bructeri and Tencteri joined, and the Germans, summoned by messengers, hurried to share in booty and glory. 4.22.  To meet this threatening war that was rising from many quarters the commanders of the legions, Munius Lupercus and Numisius Rufus, began to strengthen the palisade and rampart of their camp. They tore down the buildings that had been erected during the long peace, and which in fact had grown into a town not far from the camp, for they did not wish them to be of service to the foe. But they did not take sufficient care to have supplies collected; they allowed the troops to pillage: so that in a few days the soldiers' recklessness exhausted what would have met their needs for a long time. Civilis took his post in the centre of his army along with the pick of the Batavi, and to make a more frightful appearance, he filled both banks of the Rhine with bands of Germans, while his cavalry ranged the open plains; and at the same time the ships moved up stream. On one side were the standards of the veteran cohorts, on the other the images of wild beasts taken from the woods and groves, which each tribe carries into battle: these emblems, suggesting at once civil and foreign wars, terrified the besieged troops. In addition the besiegers were encouraged by the extent of the Roman ramparts, which had been built for two legions, but which now had barely five thousand armed Romans to defend them; there was, however, also a crowd of sutlers who had gathered there at the first trouble and who assisted in the struggle. 4.23.  Part of the camp lay on a gentle slope; part could be approached on level ground. Augustus had believed that these winter quarters could keep the Germanies in hand and indeed in subjection, and had never thought of such a disaster as to have the Germans actually assail our legions; therefore nothing had been done to add to the strength of the position or of the fortifications: the armed force seemed sufficient. The Batavi and the peoples from across the Rhine, to exhibit their individual prowess more clearly, formed each tribe by itself and opened fire first from some distance; but when most of their weapons stuck uselessly in the towers and battlements and they were suffering from the stones shot down on them, with a shout they assailed the ramparts, many raising scaling-ladders, others climbing on a "tortoise" formed by their comrades. Some were already in the act of mounting the walls, when the legionaries threw them down with their swords and shields and buried them under a shower of stakes and javelins. These peoples are always at first too impetuous and easily emboldened by success; but now in their greed for booty they were ready to brave reverses as well, venturing even to use siege machines also, which they are not accustomed to employ. They had no skill in these themselves: deserters and captives taught them how to build of timber a kind of bridge, to put wheels under the structure, and then to push it forward, so that some standing on the top might fight as from a mound and others concealed within might undermine the walls; but stones shot from ballistae broke up the rude structure, and when they began to prepare screens and sheds, the Romans shot blazing darts at these with cross-bows, and threatened the assailants also with fire, until the barbarians, despairing of success by force, changed to a policy of delay, being well aware that the camp had provisions for only a few days and that it contained a great crowd of non-combatants; at the same time they counted on treachery as a result of want, and on the uncertain faith of the slaves and the chances of war. 4.24.  Flaccus meanwhile, on hearing that the camp was besieged, sent emissaries through the Gallic provinces to call out auxiliary forces, and entrusted troops picked from his two legions to Dillius Vocula, commander of the Twenty-second legion, with orders to hurry as rapidly as possible along the bank of the Rhine; Flaccus himself went by boat, being in poor health and unpopular with the soldiers; for indeed they murmured against him in no uncertain tone, saying that he had let the Batavian cohorts go from Mogontiacum, had concealed his knowledge of the undertakings of Civilis, and was making allies of the Germans. "Neither Primus Antonius nor Mucianus," they declared, "has contributed more to the strength of Vespasian than Flaccus. Frank hatred and armed action are openly repelled: treachery and deceit are hidden and so cannot be guarded against. Civilis stands before us and forms his battle line; Hordeonius from his chamber and his bed issues orders that are to the enemy's advantage. All these armed companies of the bravest men are dependent on the whim of one sick old man! Rather let us kill the traitor and free our fortune and bravery from this evil omen!" When they had already roused one another by such exhortations, they were further inflamed by a letter from Vespasian, which Flaccus, being unable to conceal it, read aloud before a general assembly, and then sent the men who had brought it in chains to Vitellius. 4.25.  In this way the soldiers' anger was appeased and they came to Bonn, the winter quarters of the First legion. There the soldiers were still more threatening and placed the blame for their disaster on Hordeonius: for they declared that it was by his orders that they had given battle to the Batavi, under assurance that the legions were following from Mogontiacum; that by his treachery their comrades had been killed, since no help came to them: that these facts were unknown to the rest of the armies and were not reported to their emperor, although this fresh treachery might have been blocked by a prompt effort on the part of all the provinces. Hordeonius read to the army copies of all the letters that he had dispatched throughout the Gauls, Britain, and the Spains asking for aid. Moreover, he established the worst kind of precedent by turning over all letters to the eagle-bearers of the legions, who read them to the common soldiers before they were disclosed to the commanders. Then he ordered a single one of the mutineers to be arrested, rather to vindicate his authority than because the fault was that of an individual. The army next advanced from Bonn to Cologne, while Gallic auxiliary troops poured in, for the Gauls at first gave vigorous assistance to the Roman cause: later, as the German strength increased, many states took up arms against us, inspired by hope of freedom and by a desire to have an empire of their own, if they once were rid of servitude. The angry temper of the legions increased and the arrest of a single soldier had brought them no fear: indeed this same soldier actually charged the general with being privy to the revolt, claiming that, having been an agent between Civilis and Flaccus, he was now being crushed on a false charge because he could bear witness to the truth. Vocula with admirable courage mounted the tribunal and ordered the soldier to be seized, and, in spite of his cries, directed that he be led away to punishment. While the disloyal were cowed, the best obeyed the order. Then, since the troops uimously demanded Vocula as their general, Flaccus turned over to him the chief command. 4.26.  But there were many things that exasperated their rebellious temper: there was a lack of pay and grain, and at the same time the Gallic provinces scornfully refused a levy and tribute; the Rhine hardly floated boats, owing to a drought unprecedented in that climate; reprovisionment was hampered; detachments were posted all along the bank of the Rhine to keep the Germans from fording it, and for the same reason there was less grain while there were more to eat it. The ignorant regarded even the low water as a prodigy, as if the very rivers, the ancient defences of our empire, were failing us: what they would have called in time of peace an act of chance or nature, they then called fate and the wrath of the gods. When our troops entered Novaesium the Sixteenth legion joined them. Vocula now had Herennius Gallus associated with him to share his responsibilities; and not daring to move against the enemy, they pitched camp at a place called Gelduba. There they improved the morale of their soldiers by drilling them in battle formation, by having them erect fortifications and a palisade, and by all other forms of military training; and to fire their bravery by giving them a chance to pillage, Vocula led a force into the nearest cantons of the Cugerni, who had allied themselves with Civilis; part of the troops remained with Herennius Gallus. 4.27.  Now it happened that not far from camp the Germans started to drag to their bank a ship loaded with grain which had grounded on a bar. Gallus did not wish to allow this and sent a cohort to rescue the ship: the Germans also were reinforced, and as assistance gradually gathered, the two sides engaged in a pitched battle. The Germans inflicted heavy losses on our men and got the ship away. The defeated Roman troops, as had then become their fashion, did not blame their own lack of energy, but charged their commander with treachery. They dragged him from his tent, tore his clothing and beat him, bidding him tell what bribe he had received and who his accomplices were in betraying his troops. Their anger toward Hordeonius returned: they called him the author and Gallus the tool, until, frightened by their threats to kill him, he himself actually charged Hordeonius with treachery; and then Hordeonius was put in chains and only released on Vocula's arrival. The following day Vocula had the ringleaders in the mutiny put to death, so great was the contrast in this army between unbridled licence and obedient submission. Undoubtedly the common soldiers were faithful to Vitellius, but all the officers inclined to favour Vespasian: hence that alternation of crimes and punishment and that combination of rage with obedience, so that although the troops could be punished they could not be controlled. 4.28.  But meanwhile the power of Civilis was being increased by huge reinforcements from all Germany, the alliances being secured by hostages of the highest rank. He ordered the peoples who were nearest to harry the Ubii and Treviri, and directed another force to cross the Meuse to threaten the Menapii and Morini and the borders of the Gallic provinces. Booty was secured from both districts, but they proceeded with greater severity in the case of the Ubii, because, though a tribe of Germanic origin, they had forsworn their native land and taken the Roman name of Agrippinenses. Some of their cohorts had been cut to pieces in the district of Marcodurum, where they were operating carelessly, being far from the bank of the Rhine. Yet the Ubii did not quietly refrain from making plundering raids on Germany, at first with impunity; but later they were cut off, and in fact throughout this entire war their good faith proved superior to their good fortune. After crushing the Ubii, Civilis became more threatening, and, being emboldened by his success, pressed on the siege of the legions, keeping strict guard to see that no secret messenger should get through to report the approach of assistance. He charged the Batavi with the duty of building machines and siege works: the forces from across the Rhine who demanded battle, he told to go and tear down the Romans' rampart, and when they were repulsed, he made them renew the conflict, for the number was more than enough and the loss easy to bear. 4.29.  Not even night ended the struggle. The assailants lighted piles of wood about the town, and while they feasted, as man after man became inflamed with wine, they rushed to battle with unavailing recklessness, for their weapons, thrown into the darkness, were of no effect: but the Romans aimed at the barbarians' line, which they could clearly see, and especially at anyone who was marked by his courage or decorations. Civilis, grasping the situation, ordered his men to put out their fires and to add the confusion of darkness to the combat. Then in truth it was all discordant cries, uncertain chances, no one could see to strike or parry: wherever a shout was raised, there they turned and lunged; courage was of no avail, chance made utter confusion, and often the bravest fell under the weapons of cowards. The Germans obeyed only blind fury; the Roman soldiers, being experienced in danger, did not shoot their iron-tipped pikes and heavy stones at random. When the sound showed them that men were climbing up the walls, or the raising of ladders delivered their foes into their hands, they beat them down with the bosses of their shields and followed this action with their javelins; many who scaled the walls they stabbed with daggers. When the night had been thus spent, the day disclosed a new struggle. 4.30.  The Batavi had built a tower with two stories. This they pushed toward the praetorian gate, as the ground was most level there, but the Romans thrust out against it strong poles, and with repeated blows of beams broke it down, inflicting heavy loss on those who were on it. Then, while their foes were in disorder, they made a sudden and successful sally upon them; and at the same time the legionaries, who were superior in skill and artifices, devised further means against them. The barbarians were most terrified by a well-balanced machine poised above them, which being suddenly dropped caught up one or more of the enemy before the eyes of their comrades and with a shift of the counterweight threw them into camp. Civilis now gave up hope of capturing the camp by storm and again began an inactive siege, trying meanwhile to shake the confidence of the legions by messages and promises. 4.31.  These things took place in Germany before the battle of Cremona, the result of which was learned through a letter from Primus Antonius, to which was added a proclamation issued by Caecina; and a prefect of a cohort from the defeated side, one Alpinius Montanus, acknowledged in person the misfortune of his party. This news aroused different emotions: the Gallic auxiliaries, who felt no party attachment or hatred and who served without enthusiasm, at the instigation of their officers immediately abandoned Vitellius; the veteran soldiers hesitated. But at the command of Hordeonius Flaccus and moved by the appeals of their tribunes, they took an oath which neither their looks nor their wills quite confirmed: and while they repeated the greater part of the usual formula, they hesitated at Vespasian's name, some murmuring it faintly, most passing it over in silence. 4.32.  Then some letters of Antonius to Civilis, being read before the assembled troops, roused their suspicions, for they seemed to be addressed to an ally and spoke in hostile fashion of the German army. Presently, when the news reached the Roman camp at Gelduba, it caused the same discussions and the same acts; and Montanus was sent to Civilis with orders bidding him give up the war and cease cloaking hostile acts with a false pretext: he was to say that if Civilis had moved to help Vespasian, his efforts had already been sufficient. To this Civilis at first made a crafty answer: afterwards, when he saw that Montanus was of an impetuous nature and inclined to revolt, he began to complain of the dangers which he had passed through for twenty-five years in the camps of the Romans. "A glorious reward indeed," said he, "have I gained for my labours — my brother's murder, my own chains, and the savage cries of this army here, demanding my punishment; the right of nations warrants me in demanding vengeance for these things. You Treviri likewise and all the rest of you who have the spirits of slaves, what return do you expect for the blood you have so often shed save an ungrateful service in arms, endless tribute, floggings, the axes of the executioner, and all that your masters' wits can devise? See how I, prefect of a single cohort, with the Canninefates and Batavi, a trifling part of all the Gauls, have shown their vast camps to be in vain and have destroyed them or am besetting them and pressing them hard with sword and famine. In short, be bold! Either liberty will follow your daring or we shall all be defeated together." With such words Civilis inflamed Montanus, but he sent him away with orders to make a mild report. So Montanus returned, bearing himself as though he had failed in his embassy, but concealing all that later came to light. 4.33.  Civilis retained part of his troops with him, but dispatched the veteran cohorts and the best of the Germans under the leadership of Julius Maximus and Claudius Victor, his own nephew, to attack Vocula and his army. On their march they plundered the winter quarters of a squadron of cavalry at Asciburgium; and they assailed Vocula's camp so unexpectedly that he could not address his soldiers or form his men in line; the only advice that he could give in the confusion was to strengthen the centre with the legionaries: the auxiliary troops were scattered about everywhere. The cavalry charged, but, being received by the enemy in good order, fled back to their own lines. What followed was a massacre, not a battle. The Nervian cohorts also, prompted by fear or treachery, left our flanks unprotected: thus the burden now fell upon the legionaries, and they, having lost their standards, were already being cut down inside the palisade, when suddenly unexpected aid changed the fortune of the battle. Some cohorts of the Vascones which Galba had levied earlier and which had now been sent for, approaching camp and hearing the sound of the struggle, assailed the enemy in the rear while they were absorbed in the contest, and caused a more widespread panic than their numbers warranted, some imagining that all the troops from Novaesium, others that those from Mogontiacum, had arrived. The enemy's mistake inspired the Romans with courage, and while trusting in the strength of others, they recovered their own. All the best of the Batavian infantry were cut down; their horse escaped with the standards and captives that they had seized at the first onset. The number of the killed on our side that day was larger, but was not made up of the bravest; the Germans lost their very best troops. 4.34.  The generals on both sides by equal faults deserved their reverses and failed to use their success: had Civilis put more troops in line, he could not have been surrounded by so few cohorts, and after breaking into the Roman camp, he would have destroyed it: Vocula failed to discover the enemy's approach, and therefore the moment that he sallied forth he was beaten; then, lacking confidence in his victory, he wasted some days before advancing against the foe, whereas if he had been prompt to press him hard and to follow up events, he might have raised the siege of the legions at one blow. Meanwhile Civilis had tested the temper of the besieged by pretending that the Roman cause was lost and that his side was victorious: he paraded the Roman ensigns and standards; he even exhibited captives. One of these had the courage to do an heroic deed, shouting out the truth, for which he was at once run through by the Germans: their act inspired the greater confidence in his statement; and at the same time the harried fields and the fires of the burning farm-houses announced the approach of a victorious army. When in sight of camp Vocula ordered the standards to be set up and a ditch and a palisade to be constructed about them, bidding his troops leave their baggage and kits there that they might fight unencumbered. This caused the troops to cry out against their commander and to demand instant battle; and in fact they had grown accustomed to threaten. Without taking time even to form a line, disordered and weary as they were, they engaged the enemy; for Civilis was ready for them, trusting in his opponents' mistakes no less than in the bravery of his own troops. Fortune varied on the Roman side, and the most mutinous proved cowards: some there were who, remembering their recent victory, kept their places, struck at the enemy, exhorted one another and their neighbours as well; reforming the line they held out hands to the besieged, begging them not to lose their opportunity. The latter, who saw everything from the walls, sallied forth from all the gates of their camp. Now at this moment Civilis's horse happened to slip and throw him; whereupon both sides accepted the report that he had been wounded or killed. It was marvellous how this belief terrified his men and inspired their foes with enthusiasm: yet Vocula, neglecting to pursue his flying foes, proceeded to strengthen the palisade and towers of his camp as if he were again threatened with siege, thus by his repeated failure to take advantage of victory giving good ground for the suspicion that he preferred war to peace. 4.35.  Nothing distressed our troops so much as the lack of provisions. The legions' baggage train was sent on to Novaesium with the men who were unfit for service to bring provisions from there overland; for the enemy controlled the river. The first convoy went without trouble, since Civilis was not yet strong enough to attack. But when he heard that the sutlers, who had been despatched again to Novaesium, and the cohorts escorting them were proceeding as if in time of peace, that there were few soldiers with the standards, that their arms were being carried in the carts while they all strolled along at will, he drew up his forces and attacked them, sending first some troops to occupy the bridges and narrow parts of the roads. They fought in a long line and indecisively until at last night put an end to the conflict. The cohorts reached Gelduba, where the camp remained in its old condition, being held by a force which had been left there. They had no doubt of the great danger that they would run if they returned with the sutlers heavily loaded and in a state of terror. Vocula reinforced his army with a thousand men picked from the Fifth and Fifteenth legions that had been besieged at Vetera, troops untamed and hostile toward their commanders. More men started than had been ordered to do so, and on the march they began to murmur openly that they would no longer endure hunger or the plots of their commanders; but those who were being left behind complained that they were being abandoned by the withdrawal of part of the legions. So a double mutiny began, some urging Vocula to return, others refusing to go back to camp. 4.36.  Meanwhile Civilis besieged Vetera: Vocula withdrew to Gelduba and then to Novaesium. Later he was successful in an engagement with the cavalry not far from Novaesium. But success and failure alike fired the soldiers with a wish to murder their leaders; and when the legionaries had been reinforced by the arrival of the men from the Fifth and Fifteenth, they began to demand the donative, for they had learned that Vitellius had sent the money. Hordeonius did not long delay, but gave them the gift in Vespasian's name, and this act more than anything else fostered the mutiny. The soldiers, abandoning themselves to debauchery, feasts, and meetings by night, revived their old hatred for Hordeonius, and without a legate or tribune daring to oppose them, they actually dragged him from his bed and killed him. They were preparing to treat Vocula in the same way, but he disguised himself in a slave's clothes and escaped in the darkness. 4.37.  When this outburst died down, their fears returned; and the troops sent centurions with letters to the Gallic communities to ask for auxiliary troops and contributions: they themselves, for a mob without a leader is always hasty, timid, and without energy, at the approach of Civilis quickly caught up their arms, then immediately dropped them and fled. Adversity bred discord among them, and men from the army of Upper Germany dissociated their cause from that of the rest; still the images of Vitellius were replaced in camp and in the nearest Belgian communities, although he was already dead. Then, repenting their action, the men of the First, Fourth, and Twenty-second legions followed Vocula, who made them take again the oath of allegiance to Vespasian and led them to break the siege of Mogontiacum. But the besiegers, a motley army made up of Chatti, Usipi, and Mattiaci, had already withdrawn, satisfied with their booty; however, they suffered some loss, for our soldiers had fallen on them while they were scattered and unsuspecting. Moreover, the Treviri built a breastwork and palisade along their borders and fought the Germans with great losses on both sides, until presently by their rebellion they sullied the record of their conspicuous services to the Roman people. 4.54.  In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove's home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people. 4.55.  Before the murder of Hordeonius Flaccus nothing came to the surface to make the conspiracy known: but after Hordeonius had been killed, messengers passed between Civilis and Classicus, prefect of the Treviran cavalry. Classicus was superior to the others in birth and wealth; he was of royal family and his line had been famous in both peace and war, and he himself boasted that more of his ancestors had been enemies than allies of the Romans. Julius Tutor and Julius Sabinus joined the conspirators: Tutor was of the tribe of the Treviri, Sabinus one of the Lingones. Tutor had been made prefect of the bank of the Rhine by Vitellius; Sabinus was fired by his native vanity, and especially by his pride in his imaginary descent, for it was said that his great-grandmother by her charms and complaisance had found favour in the eyes of the deified Julius when he was carrying on his campaigns in Gaul. These chiefs by private interviews first tested the sentiments of all their associates; then, when they had secured the participation of those whom they thought suitable, they met at Cologne in a private house, for the state in its public capacity shrank from such an undertaking; and yet some of the Ubii and Tungri were present. But the Treviri and the Lingones, who had the domit power in the matter, permitted no delay in deliberation. They rivalled one another in declaring that the Roman people were wild with discord, that the legions were cut to pieces, Italy laid waste, Rome at that moment was being captured, and that all the Roman armies were occupied each with its own wars: if they but held the Alps with armed forces, the Gallic lands, once sure of their freedom, would have only to decide what limits they wished to set to their power. 4.56.  These statements were approved as soon as made: with regard to the survivors of the army of Vitellius they were in doubt. The majority were for putting them to death on the ground that they were mutinous, untrustworthy, and defiled with the blood of their commanders: the proposal to spare them, however, prevailed since the conspirators feared to provoke an obstinate resistance if they deprived the troops of all hope of mercy: it was argued that these soldiers should rather be won over to alliance. "If we execute only the commanders of the legions," they said, "the general mass of the soldiers will be easily led to join us by their consciousness of guilt and by their hope of escaping punishment." This was in brief the result of their first deliberation; and they sent emissaries through the Gallic provinces to stir up war; the ringleaders feigned submission in order to take Vocula the more off his guard. Yet there was no lack of people to carry the story to Vocula; he, however, did not have force enough to check the conspiracy, for the legions were incomplete and not to be trusted. Between his soldiers whom he suspected and his secret foes, he thought it best for the time to dissemble in his turn and to employ the same methods of attack that were being used against him, and accordingly went down to Cologne. There Claudius Labeo, of whose capture and banishment among the Frisians I have spoken above, fled for refuge, having bribed his guards to let him escape; and now he promised, if he were given a force of men, that he would go among the Batavians and bring the majority of that people back to alliance with Rome. He got a small force of foot and horse, but he did not dare to undertake anything among the Batavians; however, he did induce some of the Nervii and Baetasii to take up arms, and he continuously harried the Canninefates and Marsaci rather by stealth than in open war. 4.57.  Vocula, lured on by the artifices of the Gauls, hurried against the enemy; and he was not far from Vetera when Classicus and Tutor, advancing from the main force under the pretext of reconnoitring, concluded their agreement with the German chiefs, and it was then that they first withdrew apart from the legions and fortified their own camp with a separate rampart, although Vocula protested that the Roman state had not yet been so broken by civil war as to be an object of contempt in the eyes of even the Treviri and Lingones. "There are still left faithful provinces," he said; "there still remain victorious armies, the fortune of the empire, and the avenging gods. Thus in former times Sacrovir and the Aeduans, more recently Vindex and all the Gallic provinces, have been crushed in a single battle. Those who break treaties must still face the same divinities, the same fates as before. The deified Julius and the deified Augustus better understood the spirit of the Gauls: Galba's acts and the reduction of the tribute have inspired them with a hostile spirit. Now they are enemies because the burden of their servitude is light; when we have despoiled and stripped them they will be friends." After speaking thus in anger, seeing that Classicus and Tutor persisted in their treachery, Vocula turned and withdrew to Novaesium: the Gauls occupied a position two miles away. There the centurions and soldiers frequently visited them, and attempts were made so to tamper with their loyalty, that, by an unheard-of crime, a Roman army should swear allegiance to foreigners and pledge themselves to this awful sin by killing or arresting their chief officers. Although many advised Vocula to escape, he thought it wise to act boldly, called an assembly, and spoke to this effect. 4.58.  "Never have I spoken to you with greater anxiety on your account or with less on my own. For I am glad to hear that my death is determined on, and in the midst of my present misfortunes I await my fate as the end of my sufferings. It is for you that I feel shame and pity, — for you against whom no battle is arrayed, no lines are marshalled. That will be only the law of arms and the just right of enemies. No! It is with your hands that Classicus hopes to fight against the Roman people: it is a Gallic empire and an allegiance to the Gauls that he holds out to you. Even if fortune and courage fail us at the moment, have we completely lost the memories of the past, forgotten how many times Roman legions have preferred to die rather than be driven from their positions? How often have our allies endured the destruction of their cities and allowed themselves to be burned with their wives and children, when the only reward that they could gain in their death was the glory of having kept their faith? At this very moment the legions at Vetera are bearing the hardships of famine and siege unmoved by threats or promises: we have not only our arms, our men, and the splendid fortifications of our camp, but we have grain and supplies sufficient for a war regardless of its length. We had money enough lately even for a donative; and whether you prefer to regard this as given by Vespasian or Vitellius, it was certainly a Roman emperor from whom you received it. If you, the victors in so many wars, if you who have so often put the enemy to flight at Gelduba and Vetera, fear an open battle, that is indeed a disgrace; but still you have fortifications, ramparts, and ways of delaying the crisis until troops hurry to your aid from the neighbouring provinces. What if I do not please you! There are other commanders, tribunes, or even some centurion or common soldier on whom you can fall back, that the monstrous news may not spread over the whole world that you are to follow in the train of Civilis and Classicus and support them in their invasion of Italy. When the Germans and Gauls have led you to the walls of Rome, will you then raise your arms against your native land? My soul revolts at the thought of such a crime. Will you mount guard for Tutor, a Treviran? Shall a Batavian give the signal for battle? Will you recruit the ranks of the Germans? What will be the result of your crime when the Roman legions have ranged themselves against you? Will you become deserters for a second time, a second time traitors, and waver back and forth between your new and old allegiance, hated by the gods? I pray and beseech thee, Jupiter, most good and great, to whom we have rendered the honour of so many triumphs during eight hundred and twenty years, and thee, Quirinus, father of Rome, that, if it has not been your pleasure that this camp be kept pure and inviolate under my leadership, at least you will not allow it to be defiled and polluted by a Tutor and a Classicus; give to Roman soldiers either innocence or repentance, prompt and without disaster." 4.59.  The troops received this speech with varied feelings of hope, fear, and shame. Vocula had withdrawn and was preparing to end his life, but his freedmen and slaves prevented him from voluntarily anticipating the most hideous of deaths. Classicus sent Aemilius Longinus, a deserter from the First legion, and so had Vocula quickly despatched; as for the legates, Herennius and Numisius, he was satisfied with putting them into chains. Then he assumed the insignia of a Roman general and entered the camp. Hardened as he was to every crime, he found not a word to utter beyond stating the oath: those who were present swore allegiance to the "Empire of the Gauls." Vocula's assassin he honoured with promotion to a high rank; on the others he bestowed rewards proportionate to their crimes. Then Tutor and Classicus divided the conduct of the war between them. Tutor besieged Cologne with a strong force and compelled its inhabitants and all the soldiers on the upper Rhine to take the same oath of allegiance; at Mainz he killed the tribunes and expelled the prefect of the camp when they refused to swear: Classicus ordered the worst of the men who had surrendered to go to the besieged, and offer them pardon if they would accept the actual situation: otherwise there was no hope; they would suffer famine, sword, and the worst extremities. His messengers emphasized their words by citing their own example. 4.60.  Loyalty on the one hand, famine on the other, kept the besieged hesitating between honour and disgrace. As they thus wavered, their sources of food, both usual and even unusual, failed them, for they had consumed their beasts of burden, their horses, and all other animals, which, even though unclean and disgusting, necessity forced them to use. Finally, they tore up even shrubs and roots and grasses growing in the crevices of the rocks, giving thereby a proof at once of their miseries and of their endurance, until at last they shamefully stained what might have been a splendid reputation by sending a delegation to Civilis and begging for their lives. He refused to hear their appeals until they swore allegiance to the empire of Gaul: then he stipulated for the booty of their camp and sent guards to secure the treasure, the camp followers, and the baggage, and to escort the soldiers as they left their camp empty-handed. When they had proceeded about five miles the German troops suddenly attacked and beset them as they advanced unsuspicious of any danger. The bravest were cut down where they stood, many were slain as they scattered; the rest escaped back to camp. Civilis, it is true, complained of the Germans' action and reproached them for breaking faith shamefully. But whom this was mere pretence on his part or whether he was unable to hold their fury in check is not certainly proved. His troops plundered the camp and set it on fire; the flames consumed all who had survived the battle. 4.61.  Civilis, in accordance with a vow such as these barbarians frequently make, had dyed his hair red and let it grow long from the time he first took up arms against the Romans, but now that the massacre of the legions was finally accomplished, he cut it short; it was also said that he presented his little son with some captives to be targets for the child's arrows and darts. However, he did not bind himself or any Batavian by an oath of allegiance to Gaul, for he relied on the resources of the Germans, and he felt that, if it became necessary to dispute the empire with the Gauls, he would have the advantage of his reputation and his superior power. Munius Lupercus, commander of a legion, was sent, among other gifts, to Veleda. This maiden of the tribe of the Bructeri enjoyed extensive authority, according to the ancient German custom, which regards many women as endowed with prophetic powers and, as the superstition grows, attributes divinity to them. At this time Veleda's influence was at its height, since she had foretold the German success and the destruction of the legions. But Lupercus was killed on the road. A few of the centurions and tribunes of Gallic birth were reserved as hostages to assure the alliance. The winter quarters of the auxiliary infantry and cavalry and of the legions were pulled down and burned, with the sole exception of those at Mainz and Vindonissa. 4.62.  The Sixteenth legion, with the auxiliary troops that had submitted to Civilis at the same time, was ordered to move from Novaesium to the colony of the Treviri, and the day was fixed before which it was to leave camp. All the intervening time the soldiers spent amid many anxieties: the cowards were terrified by the fate of those who had been massacred at Vetera, the better troops were distressed by a sense of shame and disgrace. They asked themselves: "What kind of a march will this be? Who will lead us? Everything will be at the mercy of those whom we have made masters of life and death." Others had no sense of disgrace and stowed about their persons their money and dearest possessions; some made ready their arms and girded on their weapons as if for battle. While they were thus occupied, the hour for departure arrived; but this proved sadder than their period of anticipation; for within the walls their humiliating condition had not been so noticeable; the open ground and the light of day disclosed their shame. The portraits of the emperors had been torn down; their standards were unadorned, while the Gauls' ensigns glittered on every side; their line moved in silence, like a long funeral train, led by Claudius Sanctus, who was repulsive in appearance, having had one eye gouged out, and was even weaker in intellect. Their shame was doubled when another legion deserting the camp at Bonn joined their line. Moreover, now that the report that the legions had been captured was spread abroad, all who but yesterday were shuddering at the name of Rome, running from their fields and houses and pouring in from every side, displayed extravagant delight in this unusual spectacle. The squadron of Picentine horse could not endure the joy exhibited by the insulting mob, but, scorning the promises and threats of Sanctus, rode away to Mainz; on the way they happened to meet Longinus, the assassin of Vocula, whom they buried under a shower of weapons and so began the future expiation of their guilt: the legions, without changing their course, pitched camp before the walls of the Treviri. 4.63.  Civilis and Classicus, elated by their success, debated whether they should not turn Cologne over to their armies to plunder. Their natural cruelty and their greed for booty inclined them to favour the destruction of the city: in opposition were the interests of the war and the advantage of a reputation for clemency at this time when they were establishing a new empire; Civilis, moreover, was influenced also by the memory of the service done him, when at the beginning of the revolt his son had been arrested in Cologne, but had been treated with honour while in custody. Yet the tribes across the Rhine hated the city for its wealth and rapid growth; and they believed that there could be no end to the war unless this place should be a common home for all the Germans without distinction, or else the city destroyed and the Ubii scattered like the other peoples. 4.64.  So the Tencteri, a tribe separated from the colony by the Rhine, sent an embassy with orders to present their demands in an assembly of the people of Cologne. These demands the most violent of the delegates set forth thus: "We give thanks to our common gods and to Mars before all others that you have returned to the body of the German peoples and to the German name, and we congratulate you that at last you are going to be free men among free men; for until to‑day the Romans have closed rivers and lands, and in a fashion heaven itself, to keep us from meeting and conferring together, or else — and this is a severer insult to men born to arms — to make us meet unarmed and almost naked, under guard and paying a price for the privilege. But to secure for ever our friendship and alliance, we demand that you take down the walls of your colony, the bulwarks of your slavery, for even wild animals forget their courage if you keep them shut up; we demand that you kill all the Romans in your territories. Liberty and masters are not easily combined together. The property of those killed is to be put into the common stock that no one may be able to hide anything or separate his own interest. Both we and you are to have the right to live on both banks, as our fathers once did. Even as Nature has always made the light of day free to all mankind, so she has made all lands open to the brave. Resume the manners and customs of your fathers, cutting off those pleasures which give the Romans more power over their subjects than their arms bestow. A people pure, untainted, forgetting your servitude, you will live the equals of any or will rule others." 4.65.  The people of Cologne first took some time to consider the matter, and then, since fear for the future did not allow them to submit to the terms proposed and present circumstances made it impossible to reject them openly, they made the following reply: "The first opportunity of freedom we seized with more eagerness than caution that we might join ourselves with you and the other Germans who are of our own blood. But it is safer to build the walls of the town higher rather than to pull them down at the moment when the Roman armies are concentrating. All the foreigners of Italian or provincial origin within our lands have been destroyed by war or have fled each to his own home. The first settlers, established here long ago, have become allied with us by marriage, and to them as well as to their children this is their native city; nor can we think that you are so unjust as to wish us to kill our own parents, brothers, and children. We now suppress the duties and all charges that are burdens on trade: let there be free intercourse between us, but by day and without arms until by lapse of time we shall become accustomed to our new and unfamiliar rights. We will have as arbiters Civilis and Veleda, before whom all our agreements shall be ratified." With these proposals they first calmed the Tencteri and then sent a delegation to Civilis and Veleda with gifts which obtained from them everything that the people of Cologne desired; yet the embassy was not allowed to approach Veleda herself and address her directly: they were kept from seeing her to inspire them with more respect. She herself lived in a high tower; one of her relatives, chosen for the purpose, carried to her the questions and brought back her answers, as if he were the messenger of a god. 4.66.  Now that the power of Civilis was increased by alliance with the people of Cologne, he decided to try to win over the neighbouring peoples, or, if they refused, to attack them. He had already gained the Sunuci and had organized their young men into companies of infantry, when Claudius Labeo offered resistance with a force of the Baetasii, Tungri, and Nervii that he had hastily assembled, but he had confidence in his position because he had seized the bridge over the Meuse. The forces engaged in this narrow space without a decisive issue until the Germans swam across the river and attacked Labeo's rear; at the same time Civilis, acting under a bold impulse or in accord with a previous arrangement, rushed to the line of the Tungri and cried in a loud voice: "We did not begin the war with the purpose of making the Batavians and the Treviri lords over the other peoples: such arrogance is far from our minds. Accept alliance with us: I am joining you, whether you wish me to be your leader or prefer me to be a common soldier." The mass of the Tungri were moved by this appeal and were in the act of sheathing their swords when Companus and Juvenalis, two of their chief men, surrendered the whole people to him; Labeo escaped before he could be surrounded. Civilis received the submission of the Baetasii and the Nervii as well, and added them to his forces: his power was now great, for the peoples were either terrified or inclined voluntarily to his cause. 4.67.  In the meantime Julius Sabinus had destroyed all memorials of the alliance with Rome and directed that he should be saluted as Caesar; then he hurried a great and unorganized mob of his countrymen against the Sequani, a people that touched the boundaries of the Lingones and were faithful to us. The Sequani did not refuse battle; fortune favoured the better cause: the Lingones were routed. Sabinus was as prompt to flee in terror from the battle as he had been over-ready to begin it; and to spread a report of his own death he burned the country house to which he had fled for refuge, and it was generally believed that he had perished there by suicide. But I shall later tell in the proper place by what means and in what hiding-places he prolonged his life for nine years, and I shall also describe the fidelity of his friends and the noble example set by his wife Epponina. The success of the Sequani brought the impulse for war to a halt. Gradually the communities came to their senses and began to regard their duty under their treaties; in this movement the Remi took the lead by sending word through the Gallic provinces that envoys should be despatched to debate in their common interest whether the Gallic peoples preferred liberty or peace. 4.68.  But at Rome all the news from Gaul was exaggerated for the worse and caused Mucianus anxiety lest even distinguished generals — for he had already selected Gallus Annius and Petilius Cerialis — should not be able to support the whole burden of this great war. He could not leave the city without a head; and he looked with anxiety on the unbridled passions of Domitian, while he suspected, as I have said, Primus Antonius and Varus Arrius. Varus, at the head of the praetorian guard, still had control of an armed force: Mucianus removed him, but, to avoid leaving him with no solace, placed him in charge of the supply of grain. And to pacify Domitian's feelings, which were not unfavourable to Varus, he put in command of the praetorians Arrecinus Clemens, who was connected with Vespasian's house by marriage and beloved by Domitian, dwelling on the fact that Clemens's father had held the same office with distinction under Gaius Caesar, that his name was popular with the soldiers, and that Clemens himself, although of senatorial rank, was equal to the duties of prefect as well as to those of his own class. All the most eminent citizens were enrolled for the expedition, others at their own solicitation. So Domitian and Mucianus were making ready to set out, but with different feelings; Domitian being eager with youthful hope, Mucianus contriving delays to check the other's ardour for fear that, if he once got control of the army, his youthful impetuosity and his evil counsellors would make him a peril to peace and war alike. The victorious legions, the Eighth, Eleventh, Thirteenth, and the Twenty-first, which had been of the Vitellian party, as well as the Second, lately enlisted, were led into Gaul, part over the Pennine and Cottian Alps, part over the Graian; the Fourteenth legion was called from Britain, the Sixth and First were summoned from Spain. So when the news of the approaching army got abroad, the Gallic states that naturally inclined to milder courses assembled among the Remi. A delegation of the Treviri was waiting for them there, led by Julius Valentinus, the most fiery advocate of war. In a studied speech he poured forth all the common charges against great empires, and heaped insults and invectives on the Roman people, being a speaker well fitted to stir up trouble and revolt, and popular with the mass of his hearers for his mad eloquence. 4.69.  But Julius Auspex, a noble of the Remi, dwelt on the power of Rome and the blessings of peace; he pointed out that even cowards can begin war, but that it can be prosecuted only at the risk of the bravest, and, moreover, the legions were already upon them; thus he restrained the most prudent of the people by considerations of reverence and loyalty, the younger men by pointing out the danger and arousing their fears: the people praised the spirit of Valentinus, but they followed the advice of Auspex. It is beyond question that the fact that the Treviri and Lingones had stood with Verginius at the time of the revolt of Vindex injured them in the eyes of the Gauls. Many were deterred by the rivalry between the Gallic provinces. "Where," they asked, "are we to find a leader for the war? Where look for orders and the auspices? What shall we choose for our capital if all goes well?" They had not gained the victory, but discord already prevailed; some boasted in insulting fashion of their treaties, some of their wealth and strength or of their ancient origin: in disgust at the prospects of the future, they finally chose the present state. Letters were sent to the Treviri in the name of the Gallic provinces, bidding them to refrain from armed action, and saying pardon could be obtained and that men were ready to intercede for them, if they repented: Valentinus opposed again and succeeded in closing the ears of his fellow tribesmen to these proposals; he was not, however, so active in making actual provision for war as he was assiduous in haranguing the people. 4.70.  The result was that neither the Treviri nor the Lingones nor the other rebellious people made efforts at all proportionate to the gravity of the crisis; not even the leaders consulted together, but Civilis ranged the pathless wilds of Belgium in his efforts to capture Claudius Labeo or to drive him out of the country, while Classicus spent most of his time in indolent ease, enjoying his supreme power as if it were already secured; even Tutor made no haste to occupy with troops the Upper Rhine and the passes of the Alps. In the meantime the Twenty-first legion penetrated by way of Vindonissa and Sextilius Felix entered through Raetia with some auxiliary infantry; these troops were joined by the squadron of picked horse that had originally been formed by Vitellius but which had later gone over to Vespasian's side. These were commanded by Julius Briganticus, the son of a sister of Civilis, who was hated by his uncle and who hated his uncle in turn with all the bitter hatred that frequently exists between the closest relatives. Tutor first added to the Treviran troops a fresh levy of Vangiones, Caeracates, and Triboci, and then reinforced these with veteran foot and horse, drawn from the legionaries whom he had either corrupted by hope or overcome with fear; these forces first massacred a cohort despatched in advance by Sextilius Felix; then, when the Roman generals and armies began to draw near, they returned to their allegiance by an honourable desertion, followed by the Triboci, Vangiones, and Caeracates. Tutor, accompanied by the Treviri, avoided Mainz and withdrew to Bingium. He had confidence in this position, for he had destroyed the bridge across the Nava, but he was assailed by some cohorts under Sextilius, whose discovery of a ford exposed him and forced him to flee. This defeat terrified the Treviri, and the common people abandoned their arms and dispersed among the fields: some of the chiefs, in their desire to seem the first to give up war, took refuge in those states that had not abandoned their alliance with Rome. The legions that had been moved from Novaesium and Bonn to the Treviri, as I have stated above, now voluntarily took the oath of allegiance to Vespasian. All this happened during the absence of Valentinus; when he returned, however, he was beside himself and wished to throw everything again into confusion and ruin; whereupon the legions withdrew among the Mediomatrici, an allied people: Valentinus and Tutor swept the Treviri again into arms, and murdered the two commanders Herennius and Numisius to strengthen the bond of their common crime by diminishing their hope of pardon. 4.71.  This was the state of war when Petilius Cerialis reached Mainz. His arrival aroused great hopes; Cerialis was himself eager for battle and better fitted by nature to despise a foe than to guard against him; he fired his soldiers by his fierce words, declaring that he would not delay a moment when he had a chance to engage the enemy. The troops that had been levied throughout Gaul he sent back to their several states, and told them to report that the legions were sufficient to sustain the empire: the allies were to return to their peaceful duties without any anxiety, since, when the Roman arms once undertook a war, that war was virtually ended. This act increased the ready submission of the Gauls; for now that they had recovered their young men they bore the burdens of the tribute more easily, and they were more ready to be obedient when they saw that they were despised. But when Civilis and Classicus heard that Tutor had been defeated, the Treviri cut to pieces, and that their foes were everywhere successful, they became alarmed and hastened to collect their scattered forces; in the meantime they sent many messages to warn Valentinus not to risk a decisive engagement. These circumstances moved Cerialis to prompter action: he despatched some officers to the Mediomatrici to direct the legions against the enemy by a more direct route, while he united the troops at Mainz with all the forces that he had brought with him; after a three days' march he came to Rigodulum, which Valentinus had occupied with a large force of Treviri. The town was naturally protected by hills or by the Moselle; in addition Valentinus had constructed ditches and stone ramparts. But these fortifications did not deter the Roman general from ordering his infantry to assault or from sending his cavalry up the hill, since he despised his foe, believing that his own men would have more advantage from their courage than the enemy's hastily collected forces could gain from their position. The Roman troops were delayed a little in their ascent while they were exposed to the enemy's missiles: when they came to close quarters, the Treviri were hurled down headlong like a falling building. Moreover, some of the cavalry rode round along the lower hills and captured the noblest of the Belgians, among them their leader Valentinus. 4.72.  On the next day Cerialis entered the colony of the Treviri. His soldiers were eager to plunder the town and said "This is Classicus's native city, and Tutor's as well; they are the men whose treason has caused our legions to be besieged and massacred. What monstrous crime had Cremona committed? Yet Cremona was torn from the very bosom of Italy because she delayed the victors one single night. This colony stands on the boundaries of Germany, unharmed, and rejoices in the spoils taken from our armies and in the murder of our commanders. The booty may go to the imperial treasury: it is enough for us to set fire to this rebellious colony and to destroy it, for in that way we can compensate for the destruction of so many of our camps." Cerialis feared the disgrace that he would suffer if men were to believe that he imbued his troops with a spirit of licence and cruelty, and he therefore checked their passionate anger: and they obeyed him, for now that they had given up civil war, they were more moderate with reference to foreign foes. Their attention was then attracted by the sad aspect which the legions summoned from among the Mediomatrici presented. These troops stood there, downcast by the consciousness of their own guilt, their eyes fixed on the ground: when the armies met, there was no exchange of greetings; the soldiers made no answer to those who tried to console or to encourage them; they remained hidden in their tents and avoided the very light of day. It was not so much danger and fear as a sense of their shame and disgrace that paralyzed them, while even the victors were struck dumb. The latter did not dare to speak or make entreaty, but by their tears and silence they continued to ask forgiveness for their fellows, until Cerialis at last quieted them by saying that fate was responsible for all that had resulted from the differences between the soldiers and their commanders or from the treachery of their enemies. He urged them to consider this as the first day of their service and of their allegiance, and he declared that neither the emperor nor he remembered their former misdeeds. Then they were taken into the same camp with the rest, and a proclamation was read in each company forbidding any soldier in quarrel or dispute to taunt a comrade with treason or murder. 4.73.  Presently Cerialis called an assembly of the Treviri and Lingones and addressed them thus: "I have never practised oratory and the Roman people has ever asserted its merits by arms: but since words have the greatest weight with you and you do not reckon good and evil according to their own nature, but estimate them by the talk of seditious men, I have decided to say a few things which now that the war is over are more useful for you to hear than for me to say. Roman commanders and generals entered your land and the lands of the other Gauls from no desire for gain but because they were invited by your forefathers, who were wearied to death by internal quarrels, while the Germans whom they had invited to help them had enslaved them all, allies and enemies alike. How many battles we have fought against the Cimbri and Teutoni, with what hardships on the part of our armies and with what result we have conducted our wars against the Germans, is perfectly well known. We have occupied the banks of the Rhine not to protect Italy but to prevent a second Ariovistus from gaining the throne of Gaul. Do you believe that you are dearer to Civilis and his Batavians or to the peoples across the Rhine than your grandfathers and fathers were to their ancestors? The Germans always have the same reasons for crossing into the Gallic provinces — lust, avarice, and their longing to change their homes, that they may leave behind their swamps and deserts, and become masters of this most fertile soil and of you yourselves: freedom, however, and specious names are their pretexts; but no man has ever been ambitious to enslave another or to win dominion for himself without using those very same words. 4.74.  "There were always kings and wars throughout Gaul until you submitted to our laws. Although often provoked by you, the only use we have made of our rights as victors has been to impose on you the necessary costs of maintaining peace; for you cannot secure tranquillity among nations without armies, nor maintain armies without pay, nor provide pay without taxes: everything else we have in common. You often command our legions; you rule these and other provinces; we claim no privileges, you suffer no exclusion. You enjoy the advantage of the good emperors equally with us, although you dwell far from the capital: the cruel emperors assail those nearest them. You endure barren years, excessive rains, and all other natural evils; in like manner endure the extravagance or greed of your rulers. There will be vices so long as there are men, but these vices are not perpetual and they are compensated for by the coming of better times: unless perchance you hope that you will enjoy a milder rule if Tutor and Classicus reign over you, or that the taxes required to provide armies to keep out the Germans and Britons will be less than now. For, if the Romans are driven out — which Heaven forbid — what will follow except universal war among all peoples? The good fortune and order of eight hundred years have built up this mighty fabric which cannot be destroyed without overwhelming its destroyers: moreover, you are in the greatest danger, for you possess gold and wealth, which are the chief causes of war. Therefore love and cherish peace and the city wherein we, conquerors and conquered alike, enjoy an equal right: be warned by the lessons of fortune both good and bad not to prefer defiance and ruin to obedience and security." With such words Cerialis quieted and encouraged his hearers, who feared severer measures. 4.75.  The Treviri were now being held in submission by the victorious army when Civilis and Classicus wrote to Cerialis to this effect: "Vespasian is dead, although the news of his death is held back; Rome and Italy have been exhausted by internal wars; the names of Mucianus and Domitian are empty and carry no weight: if you wish the empire of the Gauls, we are satisfied with the boundaries of our own states; if you prefer to fight, we do not refuse you that alternative either." Cerialis made no reply to Civilis and Classicus; but he sent the messenger who brought the letter and the letter itself to Domitian. The enemy, whose forces were divided, now approached from every quarter. Many blamed Cerialis for having allowed this concentration of troops when he might have cut them off in detail. The Roman army constructed a ditch and palisade around their camp, which they had rashly occupied up to this time in spite of its unprotected condition. 4.76.  Among the Germans there was a clash of diverse opinions. Civilis urged that they should wait for the peoples from beyond the Rhine, who would so terrify the Romans that their strength would break and collapse. "As for the Gauls," said he, "what are they but booty for the victors? And yet the Belgians, their only real strength, are openly on our side or wish our success." Tutor maintained that delay improved the condition of the Romans, for their armies were coming from every quarter. "One legion," he said, "has been brought from Britain; others have been summoned from Spain, or are coming from Italy; these are no hastily levied troops, but a veteran and seasoned army. The Germans, on whom we place our hopes, are never obedient to orders and directions, but always act according to their own caprice; as for money and gifts, the only things by which they can be won, the Romans have more than we, and no man is so bent on war as not to prefer quiet to danger, if he get the same reward. Whereas if we engage at once, Cerialis has no legions except those made up of the remts of the army in Germany, and these have been bound by treaties to the Gallic states. As for the mere fact that, contrary their own expectations, they lately routed the undisciplined force of Valentinus, that only feeds the rash spirit of troops and general alike: they will dare a second time and will fall into the hands not of an inexperienced youth, more concerned with words and speeches than with steel and arms, but into the power of a Civilis and a Classicus. When our enemies see these leaders, their souls will be once more possessed with terror and with the memories of their flight, hunger, and the many times that they have been captured when their lives were at our mercy. Nor are the Treviri or Lingones restrained by any affection: they will resume their arms as soon as their fright has left them." Classicus ended these differences of opinion by approving Tutor's views, on which they at once acted. 4.77.  The centre of their line was assigned to the Ubii and Lingones; on the right wing were the Batavian cohorts, on the left the Bructeri and the Tencteri. These rushed forward, some by the hills, others between the road and the Moselle, so rapidly that Cerialis was in his chamber and bed — for he had not passed the night in camp — when at the same moment he received the report that his troops were engaged and were being beaten. He kept on abusing the messengers for their alarm until the whole disaster was before his eyes: the enemy had broken into the legions' camp, had routed the cavalry, and had occupied the middle of the bridge over the Moselle, which connects the remoter quarters with the colony. Undismayed in this crisis, Cerialis stopped the fugitives with his own hand, and, although quite unprotected, exposed himself to the enemy's fire; then by his good fortune and rash courage, aided by the bravest of his troops who rushed to his assistance, he recovered the bridge and held it with a picked force. Afterwards he returned to the camp, where he saw the companies of those legions that had been captured at Novaesium and Bonn wandering aimlessly about, with few soldiers supporting the standards, and the eagles almost surrounded by the enemy. Flaming with indignation he cried: "It is not Flaccus or Vocula that you are now deserting: there is no treachery here; nor have I need for excuse save that I rashly believed that, forgetting your pledge to the Gauls, you had remembered your oath of allegiance to Rome. I shall be numbered with the Numisii and Herennii, so that all your commanders may have perished by the hands of their soldiers or of the enemy. Go, report to Vespasian or, since they are nearer, to Civilis and Classicus that you have abandoned your general on the field of battle: yet there will come legions that will not suffer me to be unavenged or you unpunished." 4.78.  All this was true, and the same reproofs were heaped on them by the tribunes and the prefects. The troops drew up in cohorts and maniples, for indeed they could not form an extended line since their foes were everywhere, and as the battle was being fought within their ramparts they were also hindered by their tents and baggage. Tutor and Classicus and Civilis, each at his post, spurred on their followers to battle, urging the Gauls to fight for liberty, the Batavians for glory, and the Germans for booty. Everything favoured the enemy until the Twenty-first legion, having more room than the rest, concentrated its entire strength and so resisted the enemy's attack and presently drove him back. Yet it was not without divine aid that with a sudden change of spirit the victorious enemy took to flight. They said themselves that they were smitten with terror by the sight of those cohorts which, though dislodged by their first assault, formed again on the ridges and seemed to them to be fresh reinforcements. But the fact is that the victorious barbarians were checked by a disgraceful struggle to secure booty which began among them so that they forgot their foes. Thus Cerialis, having almost ruined the situation by his carelessness, restored it by his resolution; and, following up his success, he captured and destroyed the enemy's camp on that same day. 4.79.  The troops, however, were not allowed long repose. The people of Cologne begged for aid and offered to give up the wife and sister of Civilis and the daughter of Classicus, who had been left as pledges of fidelity to the alliance. In the meantime they had killed the Germans who were scattered among their homes. This gave them cause to fear and made reasonable their appeals for help before the enemy recovered his strength and armed for some new venture or for revenge. For in fact Civilis had marched in the direction of Cologne; he was yet formidable since the most warlike of his cohorts was still unharmed, which, made up of Chauci and Frisii, was stationed at Tolbiacum on the borders of the territory of the people of Cologne: he was, however, turned aside by the depressing news that this cohort had been destroyed by a stratagem of the inhabitants of Cologne, who, after stupefying the Germans with an elaborate dinner and abundant wine, had closed the doors, set fire to the building, and burned them all; at the same moment Cerialis hurried up by forced marches. Civilis had been beset also by another fear: he was anxious lest the Fourteenth legion, supported by the fleet from Britain, might injure the Batavians along their coast. But Fabius Priscus, leading his legion inland, directed it against the Nervii and Tungri, and accepted the surrender of these two states: as for the fleet, it was actually attacked by the Canninefates and most of the ships were sunk or captured. The same Canninefates routed a great force of the Nervii who had voluntarily risen to fight for the Romans. Classicus also engaged successfully with some cavalry which Cerialis had despatched to Novaesium: and these reverses, though small, were frequent enough to injure the prestige of the Romans' recent victory. 5.14.  But meantime Civilis, after his reverse among the Treviri, recruited his army in Germany and encamped at Vetera, where he was protected by his position, and he also wished to inspire his barbarian troops with new courage from the memory of their former success there. Cerialis followed after him, having had his forces doubled by the arrival of the Second, Sixth, and Fourteenth legions; moreover, the auxiliary foot and horse that he had ordered up long before had hurried to join him after his victory. Neither general was given to delay, but they were separated by a wide plain that was naturally marshy; moreover, Civilis had built a dam obliquely into the Rhine, so that the river, thrown from its course by this obstacle, flooded the adjacent fields. Such was the nature of the ground, which was treacherous for our men because the shallows were uncertain and therefore dangerous: for the Roman soldier is heavily weighted with arms and afraid of swimming, but the Germans are accustomed to streams, are lightly armed, and their great stature keeps their heads above water. 5.15.  Therefore when the Batavians attacked our men, the bravest of our troops engaged; but a panic soon followed as arms and horses were swallowed up in the deep marshes. The Germans, knowing the shallows, leaped through the waters, and frequently, leaving our front, surrounded our men on the flanks and rear; there was no fighting at close quarters, as is usual in an engagement between infantry, but the struggle was rather like a naval fight, for the men floundered about in the water, or, if they found firm ground, they exerted all their strength to secure it; so the wounded and the uninjured, those who could swim and those who could not, struggled together to their common destruction. Yet our loss was not in proportion to the confusion, because the Germans, not daring to come out of the marshes on to firm ground, returned to their camp. The outcome of this engagement encouraged both leaders from different motives to hasten the final struggle. Civilis wished to follow up his good fortune; Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace: the Germans were emboldened by their success; the Romans were stirred by shame. The barbarians spent the night in singing or shouting; our men in rage and threats of vengeance. 5.16.  The next day Cerialis stationed his cavalry and auxiliary infantry in his front line and placed his legions in the second, while he reserved some picked troops under his own leadership to meet emergencies. Civilis did not oppose him with an extended front, but ranged his troops in columns: the Batavi and Cugerni were on his right; the left wing, nearer the river, was held by tribes from across the Rhine. The generals did not encourage their troops in formal appeals to the whole body, but they addressed each division as they rode along the line. Cerialis recalled the ancient glories of the Roman name, their victories old and new; he urged them to destroy for ever these treacherous and cowardly foes whom they had already beaten; it was vengeance rather than battle that was needed. "You have recently fought against superior numbers, and yet you routed the Germans, and their picked troops at that: those who survive carry terror in their hearts and wounds on their backs." He applied the proper spur to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the "Conquerors of Britain," reminding the Sixth that it was by their influence that Galba had been made emperor, and telling the Second that in the battle that day they would dedicate their new standards, and their new eagle. Then he rode toward the German army, and stretching out his hands begged these troops to recover their own river-bank and their camp at the expense of the enemy's blood. An enthusiastic shout arose from all, for some after their long peace were eager for battle, others weary of war desired peace; and they all hoped for rewards and rest thereafter. 5.17.  Nor did Civilis form his lines in silence, but called on the place of battle to bear witness to his soldiers' bravery: he reminded the Germans and Batavians that they were standing on the field of glory, that they were trampling underfoot the bones and ashes of Roman legions. "Wherever the Roman turns his eyes," he cried, "captivity, disaster, and dire omens confront him. You must not be alarmed by the adverse result of your battle with the Treviri: there their very victory hampered the Germans, for they dropped their arms and filled their hands with booty: but everything since has gone favourably for us and against the Romans. Every provision has been made that a wise general should make: the fields are flooded, but we know them well; the marshes are fatal to our foes. Before you are the Rhine and the gods of Germany: engage under their divine favour, remembering your wives, parents, and fatherland: this day shall crown the glories of our sires or be counted the deepest disgrace by our descendants!" When the Germans had applauded these words with clashing arms and wild dancing according to their custom, they opened battle with a volley of stones, leaden balls, and other missiles, and since our soldiers did not enter the marsh, the foe tried to provoke them and so lure them on. 5.18.  When they had spent their missiles, as the battle grew hotter, the enemy charged fiercely: their huge stature and their extremely long spears allowed them to wound our men from a distance as they slipped and floundered in the water; at the same time a column of the Bructeri swam across from the dam that, as I have said, had been built out into the Rhine. This caused some confusion and the line of allied infantry was being driven back, when the legions took up the fight, checked the enemy's savage advance, and so equalised the contest. Meantime a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis, promising him a chance to attack the enemy's rear if he would send some cavalry along the edge of the marsh; for there, he said, was solid ground and the Cugerni, who guarded at that spot, were careless. Two troops of horse were despatched with the deserter and succeeded in outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. When this was made evident by a shout, the legions charged in front, and the Germans were routed and fled towards the Rhine. The war would have been ended on that day if the Roman fleet had hurried to follow after them: as it was, not even the cavalry pressed forward, for rain suddenly began to fall and night was close at hand. 5.19.  The next day the Fourteenth legion was sent to Gallus Annius in the upper province: the Tenth, coming from Spain, took its place in the army of Cerialis: Civilis was reinforced by some auxiliaries from the Chauci. Yet he did not dare to defend the capital of the Batavians, but seizing everything that was portable, he burned the rest and retired into the island, for he knew that Cerialis did not have the boats to build a bridge, and that the Roman army could not be got across the river in any other way; moreover, he destroyed the dike that Drusus Germanicus had built, and so by demolishing the barriers that checked it, he let the Rhine pour in full flow into Gaul along an unencumbered channel. Thus the Rhine was virtually drawn off, and the shallow channel that was left between the island and Germany made the lands seem uninterrupted. Tutor also and Classicus crossed the Rhine, with one hundred and thirteen Treviran senators, among whom was Alpinius Montanus, who had been sent into Gaul by Primus Antonius, as we stated above. He was accompanied by his brother, Decimus Alpinius; at the same time the others also were trying to raise reinforcements among these bold and adventurous tribes by appeals to their pity and by gifts. 5.20.  In fact the war was so far from being over that in a single day Civilis attacked the standing camps of the auxiliary foot and horse and of the regular legions as well, at four several points, assailing the Tenth legion at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the camp of the auxiliary foot and horse at Grinnes and Vada; he so divided his troops that he and Verax, his nephew, Classicus and Tutor, each led his own force; they did not expect to be successful everywhere, but they trusted that by making many ventures they would be successful in some one point; besides, they thought that Cerialis was not very cautious and that, as he hurried from place to place on receiving various reports, he might be cut off. The force that was to assail the camp of the Tenth legion, thinking that it was a difficult task to storm a legion, cut off some troops that had left their fortifications and were busy felling timber, and succeeded in killing the prefect of the camp, five centurions of the first rank, and a few common soldiers; the rest defended themselves in the fortifications. Meanwhile a force of Germans at Batavodurum tried to destroy a bridge that had been begun there; the indecisive struggle was ended by the coming of night. 5.21.  There was greater danger at Grinnes and Vada. Civilis tried to capture Vada by assault, Classicus, Grinnes; and they could not be checked, for the bravest of our men had fallen, among them Briganticus, captain of a squadron of cavalry, who, as we have said, was loyal to the Romans and hostile to his uncle Civilis. But the arrival of Cerialis with a picked body of horse changed the fortunes of the day and the Germans were driven headlong into the river. As Civilis was trying to rally the fugitives he was recognized and made a target for our weapons, but he abandoned his horse and swam across the river; Verax escaped in the same way; Tutor and Classicus were carried over by some boats that were brought up for the purpose. Not even on this occasion was the Roman fleet at hand; the order had indeed been given, but fear and also the dispersal of the rowers among other military duties prevented its execution. Indeed, Cerialis commonly gave insufficient time for the execution of his orders, being hasty in planning, but brilliant in his successes: good fortune attended him even when he had lacked skill; and the result was that both he and his troops paid too little regard to discipline. A few days later he narrowly avoided being taken prisoner, but he did not escape the attendant disgrace. 5.22.  He had gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the camps that were being built for the legions' winter quarters, and was now returning with the fleet, while his escort straggled and his sentries were careless. The Germans noticed this and planned an ambuscade; they selected a night black with clouds, and slipping down-stream got within the camp without opposition. Their onslaught was helped at first by cunning, for they cut the tent ropes and massacred the soldiers as they lay buried beneath their own shelters. Another force put the fleet into confusion, throwing grappling-irons on board and dragging the boats away; while they acted in silence at first to avoid attracting attention, after the slaughter had begun they endeavoured to increase the panic by their shouts. Roused by their wounds the Romans looked for their arms and ran up and down the streets of the camp; few were properly equipped, most with their garments wrapped around their arms and their swords drawn. Their general, half-asleep and almost naked, was saved only by the enemy's mistake; for the Germans dragged away his flagship, which was distinguished by a standard, thinking that he was there. But Cerialis had spent the night elsewhere, as many believe, on account of an intrigue with Claudia Sacrata, a Ubian woman. The sentries tried to use the scandalous behaviour of their general to shield their own fault, claiming that they had been ordered to keep quiet that his rest might not be disturbed; that was the reason that trumpet-call and the challenges had been omitted, and so they had dropped to sleep themselves. The enemy sailed off in broad daylight on the ships that they had captured; the flagship they took up the Lippe as a gift to Veleda. 5.23.  Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval demonstration; he therefore manned all the biremes and all the ships that had but a single bank of oars; to this fleet he added a vast number of boats, [putting in each] thirty or forty men, the ordinary complement of a Liburnian cruiser; and at the same time the boats that he had captured were fitted with particoloured plaids for sails, which made a fine show and helped their movement. The place chosen for the display was a small sea, so to speak, formed at the point where the mouth of the Maas discharges the water of the Rhine into the ocean. Now his purpose in marshalling this fleet, apart from the native vanity of a Batavian, was to frighten away the convoys of supplies that were coming from Gaul. Cerialis, more surprised than frightened by this action of Civilis, drew up his fleet, which, although inferior in numbers, was superior in having more experienced rowers, more skilful pilots, and larger ships. His vessels were helped by the current, his opponents enjoyed a favourable wind; so they sailed past each other and separated, after trying some shots with light missiles. Civilis dared attempt nothing further, but withdrew across the Rhine; Cerialis devastated the island of the Batavians in relentless fashion, but, adopting a familiar device of generals, he left untouched the farms and buildings of Civilis. In the meantime the turn of autumn and the frequent equinoctial rains that followed caused the river to overflow and made the low marshy island look like a swamp. Neither fleet nor supplies were on hand, and the Roman camp, being situated on flat ground, began to be washed away by the current. 5.24.  That the legions could then have been crushed, and that the Germans wished to do so but were craftily dissuaded by him, were claims afterwards made by Civilis; and in fact his claim seems not far from the truth, since his surrender followed a few days later. For while Cerialis by secret messengers was holding out to the Batavians the prospect of peace and to Civilis of pardon, he was also advising Veleda and her relatives to change the fortunes of a war, which repeated disasters had shown to be adverse to them, by rendering a timely service to the Roman people: he reminded them that the Treviri had been cut to pieces, the Ubii had returned to their allegiance, and the Batavians had lost their native land; they had gained nothing from their friendship with Civilis but wounds, banishment, and grief. An exile and homeless he would be only a burden to any who harboured him, and they had already done wrong enough in crossing the Rhine so many times. If they transgressed further, the wrong and guilt would be theirs, but vengeance and the favour of heaven would belong to the Romans. 5.25.  These promises were mingled with threats; and when the fidelity of the tribes across the Rhine had been shaken, debates began among the Batavians as well: "We must not extend our ruin further; no single nation can avert the enslavement of the whole world. What have we accomplished by destroying legions with fire and sword except to cause more legions and stronger forces to be brought up? If we have fought for Vespasian, Vespasian is now master of the world; if we are challenging the whole Roman people in arms, we must recognize what a trifling part of mankind we Batavians are. Look at the Raetians, the Noricans, and consider the burdens Rome's other allies bear: we are not required to pay tribute, but only to furnish valour and men. This is a condition next to freedom; and if we are to choose our masters, we can more honourably bear the rule of Roman emperors than of German women." So the common people; the chiefs spoke more violently: "We have been drawn into arms by the madness of Civilis; he wished to avert his own misfortunes by the ruin of his country. The gods were hostile to the Batavians on the day when we besieged the legions, murdered their commanders, and began this war that was a necessity only to Civilis, but to us fatal. There is nothing left us, unless we begin to come to our senses and show our repentance by punishing the guilty individual." 5.26.  Civilis was not unaware of this change of feeling and he decided to anticipate it, not only because he was weary of suffering, but also for the hope of life, which often breaks down high courage. When he asked for a conference, the bridge over the Nabalia was cut in two and the leaders advanced to the broken ends; then Civilis began thus: "If I were defending myself before a legate of Vitellius, my acts would deserve no pardon nor my words any credence; there was nothing but hatred between him and me — he began the quarrel, I increased it; toward Vespasian my respect is of long standing, and when he was still a private citizen we were called friends. Primus Antonius knew this when he sent me a letter calling me to arms to keep the legions of Germany and the young men of Gaul from crossing the Alps. What Antonius advised by letter, Hordeonius urged in person; I have begun the same war in Germany that Mucianus began in Syria, Aponius in Moesia, Flavianus in Pannonia." . . .
71. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 221
4.6. "[כיצד] ג' להבטיל את העם מן המלאכה חזן הכנסת נוטל חצוצרת ועולה לראש הגג גבוה שבעיר [נטל לקרות] הסמוכין לעיר בטלין הסמוכין לתחום מתכנסין ובאין לתוך התחום ולא היו נכנסין מיד אלא ממתינין עד שיבואו כולן ויתכנסו כולן בבת אחת [מאימתי הוא נכנס משימלא לו חבית ויצלה לו דגה וידליק לו את הנר].", 4.6. "Why did they blow three blasts? To make the people cease from work. The sexton took the trumpets, and went to the top of the highest roof in the city to summon those near the city to cease from work. Those near the limits of the city assembled themselves together and came to the schoolhouse. They did not come immediately the trumpets blew, but waited till all were gathered together, and then all came at once. When did they assemble? After one could fill a bottle of water, or fry a fish, or light his lamp. ",
72. Plutarch, Lucullus, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
39.2. εἰς παιδιὰν γὰρ ἔγωγε τίθεμαι καὶ οἰκοδομὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ κατασκευὰς περιπάτων καὶ λουτρῶν καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον γραφὰς καὶ ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὴν περὶ ταύτας τὰς τέχνας σπουδήν, ἃς ἐκεῖνος συνῆγε μεγάλοις ἀναλώμασιν, εἰς ταῦτα τῷ πλούτῳ ῥύδην καταχρώμενος, ὃν ἠθροίκει πολὺν καὶ λαμπρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, ὅπου καὶ νῦν, ἐπίδοσιν τοιαύτην τῆς τρυφῆς ἐχούσης, οἱ Λουκουλλιανοὶ κῆποι τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐν τοῖς πολυτελεστάτοις ἀριθμοῦνται. 39.2.
73. Anon., 2 Baruch, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 158
74. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 5.14 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of the Found in books: Hasan Rokem (2003) 156
75. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 66.15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 168
76. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 65.22 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, destruction of the second temple Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 49
65.22. וְלֹא הִכִּירוֹ (בראשית כז, כג), בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהָיוּ רְשָׁעִים עוֹמְדִים מִמֶּנּוּ לֹא הִכִּירוֹ. (בראשית כז, כו): וַיֹּאמֶר גְּשָׁה נָּא וּשְׁקָה לִּי, אָמַר לוֹ אַתְּ נוֹשְׁקֵנִי בַּקְּבוּרָה וְאֵין אַחֵר נוֹשְׁקֵנִי בַּקְּבוּרָה. (בראשית כז, כז): וַיִּגַּשׁ וַיִּשַּׁק לוֹ וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו, אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אֵין לְךָ דָּבָר שֶׁרֵיחוֹ קָשֶׁה מִן הַשֶּׁטֶף הַזֶּה שֶׁל עִזִּים וְאַתְּ אֲמַרְתְּ וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו וַיְבָרֲכֵהוּ, אֶלָּא בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁנִּכְנַס אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב אֵצֶל אָבִיו נִכְנְסָה עִמּוֹ גַּן עֵדֶן, הֲדָא הוּא דַּאֲמַר לֵיהּ (בראשית כז, כז): רְאֵה רֵיחַ בְּנִי כְּרֵיחַ שָׂדֶה, וּבְשָׁעָה שֶׁנִּכְנַס עֵשָׂו אֵצֶל אָבִיו נִכְנְסָה עִמּוֹ גֵּיהִנֹּם, הֵיאךְ מָה דְאַתְּ אָמַר (משלי יא, ב): בָּא זָדוֹן וַיָּבֹא קָלוֹן. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וַיָּרַח אֶת רֵיחַ בְּגָדָיו וַיְבָרֲכֵהוּ, כְּגוֹן יוֹסֵף מְשִׁיתָא וְיָקוּם אִישׁ צְרוֹרוֹת. יוֹסֵף מְשִׁיתָא, בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁבִּקְּשׁוּ שׂוֹנְאִים לְהִכָּנֵס לְהַר הַבַּיִת אָמְרוּ יִכָּנֵס מֵהֶם וּבָהֶם תְּחִלָּה, אֲמָרִין לֵיהּ עוּל וּמַה דְּאַתְּ מַפִּיק דִּידָךְ, נִכְנַס וְהוֹצִיא מְנוֹרָה שֶׁל זָהָב, אָמְרוּ לוֹ אֵין דַּרְכּוֹ שֶׁל הֶדְיוֹט לְהִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ בָּזוֹ, אֶלָּא עוּל זְמַן תִּנְיָנוּת וּמַה דְּאַתְּ מַפִּיק דִּידָךְ, וְלֹא קִבֵּל עָלָיו. אָמַר רַבִּי פִּינְחָס נָתְנוּ לוֹ מֶכֶס שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים, וְלֹא קִבֵּל עָלָיו, אָמַר לֹא דַּיִּי שֶׁהִכְעַסְתִּי לֵאלֹהַי פַּעַם אַחַת אֶלָּא שֶׁאַכְעִיסֶנּוּ פַּעַם שְׁנִיָּה. מֶה עָשׂוּ לוֹ נָתְנוּ אוֹתוֹ בַּחֲמוֹר שֶׁל חָרָשִׁים וְהָיוּ מְנַסְּרִים בּוֹ, הָיָה מְצַוֵּחַ וְאוֹמֵר וַוי אוֹי אוֹי שֶׁהִכְעַסְתִּי לְבוֹרְאִי. וְיָקוּם אִישׁ צְרוֹרוֹת הָיָה בֶּן אֲחוֹתוֹ שֶׁל רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בֶּן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵידָה, וַהֲוָה רָכֵיב סוּסְיָא בְּשַׁבְּתָא אֲזַל קוֹמֵי שָׁרִיתָא לְמִצְטַבָּלָא, אֲמַר לֵיהּ חֲמֵי סוּסִי דְּאַרְכְּבִי מָרִי וַחֲמֵי סוּסָךָ דְּאַרְכְּבֵךְ מָרָךְ. אָמַר לוֹ אִם כָּךְ לְמַכְעִיסָיו קַל וָחֹמֶר לְעוֹשֵׂי רְצוֹנוֹ, אָמַר לוֹ עָשָׂה אָדָם רְצוֹנוֹ יוֹתֵר מִמְּךָ, אָמַר לוֹ וְאִם כָּךְ לְעוֹשֵׂי רְצוֹנוֹ קַל וָחֹמֶר לְמַכְעִיסָיו. נִכְנַס בּוֹ הַדָּבָר כְּאֶרֶס שֶׁל עַכְנָא, הָלַךְ וְקִיֵּם בְּעַצְמוֹ אַרְבַּע מִיתוֹת בֵּית דִּין, סְקִילָה, שְׂרֵפָה, הֶרֶג וְחֶנֶק, מֶה עָשָׂה, הֵבִיא קוֹרָה נְעָצָהּ בָּאָרֶץ וְקָשַׁר בָּהּ נִימָא וְעָרַךְ הָעֵצִים וְהִקִּיפָן גָּדֵר שֶׁל אֲבָנִים, וְעָשָׂה מְדוּרָה לְפָנֶיהָ וְנָעַץ אֶת הַחֶרֶב בָּאֶמְצַע וְהִצִּית הָאוּר תַּחַת הָעֵצִים מִתַּחַת הָאֲבָנִים, וְנִתְלָה בַּקּוֹרָה וְנֶחְנַק, קִדְּמַתּוֹ הָאֵשׁ, נִפְסְקָה הַנִּימָה, נָפַל לָאֵשׁ, קִדְּמַתּוֹ חֶרֶב וְנָפַל עָלָיו גָּדֵר וְנִשְׂרַף. נִתְנַמְנֵם יוֹסֵי בֶּן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵידָה וְרָאָה מִטָּתוֹ פָּרְחָה בָּאֲוִיר, אָמַר בְּשָׁעָה קַלָּה קְדָמַנִּי זֶה לְגַן עֵדֶן.
77. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
78. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 9.9, 28.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 51, 180
9.9. אָמַר רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יוֹחָאי גָּדוֹל הַשָּׁלוֹם, שֶׁכָּל הַבְּרָכוֹת כְּלוּלוֹת בּוֹ, (תהלים כט, יא): ה' עֹז לְעַמּוֹ יִתֵּן ה' יְבָרֵךְ אֶת עַמּוֹ בַשָּׁלוֹם. חִזְקִיָּה אָמַר תַּרְתֵּי, חִזְקִיָּה אָמַר גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁכָּל הַמִּצְווֹת כְּתִיב בְּהוּ (שמות כג, ד ה): כִּי תִרְאֶה, כִּי תִפְגַע, (דברים כב, ו): כִּי יִקָּרֵא, אִם בָּאת מִצְוָה לְיָדְךָ אַתָּה זָקוּק לַעֲשׂוֹתָהּ וְאִם לָאו אִי אַתָּה זָקוּק לַעֲשׂוֹתָהּ, בְּרַם הָכָא (תהלים לד, טו): בַּקֵּשׁ שָׁלוֹם וְרָדְפֵהוּ, בַּקְשֵׁהוּ לִמְקוֹמְךָ וְרָדְפֵהוּ לְמָקוֹם אַחֵר. חִזְקִיָּה אָמַר חוֹרֵי, גָּדוֹל הַשָּׁלוֹם שֶׁבְּכָל הַמַּסָּעוֹת כְּתִיב (במדבר לג, ה): וַיִּסְעוּ וַיַּחֲנוּ, נוֹסְעִים בְּמַחְלֹקֶת וְחוֹנִים בְּמַחְלֹקֶת, כֵּיוָן שֶׁבָּאוּ כֻלָּם לִפְנֵי הַר סִינַי נַעֲשׂוּ כֻּלָּם חֲנָיָה אַחַת, הֲדָא דִּכְתִיב (שמות יט, ב): וַיִּחַן שָׁם יִשְׂרָאֵל, וַיַּחֲנוּ שָׁם בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֵין כְּתִיב כָּאן אֶלָּא וַיִּחַן שָׁם יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא הֲרֵי שָׁעָה שֶׁאֲנִי נוֹתֵן תּוֹרָה לְבָנָי. בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר תְּלַת, בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁדִּבְּרוּ הַכְּתוּבִים דִּבְרֵי בַּדָּאוּת בַּתּוֹרָה בִּשְׁבִיל לְהַטִּיל שָׁלוֹם בֵּין אַבְרָהָם לְשָׂרָה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית יח, יב): אַחֲרֵי בְלֹתִי הָיְתָה לִי עֶדְנָה וַאדֹנִי זָקֵן, אֲבָל לְאַבְרָהָם לֹא אָמַר כֵּן אֶלָּא (בראשית יח, יג): וַאֲנִי זָקַנְתִּי. בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר חוֹרֵי, גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁדִּבְּרוּ הַכְּתוּבִים לָשׁוֹן בָּדוּי בַּנְּבִיאִים בִּשְׁבִיל לְהַטִּיל שָׁלוֹם בֵּין אִישׁ לְאִשְׁתּוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שופטים יג, ג): הִנֵּה נָא אַתְּ עֲקָרָה וְלֹא יָלַדְתְּ וְהָרִית וְיָלַדְתְּ בֵּן, אֲבָל לְמָנוֹחַ לֹא אָמַר כֵּן אֶלָּא (שופטים יג, יג): מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר אָמַרְתִּי אֶל הָאִשָּׁה תִּשָּׁמֵר, מִכָּל מָקוֹם סַמָּנִים הִיא צְרִיכָה. בַּר קַפָּרָא אָמַר חוֹרֵי גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם, מַה אִם הָעֶלְיוֹנִים שֶׁאֵין לָהֶם לֹא קִנְאָה וְלֹא שִׂנְאָה וְלֹא תַּחְרוּת וְלֹא מַצּוֹת וְרִיבוֹת וְלֹא מַחְלֹקֶת וְלֹא עַיִן רָעָה צְרִיכִין שָׁלוֹם, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (איוב כה, ב): עֹשֶׂה שָׁלוֹם בִּמְרוֹמָיו, הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם כָּל הַמִּדּוֹת הַלָּלוּ עַל אַחַת כַּמָּה וְכַמָּה. אָמַר רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁדִּבְּרוּ הַכְּתוּבִים לְשׁוֹן בַּדָּיוּת בַּתּוֹרָה לְהַטִּיל שָׁלוֹם בֵּין יוֹסֵף לְאֶחָיו, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית נ, יז): כֹּה תֹאמְרוּן לְיוֹסֵף אָנָא שָׂא נָא, וְלֹא אַשְׁכְּחָן בְּיַעֲקֹב דְּפַקַד כְּלוּם, אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹסֵי הַגְּלִילִי גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁאֲפִלּוּ בִּשְׁעַת מִלְחָמָה אֵין פּוֹתְחִין אֶלָּא בְּשָׁלוֹם, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דברים כ, י): כִּי תִקְרַב אֶל עִיר וגו', אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן בֶּן רַבִּי יוֹסֵי גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁשְּׁמוֹ שֶׁל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא נִקְרָא שָׁלוֹם, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (שופטים ו, כד): וַיִּקְרָא לוֹ ה' שָׁלוֹם. אָמַר רַבִּי תַּנְחוּם בַּר יוּדָן, מִכָּאן שֶׁאָסוּר לוֹ לְאָדָם לִשְׁאֹל בִּשְׁלוֹם חֲבֵרוֹ בְּמָקוֹם מְטֻנָּף. תָּנֵי רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁשֵּׁם הַגָּדוֹל שֶׁנִּכְתַּב בִּקְדֻשָּׁה אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא יִמָּחֶה בַּמַּיִם כְּדֵי לְהַטִּיל שָׁלוֹם בֵּין אִישׁ לְאִשְׁתּוֹ. רַבִּי מֵאִיר הֲוָה יָתִיב וְדָרִישׁ בְּלֵילֵי שַׁבַּתָּא הֲוָה תַּמָּן חָדָא אִתְּתָא יַצִּיבָא וְשָׁמְעָה לֵיהּ תָּנְתָא מִדְרָשָׁא, אַמְתִּינַת עַד דִּיחֲסַל מִמִּדְרָשׁ, אָזְלָה לְבֵיתָהּ אַשְׁכְּחָא בּוּצִינָא טָפֵי, אֲמַר לָהּ בַּעְלָהּ אָן הֲוֵית, אָמְרָה לֵיהּ אֲנָא יָתִיבָא וְשָׁמְעָה קָלֵיהּ דָּרוֹשָׁה, אֲמַר לָהּ כֵּן וְכֵן לָא אִעַיַּלְתְּ לְהָכָא עַד דַּאֲזַלְתְּ וְרוֹקַת בְּאַנְפֵּי דָרוֹשָׁה, יְתִיבָא שַׁבַּתָּא קַמַּיְיתָא תִּנְיָנָא וּתְלִיתָא, אֲמָרִין לָהּ מְגֵירָתָא כַּדּוּ אַתּוּן צְהִיבִין, אֲתֵינָן עִמָּךְ לְגַבֵּי דָּרוֹשָׁה, כֵּיוָן דְּחָמֵי יַתְהוֹן רַבִּי מֵאִיר צָפָה בְּרוּחַ הַקֹּדֶשׁ, אֲמַר לְהוֹ אִית מִנְּכוֹן אִתְּתָא דְּחַכִּימָא לְמִלְחַשׁ בְּעֵינָא, אֲמָרִין לָהּ מְגֵירָתָא כַּדּוּ אַתְּ אָזְלַת וְרוֹקַת בְּאַנְפֵּיהּ וְתִשְׁרֵי לְבַעֲלִךְ, כֵּיוָן דְּיָתְבָא קַמֵּי אִידְחִילַת מִינֵיהּ, אֲמָרָה לֵיהּ רַבִּי לֵית אֲנָא חַכִּימָא לְמִילְחַשׁ עֵינָא, אֲמַר לָהּ אֲפִלּוּ הָכֵי רוֹקִי בְּאַנְפִּי שְׁבַע זִמְנִין וַאֲנָא מִינְשִׁים, עָבְדָה הָכִין. אֲמַר לָהּ אִיזִילִי אִמְרִי לְבַעֲלִיךָ אַתְּ אֲמַרְתְּ חָדָא זִימְנָא וַאֲנָא רָקֵית שְׁבַע זִימְנִין. אָמְרוּ לוֹ תַּלְמִידָיו רַבִּי כָּךְ מְבַזִּין אֶת הַתּוֹרָה, לָא הֲוָה לָךְ לְמֵימַר לְחַד מִינָן לְמִלְחַשׁ לָךְ, אֲמַר לְהוֹ לָא דַּיּוֹ לְמֵאִיר לִהְיוֹת שָׁוֶה לְקוֹנוֹ, דְּתָנֵי רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁשֵּׁם הַגָּדוֹל שֶׁנִּכְתַּב בִּקְדֻשָּׁה אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא יִמָּחֶה עַל הַמַּיִם בִּשְׁבִיל לְהַטִּיל שָׁלוֹם בֵּין אִישׁ לְאִשְׁתּוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן חֲלַפְתָּא גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁכְּשֶׁבָּרָא הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֶת עוֹלָמוֹ עָשָׂה שָׁלוֹם בֵּין הָעֶלְיוֹנִים לַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, בַּיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן בָּרָא מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים וּמִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית א, א): בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ, בַּשֵּׁנִי בָּרָא מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית א, ו): וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי רָקִיעַ, בַּשְּׁלִישִׁי בָּרָא מִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, (בראשית א, ט): וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יִקָּווּ הַמַּיִם, בָּרְבִיעִי מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים, (בראשית א, יד): יְהִי מְאֹרֹת בִּרְקִיעַ הַשָּׁמַיִם, בַּחֲמִישִׁי בָּרָא מִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, (בראשית א, כ): וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יִשְׁרְצוּ הַמַּיִם, בַּשִּׁשִּׁי בָּא לִבְראוֹת אָדָם, אָמַר אִם אֲנִי בּוֹרֵא אוֹתוֹ מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים הֲרֵי הָעֶלְיוֹנִים רַבִּים מִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים בְּרִיאָה אַחַת, אִם אֲנִי בּוֹרֵא אוֹתוֹ מִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים הֲרֵי הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים רַבִּים עַל הָעֶלְיוֹנִים בְּרִיאָה אַחַת, מֶה עָשָׂה בְּרָאוֹ מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים וּמִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (בראשית ב, ז): וַיִּיצֶר ה' אֱלֹהִים אֶת הָאָדָם עָפָר מִן הָאֲדָמָה מִן הַתַּחְתּוֹנִים, (בראשית ב, ז): וַיִּפַּח בְּאַפָּיו נִשְׁמַת חַיִּים מִן הָעֶלְיוֹנִים, רַבִּי מָנֵי דִּשְׁאַב וְרַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ דְּסִכְנִין בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי לֵוִי, גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁכָּל הַבְּרָכוֹת וְטוֹבוֹת וְנֶחָמוֹת שֶׁהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מְבִיאָן עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל, חוֹתְמִין בְּשָׁלוֹם, בִּקְרִיאַת שְׁמַע פּוֹרֵס סֻכַּת שָׁלוֹם, בַּתְּפִלָּה עוֹשֶׂה שָׁלוֹם, בְּבִרְכַּת כֹּהֲנִים (במדבר ו, כו): וְיָשֵׂם לְךָ שָׁלוֹם. וְאֵין לִי אֶלָּא בַּבְּרָכוֹת בַּקָּרְבָּנוֹת מִנַיִן, (ויקרא ז, לז): זֹאת הַתּוֹרָה לָעֹלָה לַמִּנְחָה וְלַחַטָּאת וְלָאָשָׁם וְלַמִּלּוּאִים וּלְזֶבַח הַשְּׁלָמִים. אֵין לִי אֶלָּא בַּכְּלָל, בַּפְּרָט מִנַּיִן, (ויקרא ו, ב): זֹאת תּוֹרַת הָעֹלָה, (ויקרא ו, ז): זֹאת תּוֹרַת הַמִּנְחָה, (ויקרא ו, יח): זֹאת תּוֹרַת הַחַטָּאת, (ויקרא ז, א): זֹאת תּוֹרַת הָאָשָׁם, (ויקרא ז, יא): זֹאת תּוֹרַת זֶבַח הַשְּׁלָמִים, וְאֵין לִי אֶלָּא בְּקָרְבְּנוֹת יָחִיד, בְּקָרְבְּנוֹת צִבּוּר מִנַּיִן, תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר (במדבר כט, לט): אֵלֶּה תַּעֲשׂוּ לַה' בְּמוֹעֲדֵיכֶם, וּמְסַיֵּם בִּשְׁלָמִים. וְאֵין לִי אֶלָּא בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה בָּעוֹלָם הַבָּא מִנַּיִן, (ישעיה סו, יב): הִנְנִי נֹטֶה אֵלֶיהָ כְּנָהָר שָׁלוֹם. רַבָּנָן אָמְרוּ גָּדוֹל שָׁלוֹם שֶׁכְּשֶׁמֶּלֶךְ הַמָּשִׁיחַ בָּא אֵינוֹ פּוֹתֵחַ אֶלָּא בְּשָׁלוֹם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה נב, ז): מַה נָּאווּ עַל הֶהָרִים רַגְלֵי מְבַשֵּׂר מַשְׁמִיעַ שָׁלוֹם. 28.1. דַּבֵּר אֶל בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וַהֲבֵאתֶם אֶת עֹמֶר רֵאשִׁית קְצִירְכֶם אֶל הַכֹּהֵן (ויקרא כג, י), הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (קהלת א, ג): מַה יִּתְרוֹן לָאָדָם בְּכָל עֲמָלוֹ שֶׁיַּעֲמֹל תַּחַת הַשָּׁמֶשׁ, אָמַר רַבִּי בִּנְיָמִין בֶּן לֵוִי בִּקְשׁוּ לִגְנֹז סֵפֶר קֹהֶלֶת שֶׁמָּצְאוּ בּוֹ דְּבָרִים שֶׁהֵם נוֹטִין לְצַד מִינוּת, אָמְרוּ כָּךְ הָיָה רָאוּי שְׁלֹמֹה לוֹמַר (קהלת יא, ט): שְׂמַח בָּחוּר בְּיַלְדוּתֶךָ וִיטִיבְךָ לִבְּךָ בִּימֵי בְחוּרוֹתֶיךָ, משֶׁה אָמַר (במדבר טו, לט): וְלֹא תָתוּרוּ אַחֲרֵי לְבַבְכֶם וְאַחֲרֵי עֵינֵיכֶם, וּשְׁלֹמֹה אָמַר (קהלת יא, ט): וְהַלֵּךְ בְּדַרְכֵי לִבְּךָ וּבְמַרְאֵה עֵינֶיךָ, אֶלָּא הֻתְּרָה רְצוּעָה לֵית דִּין וְלֵית דַּיָּן, כֵּיוָן שֶׁאָמַר (קהלת יא, ט): וְדָע כִּי עַל כָּל אֵלֶּה יְבִיאֲךָ הָאֱלֹהִים בַּמִּשְׁפָּט, אָמְרוּ יָפֶה אָמַר שְׁלֹמֹה. אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָנִי בִּקְּשׁוּ לִגְנֹז סֵפֶר קֹהֶלֶת שֶׁמָּצְאוּ בוֹ דְּבָרִים שֶׁהֵם נוֹטִים לְצַד מִינוּת, אָמְרוּ כָּךְ הָיָה שְׁלֹמֹה צָרִיךְ לוֹמַר: מַה יִּתְרוֹן לָאָדָם, יָכוֹל אַף בַּעֲמָלָהּ שֶׁל תּוֹרָה בַּמַּשְׁמָע, חָזְרוּ וְאָמְרוּ אִלּוּ אָמַר בְּכָל עָמָל וְשָׁתַק הָיִינוּ אוֹמְרִים אַף בַּעֲמָלָהּ שֶׁל תּוֹרָה בַּמַּשְׁמָע הוּא, הָא אֵינוֹ אוֹמֵר אֶלָּא בְּכָל עֲמָלוֹ, בַּעֲמָלוֹ הוּא שֶׁאֵינוֹ מוֹעִיל אֲבָל בַּעֲמָלוֹ שֶׁל תּוֹרָה מוֹעִיל. אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן תַּחַת הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ אֵין לוֹ, לְמַעְלָה מִן הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ יֵשׁ לוֹ. רַבִּי לֵוִי וְרַבָּנָן, רַבִּי לֵוִי אוֹמֵר כָּל מַה שֶּׁהַבְּרִיּוֹת מְגַדְּלִין בְּמִצְווֹת וּבְמַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה דַּיָּן שֶׁהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מַזְרִיחַ לָהֶם אֶת הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (קהלת א, ה): וְזָרַח הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ וּבָא הַשָּׁמֶשׁ. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי כָּל מַה שֶּׁהַצַּדִּיקִים מְגַדְּלִין בְּמִצְווֹת וּבְמַעֲשִׂים טוֹבִים בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה, דַּיָּן שֶׁהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מְחַדֵּשׁ פְּנֵיהֶם כְּגַלְגַּל חַמָּה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שופטים ה, לא): וְאֹהֲבָיו כְּצֵאת הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ בִּגְבֻרָתוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי יַנַאי בְּנֹהַג שֶׁבָּעוֹלָם, אָדָם לוֹקֵחַ לִטְרָא אַחַת שֶׁל בָּשָׂר מִן הַשּׁוּק, כַּמָּה יְגִיעוֹת הוּא יָגֵעַ, כַּמָּה צַעַר הוּא מִצְטָעֵר עַד שֶׁבִּשְּׁלָהּ, וְהַבְּרִיּוֹת יְשֵׁנִין עַל מִטּוֹתֵיהֶן וְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מַשִּׁיב רוּחוֹת וּמַעֲלֶה עֲנָנִים וּמְגַדֵּל צְמָחִים וּמְדַשֵּׁן אֶת הַפֵּרוֹת, וְאֵין נוֹתְנִים לוֹ אֶלָּא שְׂכַר הָעֹמֶר, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב: וַהֲבֵאתֶם אֶת עֹמֶר רֵאשִׁית קְצִירְכֶם אֶל הַכֹּהֵן. 9.9. "Said Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai: Peace is so great that all blessings are included in it (Ps. 29:11) “Hashem will give strength to His people, Hashem will bless His people with peace”. Hizkiah said two things. Hizkiah said: Peace is so great that all mitzvot are written [in the conditional form] (Exodus 23:4-5) “If you see” “If you encounter” (Deut. 22:6) “If you happen by” – if a mitzvah came to your hand, you are bound to do it. However, here (Ps. 34:15) “Seek peace and pursue it.” Seek – [this word applies] in your own place; pursue – [this word applies] in any other place. Hizkiah said gave another explanation: Peace is so great that about every travelling of the children of Israel it is written ‘and they travelled’ ‘and they encamped’ they travelled disputing [with each other] and encamped disputing. But when they arrived at Mount Sinai they did one single encampment, as it is written ‘and Israel encamped [verb in singular] there’ – it is not written ‘they encamped there’, rather, it is written ‘he encamped there.’ At the moment the Holy One of Blessing said ‘this is the moment I will give Torah to the children of Israel’", 28.1. "And he shall wave the sheaf before the Lord. How did he wave it? R. Hama b.Ukba in the name of R.Joshua b. Haia said: He moved it forward and backward, upward and downward; forward and backward to symbolize that the act was in honor of Him to whom the whole world belongs; upward and downward to symbols that the act was in honor of Him to whom belong the regions on high and the regions below. R. Simon son of R. Joshua said: The movements forward and backward were to counteract the effects of injurious winds; and the movements upward and downwards were to counteract the effect of injurious dews.",
79. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schremer (2010) 42
80. Palestinian Talmud, Peah, 7.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, destruction of the Found in books: Hasan Rokem (2003) 132
81. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 252, 320 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schremer (2010) 51
82. Anon., Sifra, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 44
83. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 80.3-80.4, 137.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 175, 180
84. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 9.22, 9.25 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 200
9.22. Now the doctrine of the resurrection has also derived support among these; for they acknowledge both that the flesh will rise again, and that it will be immortal, in the same manner as the soul is already imperishable. And they maintain that the soul, when separated in the present life, (departs) into one place, which is well ventilated and lightsome, where, they say, it rests until judgment. And this locality the Greeks were acquainted with by hearsay, and called it Isles of the Blessed. And there are other tenets of these which many of the Greeks have appropriated, and thus have from time to time formed their own opinions. For the disciplinary system in regard of the Divinity, according to these (Jewish sects), is of greater antiquity than that of all nations. And so it is that the proof is at hand, that all those (Greeks) who ventured to make assertions concerning God, or concerning the creation of existing things, derived their principles from no other source than from Jewish legislation. And among these may be particularized Pythagoras especially, and the Stoics, who derived (their systems) while resident among the Egyptians, by having become disciples of these Jews. Now they affirm that there will be both a judgment and a conflagration of the universe, and that the wicked will be eternally punished. And among them is cultivated the practice of prophecy, and the prediction of future events. 9.25. Since, therefore, we have explained even the diversities among the Jews, it seems expedient likewise not to pass over in silence the system of their religion. The doctrine, therefore, among all Jews on the subject of religion is fourfold-theological, natural, moral, and ceremonial. And they affirm that there is one God, and that He is Creator and Lord of the universe: that He has formed all these glorious works which had no previous existence; and this, too, not out of any coeval substance that lay ready at hand, but His Will - the efficient cause- was to create, and He did create. And (they maintain) that there are angels, and that these have been brought into being for ministering unto the creation; but also that there is a sovereign Spirit that always continues beside God, for glory and praise. And that all things in the creation are endued with sensation, and that there is nothing iimate. And they earnestly aim at serious habits and a temperate life, as one may ascertain from their laws. Now these matters have long ago been strictly defined by those who in ancient times have received the divinely-appointed law; so that the reader will find himself astonished at the amount of temperance, and of diligence, lavished on customs legally enacted in reference to man. The ceremonial service, however, which has been adapted to divine worship in a manner befitting the dignity of religion, has been practised among them with the highest degree of elaboration. The superiority of their ritualism it is easy for those who wish it to ascertain, provided they read the book which furnishes information on these points. They will thus perceive how that with solemnity and sanctity the Jewish priests offer unto God the first-fruits of the gifts bestowed by Him for the rise and enjoyment of men; how they fulfil their ministrations with regularity and steadfastness, in obedience to His commandments. There are, however, some (liturgical usages adopted) by these, which the Sadducees refuse to recognise, for they are not disposed to acquiesce in the existence of angels or spirits. Still all parties alike expect Messiah, inasmuch as the Law certainly, and the prophets, preached beforehand that He was about to be present on earth. Inasmuch, however, as the Jews were not cognizant of the period of His advent, there remains the supposition that the declarations (of Scripture) concerning His coming have not been fulfilled. And so it is, that up to this day they continue in anticipation of the future coming of the Christ, - from the fact of their not discerning Him when He was present in the world. And (yet there can be little doubt but) that, on beholding the signs of the times of His having been already among us, the Jews are troubled; and that they are ashamed to confess that He has come, since they have with their own hands put Him to death, because they were stung with indignation in being convicted by Himself of not having obeyed the laws. And they affirm that He who was thus sent forth by God is not this Christ (whom they are looking for); but they confess that another Messiah will come, who as yet has no existence; and that he will usher in some of the signs which the law and the prophets have shown beforehand, whereas, regarding the rest (of these indications), they suppose that they have fallen into error. For they say that his generation will be from the stock of David, but not from a virgin and the Holy Spirit, but from a woman and a man, according as it is a rule for all to be procreated from seed. And they allege that this Messiah will be King over them - a warlike and powerful individual, who, after having gathered together the entire people of the Jews, and having done battle with all the nations, will restore for them Jerusalem the royal city. And into this city He will collect together the entire Hebrew race, and bring it back once more into the ancient customs, that it may fulfil the regal and sacerdotal functions, and dwell in confidence for periods of time of sufficient duration. After this repose, it is their opinion that war would next be waged against them after being thus congregated; that in this conflict Christ would fall by the edge of the sword; and that, after no long time, would next succeed the termination and conflagration of the universe; and that in this way their opinions concerning the resurrection would receive completion, and a recompense be rendered to each man according to his works.
85. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, destruction of the second temple Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 113
86. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 51
12b. רב ששת כי כרע כרע כחיזרא כי קא זקיף זקיף כחיויא:,ואמר רבה בר חיננא סבא משמיה דרב כל השנה כולה אדם מתפלל האל הקדוש מלך אוהב צדקה ומשפט חוץ מעשרה ימים שבין ראש השנה ויום הכפורים שמתפלל המלך הקדוש והמלך המשפט,ורבי אלעזר אמר אפילו אמר האל הקדוש יצא שנאמר (ישעיהו ה, טז) ויגבה ה' צבאות במשפט והאל הקדוש נקדש בצדקה אימתי ויגבה ה' צבאות במשפט אלו עשרה ימים שמר"ה ועד יוה"כ וקאמר האל הקדוש,מאי הוה עלה,אמר רב יוסף האל הקדוש ומלך אוהב צדקה ומשפט רבה אמר המלך הקדוש והמלך המשפט והלכתא כרבה:,ואמר רבה בר חיננא סבא משמיה דרב כל שאפשר לו לבקש רחמים על חבירו ואינו מבקש נקרא חוטא שנאמר (שמואל א יב, כג) גם אנכי חלילה לי מחטא לה' מחדול להתפלל בעדכם,אמר רבא אם ת"ח הוא צריך שיחלה עצמו עליו,מ"ט אילימא משום דכתיב (שמואל א כב, ח) ואין חולה מכם עלי (ואין) [ו] גולה את אזני דילמא מלך שאני אלא מהכא (תהלים לה, יג) ואני בחלותם לבושי וגו':,ואמר רבה בר חיננא סבא משמיה דרב כל העושה דבר עבירה ומתבייש בו מוחלין לו על כל עונותיו שנאמר (יחזקאל טז, סג) למען תזכרי ובשת ולא יהיה לך עוד פתחון פה מפני כלמתך בכפרי לך לכל אשר עשית נאם ה' אלהים,דילמא צבור שאני אלא מהכא (שמואל א כח, טו) ויאמר שמואל אל שאול למה הרגזתני להעלות אותי ויאמר שאול צר לי מאד ופלשתים נלחמים בי וה' סר מעלי ולא ענני עוד גם ביד הנביאים גם בחלומות ואקראה לך להודיעני מה אעשה ואילו אורים ותומים לא קאמר,משום דקטליה לנוב עיר הכהנים,ומנין דאחילו ליה מן שמיא שנא' (שמואל א כח, יט) (ויאמר שמואל אל שאול) [ו] מחר אתה ובניך עמי וא"ר יוחנן עמי במחיצתי,ורבנן אמרי מהכא (שמואל ב כא, ו) והוקענום לה' בגבעת שאול בחיר ה' יצתה בת קול ואמרה בחיר ה',אמר ר' אבהו בן זוטרתי אמר רב יהודה בר זבידא בקשו לקבוע פרשת בלק בקריאת שמע ומפני מה לא קבעוה משום טורח צבור,מ"ט אילימא משום דכתיב בה (במדבר כג, כב) אל מוציאם ממצרים לימא פרשת רבית ופרשת משקלות דכתיב בהן יציאת מצרים,אלא אמר ר' יוסי בר אבין משום דכתיב בה האי קרא (במדבר כד, ט) כרע שכב כארי וכלביא מי יקימנו,ולימא האי פסוקא ותו לא,גמירי כל פרשה דפסקה משה רבינו פסקינן דלא פסקה משה רבינו לא פסקינן,פרשת ציצית מפני מה קבעוה,א"ר יהודה בר חביבא מפני שיש בה חמשה דברים מצות ציצית יציאת מצרים עול מצות ודעת מינים הרהור עבירה והרהור ע"ז,בשלמא הני תלת מפרשן עול מצות דכתיב (במדבר טו, לט) וראיתם אותו וזכרתם את כל מצות ה' ציצית דכתיב ועשו להם ציצית וגו' יציאת מצרים דכתיב אשר הוצאתי וגו' אלא דעת מינים הרהור עבירה והרהור ע"ז מנלן,דתניא אחרי לבבכם זו מינות וכן הוא אומר (תהלים יד, א) אמר נבל בלבו אין אלהים אחרי עיניכם זה הרהור עבירה שנאמר (שופטים יד, ג) ויאמר שמשון אל אביו אותה קח לי כי היא ישרה בעיני אתם זונים זה הרהור ע"ז וכן הוא אומר (שופטים ח, לג) ויזנו אחרי הבעלים:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מזכירין יציאת מצרים בלילות א"ר אלעזר בן עזריה הרי אני כבן שבעים שנה ולא זכיתי שתאמר יציאת מצרים בלילות עד שדרשה בן זומא,שנא' (דברים טז, ג) למען תזכור את יום צאתך מארץ מצרים כל ימי חייך ימי חייך הימים כל ימי חייך הלילות, וחכ"א ימי חייך העוה"ז כל להביא לימות המשיח:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big תניא אמר להם בן זומא לחכמים וכי מזכירין יציאת מצרים לימות המשיח והלא כבר נאמר (ירמיהו כג, ז) הנה ימים באים נאם ה' ולא יאמרו עוד חי ה' אשר העלה את בני ישראל מארץ מצרים כי אם חי ה' אשר העלה ואשר הביא את זרע בית ישראל מארץ צפונה ומכל הארצות אשר הדחתים שם,אמרו לו לא שתעקר יציאת מצרים ממקומה אלא שתהא שעבוד מלכיות עיקר ויציאת מצרים טפל לו,כיוצא בו אתה אומר (בראשית לה, י) לא יקרא שמך עוד יעקב כי אם ישראל יהיה שמך 12b. With regard to bowing, the Gemara relates: b When Rav Sheshet bowed he bowed /b all at once, b like a cane, /b without delay. b When he stood upright he stood upright like a snake, /b lifting himself slowly, demonstrating that the awe of God was upon him in the manner that he bowed and stood upright ( i HaBoneh /i )., b And, /b with regard to the formulation of the blessings, b Rabba bar Ḥina Sava said in the name of Rav: Throughout the year a person prays /b and concludes the third blessing of the i Amida /i prayer with: b The holy God, /b and concludes the blessing regarding the restoration of justice to Israel with: b King who loves righteousness and justice, with the exception of the ten days between Rosh HaShana and Yom Kippur, /b the Ten Days of Atonement. These days are comprised of Rosh HaShana, Yom Kippur, and the seven days in between, when one emphasizes God’s sovereignty, and so b when he prays /b he concludes these blessings with: b The holy King and: The King of justice, /b i.e., the King who reveals Himself through justice.,In contrast, b Rabbi Elazar said /b that one need not be exacting, and b even /b if b he said: The holy God /b during those ten days, he fulfilled his obligation, b as it is stated: “And the Lord of Hosts is exalted through justice, and the holy God is sanctified through righteousness” /b (Isaiah 5:16). The Gemara explains: b When /b is it appropriate to describe God with terms like: b And the Lord of Hosts is exalted through justice? /b It is appropriate when God reveals Himself through justice, b during the ten days between Rosh HaShana and Yom Kippur, /b yet the verse b says: The holy God. /b This appellation sufficiently underscores God’s transcendence, and there is no need to change the standard formula.,The Gemara asks: b What is /b the conclusion that was reached b about this /b i halakha /i ?,Here, too, opinions differ: b Rav Yosef said /b in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Elazar: There is no need to change the standard formula: b The holy God and: King Who loves righteousness and justice. Rabba said /b in accordance with the opinion of Rav: b The holy King and: The King of justice. /b The Gemara concludes: b The i halakha /i is /b in accordance b with /b the opinion of b Rabba. /b , b And Rabba bar Ḥina Sava said in the name of Rav: Anyone who can ask for mercy on behalf of another, and does not ask is called a sinner, as it is stated /b following Samuel’s rebuke of the people: b “As for me, far be it from me that I should transgress against the Lord in ceasing to pray for you, /b but I will teach you the good and the right way” (I Samuel 12:23). Had Samuel refrained from prayer, he would have committed a sin., b Rava said: If /b the one in need of mercy b is a Torah scholar, /b it is insufficient to merely pray on his behalf. Rather, b one must make himself ill /b worrying b about him. /b ,The Gemara seeks to clarify the source of this i halakha /i . b What is the reason /b that one must make oneself ill over a Torah scholar in need of mercy? b If you say /b that it is b because /b of what Saul said to his men, b as it is written: “And there is none of you that is ill over me or tells unto me” /b (I Samuel 22:8), meaning that because Saul was a Torah scholar, it would have been appropriate for people to make themselves ill worrying about him; this is not an absolute proof. b Perhaps a king is different, /b and excessive worry is appropriate in that case. Rather, proof that one must make oneself ill over a Torah scholar in need for mercy is b from here: /b When David speaks of his enemies, Doeg and Ahitophel, who were Torah scholars, he says: b “But for me, when they were sick, my clothing was sackcloth, /b I afflicted my soul with fasting” (Psalms 35:13). One must be concerned to the extent that he dresses in sackcloth and fasts for the recovery of a Torah scholar., b And Rabba bar Ḥina Sava said in the name of Rav: One who commits an act of transgression and is ashamed of it, all of his transgressions are forgiven. /b Shame is a sign that one truly despises his transgressions and that shame has the power to atone for his actions (Rabbi Yoshiyahu Pinto), b as it is stated: “In order that you remember, and be embarrassed, and never open your mouth anymore, because of your shame, when I have forgiven you for all that you have done, said the Lord, God” /b (Ezekiel 16:63).,However this proof is rejected: b Perhaps a community is different, /b as a community is forgiven more easily than an individual. b Rather, /b proof that an individual ashamed of his actions is forgiven for his transgressions is cited b from here, /b when King Saul consulted Samuel by means of a necromancer before his final war with the Philistines: b “And Samuel said to Saul, why have you angered me to bring me up? And Saul said, I am very pained, and the Philistines are waging war against me, and God has removed Himself from me and answers me no more, neither by the hands of the prophets nor by dreams. And I call to you to tell me what to do” /b (I Samuel 28:15). Saul says that he consulted prophets and dreams, but b he did not say /b that he consulted b the i Urim VeTummim /i . /b ,The reason for this is b because he killed /b all the residents of b Nov, the city of priests, /b and because of this transgression Saul was ashamed to consult the i Urim VeTummim /i , which was accomplished by means of a priest.,The Gemara concludes: b And from where /b is it derived b that Saul was pardoned by /b God in b the heavens /b for his transgressions? b As it is stated: “And Samuel said to Saul: Tomorrow you and your sons will be with me” /b (I Samuel 28:19). b And Rabbi Yoḥa said: With me /b does not only mean that they will die, but also means, in a statement that contains an aspect of consolation, that they will be b in my company /b among the righteous in heaven, as Saul was pardoned for his transgressions., b And the Rabbis say /b that proof that Saul was pardoned is derived b from here, /b from what the Gibeonites said to David: “Let seven men of his sons be given to us b and we will hang them up unto the Lord in the Giva of Saul, the chosen of the Lord” /b (II Samuel 21:6). Certainly the Gibeonites, who were furious at Saul, would not refer to him as the chosen of the Lord. Therefore, this phrase must be understood as having been spoken by b a Divine Voice that emerged and said the chosen of the Lord, /b because Saul had been pardoned for his transgressions and included among the completely righteous. br The Gemara returns to the primary focus of the chapter, the recitation of i Shema /i ., b Rabbi Abbahu ben Zutarti said /b that b Rabbi Yehuda bar Zevida said: /b The Sages b sought to establish /b the blessings of Balaam that appear in b the /b Torah b portion of Balak, /b as part of b the /b twice-daily b recitation of /b i Shema /i . b And why did they not establish it /b there? b Because /b extending i Shema /i would place an b encumbrance on the congregation, /b from which the Sages sought to refrain.,The Gemara seeks: b Why /b did the Sages seek to add the blessings of Balaam in the first place? b If you say /b that they did so b because /b the exodus from Egypt is mentioned, b as it is written therein: “God, who brought them forth out of Egypt, /b is like the horns of the wild ram” (Numbers 23:22), certainly mention of the Exodus is not unique to this Torah portion. Many other portions mention the exodus as well. b Let us say the portion of usury /b (Leviticus 25:35–38) or the b portion of weights /b (Leviticus 19:35–37), b as the exodus from Egypt is written therein /b as well. In addition, they are brief and would not constitute an encumbrance on the congregation., b Rather, Rabbi Yosei bar Avin said: /b The reason the Sages sought to establish the portion of Balak as part of the recitation of i Shema /i is b because it is written therein: “He couched, He lay down like a lion and a lioness; who shall rouse Him? /b Those who bless You are blessed and those who curse You are cursed” (Numbers 24:9). This is reminiscent of what is said in i Shema /i : When you lie down, and when you rise.,On this, the Gemara asks: b And /b if it is important to include this as part of i Shema /i because of this single verse, then b let us say this verse and nothing more. /b ,The Gemara rejects this: It is impossible to do this, as b they learned /b through tradition that b any portion that Moses, our teacher, divided, we /b too b divide /b and read separately. However, a portion b that Moses, our teacher, did not divide, we do not divide /b and read separately. And, as stated above, the Sages did not wish to institute the recitation of the entire portion of Balak to avoid placing an encumbrance on the congregation.,The Gemara continues: b Why was the portion of ritual fringes established /b as part of the recitation of i Shema /i when its content is unrelated to that of the preceding portions?, b Rabbi Yehuda bar Ḥaviva said: /b The portion of ritual fringes was added b because it includes five elements /b including the primary reason for its inclusion, the exodus from Egypt ( i Melo HaRo’im /i ): b The mitzva of ritual fringes, /b mention of b the exodus from Egypt, /b the acceptance of b the yoke of mitzvot, /b admonition against b the opinions of the heretics, /b admonition against b thoughts of /b the b transgressions /b of licentiousness, b and /b admonition against b thoughts of idolatry. /b ,The Gemara clarifies: b Granted, these three are mentioned explicitly: The yoke of mitzvot /b is mentioned in the portion of ritual fringes, b as it is written: “And you shall look upon them and remember all the mitzvot of the Lord /b and you shall do them” (Numbers 15:39). b Ritual fringes /b are mentioned explicitly, b as it is written: “And they will make for themselves ritual fringes” /b (Numbers 15:38). b The exodus from Egypt /b is also mentioned explicitly, b as it is written: /b “I am the Lord, your God, b who took you out /b from the Land of Egypt” (Numbers 15:41). b But where do we /b derive the other elements mentioned above: Admonition against b the opinions of the heretics, /b admonition against b thoughts of transgressions /b of licentiousness, b and /b admonition against b thoughts of idolatry? /b ,In response, the Gemara cites a i baraita /i where these elements were derived from allusions in the verse, “You shall stray neither after your hearts nor after your eyes, after which you would lust” (Numbers 15:39). b As it was taught: “After your hearts” refers to /b following opinions b of heresy /b that may arise in one’s heart. The Gemara offers a proof, b as it is stated: “The fool said in his heart: ‘There is no God’; /b they have been corrupt, they have acted abominably; there is none who does good” (Psalms 14:1). The phrase: b “After your eyes,” /b in b this /b verse refers to following b thoughts of transgressions /b of licentiousness, that a person might see and desire, b as it is stated: “And Samson said to his father, ‘That one take for me, for she is upright in my eyes’” /b (Judges 14:3). The passage: b “You shall stray after” /b refers to promiscuity, which in the parlance of the prophets is a metaphor for b idol worship, as it is stated: /b “The children of Israel again b went astray after the Be’alim” /b (Judges 8:33)., strong MISHNA: /strong It is a mitzva by Torah law to mention the exodus from Egypt at night, but some held that this mitzva was, like phylacteries or ritual fringes, fulfilled only during the day and not at night. For this reason it was decided: b The exodus from Egypt is mentioned at night, /b adjacent to the recitation of i Shema /i . b Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya said: I am approximately seventy years old, and /b although I have long held this opinion, b I was never privileged /b to prevail ( i Me’iri /i ) and prove that there is a biblical obligation to fulfill the accepted custom (Ra’avad) and have b the exodus from Egypt mentioned at night, until Ben Zoma interpreted it homiletically /b and proved it obligatory.,Ben Zoma derived it b as it is stated: “That you may remember the day you went out of the land of Egypt all the days of your life” /b (Deuteronomy 16:3). b The days of your life, /b refers to daytime alone; however, the addition of the word all, as it is stated: b All the days of your life, /b comes to add nights as well., b And the Rabbis, /b who posit that there is no biblical obligation to mention the exodus from Egypt at night, explain the word, all, differently and b say: The days of your life, /b refers to the days in b this world, all /b is added b to include the days of the Messiah. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong The fundamental dispute between Ben Zoma and the Sages appears in the mishna, and the i baraita /i cites its continuation. Disputing the position of the Sages that: All the days of your life, refers to both this world and the days of the Messiah, b it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Ben Zoma said to the Sages: And is the exodus from Egypt mentioned in the days of the Messiah? Was it not already said /b that Jeremiah prophesied that in the days of the Messiah: b “Behold, days are coming, says the Lord, that they will no longer say: The Lord lives Who brought up the children of Israel out of the Land of Egypt. Rather: As the Lord lives, that brought up and led the seed of the house of Israel up out of the north country and from all the countries where I had driven them” /b (Jeremiah 23:7–8).,The Sages rejected this claim b and they said to him /b that these verses do b not /b mean b that /b in the future b the exodus from Egypt will be uprooted from its place /b and will be mentioned no more. b Rather, /b redemption from b the subjugation of the kingdoms will be primary and the exodus from Egypt will be secondary. /b , b On a similar /b note, b you say: /b The meaning of the expressions: It will not say, and they will no longer mention, are not absolute, as in the verse: b “Your name shall no longer be called Jacob; rather, Israel will be your name” /b (Genesis 35:10). There, too, the meaning i
87. Babylonian Talmud, Temurah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 84
14b. ולא תיסמי מנחת נסכים ממתני' ולא קשיא כאן בנסכים הבאין עם הזבח כאן בנסכים הבאין בפני עצמן,ואי הוה ליה איגרתא מי אפשר למישלחא והא אמר רבי אבא בריה דרבי חייא בר אבא א"ר יוחנן כותבי הלכות כשורף התורה והלמד מהן אינו נוטל שכר,דרש ר' יהודה בר נחמני מתורגמניה דר"ל כתוב אחד אומר (שמות לד, כז) כתוב לך את הדברים האלה וכתוב אחד אומר (שמות לד, כז) כי על פי הדברים האלה לומר לך דברים שעל פה אי אתה רשאי לאומרן בכתב ושבכתב אי אתה רשאי לאומרן על פה,ותנא דבי רבי ישמעאל כתוב לך את הדברים האלה אלה אתה כותב אבל אין אתה כותב הלכות,אמרי דלמא מילתא חדתא שאני דהא רבי יוחנן ור"ל מעייני בסיפרא דאגדתא בשבתא ודרשי הכי (תהלים קיט, קכו) עת לעשות לה' הפרו תורתך אמרי מוטב תיעקר תורה ואל תשתכח תורה מישראל,אמר רב פפא השתא דאמרת נסכים הבאין בפני עצמן קריבין אפי' בלילה נזדמנו נסכים בלילה מקדישין בלילה ומקריבין,אמר ליה רב יוסף בריה דרב שמעיה לרב פפא תניא דמסייע לך זה הכלל כל הקרב ביום אינו קדוש אלא ביום וכל הקרב בלילה קדוש (בין ביום בין) בלילה,אמר רב אדא בר אהבה ועלות השחר פוסלת בהן כאברין,כי אתא רב דימי א"ר יוחנן משום ר"ש בן יהוצדק (במדבר כט, לט) אלה תעשו לה' במועדיכם אלו חובות הבאות חובה ברגל,לבד מנדריכם ונדבותיכם לימד על נדרים ונדבות שקרבין בחולו של מועד,ולעולותיכם במה הכתוב מדבר אי בעולת נדר הרי כבר אמור נדריכם ואי בעולת נדבה הרי כבר אמור ונדבותיכם הא אינו מדבר אלא בעולת יולדת ועולת מצורע,ולמנחותיכם במה הכתוב מדבר אי במנחת נדר הרי כבר אמור אי במנחת נדבה הרי כבר אמור הא אינו מדבר אלא במנחת סוטה ובמנחת קנאות,ולנסכיכם ולשלמיכם מקיש נסכים לשלמים מה שלמים ביום אף נסכים ביום ולשלמיכם לרבות שלמי נזיר,א"ל אביי ולימא מר שלמי פסח דאי שלמי נזיר נידר ונידב הוא,דהתניא זה הכלל כל שהוא נידב ונידר קרב בבמת יחיד ושאינו נידב ונידר אינו קרב בבמת יחיד,ותנן המנחות והנזירות קריבין בבמת יחיד דברי ר"מ סמי מכאן נזירות,מי איכא למ"ד דנזיר לאו נידר ונידב הוא והכתיב (שמואל ב טו, ז) מקץ ארבעים שנה ויאמר אבשלום אל המלך אלכה נא ואשלם את נדרי אשר נדרתי לה' בחברון כי נדר נדר עבדך וגו' מאי לאו אקרבן,לא אעיקר נדרו אמר עיקר נדרו בחברון הוה והלא בגשור הוה,אמר רב אחא ואיתימא רבה בר רב חנן לא הלך אבשלום אלא להביא כבשים מחברון ה"נ מסתברא דאי תימא לאקרובי הוא דאזיל שביק ירושלים ואזיל ומקריב בחברון,ואלא מאי להביא כבשים מחברון האי אשר נדרתי לה' בחברון מחברון מיבעי ליה,אלא לעולם לאקרובי ודקא קשיא לך אמאי שבק ירושלים ומקריב בחברון תיקשי לך גבעון דמקום קדוש הוא אלא כיון שהותרו הבמות כל היכא דבעי מקריב,ארבעים שנה למאן תניא רבי נהוראי אומר משום רבי יהושע מקץ ארבעים שנה ששאלו להם מלך דתניא אותה שנה ששאלו להם מלך אותה שנה עשירית של שמואל היתה 14b. b and /b in light of this ruling b he will not delete /b the phrase: b The meal offering /b that accompanies b the libations, from the i baraita /i . And /b instead, the apparent contradiction between the i baraitot /i can be explained as follows: It is b not difficult; here, /b the i baraita /i that states that meal offerings accompanying libations are sacrificed only in the day is referring b to libations that come with /b an animal b offering, /b whereas b there, /b the i baraita /i that permits sacrificing a meal offering that accompanies the libations at night is referring b to libations that come /b to be sacrificed b by themselves, /b i.e., which do not accompany the sacrifice of an offering.,The Gemara raises a difficulty with regard to Rav Dimi’s suggestion to write this opinion in a letter. b And /b even b if he had /b someone to write b a letter /b for him, b would /b it have been b possible to send it? But didn’t Rabbi Abba, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba, say /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b Those b who write i halakhot /i are /b considered b like /b those who b burn the Torah, and one who learns from /b written i halakhot /i b does not receive /b the b reward /b of studying Torah. Evidently, it is prohibited to send i halakhot /i in letters.,Before resolving the difficulty, the Gemara further discusses the prohibition of writing down the Torah: b Rabbi Yehuda bar Naḥmani, the disseminator for Reish Lakish, expounded /b as follows: b One verse says: “Write you these words,” and one verse says, /b i.e., it states later in that same verse: b “For by the mouth of these words” /b (Exodus 34:27). These phrases serve b to say to you: Words that were /b taught b orally you may not recite in writing, and /b words b that are written you may not recite orally, /b i.e., by heart., b And /b furthermore, b the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: /b The word “these” in the command b “write you these words” /b serves to emphasize that b these /b words, i.e., those recorded in the Written Law, b you may write, but you may not write i halakhot /i , /b i.e., the i mishnayot /i and the rest of the Oral Law., b They said /b in response to the question of how Rav Dimi could propose writing down the i halakha /i in a letter: b Perhaps /b with regard to b a new matter /b it b is different, /b i.e., it might be permitted to write down new material so that it not be forgotten. One proof for this suggestion is b that Rabbi Yoḥa and Reish Lakish /b would b read from a scroll of i aggada /i , /b containing the words of the Sages, b on Shabbat. And /b they did so because b they taught as follows: /b Since one cannot remember the Oral Law without writing it down, it is permitted to violate the i halakha /i , as derived from the verse: b “It is time to work for the Lord; they have made void your Torah” /b (Psalms 119:126). b They said it is better to uproot /b a single i halakha /i of the b Torah, /b i.e., the prohibition of writing down the Oral Torah, b and /b thereby ensure b that the Torah is not forgotten from the Jewish people /b entirely.,§ With regard to Rav Dimi’s differentiation between libations that come with an animal offering and libations that are sacrificed by themselves, b Rav Pappa said: Now that you have said /b that b libations that come by themselves are sacrificed even at night, /b if one b happened /b to have b libations /b of this kind b at night, /b they may be b consecrated /b by placing them in a service vessel b at night and /b they may be b sacrificed /b at night., b Rav Yosef, son of Rav Shemaya, said to Rav Pappa: /b A i baraita /i b is taught that supports your /b opinion. b This is the principle: Any /b offering b that is sacrificed in the day is consecrated /b by being placed in a service vessel b only in the day; but any /b offering b that is sacrificed at night is consecrated both in the day and at night. /b ,With regard to the topic of libations sacrificed by themselves, b Rav Adda bar Ahava says: And dawn disqualifies them, like /b the i halakha /i of b limbs /b of offerings that have had their blood sprinkled during the day. Such limbs are left to burn on the altar all night long, but at dawn they are disqualified and may no longer be placed on the altar.,§ The Gemara returns to discuss the verse: “These you shall offer to the Lord in your appointed seasons, beside your vows, and your voluntary offerings, and your burnt offerings, and your meal offerings, and your libations, and your peace offerings” (Numbers 29:39). b When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yehotzadak: “These you shall offer to the Lord in your appointed seasons,” /b i.e., b these /b are the b obligatory /b offerings b that come /b to be sacrificed as b obligatory /b offerings b on the pilgrimage Festival, /b e.g., the burnt offerings of appearance, the Festival offerings, and the additional offerings.,The verse continues: b “Beside your vows and your voluntary offerings.” /b This b teaches with regard to vows and voluntary offerings that they are sacrificed on the intermediate days of a Festival. /b ,The verse further states: b “And your burnt offerings.” /b The Gemara inquires: b With regard to what /b case b is the verse speaking? If /b it is referring b to a vow burnt offering, /b the verse b already said: “Your vows.” And if /b it is referring b to a voluntary burnt offering, /b the verse b already said: “Your voluntary offerings.” Consequently, it is speaking of nothing other than a burnt offering of a woman who gave birth, /b i.e., the lamb that she sacrifices on the forty-first day after giving birth to a son or the eighty-first day after giving birth to a daughter, b and a burnt offering of a leper, /b which is the lamb that is sacrificed after a leper is purified. The verse teaches that these obligatory offerings may be sacrificed on the intermediate days of a Festival.,The verse continues: b “And your meal offerings.” /b The Gemara again asks: b With regard to what /b case b is the verse speaking? If /b it is referring b to a meal offering /b brought in fulfillment of b a vow, /b the verse b already said: /b “Your vows.” b If /b it is referring b to a voluntary meal offering, /b the verse b already said: /b “Your voluntary offerings.” b Consequently, it is speaking of nothing other than /b the b meal offering of a i sota /i , and that /b is the b meal offering of jealousy. /b ,The verse further states: b “And your libations and your peace offerings.” /b The Torah here b juxtaposes libations to peace offerings: Just as peace offerings /b are sacrificed only b during the day, /b not at night, b so too, libations /b are sacrificed only b during the day, /b not at night. Finally, the verse states: b “And your peace offerings.” /b This serves b to include the peace offering of a nazirite, /b which he brings at the completion of his term of naziriteship. This offering may also be sacrificed on the intermediate days of a Festival.,With regard to the last i halakha /i , b Abaye said to /b Rav Dimi, when he cited this statement in the name of Rabbi Yoḥa: b But let the Master say /b that the phrase “and your peace offerings” serves to include the b peace offering /b that is brought together with b a Paschal offering. /b This offering is sacrificed on the fourteenth of Nisan by a large group of people when they will not receive enough meat from their Paschal offering to feed them all. The suggested derivation from the verse is that if a peace offering separated for this purpose was not sacrificed on the fourteenth of Nisan, it may be brought during the intermediate days of the Festival. Abaye further adds: It is more reasonable to include this peace offering, b as, if /b the verse is referring to b the peace offering of a nazirite, it is /b already included by the verse in the categories of offerings that are b vowed or contributed /b voluntarily.,Abaye elaborates: b As isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : b This is the principle: Any /b offering b that is vowed or contributed /b voluntarily, e.g., a burnt offering or a peace offering, b is sacrificed on a private altar. And /b any offering b that is not vowed or contributed /b voluntarily b may not be sacrificed on a private altar. /b , b And we learned /b in another i baraita /i : b The meal offerings and the /b offerings of b a nazirite are sacrificed on a private altar; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. /b It is clear from these i baraitot /i that the peace offering of a nazirite belongs in the category of offerings that are vowed or contributed voluntarily. If so, there is no need for it to be included separately by the verse. Rav Dimi replied to Abaye: b Delete /b the phrase: offering of b a nazirite from here, /b i.e., from the i baraita /i that considers it an offering that is vowed or contributed voluntarily. Only the nazirite vow itself is classified as voluntary; once the vow has been uttered, the ensuing offerings are obligatory.,The Gemara asks: b Is there one who said that /b the offering of b a nazirite is not vowed or contributed /b voluntarily? b But isn’t it written: “And it came to pass at the end of forty years, that Absalom said to the king: Please let me go and pay my vow, which I have vowed to the Lord, in Hebron. For your servant vowed a vow /b while I dwelled at Geshur in Aram, saying: If the Lord shall indeed bring me back to Jerusalem, then I will serve the Lord” (II Samuel 15:7–8). The Gemara explains the difficulty: b What, is it not /b the case that Absalom asked his father for permission for him to go to Hebron b to /b sacrifice b an offering /b on a private altar?,The Gemara answers: b No, /b Absalom did not go to Hebron to sacrifice his nazirite offerings. Rather, Absalom actually b said that /b he undertook b the principal vow /b to be a nazirite when he was in Hebron. The Gemara asks: b Was his principal vow /b to be a nazirite in fact uttered b in Hebron? But wasn’t /b the vow made when Absalom was b in Geshur? /b After all, the verse states explicitly: “For your servant vowed a vow while I dwelled at Geshur.”, b Rav Aḥa said, and some say /b that it was b Rabba bar Rav Ḥa /b who said: The verse means that b Absalom went to Hebron only /b in order b to bring sheep /b specifically from there. The Gemara adds that b this also stands to reason, as, if you say that /b Absalom b went /b to Hebron b to sacrifice /b his offering, would he have b abandoned Jerusalem and gone to sacrifice in Hebron? /b ,The Gemara rejects Rabba bar Rav Ḥa’s answer: b But rather, what /b is our explanation of the verse? That Absalom went b to bring sheep from Hebron? /b If so, b this /b verse that states: “Please let me go and pay my vow, b which I have vowed to the Lord, in Hebron” /b (II Samuel 15:7), b should /b instead b have /b stated: Which I have vowed to the Lord b from Hebron. /b , b Rather, /b the Gemara explains that b actually /b Absalom did go to Hebron b to sacrifice /b his peace offering as a nazirite. b And that /b which is b difficult for you, /b i.e., b why /b Absalom b abandoned Jerusalem and sacrificed /b his offering b in Hebron, /b should not pose a difficulty for you; rather, it is the question of why Absalom did not sacrifice his offering in b Gibeon /b that b should pose a difficulty for you, as /b at that time the Tabernacle and the communal altar were in Gibeon, and b it was a sanctified place. /b Why, then, did Absalom go to Hebron rather than Gibeon? b Rather, since the /b private b altars were permitted, /b he was permitted to b sacrifice wherever he wished, /b and he chose to go to Hebron. There was no reason for him to choose to go to Gibeon rather than any private altar.,The verse states that Absalom submitted his request to his father “at the end of forty years.” The Gemara asks: b Forty years, according to whose /b counting, i.e., forty years from when? It b is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Nehorai says in the name of Rabbi Yehoshua: /b The verse is referring b to the end of forty years /b from b when /b the Jewish people b requested for themselves a king, /b in the days of Samuel (see I Samuel, chapter 8). b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b that year when they requested for themselves a king, that year was the tenth /b year of the leadership b of Samuel. /b
88. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, destruction of the second temple Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 49
89. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schremer (2010) 51
38b. גופו מבבל וראשו מארץ ישראל ואבריו משאר ארצות עגבותיו א"ר אחא מאקרא דאגמא,א"ר יוחנן בר חנינא שתים עשרה שעות הוי היום שעה ראשונה הוצבר עפרו שניה נעשה גולם שלישית נמתחו אבריו רביעית נזרקה בו נשמה חמישית עמד על רגליו ששית קרא שמות שביעית נזדווגה לו חוה שמינית עלו למטה שנים וירדו ארבעה תשיעית נצטווה שלא לאכול מן האילן עשירית סרח אחת עשרה נידון שתים עשרה נטרד והלך לו שנאמר (תהלים מט, יג) אדם ביקר בל ילין,אמר רמי בר חמא אין חיה רעה שולטת באדם אלא אם כן נדמה לו כבהמה שנאמר (תהלים מט, יג) נמשל כבהמות נדמו:,(שע"ה בסו"ף ארמ"י סימן) אמר רב יהודה א"ר בשעה שבקש הקב"ה לבראות את האדם ברא כת אחת של מלאכי השרת אמר להם רצונכם נעשה אדם בצלמנו אמרו לפניו רבש"ע מה מעשיו אמר להן כך וכך מעשיו,אמרו לפניו רבש"ע (תהלים ח, ה) מה אנוש כי תזכרנו ובן אדם כי תפקדנו הושיט אצבעו קטנה ביניהן ושרפם וכן כת שניה כת שלישית אמרו לפניו רבש"ע ראשונים שאמרו לפניך מה הועילו כל העולם כולו שלך הוא כל מה שאתה רוצה לעשות בעולמך עשה,כיון שהגיע לאנשי דור המבול ואנשי דור הפלגה שמעשיהן מקולקלין אמרו לפניו רבש"ע לא יפה אמרו ראשונים לפניך אמר להן (ישעיהו מו, ד) ועד זקנה אני הוא ועד שיבה אני אסבול וגו',אמר רב יהודה אמר רב אדם הראשון מסוף העולם ועד סופו היה שנאמר (דברים ד, לב) למן היום אשר ברא אלהים אדם על הארץ ולמקצה השמים ועד קצה השמים כיון שסרח הניח הקדוש ברוך הוא ידו עליו ומיעטו שנאמר (תהלים קלט, ה) אחור וקדם צרתני ותשת עלי כפכה,אמר ר"א אדם הראשון מן הארץ עד לרקיע היה שנאמר למן היום אשר ברא אלהים אדם על הארץ ולמקצה השמים (עד קצה השמים) כיון שסרח הניח הקב"ה ידו עליו ומיעטו שנאמר אחור וקדם צרתני וגו' קשו קראי אהדדי אידי ואידי חדא מידה היא,ואמר רב יהודה אמר רב אדם הראשון בלשון ארמי ספר שנאמר (תהלים קלט, יז) ולי מה יקרו רעיך אל,והיינו דאמר ריש לקיש מאי דכתיב (בראשית ה, א) זה ספר תולדות אדם מלמד שהראהו הקב"ה דור דור ודורשיו דור דור וחכמיו כיון שהגיע לדורו של רבי עקיבא שמח בתורתו ונתעצב במיתתו אמר ולי מה יקרו רעיך אל,ואמר רב יהודה אמר רב אדם הראשון מין היה שנאמר (בראשית ג, ט) ויקרא ה' אלהים אל האדם ויאמר לו איכה אן נטה לבך רבי יצחק אמר מושך בערלתו היה כתיב הכא (הושע ו, ז) והמה כאדם עברו ברית וכתיב התם (בראשית ט, ט) את בריתי הפר,רב נחמן אמר כופר בעיקר היה כתיב הכא עברו ברית וכתיב התם (את בריתי הפר) (ירמיהו כב, ט) ואמרו על אשר עזבו (את) ברית ה' (אלהי אבותם),תנן התם ר"א אומר הוי שקוד ללמוד תורה ודע מה שתשיב לאפיקורוס אמר ר' יוחנן ל"ש אלא אפיקורוס (של) עובדי כוכבים אבל אפיקורוס ישראל כ"ש דפקר טפי,א"ר יוחנן כ"מ שפקרו המינים תשובתן בצידן (בראשית א, כו) נעשה אדם בצלמנו (ואומר) (בראשית א, כז) ויברא אלהים את האדם בצלמו (בראשית יא, ז) הבה נרדה ונבלה שם שפתם (בראשית יא, ה) וירד ה' לראות את העיר ואת המגדל (בראשית לה, ז) כי שם נגלו אליו האלהים (בראשית לה, ג) לאל העונה אותי ביום צרתי,(דברים ד, ז) כי מי גוי גדול אשר לו אלהים קרובים אליו כה' אלהינו בכל קראנו אליו (שמואל ב ז, כג) ומי כעמך כישראל גוי אחד בארץ אשר הלכו אלהים לפדות לו לעם (דניאל ז, ט) עד די כרסוון רמיו ועתיק יומין יתיב,הנך למה לי כדרבי יוחנן דא"ר יוחנן אין הקב"ה עושה דבר אא"כ נמלך בפמליא של מעלה שנאמר (דניאל ד, יד) בגזירת עירין פתגמא ובמאמר קדישין שאילתא,התינח כולהי עד די כרסוון רמיו מאי איכא למימר אחד לו ואחד לדוד דתניא אחד לו ואחד לדוד דברי ר"ע א"ל ר' יוסי עקיבא עד מתי אתה עושה שכינה חול אלא אחד לדין ואחד לצדקה,קבלה מיניה או לא קבלה מיניה ת"ש דתניא אחד לדין ואחד לצדקה דברי ר"ע א"ל ר' אלעזר בן עזריא עקיבא מה לך אצל הגדה כלך אצל נגעים ואהלות אלא אחד לכסא ואחד לשרפרף כסא לישב עליו שרפרף להדום רגליו,אמר רב נחמן האי מאן דידע לאהדורי למינים כרב אידית ליהדר ואי לא לא ליהדר אמר ההוא מינא לרב אידית כתיב (שמות כד, א) ואל משה אמר עלה אל ה' עלה אלי מיבעי ליה א"ל זהו מטטרון ששמו כשם רבו דכתיב (שמות כג, כא) כי שמי בקרבו,אי הכי ניפלחו ליה כתיב (שמות כג, כא) אל תמר בו אל תמירני בו אם כן לא ישא לפשעכם למה לי א"ל הימנותא בידן דאפילו בפרוונקא נמי לא קבילניה דכתיב (שמות לג, טו) ויאמר אליו אם אין פניך הולכים וגו',אמר ליה ההוא מינא לר' ישמעאל בר' יוסי כתיב (בראשית יט, כד) וה' המטיר על סדום ועל עמורה גפרית ואש מאת ה' מאתו מיבעי ליה א"ל ההוא כובס שבקיה אנא מהדרנא ליה דכתיב (בראשית ד, כג) ויאמר למך לנשיו עדה וצלה שמען קולי נשי למך נשיי מיבעי ליה אלא משתעי קרא הכי הכא נמי משתעי קרא הכי א"ל מנא לך הא מפירקיה דר"מ שמיע לי,דא"ר יוחנן כי הוה דריש ר' מאיר בפירקיה הוה דריש תילתא שמעתא תילתא אגדתא תילתא מתלי ואמר ר' יוחנן ג' מאות משלות שועלים היו לו לרבי מאיר ואנו אין לנו אלא שלש 38b. b his torso /b was fashioned from dust taken b from Babylonia, and his head /b was fashioned from dust taken b from Eretz Yisrael, /b the most important land, b and his limbs /b were fashioned from dust taken b from the rest of the lands /b in the world. With regard to b his buttocks, Rav Aḥa says: /b They were fashioned from dust taken b from Akra De’agma, /b on the outskirts of Babylonia., b Rabbi Yoḥa bar Ḥanina says: Daytime is twelve hours /b long, and the day Adam the first man was created was divided as follows: In the b first hour /b of the day, b his dust was gathered. /b In the b second, /b an undefined b figure was fashioned. /b In the b third, his limbs were extended. /b In the b fourth, a soul was cast into him. /b In the b fifth, he stood on his legs. /b In the b sixth, he called /b the creatures by the b names /b he gave them. In the b seventh, Eve was paired with him. /b In the b eighth, they arose to the bed two, and descended four, /b i.e., Cain and Abel were immediately born. In the b ninth, he was commanded not to eat of the Tree /b of Knowledge. In the b tenth, he sinned. /b In the b eleventh, he was judged. /b In the b twelfth, he was expelled and left /b the Garden of Eden, b as it is stated: “But man abides not in honor; /b he is like the beasts that perish” (Psalms 49:13). Adam did not abide, i.e., sleep, in a place of honor for even one night., b Rami bar Ḥama says /b in explanation of the end of that verse: b A wild animal does not have power over a person unless /b that person b seems to /b the wild animal b like an animal, as it is stated: “He is like the beasts that perish.” /b ,The Gemara presents b a mnemonic /b for the statements that follow: b At the time, to the end, Aramaic. Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: At the time that the Holy One, Blessed be He, sought to create a person, He created one group of ministering angels. He said to them: /b If b you agree, let us fashion a person in our image. /b The angels b said before him: Master of the Universe, what are the actions of /b this person You suggest to create? God b said to them: His actions are such and such, /b according to human nature.,The angels b said before him: Master of the Universe: “What is man that You are mindful of him? And the son of man that You think of him?” /b (Psalms 8:5), i.e., a creature such as this is not worth creating. God b outstretched His small finger among them and burned them /b with fire. b And the same /b occurred with b a second group /b of angels. The b third group /b of angels that He asked b said before Him: Master of the Universe, the first /b two groups b who spoke /b their mind b before You, what did they accomplish? The entire world is Yours; whatever You wish to do in Your world, do. /b God then created the first person., b When /b history b arrived at /b the time of b the people of the generation of the flood and the people of the generation of the dispersion, /b i.e., the Tower of Babel, b whose actions were ruinous, /b the angels b said before God: Master of the Universe, didn’t the /b first set of angels b speak appropriately before You, /b that human beings are not worthy of having been created? God b said to them /b concerning humanity: b “Even to your old age I am the same; and even to hoar hairs will I suffer you; /b I have made and I will bear; and I will carry, and I will deliver you” (Isaiah 46:4), i.e., having created people, I will even suffer their flaws., b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: Adam the first /b man spanned b from one end of the world until the other, as it is stated: “Since the day that God created man upon the earth, and from the one end of heaven unto the other” /b (Deuteronomy 4:32), meaning that on the day Adam was created he spanned from one end of the heavens until the other. b Once /b Adam b sinned, the Holy One, Blessed be He, placed His hand on him and diminished him, as it is stated: “Behind and before You have created me and laid Your hand upon me” /b (Psalms 139:5), that at first Adam spanned “behind and before,” meaning everywhere, and then God laid His hand on him and diminished him., b Rabbi Elazar says: /b The height of b Adam the first /b man b was from the ground until the firmament, as it is stated: “Since the day that God created man upon the earth, and from the one end of heaven unto the other.” /b Adam stood “upon the earth” and rose to the end of the heavens. b Once /b Adam b sinned, the Holy One, Blessed be He, placed His hand on him and diminished him, as it is stated: “Behind and before You have created me /b and laid Your hand upon me.” The Gemara asks: The interpretations of b the verses contradict each other. /b The first interpretation is that his size was from one end of the world to the other, and the second interpretation is that it was from the earth until the heavens. The Gemara answers: b This and that, /b from one end of the world to another and from the earth until the heavens, b are one measure, /b i.e., the same distance., b And Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: Adam the first /b man b spoke in the language of Aramaic, as it is stated /b in the chapter of Psalms speaking in the voice of Adam: b “How weighty also are Your thoughts to me, O God” /b (Psalms 139:17)., b And this, /b i.e., that the verse in Psalms is stated by Adam, is what b Reish Lakish says: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “This is the book of the generations of Adam” /b (Genesis 5:1)? This verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, showed /b Adam b every generation and its /b Torah b interpreters, every generation and its wise ones. When he arrived at /b his vision of b the generation of Rabbi Akiva, /b Adam b was gladdened by his Torah, and saddened by his /b manner of b death. He said: “How weighty also are Your thoughts to me, O God,” /b i.e., how it weighs upon me that a man as great as Rabbi Akiva should suffer., b And Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: Adam the first /b man b was a heretic, as it is stated: “And the Lord called to the man and said to him: Where are you”? /b (Genesis 3:9), meaning, to b where has your heart turned, /b indicating that Adam turned from the path of truth. b Rabbi Yitzḥak says: He was /b one who b drew his foreskin /b forward, so as to remove any indication that he was circumcised. It b is written here: “And they like men [ i adam /i ] have transgressed the covet” /b (Hosea 6:7), b and /b it b is written there: /b “And the uncircumcised male who is not circumcised in the flesh of his foreskin, that soul shall be cut off from his people; b he has broken My covet” /b (Genesis 17:14)., b Rav Naḥman says: He was a denier of the fundamental principle /b of belief in God. It b is written here: /b “And they like men [ i adam /i ] b have transgressed the covet,” and /b it b is written there: “He has broken My covet,” /b and it is written in a third verse: b “And then they shall answer: Because they have forsaken the covet of the Lord their God /b and worshipped other gods and served them” (Jeremiah 22:9).,§ b We learned /b in a mishna b there /b (Avot 2:14): b Rabbi Eliezer says: Be persistent to learn Torah, and know what to respond to the heretic [ i la’apikoros /i ]. Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b This was b taught only /b with regard to b a gentile heretic, but /b not with regard to b a Jewish heretic, /b as one should not respond to him. b All the more so, /b if one does respond b he will become more heretical. /b His heresy is assumed to be intentional, and any attempt to rebut it will only cause him to reinforce his position., b Rabbi Yoḥa says: Any place /b in the Bible from b where the heretics /b attempt to b prove their heresy, /b i.e., that there is more than one god, b the response to their /b claim is b alongside them, /b i.e., in the immediate vicinity of the verses they cite. The verse states that God said: b “Let us make man in our image” /b (Genesis 1:26), employing the plural, b but it /b then b states: “And God created man in His image” /b (Genesis 1:27), employing the singular. The verse states that God said: b “Come, let us go down and there confound their language” /b (Genesis 11:7), but it also states: b “And the Lord came down to see the city and the tower” /b (Genesis 11:5). The verse states in the plural: b “There God was revealed [ i niglu /i ] to him /b when he fled from the face of his brother” (Genesis 35:7), but it also states in the singular: b “To God Who answers [ i haoneh /i ] me in the day of my distress” /b (Genesis 35:3).,Rabbi Yoḥa cites several examples where the counterclaim is in the same verse as the claim of the heretics. The verse states: b “For what nation is there so great that has God so near to them as the Lord our God is whenever we call upon Him?” /b (Deuteronomy 4:7), where the term “near” is written in plural, i kerovim /i , but the term “upon Him” is written in singular. Another verse states: b “And who is like Your people, like Israel, a nation one in the earth, whom God went to redeem unto Himself for a people?” /b (II Samuel 7:23), where the term “went” is written in plural, i halekhu /i , but the term “Himself” is written in singular. Another verse states: “I beheld b till thrones were placed, and one that was ancient of days did sit” /b (Daniel 7:9); where the term “thrones” is written in plural, i kharsavan /i , but the term “sit” is written in singular.,The Gemara asks: b Why do I /b need b these /b instances of plural words? Why does the verse employ the plural at all when referring to God? The Gemara explains: This is b in accordance with /b the statement b of Rabbi Yoḥa, as Rabbi Yoḥa says: The Holy One, Blessed be He, does not act unless He consults with the entourage of Above, /b i.e., the angels, b as it is stated: “The matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the sentence by the word of the holy ones” /b (Daniel 4:14).,The Gemara clarifies: This b works out well for /b almost b all /b the verses, as they describe an action taken by God, but b what is there to say /b concerning the verse: “I beheld b till thrones were placed”? /b The Gemara answers: b One /b throne is b for Him and one /b throne is b for David, /b i.e., the messiah, b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One /b throne is b for Him and one /b throne is b for David; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Akiva. Rabbi Yosei said to him: Akiva! Until when will you desacralize the Divine Presence /b by equating God with a person? b Rather, /b the correct interpretation is that both thrones are for God, as b one /b throne is b for judgment and one /b throne is b for righteousness. /b ,The Gemara asks: Did Rabbi Akiva b accept /b this explanation b from /b Rabbi Yosei b or /b did he b not accept it from him? /b The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b a proof to the matter from what was taught in another i baraita /i , b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One /b throne is b for judgment and one /b throne is b for righteousness; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Akiva. Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya said to him: Akiva! What are you doing near, /b i.e., discussing, matters of b i aggada /i ? Go near /b tractates b i Nega’im /i and i Oholot /i , /b which examine the complex i halakhot /i of ritual purity, where your knowledge is unparalleled. b Rather, /b the correct interpretation is that while both thrones are for God, b one /b is b for a throne and one /b is b for a stool. /b There is b a throne for God to sit upon, and a stool /b that serves b as His footstool. /b , b Rav Naḥman says: This one, /b i.e., any person, b who knows /b how b to respond to the heretics /b as effectively b as Rav Idit should respond /b to them, b but if /b he does b not /b know, he b should not respond /b to them. The Gemara relates: b A certain heretic said to Rav Idit: /b It b is written /b in the verse concerning God: b “And to Moses He said: Come up to the Lord” /b (Exodus 24:1). The heretic raised a question: b It should have /b stated: b Come up to Me. /b Rav Idit b said to him: This /b term, “the Lord,” in that verse b is /b referring to the angel b Metatron, whose name is like the name of his Master, as it is written: /b “Behold I send an angel before you to keep you in the way and to bring you to the place that I have prepared. Take heed of him and obey his voice; do not defy him; for he will not pardon your transgression, b for My name is in him” /b (Exodus 23:20–21).,The heretic said to him: b If so, /b if this angel is equated with God, b we should worship him /b as we worship God. Rav Idit said to him: It b is written: “Do not defy [ i tammer /i ] him,” /b which alludes to: b Do not replace Me [ i temireni /i ] with him. /b The heretic said to him: b If so, why do I /b need the clause b “For he will not pardon your transgression”? /b Rav Idit b said to him: We believe that we did not accept /b the angel b even as a guide [ i befarvanka /i ] /b for the journey, b as it is written: “And he said to him: If Your Presence go not with me /b raise us not up from here” (Exodus 33:15). Moses told God that if God Himself does not accompany the Jewish people they do not want to travel to Eretz Yisrael.,The Gemara relates: b A certain heretic said to Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei: /b It b is written: “And the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord /b out of heaven” (Genesis 19:24). The heretic raised the question: b It should have /b stated: b From Him /b out of heaven. b A certain launderer said to /b Rabbi Yishmael: b Leave him be; I will respond to him. /b This is b as it is written: “And Lemech said to his wives: Adah and Zillah, hear my voice; wives of Lemech, /b hearken to my speech” (Genesis 4:23). One can raise the question: b It should have /b been written: b My wives, /b and not: “Wives of Lemech.” b Rather, it is /b the style of b the verse /b to b speak in this /b manner. b Here too, it is /b the style of b the verse /b to b speak in this /b manner. Rabbi Yishmael b said to /b the launderer: b From where did you /b hear b this /b interpretation? The launderer b said to him: I heard it at the lecture of Rabbi Meir. /b ,The Gemara comments: This is b as Rabbi Yoḥa said: When Rabbi Meir would teach his lecture he would expound one-third i halakha /i , one-third i aggada /i , /b and b one-third parables. And Rabbi Yoḥa says: Rabbi Meir had, /b i.e., taught, b three hundred parables of foxes, and we have only three. /b
90. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.6, 2.23, 2.24.1, 2.25, 3.1, 3.11, 3.19.1, 3.28, 3.32.1-3.32.6, 4.22.2, 6.14, 7.25 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 118, 175, 200
2.24.1. When Nero was in the eighth year of his reign, Annianus succeeded Mark the Evangelist in the administration of the parish of Alexandria. 3.19.1. But when this same Domitian had commanded that the descendants of David should be slain, an ancient tradition says that some of the heretics brought accusation against the descendants of Jude (said to have been a brother of the Saviour according to the flesh), on the ground that they were of the lineage of David and were related to Christ himself. Hegesippus relates these facts in the following words. 3.32.1. It is reported that after the age of Nero and Domitian, under the emperor whose times we are now recording, a persecution was stirred up against us in certain cities in consequence of a popular uprising. In this persecution we have understood that Symeon, the son of Clopas, who, as we have shown, was the second bishop of the church of Jerusalem, suffered martyrdom. 3.32.2. Hegesippus, whose words we have already quoted in various places, is a witness to this fact also. Speaking of certain heretics he adds that Symeon was accused by them at this time; and since it was clear that he was a Christian, he was tortured in various ways for many days, and astonished even the judge himself and his attendants in the highest degree, and finally he suffered a death similar to that of our Lord. 3.32.3. But there is nothing like hearing the historian himself, who writes as follows: Certain of these heretics brought accusation against Symeon, the son of Clopas, on the ground that he was a descendant of David and a Christian; and thus he suffered martyrdom, at the age of one hundred and twenty years, while Trajan was emperor and Atticus governor. 3.32.4. And the same writer says that his accusers also, when search was made for the descendants of David, were arrested as belonging to that family. And it might be reasonably assumed that Symeon was one of those that saw and heard the Lord, judging from the length of his life, and from the fact that the Gospel makes mention of Mary, the wife of Clopas, who was the father of Symeon, as has been already shown. 3.32.5. The same historian says that there were also others, descended from one of the so-called brothers of the Saviour, whose name was Judas, who, after they had borne testimony before Domitian, as has been already recorded, in behalf of faith in Christ, lived until the same reign. 3.32.6. He writes as follows: They came, therefore, and took the lead of every church as witnesses and as relatives of the Lord. And profound peace being established in every church, they remained until the reign of the Emperor Trajan, and until the above-mentioned Symeon, son of Clopas, an uncle of the Lord, was informed against by the heretics, and was himself in like manner accused for the same cause before the governor Atticus. And after being tortured for many days he suffered martyrdom, and all, including even the proconsul, marveled that, at the age of one hundred and twenty years, he could endure so much. And orders were given that he should be crucified. 4.22.2. His words are as follows: And the church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and abode with the Corinthians many days, during which we were mutually refreshed in the true doctrine.
91. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 8.10 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 208
92. Nag Hammadi, The Testimony of Truth, 9.3 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •roman empire, destruction of the second temple Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 113
93. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 1.3.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 221
94. Anon., Apostolic Constitutions, 6.6-6.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 175
95. Procopius, De Bellis, 4.9.5-4.9.8, 5.12.42, 5.15.8 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56, 278, 280
96. Anon., Song Rabbah, 8.13  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 180
97. Anon., Psalms of Solomon, 17.43  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
98. Papyri, P.Hever, None  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 243
99. Papyri, P.Murabba'T, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 243
100. Anon., 4 Ezra, 3.28, 3.32-3.33, 3.35, 4.23, 5.29, 6.57, 10.39  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 135, 147
3.28. "Then I said in my heart, Are the deeds of those who inhabit Babylon any better? Is that why she has gained dominion over Zion? 3.32. Or has another nation known thee besides Israel? Or what tribes have so believed thy covets as these tribes of Jacob? 3.33. Yet their reward has not appeared and their labor has borne no fruit. For I have traveled widely among the nations and have seen that they abound in wealth, though they are unmindful of thy commandments. 3.35. When have the inhabitants of the earth not sinned in thy sight? Or what nation has kept thy commandments so well? 4.23. For I did not wish to inquire about the ways above, but about those things which we daily experience: why Israel has been given over to the Gentiles as a reproach; why the people whom you loved has been given over to godless tribes, and the law of our fathers has been made of no effect and the written covets no longer exist; 5.29. And those who opposed thy promises have trodden down those who believed thy covets. 6.57. And now, O Lord, behold, these nations, which are reputed as nothing, domineer over us and devour us. 10.39. For he has seen your righteous conduct, that you have sorrowed continually for your people, and mourned greatly over Zion.
102. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q181, 1.3-1.6  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the temple Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 132
103. Anon., Tanhuma, None  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 180
104. New Testament, 13 Xvi, 128-129, 130, 131, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 145, 146,, 13.4, 13.7-13.8, 13.14-13.19, 13.24-13.27, 14.27-14.28  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134
105. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.8.12  Tagged with subjects: •titus, and destruction of the temple Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 56
106. Ezekiel The Tragedian, 4 Ezra, 52  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Goodman (2006) 158
107. Anon., Perek Ha-Shalom, 1  Tagged with subjects: •destruction of the second temple Found in books: Schremer (2010) 180
108. Epigraphy, Ot, 497-501  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 8
109. Anon., Gospel of Peter, 5.13  Tagged with subjects: •temple, the, destruction of (66 ce) Found in books: Taylor (2012) 118
110. Papyri, P.Yadin, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 243