1. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.232 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 2.232. Also, let the same regulations be observed with respect to those who are hindered, not by mourning, but by a distant journey, from offering up their sacrifice in common with and at the same time with the whole nation. "For those who are travelling in a foreign land, or dwelling in some other country, do no wrong, so as to deserve to be deprived of equal honour with the rest, especially since one country will not contain the entire nation by reason of its great numbers, but has sent out colonies in every direction." |
|
2. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 45-46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 46. on which account they frequent all the most prosperous and fertile countries of Europe and Asia, whether islands or continents, looking indeed upon the holy city as their metropolis in which is erected the sacred temple of the most high God, but accounting those regions which have been occupied by their fathers, and grandfathers, and great grandfathers, and still more remote ancestors, in which they have been born and brought up, as their country; and there are even some regions to which they came the very moment that they were originally settled, sending a colony of their people to do a pleasure to the founders of the colony. |
|
3. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 214, 245, 281-282 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 282. And not only are the continents full of Jewish colonies, but also all the most celebrated islands are so too; such as Euboea, and Cyprus, and Crete. "I say nothing of the countries beyond the Euphrates, for all of them except a very small portion, and Babylon, and all the satrapies around, which have any advantages whatever of soil or climate, have Jews settled in them. |
|
4. Tosefta, Megillah, 2.13-2.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 388 |
5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.115-4.116, 12.11-12.33, 14.115, 14.235, 14.260 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 4.115. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. 4.116. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times of war. 12.11. 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: 12.12. Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king’s inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. 12.13. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. 12.14. But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; 12.15. that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. 12.16. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly. 12.17. 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king’s most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; 12.18. and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. 12.19. Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: 12.20. “It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? 12.21. Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their law 12.22. as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Ζηνα, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. 12.23. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.” 12.24. 3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countece, and said, “How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?” To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, “A few more than ten times ten thousand.” The king made answer, “And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?” 12.25. But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every one of the slaves? 12.26. And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. 12.27. And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magimity of this king may be made known. 12.28. Its contents were as follows: “Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither,—be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king’s treasury: 12.29. for I suppose that they were made captives without our father’s consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. 12.30. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. 12.31. And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king’s treasury.” 12.32. When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king’s ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. 12.33. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days’ time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave. 14.115. “There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.260. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. |
|
6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.328, 1.425 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 124 | 1.328. 3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother’s death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; 1.425. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to everybody’s wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. |
|
7. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.186-1.189 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 1.186. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” |
|
8. New Testament, Acts, 2.9-2.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 2.9. Πάρθοι καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Ἐλαμεῖται, καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν, Ἰουδαίαν τε καὶ Καππαδοκίαν, Πόντον καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν, 2.10. Φρυγίαν τε καὶ Παμφυλίαν, Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὰ μέρη τῆς Λιβύης τῆς κατὰ Κυρήνην, καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, 2.11. Ἰουδαῖοί τε καὶ προσήλυτοι, Κρῆτες καὶ Ἄραβες, ἀκούομεν λαλούντων αὐτῶν ταῖς ἡμετέραις γλώσσαις τὰ μεγαλεῖα τοῦ θεοῦ. | 2.9. Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, 2.10. Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, the parts of Libya around Cyrene, visitors from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, 2.11. Cretans and Arabians: we hear them speaking in our languages the mighty works of God!" |
|
9. New Testament, Luke, 7.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 388 7.5. ἀγαπᾷ γὰρ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν συναγωγὴν αὐτὸς ᾠκοδόμησεν ἡμῖν. | 7.5. for he loves our nation, and he built our synagogue for us." |
|
10. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
11. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 388 26a. יקחו ספרים ספרים לוקחין תורה,אבל אם מכרו תורה לא יקחו ספרים ספרים לא יקחו מטפחות מטפחות לא יקחו תיבה תיבה לא יקחו בית הכנסת בית הכנסת לא יקחו את הרחוב,וכן במותריהן:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big בני העיר שמכרו רחובה של עיר אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן זו דברי ר' מנחם בר יוסי סתומתאה אבל חכ"א הרחוב אין בו משום קדושה,ור' מנחם בר יוסי מאי טעמיה הואיל והעם מתפללין בו בתעניות ובמעמדות ורבנן ההוא אקראי בעלמא:,בית הכנסת לוקחין תיבה: אמר רבי שמואל בר נחמני א"ר יונתן לא שנו אלא בית הכנסת של כפרים אבל בית הכנסת של כרכין כיון דמעלמא אתו ליה לא מצו מזבני ליה דהוה ליה דרבים,אמר רב אשי האי בי כנישתא דמתא מחסיא אף על גב דמעלמא אתו לה כיון דאדעתא דידי קאתו אי בעינא מזבנינא לה,מיתיבי א"ר יהודה מעשה בבית הכנסת של טורסיים שהיה בירושלים שמכרוה לרבי אליעזר ועשה בה כל צרכיו והא התם דכרכים הוה ההיא בי כנישתא זוטי הוה ואינהו עבדוה,מיתיבי (ויקרא יד, לד) בבית ארץ אחוזתכם אחוזתכם מיטמא בנגעים ואין ירושלים מיטמא בנגעים אמר רבי יהודה אני לא שמעתי אלא מקום מקדש בלבד,הא בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות מיטמאין אמאי הא דכרכין הוו אימא א"ר יהודה אני לא שמעתי אלא מקום מקודש בלבד,במאי קמיפלגי ת"ק סבר לא נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים ורבי יהודה סבר נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים,ובפלוגתא דהני תנאי,דתניא מה היה בחלקו של יהודה הר הבית הלשכות והעזרות ומה היה בחלקו של בנימין אולם והיכל ובית קדשי הקדשים,ורצועה היתה יוצאת מחלקו של יהודה ונכנסת בחלקו של בנימין ובה מזבח בנוי והיה בנימין הצדיק מצטער עליה בכל יום לבולעה שנאמר (דברים לג, יב) חופף עליו כל היום לפיכך זכה בנימין ונעשה אושפיזכן לשכינה,והאי תנא סבר לא נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים דתניא אין משכירים בתים בירושלים מפני שאינן שלהן ר"א (בר צדוק) אומר אף לא מטות לפיכך עורות קדשים בעלי אושפיזין נוטלין אותן בזרוע,אמר אביי ש"מ אורח ארעא למישבק אינש גולפא ומשכא באושפיזיה,אמר רבא לא שנו אלא שלא מכרו שבעה טובי העיר במעמד אנשי העיר אבל מכרו שבעה טובי העיר במעמד אנשי העיר אפילו | 26a. b they may purchase scrolls /b of the Prophets and the Writings. If they sold b scrolls /b of the Prophets and Writings, b they may purchase a Torah /b scroll., b However, /b the proceeds of a sale of a sacred item may not be used to purchase an item of a lesser degree of sanctity. Therefore, b if they sold a Torah /b scroll, b they may not /b use the proceeds to b purchase scrolls /b of the Prophets and the Writings. If they sold b scrolls /b of the Prophets and Writings, b they may not purchase wrapping cloths. /b If they sold b wrapping cloths, they may not purchase an ark. /b If they sold b an ark, they may not purchase a synagogue. /b If they sold b a synagogue, they may not purchase a town square. /b , b And similarly, /b the same limitation applies b to /b any b surplus funds /b from the sale of sacred items, i.e., if after selling an item and purchasing something of a greater degree of sanctity there remain additional, unused funds, the leftover funds are subject to the same principle and may be used to purchase only something of a degree of sanctity greater than that of the original item., strong GEMARA: /strong The mishna states: b Residents of a town who sold the town square /b may purchase a synagogue with the proceeds. Concerning this mishna, b Rabba bar bar Ḥana said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: This is the statement of Rabbi Menaḥem bar Yosei, cited unattributed. However, the Rabbis say: The town square does not have any sanctity. /b Therefore, if it is sold, the residents may use the money from the sale for any purpose., b And Rabbi Menaḥem bar Yosei, what is his reason /b for claiming that the town square has sanctity? b Since the people pray in /b the town square b on /b communal b fast days and on /b non-priestly b watches, /b it is defined as a place of prayer and as such has sanctity. b And the Rabbis, /b why do they disagree? They maintain b that /b use of the town square b is merely an irregular occurrence. /b Consequently, the town square is not to be defined as a place of prayer, and so it has no sanctity.,§ The mishna states: If they sold b a synagogue, they may purchase an ark. /b The Gemara cites a qualification to this i halakha /i : b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said: They taught /b this b only /b with regard to b a synagogue of a village, /b which is considered the property of the residents of that village. b However, /b with regard to b a synagogue of a city, since /b people b come to it from the /b outside b world, /b the residents of the city b are not able to sell it, because it is /b considered to be the property b of the public /b at large and does not belong exclusively to the residents of the city., b Rav Ashi said: This synagogue of Mata Meḥasya, although /b people b from the /b outside b world come to it, since they come at my discretion, /b as I established it, and everything is done there in accordance with my directives, b if I wish, I can sell it. /b ,The Gemara b raises an objection /b to Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani’s statement, from a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yehuda said: /b There was b an incident involving a synagogue of bronze workers [ i tursiyyim /i ] that was in Jerusalem, which they sold to Rabbi Eliezer, and he used it for all his /b own b needs. /b The Gemara asks: b But wasn’t /b the synagogue b there /b one b of cities, /b as Jerusalem is certainly classified as a city; why were they permitted to sell it? The Gemara explains: b That /b one b was a small synagogue, and /b it was the bronze workers b themselves /b who b built it. /b Therefore, it was considered exclusively theirs, and they were permitted to sell it.,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from another i baraita /i : The verse states with regard to leprosy of houses: “And I put the plague of leprosy b in a house of the land of your possession” /b (Leviticus 14:34), from which it may be inferred: b “Your possession,” /b i.e., a privately owned house, b can become ritually impure with leprosy, but /b a house in b Jerusalem cannot become ritually impure with leprosy, /b as property there belongs collectively to the Jewish people and is not privately owned. b Rabbi Yehuda said: I heard /b this distinction stated b only /b with regard to b the site of the Temple alone, /b but not with regard to the entire city of Jerusalem.,The Gemara explains: From Rabbi Yehuda’s statement, it is apparent that only the site of the Temple cannot become ritually impure, b but synagogues and study halls /b in Jerusalem b can become ritually impure. Why /b should this be true given b that they are /b owned by the b city? /b The Gemara answers: Emend the i baraita /i and b say /b as follows: b Rabbi Yehuda said: I heard /b this distinction stated b only /b with regard to b a sacred site, /b which includes the Temple, synagogues, and study halls., b With regard to what /b principle do the first i tanna /i and Rabbi Yehuda b disagree? The first i tanna /i holds /b that b Jerusalem was not apportioned to the tribes, /b i.e., it was never assigned to any particular tribe, but rather it belongs collectively to the entire nation. b And Rabbi Yehuda holds: Jerusalem was apportioned to the tribes, /b and it is only the site of the Temple itself that belongs collectively to the entire nation.,The Gemara notes: They each follow a different opinion b in the dispute /b between b these i tanna’im /i : /b ,One i tanna /i holds that Jerusalem was apportioned to the tribes, b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b What /b part of the Temple b was in the /b tribal b portion of Judah? The Temple mount, the /b Temple b chambers, and the /b Temple b courtyards. And what was in the /b tribal b portion of Benjamin? The Entrance Hall, the Sanctuary, and the Holy of Holies. /b , b And a strip /b of land b issued forth from the portion of Judah and entered into the portion of Benjamin, and upon /b that strip b the altar was built, and /b the tribe of b Benjamin, the righteous, would agonize over it every day /b desiring b to absorb it /b into its portion, due to its unique sanctity, b as it is stated /b in Moses’ blessing to Benjamin: b “He covers it throughout the day, /b and he dwells between his shoulders” (Deuteronomy 33:12). The phrase “covers it” is understood to mean that Benjamin is continually focused upon that site. b Therefore, Benjamin was privileged by becoming the host [ i ushpizekhan /i ] of the /b Divine Presence, as the Holy of Holies was built in his portion., b And this /b other b i tanna /i holds /b that b Jerusalem was not apportioned to the tribes, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One may not rent out houses in Jerusalem, due to /b the fact b that /b the houses b do not belong to /b those occupying them. Rather, as is true for the entire city, they are owned collectively by the nation. b Rabbi Elazar bar Tzadok says: Even beds may not /b be hired out. b Therefore, /b in the case of the b hides of /b the renter’s b offerings /b that the innkeepers take in lieu of payment, the b innkeepers /b are considered to be b taking them by force, /b as they did not have a right to demand payment.,Apropos the topic of inns, the Gemara reports: b Abaye said: Learn from /b this i baraita /i that b it is proper etiquette /b for b a person to leave /b his wine b flask and /b the b hide /b of the animal that he slaughtered b at his inn, /b i.e., the inn where he stayed, as a gift for the service he received.,§ The Gemara returns its discussion of the mishna: b Rava said: They taught /b that there is a limitation on what may be purchased with the proceeds of the sale of a synagogue b only when the seven representatives of the town /b who were appointed to administer the town’s affairs b had not sold /b the synagogue b in an assembly of the residents of the town. However, /b if b the seven representatives of the town had sold /b it b in an assembly of the residents of the town, /b then b even /b |
|
12. Babylonian Talmud, Arakhin, None (6th cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syria, jewish community Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 388 6b. איני והא רבי ינאי יזיף ופרע שאני רבי ינאי דניחא להו לעניים דכמה דמשהי מעשי ומייתי להו,ת"ר ישראל שהתנדב מנורה או נר לבית הכנסת אסור לשנותה סבר רבי חייא בר אבא למימר לא שנא לדבר הרשות ולא שנא לדבר מצוה אמר ליה רב אמי הכי אמר רבי יוחנן לא שנו אלא לדבר הרשות אבל לדבר מצוה מותר לשנותה,מדאמר ר' אסי אמר ר' יוחנן בעובד כוכבים שהתנדב מנורה או נר לבית הכנסת עד שלא נשתקע שם בעליה אסור לשנותה משנשתקע שם בעליה מותר לשנותה,למאי אילימא לדבר הרשות מאי איריא עובד כוכבים אפילו ישראל נמי,אלא לדבר מצוה וטעמא דעובד כוכבים הוא דפעי אבל ישראל דלא פעי שפיר דמי,שעזרק טייעא אינדב שרגא לבי כנישתא דרב יהודה שנייה רחבא ואיקפד רבא איכא דאמרי שנייה רבא ואיקפד רחבא וא"ד שנייה חזני דפומבדיתא ואיקפד רחבא ואיקפד רבה,מאן דשנייה סבר דלא שכיח ומאן דאיקפד סבר זמנין דמקרי ואתי:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big הגוסס והיוצא ליהרג לא נידר ולא נערך ר' חנינא בן עקביא אומר נערך מפני שדמיו קצובין רבי יוסי אומר דנודר ומעריך ומקדיש ואם הזיק חייב:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big בשלמא גוסס לא נידר דלאו בר דמים הוא ולא נערך דלאו בר העמדה והערכה הוא אלא יוצא ליהרג בשלמא לא נידר דלאו בר דמים הוא אלא לא נערך אמאי לא,דתניא מנין היוצא ליהרג ואמר ערכי עלי שלא אמר כלום ת"ל (ויקרא כז, כח) כל חרם לא יפדה יכול אפילו קודם שנגמר דינו תלמוד לומר (ויקרא כז, כט) מן האדם ולא כל האדם,ולרבי חנינא בן עקביא דאמר נערך מפני שדמיו קצובין האי כל חרם מאי עביד ליה,לכדתניא רבי ישמעאל בנו של רבי יוחנן בן ברוקה אומר לפי שמצינו למומתים בידי שמים שנותנין ממון ומתכפר להם שנאמר (שמות כא, ל) אם כופר יושת עליו יכול אף בידי אדם כן תלמוד לומר כל חרם לא יפדה,אין לי אלא מיתות חמורות שלא ניתנה שגגתן לכפרה מיתות קלות שניתנה שגגתן לכפרה מנין תלמוד לומר כל חרם:,רבי יוסי אומר נודר ומעריך כו': ותנא קמא מי קאמר דלא,אלא בנודר ומעריך ומקדיש כ"ע לא פליגי כי פליגי באם הזיק תנא קמא סבר אם הזיק אינו חייב בתשלומין ורבי יוסי סבר אם הזיק חייב בתשלומין,במאי קמיפלגי אמר רב יוסף במלוה על פה גובה מן היורשין קמיפלגי תנא קמא סבר מלוה על פה אינו גובה מן היורשין ורבי יוסי סבר המלוה על פה גובה מן היורשין,רבא אמר דכ"ע מלוה על פה אינו גובה מן היורשין והכא במלוה כתובה בתורה קמיפלגי תנא קמא סבר מלוה כתובה בתורה לאו ככתובה בשטר דמיא ורבי יוסי סבר ככתובה בשטר דמיא,ואיכא דמתני לה אהא היוצא ליהרג הוא שחבל באחרים חייב אחרים שחבלו בו פטורין רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר אף הוא אם חבל באחרים פטור שלא ניתן לחזרת עמידת בית דין | 6b. The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But Rabbi Yannai, /b who was a charity collector, b borrowed /b money belonging to charity b and repaid. /b The Gemara answers: The case of b Rabbi Yannai is different; /b it is b beneficial to the poor /b that he be allowed to borrow and repay, b as the longer he leaves /b the charity fund empty, the more he b impels /b people to give charity, b and /b he thereby b brings /b more money b to /b the poor., b The Sages taught /b a i baraita /i that deals with a similar matter: In the case of b a Jew who donated a candelabrum or a lamp to the synagogue, /b it is b prohibited to change it /b and use it for another purpose. b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba thought to say /b that there b is no difference /b whether he wishes to change b for a voluntary matter or for a matter /b involving b a mitzva, /b as in both cases it is prohibited. b Rav Ami said to /b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba: b This /b is what b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b When the Sages taught the i baraita /i , they b taught only /b that it is prohibited when he changes it b for a voluntary matter, but /b it is b permitted to change it for a matter /b involving b a mitzva. /b ,This i halakha /i is derived b from /b the fact b that Rabbi Asi says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b With regard to b a gentile who donated a candelabrum or a lamp to the synagogue, if /b it is b before its owner’s name /b has been b forgotten, /b i.e., people still remember that he donated the item, it is b prohibited to change it /b and use it for another purpose. b Once its owner’s name /b has been b forgotten, /b it is b permitted to change it. /b ,The Gemara clarifies: b With regard to what /b purpose is it stated that one may not change it before the owner’s name was forgotten? b If we say /b that it is prohibited to change it b for a voluntary matter, why /b does the i baraita /i b specifically /b mention b a gentile? /b It is prohibited to change it in this manner b even /b if it was donated by b a Jew. /b , b Rather, /b the i baraita /i must be dealing with a change b for a matter /b involving b a mitzva, /b and therefore it is prohibited only if the donor is a gentile and his name has not yet been forgotten. b And the reason /b for this i halakha /i is b that it is /b specifically b a gentile who /b would protest and b scream: /b Where is the candelabrum that I donated? b But /b in the case of b a Jew, who /b would b not /b protest and b scream /b if they used his donation for a different mitzva, one may b well /b change it.,The Gemara relates that b Sha’azrak, an Arab [ i tayya’a /i ] /b merchant, b donated a candelabrum to Rav Yehuda’s synagogue. Raḥava changed its /b purpose before Sha’azrak’s name was forgotten as the donor, and b Rava became angry /b at Raḥava for not waiting. b Some say /b the opposite: b Rava changed its /b purpose, and b Raḥava became angry /b at Rava. b And some say /b that the b attendants of Pumbedita, /b the charity collectors, b changed /b its purpose, and b Raḥava became angry /b at them, b and Rabba became angry /b at them as well.,The Gemara explains: The b one who changed /b its purpose b holds that /b it was permitted to change it, b as /b it was b not common /b for Sha’azrak to be in the city and it was unlikely that he would protest the change. b And /b the b one who became angry holds /b that even so, they should not have changed it, as b sometimes he happens to come /b there., strong MISHNA: /strong b One who is moribund and one who is taken to be executed /b after being sentenced by the court b is neither /b the object of b a vow nor valuated. Rabbi Ḥanina ben Akavya says: /b He is not the object of a vow, because he has no market value; but b he is valuated, due to /b the fact b that one’s value is fixed /b by the Torah based on age and sex. b Rabbi Yosei says: /b One with that status b vows /b to donate the assessment of another person to the Temple treasury, b and takes /b vows of b valuation, and consecrates /b his property; b and if he damages /b the property of others, he is b liable /b to pay compensation., strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: b Granted, /b it makes sense that b one who is moribund is not /b the object of b a vow, as he has no monetary /b value. b And /b it also stands to reason that he b is not valuated, /b as b he is not subject to setting, /b i.e., standing, b and /b therefore is not subject to b valuation. /b The verse states: “Then he shall be set before the priest, and the priest shall value him” (Leviticus 27:8). This teaches that anyone who cannot stand, such as one who is dying, is not included in the i halakha /i of valuation. b But /b with regard to b one who is taken to be executed, granted, /b he b is not /b the object of b a vow, as he has no monetary /b value, since no one would purchase him. b But /b with regard to the mishna’s statement that he is b not valuated, why not? /b ,The Gemara answers that the reason is b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b From where /b is it derived that in the case of b one who /b is being b taken to be executed and /b who b said: My valuation is upon me /b to donate to the Temple, b that he did not say anything, /b and the valuation is not collected from his estate? b The verse states: “Anything dedicated [ i ḥerem /i ], /b that may be dedicated of men, b shall not be redeemed” /b (Leviticus 27:29). This teaches that with regard to one who is worthy of excommunication [ i ḥerem /i ], i.e., condemned to death, one cannot redeem him, i.e., pay his valuation. One b might /b have thought that this applies b even before his verdict is issued, /b i.e., that this i halakha /i applies even if one issued this statement before being sentenced to death. Therefore, b the verse states: “of men,” and not all men, /b i.e., only some men destined to be executed have no valuation, and not all of them.,The Gemara asks: b And with regard to Rabbi Ḥanina ben Akavya, who says /b in the mishna that even a person taken to be executed b is valuated, due to /b the fact b that one’s value is fixed, what does he do /b with the phrase b “anything dedicated”? /b ,The Gemara answers that he requires it b for that which is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yoḥa ben Beroka, says: Since we found with regard to those executed at the hand of Heaven that they give money and their /b sins b are atoned, as it is stated /b in the case of the owner of a forewarned ox that killed a person: “The ox shall be stoned, and its owner shall also be put to death. b If there be laid upon him a ransom, /b then he shall give for the redemption of his life whatsoever is laid upon him” (Exodus 21:29–30), one b might /b have thought that b even /b with regard to those liable to receive the death penalty b at the hands of man /b it is b so, /b that one can pay in lieu of execution. Therefore, b the verse states: “Anything dedicated /b that may be dedicated of men, b shall not be redeemed” /b (Leviticus 27:29)., b I have /b derived b only /b that one cannot give payment in lieu of execution with regard to b severe /b prohibitions punishable by the b death /b penalty, e.g., blasphemy or cursing one’s father, b for which no atonement is designated /b in the Torah b for their unwitting /b violation. b From where /b is it derived that the same applies to b less severe /b prohibitions punishable by the b death /b penalty, e.g., violating Shabbat or killing, b for which atonement /b of an offering or exile b is designated /b in the Torah b for their unwitting /b violation? b The verse states: “Anything dedicated,” /b to include all prohibitions punishable by court-administered execution.,§ The mishna teaches, with regard to one who is taken to be executed, that b Rabbi Yosei says: /b Such a person b vows /b to donate the assessment of another person to the Temple treasury, b and takes /b vows of b valuation, /b and consecrates his property; and if he damages the property of others, he is liable to pay compensation. The Gemara asks: b And does the first i tanna /i say /b that such a person does b not /b vow to donate the assessment of another person to the Temple treasury and take vows of valuation, such that Rabbi Yosei could be understood as disputing his opinion? The first i tanna /i merely said that such an individual is not subject to vows and valuations. What is the difference between their opinions?, b Rather, with regard to /b whether or not one who is taken to be executed can b vow /b to donate the assessment of another person to the Temple treasury, b and take /b vows of b valuation, and consecrate /b his property, b everyone, /b including the first i tanna /i , b agrees /b that he can. b When they disagree, /b it is b in /b a case b where /b he b causes damage. The first i tanna /i holds /b that b if /b he b causes damage /b he is b not liable for payment, and Rabbi Yosei holds /b that b if /b he b causes damage /b he is b liable to pay /b compensation.,The Gemara asks: b With regard to what /b principle b do /b these i tanna’im /i b disagree, /b as it is an accepted principle that one who causes damage must pay? b Rav Yosef said: /b They b disagree /b as to whether the payment can be collected from his estate. This depends on the question of whether or not one who is owed money from b a loan by oral /b agreement, i.e., a loan given without a document that places a lien on the land, can b collect from the heirs. The first i tanna /i holds /b that one who is owed money from b a loan by oral /b agreement b cannot collect from the heirs, and Rabbi Yosei holds /b that one who is owed money from b a loan by oral /b agreement can b collect from the heirs. /b , b Rava says: /b In fact, b everyone /b agrees that one who is owed money from b a loan by oral /b agreement b cannot collect from the heirs; and here /b the i tanna’im /i b disagree with regard to /b the status of b a loan that is written in the Torah, /b i.e., a ficial obligation decreed by Torah law, such as paying damages. b The first i tanna /i holds /b that b a loan that is written in the Torah is not /b considered b as though it is written in a document, /b and may not be collected from the heirs. b Rabbi Yosei holds /b that such a loan b is /b considered b as though it is written in a document, /b and therefore it may be collected from the heirs., b And there are those who teach /b the dispute between Rava and Rav Yosef b with regard to this /b i baraita /i : In the case of b one who is taken to be executed /b after being sentenced by the court, if b he injured another /b he is b liable /b for payment. But if b others injured him /b they are b exempt, /b as they would be if they injured a dead person. b Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: Even if /b it was b he /b who b injured others, /b he is b exempt, as /b he b cannot be brought back to stand /b before b the court /b for judgment, since he must be executed without delay. |
|
13. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 13-14, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 82 | 12. Thinking that the time had come to press the demand, which I had often laid before Sosibius of Tarentum and Andreas, the chief of the bodyguard, for the emancipation of the Jews who had been transported from Judea by the king's father - |
|