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631 results for "stoicism"

1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 4.21, 6.8, 7.8-7.13, 10.28, 15.1.21, 20.3, 20.12, 20.21, 23.4, 25.40, 33.18, 34.12 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, human decision-making for •stoicism/stoics •stoicism, stoics •stoicism/stoics viif •stoicism, stoics, ps.-orpheus, urfassung •stoa, stoicism, stoics Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 301; Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 109; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 74; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 184; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 190; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 96, 98, 99, 101, 104

4.21. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה בְּלֶכְתְּךָ לָשׁוּב מִצְרַיְמָה רְאֵה כָּל־הַמֹּפְתִים אֲשֶׁר־שַׂמְתִּי בְיָדֶךָ וַעֲשִׂיתָם לִפְנֵי פַרְעֹה וַאֲנִי אֲחַזֵּק אֶת־לִבּוֹ וְלֹא יְשַׁלַּח אֶת־הָעָם׃ 6.8. וְהֵבֵאתִי אֶתְכֶם אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר נָשָׂאתִי אֶת־יָדִי לָתֵת אֹתָהּ לְאַבְרָהָם לְיִצְחָק וּלְיַעֲקֹב וְנָתַתִּי אֹתָהּ לָכֶם מוֹרָשָׁה אֲנִי יְהוָה׃ 7.8. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְאֶל־אַהֲרֹן לֵאמֹר׃ 7.9. כִּי יְדַבֵּר אֲלֵכֶם פַּרְעֹה לֵאמֹר תְּנוּ לָכֶם מוֹפֵת וְאָמַרְתָּ אֶל־אַהֲרֹן קַח אֶת־מַטְּךָ וְהַשְׁלֵךְ לִפְנֵי־פַרְעֹה יְהִי לְתַנִּין׃ 7.11. וַיִּקְרָא גַּם־פַּרְעֹה לַחֲכָמִים וְלַמְכַשְּׁפִים וַיַּעֲשׂוּ גַם־הֵם חַרְטֻמֵּי מִצְרַיִם בְּלַהֲטֵיהֶם כֵּן׃ 7.12. וַיַּשְׁלִיכוּ אִישׁ מַטֵּהוּ וַיִּהְיוּ לְתַנִּינִם וַיִּבְלַע מַטֵּה־אַהֲרֹן אֶת־מַטֹּתָם׃ 7.13. וַיֶּחֱזַק לֵב פַּרְעֹה וְלֹא שָׁמַע אֲלֵהֶם כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה׃ 10.28. וַיֹּאמֶר־לוֹ פַרְעֹה לֵךְ מֵעָלָי הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ אֶל־תֹּסֶף רְאוֹת פָּנַי כִּי בְּיוֹם רְאֹתְךָ פָנַי תָּמוּת׃ 20.3. לֹא יִהְיֶה־לְךָ אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים עַל־פָּנָיַ 20.12. כַּבֵּד אֶת־אָבִיךָ וְאֶת־אִמֶּךָ לְמַעַן יַאֲרִכוּן יָמֶיךָ עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ׃ 20.21. מִזְבַּח אֲדָמָה תַּעֲשֶׂה־לִּי וְזָבַחְתָּ עָלָיו אֶת־עֹלֹתֶיךָ וְאֶת־שְׁלָמֶיךָ אֶת־צֹאנְךָ וְאֶת־בְּקָרֶךָ בְּכָל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר אַזְכִּיר אֶת־שְׁמִי אָבוֹא אֵלֶיךָ וּבֵרַכְתִּיךָ׃ 23.4. כִּי תִפְגַּע שׁוֹר אֹיִבְךָ אוֹ חֲמֹרוֹ תֹּעֶה הָשֵׁב תְּשִׁיבֶנּוּ לוֹ׃ 33.18. וַיֹּאמַר הַרְאֵנִי נָא אֶת־כְּבֹדֶךָ׃ 34.12. הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּכְרֹת בְּרִית לְיוֹשֵׁב הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה בָּא עָלֶיהָ פֶּן־יִהְיֶה לְמוֹקֵשׁ בְּקִרְבֶּךָ׃

4.21. And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘When thou goest back into Egypt, see that thou do before Pharaoh all the wonders which I have put in thy hand; but I will harden his heart, and he will not let the people go. 6.8. And I will bring you in unto the land, concerning which I lifted up My hand to give it to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob; and I will give it you for a heritage: I am the LORD.’ 7.8. And the LORD spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying: 7.9. ’When Pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying: Show a wonder for you; then thou shalt say unto Aaron: Take thy rod, and cast it down before Pharaoh, that it become a serpent.’ 7.10. And Moses and Aaron went in unto Pharaoh, and they did so, as the LORD had commanded; and Aaron cast down his rod before Pharaoh and before his servants, and it became a serpent. 7.11. Then Pharaoh also called for the wise men and the sorcerers; and they also, the magicians of Egypt, did in like manner with their secret arts. 7.12. For they cast down every man his rod, and they became serpents; but Aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods. 7.13. And Pharaoh’s heart was hardened, and he hearkened not unto them; as the LORD had spoken. 10.28. And Pharaoh said unto him: ‘Get thee from me, take heed to thyself, see my face no more; for in the day thou seest my face thou shalt die.’ 20.3. Thou shalt have no other gods before Me. 20.12. Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long upon the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee. 20.21. An altar of earth thou shalt make unto Me, and shalt sacrifice thereon thy burnt-offerings, and thy peace-offerings, thy sheep, and thine oxen; in every place where I cause My name to be mentioned I will come unto thee and bless thee. 23.4. If thou meet thine enemy’s ox or his ass going astray, thou shalt surely bring it back to him again. 25.40. And see that thou make them after their pattern, which is being shown thee in the mount. 33.18. And he said: ‘Show me, I pray Thee, Thy glory.’ 34.12. Take heed to thyself, lest thou make a covet with the inhabitants of the land whither thou goest, lest they be for a snare in the midst of thee.

2. Hebrew Bible, Job, 2.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96

2.10. But he said unto her: ‘Thou speakest as one of the impious women speaketh. What? shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?’ For all this did not Job sin with his lips.

3. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 8.35, 27.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 199; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 96

8.35. כִּי מֹצְאִי מצאי [מָצָא] חַיִּים וַיָּפֶק רָצוֹן מֵיְהוָה׃

8.35. For whoso findeth me findeth life, And obtaineth favour of the LORD. 27.10. Thine own friend, and thy father’s friend, forsake not; Neither go into thy brother’s house in the day of thy calamity; Better is a neighbour that is near than a brother far off.

4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, a b c d\n0 23.6 23.6 23 6\n1 33.11 33.11 33 11\n2 28.12 28.12 28 12\n3 37.8 37.8 37 8\n4 37.9 37.9 37 9\n.. ... ... .. ..\n56 2 2 2 0\n57 2.9 2.9 2 9\n58 2.8 2.8 2 8\n59 2. 2. 2 \n60 27.40 27.40 27 40\n\n[61 rows x 4 columns] (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 320; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 93

23.6. שְׁמָעֵנוּ אֲדֹנִי נְשִׂיא אֱלֹהִים אַתָּה בְּתוֹכֵנוּ בְּמִבְחַר קְבָרֵינוּ קְבֹר אֶת־מֵתֶךָ אִישׁ מִמֶּנּוּ אֶת־קִבְרוֹ לֹא־יִכְלֶה מִמְּךָ מִקְּבֹר מֵתֶךָ׃

23.6. ’Hear us, my lord: thou art a mighty prince among us; in the choice of our sepulchres bury thy dead; none of us shall withhold from thee his sepulchre, but that thou mayest bury thy dead.’

5. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 2.7, 16.10, 39.540.4, 68.21, 78.2, 136.7, 7273.28 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 237; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 617; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 81; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 99, 280

2.7. אֲסַפְּרָה אֶל חֹק יְהוָה אָמַר אֵלַי בְּנִי אַתָּה אֲנִי הַיּוֹם יְלִדְתִּיךָ׃ 68.21. הָאֵל לָנוּ אֵל לְמוֹשָׁעוֹת וְלֵיהוִה אֲדֹנָי לַמָּוֶת תּוֹצָאוֹת׃ 78.2. הֵן הִכָּה־צוּר וַיָּזוּבוּ מַיִם וּנְחָלִים יִשְׁטֹפוּ הֲגַם־לֶחֶם יוּכַל תֵּת אִם־יָכִין שְׁאֵר לְעַמּוֹ׃ 78.2. אֶפְתְּחָה בְמָשָׁל פִּי אַבִּיעָה חִידוֹת מִנִּי־קֶדֶם׃ 136.7. לְעֹשֵׂה אוֹרִים גְּדֹלִים כִּי לְעוֹלָם חַסְדּוֹ׃

2.7. I will tell of the decree: The LORD said unto me: 'Thou art My son, this day have I begotten thee. 16.10. For Thou wilt not abandon my soul to the nether-world; Neither wilt Thou suffer Thy godly one to see the pit. 68.21. God is unto us a God of deliverances; And unto GOD the Lord belong the issues of death. 78.2. I will open my mouth with a parable; I will utter dark sayings concerning days of old; 136.7. To Him that made great lights, For His mercy endureth for ever;

6. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 4.9, 5.16, 13.2-13.6, 32.29, 32.39 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 301; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 74, 96; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 24; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 98

4.9. רַק הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ וּשְׁמֹר נַפְשְׁךָ מְאֹד פֶּן־תִּשְׁכַּח אֶת־הַדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר־רָאוּ עֵינֶיךָ וּפֶן־יָסוּרוּ מִלְּבָבְךָ כֹּל יְמֵי חַיֶּיךָ וְהוֹדַעְתָּם לְבָנֶיךָ וְלִבְנֵי בָנֶיךָ׃ 5.16. כַּבֵּד אֶת־אָבִיךָ וְאֶת־אִמֶּךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוְּךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לְמַעַן יַאֲרִיכֻן יָמֶיךָ וּלְמַעַן יִיטַב לָךְ עַל הָאֲדָמָה אֲשֶׁר־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ׃ 13.2. כִּי־יָקוּם בְּקִרְבְּךָ נָבִיא אוֹ חֹלֵם חֲלוֹם וְנָתַן אֵלֶיךָ אוֹת אוֹ מוֹפֵת׃ 13.3. וּבָא הָאוֹת וְהַמּוֹפֵת אֲשֶׁר־דִּבֶּר אֵלֶיךָ לֵאמֹר נֵלְכָה אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יְדַעְתָּם וְנָעָבְדֵם׃ 13.4. לֹא תִשְׁמַע אֶל־דִּבְרֵי הַנָּבִיא הַהוּא אוֹ אֶל־חוֹלֵם הַחֲלוֹם הַהוּא כִּי מְנַסֶּה יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אֶתְכֶם לָדַעַת הֲיִשְׁכֶם אֹהֲבִים אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם בְּכָל־לְבַבְכֶם וּבְכָל־נַפְשְׁכֶם׃ 13.5. אַחֲרֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם תֵּלֵכוּ וְאֹתוֹ תִירָאוּ וְאֶת־מִצְוֺתָיו תִּשְׁמֹרוּ וּבְקֹלוֹ תִשְׁמָעוּ וְאֹתוֹ תַעֲבֹדוּ וּבוֹ תִדְבָּקוּן׃ 13.6. וְהַנָּבִיא הַהוּא אוֹ חֹלֵם הַחֲלוֹם הַהוּא יוּמָת כִּי דִבֶּר־סָרָה עַל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם הַמּוֹצִיא אֶתְכֶם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם וְהַפֹּדְךָ מִבֵּית עֲבָדִים לְהַדִּיחֲךָ מִן־הַדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר צִוְּךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לָלֶכֶת בָּהּ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃ 32.29. לוּ חָכְמוּ יַשְׂכִּילוּ זֹאת יָבִינוּ לְאַחֲרִיתָם׃ 32.39. רְאוּ עַתָּה כִּי אֲנִי אֲנִי הוּא וְאֵין אֱלֹהִים עִמָּדִי אֲנִי אָמִית וַאֲחַיֶּה מָחַצְתִּי וַאֲנִי אֶרְפָּא וְאֵין מִיָּדִי מַצִּיל׃

4.9. Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes saw, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life; but make them known unto thy children and thy children’s children; 5.16. Honour thy father and thy mother, as the LORD thy God commanded thee; that thy days may be long, and that it may go well with thee, upon the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee. 13.2. If there arise in the midst of thee a prophet, or a dreamer of dreams—and he give thee a sign or a wonder, 13.3. and the sign or the wonder come to pass, whereof he spoke unto thee—saying: ‘Let us go after other gods, which thou hast not known, and let us serve them’; 13.4. thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that prophet, or unto that dreamer of dreams; for the LORD your God putteth you to proof, to know whether ye do love the LORD your God with all your heart and with all your soul. 13.5. After the LORD your God shall ye walk, and Him shall ye fear, and His commandments shall ye keep, and unto His voice shall ye hearken, and Him shall ye serve, and unto Him shall ye cleave. 13.6. And that prophet, or that dreamer of dreams, shall be put to death; because he hath spoken perversion against the LORD your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, and redeemed thee out of the house of bondage, to draw thee aside out of the way which the LORD thy God commanded thee to walk in. So shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee. 32.29. If they were wise, they would understand this, They would discern their latter end. 32.39. See now that I, even I, am He, And there is no god with Me; I kill, and I make alive; I have wounded, and I heal; And there is none that can deliver out of My hand.

7. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 11.14, 12.1-12.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, human decision-making for •stoicism/stoics Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 109; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 24

11.14. לֹא־אוּכַל אָנֹכִי לְבַדִּי לָשֵׂאת אֶת־כָּל־הָעָם הַזֶּה כִּי כָבֵד מִמֶּנִּי׃ 12.1. וְהֶעָנָן סָר מֵעַל הָאֹהֶל וְהִנֵּה מִרְיָם מְצֹרַעַת כַּשָּׁלֶג וַיִּפֶן אַהֲרֹן אֶל־מִרְיָם וְהִנֵּה מְצֹרָעַת׃ 12.1. וַתְּדַבֵּר מִרְיָם וְאַהֲרֹן בְּמֹשֶׁה עַל־אֹדוֹת הָאִשָּׁה הַכֻּשִׁית אֲשֶׁר לָקָח כִּי־אִשָּׁה כֻשִׁית לָקָח׃ 12.2. וַיֹּאמְרוּ הֲרַק אַךְ־בְּמֹשֶׁה דִּבֶּר יְהוָה הֲלֹא גַּם־בָּנוּ דִבֵּר וַיִּשְׁמַע יְהוָה׃ 12.3. וְהָאִישׁ מֹשֶׁה ענו [עָנָיו] מְאֹד מִכֹּל הָאָדָם אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה׃ 12.4. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה פִּתְאֹם אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְאֶל־אַהֲרֹן וְאֶל־מִרְיָם צְאוּ שְׁלָשְׁתְּכֶם אֶל־אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וַיֵּצְאוּ שְׁלָשְׁתָּם׃ 12.5. וַיֵּרֶד יְהוָה בְּעַמּוּד עָנָן וַיַּעֲמֹד פֶּתַח הָאֹהֶל וַיִּקְרָא אַהֲרֹן וּמִרְיָם וַיֵּצְאוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם׃ 12.6. וַיֹּאמֶר שִׁמְעוּ־נָא דְבָרָי אִם־יִהְיֶה נְבִיאֲכֶם יְהוָה בַּמַּרְאָה אֵלָיו אֶתְוַדָּע בַּחֲלוֹם אֲדַבֶּר־בּוֹ׃ 12.7. לֹא־כֵן עַבְדִּי מֹשֶׁה בְּכָל־בֵּיתִי נֶאֱמָן הוּא׃ 12.8. פֶּה אֶל־פֶּה אֲדַבֶּר־בּוֹ וּמַרְאֶה וְלֹא בְחִידֹת וּתְמֻנַת יְהוָה יַבִּיט וּמַדּוּעַ לֹא יְרֵאתֶם לְדַבֵּר בְּעַבְדִּי בְמֹשֶׁה׃ 12.9. וַיִּחַר אַף יְהוָה בָּם וַיֵּלַךְ׃ 12.11. וַיֹּאמֶר אַהֲרֹן אֶל־מֹשֶׁה בִּי אֲדֹנִי אַל־נָא תָשֵׁת עָלֵינוּ חַטָּאת אֲשֶׁר נוֹאַלְנוּ וַאֲשֶׁר חָטָאנוּ׃ 12.12. אַל־נָא תְהִי כַּמֵּת אֲשֶׁר בְּצֵאתוֹ מֵרֶחֶם אִמּוֹ וַיֵּאָכֵל חֲצִי בְשָׂרוֹ׃ 12.13. וַיִּצְעַק מֹשֶׁה אֶל־יְהוָה לֵאמֹר אֵל נָא רְפָא נָא לָהּ׃

11.14. I am not able to bear all this people myself alone, because it is too heavy for me. 12.1. And Miriam and Aaron spoke against Moses because of the Cushite woman whom he had married; for he had married a Cushite woman. 12.2. And they said: ‘Hath the LORD indeed spoken only with Moses? hath He not spoken also with us?’ And the LORD heard it.— 12.3. Now the man Moses was very meek, above all the men that were upon the face of the earth.— 12.4. And the LORD spoke suddenly unto Moses, and unto Aaron, and unto Miriam: ‘Come out ye three unto the tent of meeting.’ And they three came out. 12.5. And the LORD came down in a pillar of cloud, and stood at the door of the Tent, and called Aaron and Miriam; and they both came forth. 12.6. And He said: ‘Hear now My words: if there be a prophet among you, I the LORD do make Myself known unto him in a vision, I do speak with him in a dream. 12.7. My servant Moses is not so; he is trusted in all My house; 12.8. with him do I speak mouth to mouth, even manifestly, and not in dark speeches; and the similitude of the LORD doth he behold; wherefore then were ye not afraid to speak against My servant, against Moses?’ 12.9. And the anger of the LORD was kindled against them; and He departed. 12.10. And when the cloud was removed from over the Tent, behold, Miriam was leprous, as white as snow; and Aaron looked upon Miriam; and, behold, she was leprous. 12.11. And Aaron said unto Moses: ‘Oh my lord, lay not, I pray thee, sin upon us, for that we have done foolishly, and for that we have sinned. 12.12. Let her not, I pray, be as one dead, of whom the flesh is half consumed when he cometh out of his mother’s womb.’ 12.13. And Moses cried unto the LORD, saying: ‘Heal her now, O God, I beseech Thee.’

8. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 1.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 190

1.5. בְּטֶרֶם אצורך [אֶצָּרְךָ] בַבֶּטֶן יְדַעְתִּיךָ וּבְטֶרֶם תֵּצֵא מֵרֶחֶם הִקְדַּשְׁתִּיךָ נָבִיא לַגּוֹיִם נְתַתִּיךָ׃

1.5. Before I formed thee in the belly I knew thee, And before thou camest forth out of the womb I sanctified thee; I have appointed thee a prophet unto the nations.

9. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, 1.5 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, athens Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 617

1.5. רְאוּ בַגּוֹיִם וְהַבִּיטוּ וְהִתַּמְּהוּ תְּמָהוּ כִּי־פֹעַל פֹּעֵל בִּימֵיכֶם לֹא תַאֲמִינוּ כִּי יְסֻפָּר׃

1.5. Look ye among the nations, and behold, And wonder marvellously; For, behold, a work shall be wrought in your days, Which ye will not believe though it be told you.

10. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 7.9, 44.6, 45.7, 49.1, 49.8-49.9, 55.3, 57.21 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, psychological holism of •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, ps.-orpheus, urfassung •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities •stoicism/stoics •stoicism/stoics viif •stoicism, stoics, athens •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 82; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 74, 96, 617; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 190; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 67; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 100

7.9. וְרֹאשׁ אֶפְרַיִם שֹׁמְרוֹן וְרֹאשׁ שֹׁמְרוֹן בֶּן־רְמַלְיָהוּ אִם לֹא תַאֲמִינוּ כִּי לֹא תֵאָמֵנוּ׃ 44.6. כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה מֶלֶךְ־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְגֹאֲלוֹ יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת אֲנִי רִאשׁוֹן וַאֲנִי אַחֲרוֹן וּמִבַּלְעָדַי אֵין אֱלֹהִים׃ 45.7. יוֹצֵר אוֹר וּבוֹרֵא חֹשֶׁךְ עֹשֶׂה שָׁלוֹם וּבוֹרֵא רָע אֲנִי יְהוָה עֹשֶׂה כָל־אֵלֶּה׃ 49.1. לֹא יִרְעָבוּ וְלֹא יִצְמָאוּ וְלֹא־יַכֵּם שָׁרָב וָשָׁמֶשׁ כִּי־מְרַחֲמָם יְנַהֲגֵם וְעַל־מַבּוּעֵי מַיִם יְנַהֲלֵם׃ 49.1. שִׁמְעוּ אִיִּים אֵלַי וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ לְאֻמִּים מֵרָחוֹק יְהוָה מִבֶּטֶן קְרָאָנִי מִמְּעֵי אִמִּי הִזְכִּיר שְׁמִי׃ 49.8. כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה בְּעֵת רָצוֹן עֲנִיתִיךָ וּבְיוֹם יְשׁוּעָה עֲזַרְתִּיךָ וְאֶצָּרְךָ וְאֶתֶּנְךָ לִבְרִית עָם לְהָקִים אֶרֶץ לְהַנְחִיל נְחָלוֹת שֹׁמֵמוֹת׃ 49.9. לֵאמֹר לַאֲסוּרִים צֵאוּ לַאֲשֶׁר בַּחֹשֶׁךְ הִגָּלוּ עַל־דְּרָכִים יִרְעוּ וּבְכָל־שְׁפָיִים מַרְעִיתָם׃ 55.3. הַטּוּ אָזְנְכֶם וּלְכוּ אֵלַי שִׁמְעוּ וּתְחִי נַפְשְׁכֶם וְאֶכְרְתָה לָכֶם בְּרִית עוֹלָם חַסְדֵי דָוִד הַנֶּאֱמָנִים׃ 57.21. אֵין שָׁלוֹם אָמַר אֱלֹהַי לָרְשָׁעִים׃

7.9. And the head of Ephraim is Samaria, And the head of Samaria is Remaliah’s son. If ye will not have faith, surely ye shall not be established.’ 44.6. Thus saith the LORD, the King of Israel, And his Redeemer the LORD of hosts: I am the first, and I am the last, And beside Me there is no God. 45.7. I form the light, and create darkness; I make peace, and create evil; I am the LORD, that doeth all these things. 49.1. Listen, O isles, unto me, And hearken, ye peoples, from far: The LORD hath called me from the womb, From the bowels of my mother hath He made mention of my name; 49.8. Thus saith the LORD: In an acceptable time have I answered thee, And in a day of salvation have I helped thee; And I will preserve thee, and give thee For a covet of the people, To raise up the land, To cause to inherit the desolate heritages; 49.9. Saying to the prisoners: ‘Go forth’; To them that are in darkness: ‘Show yourselves’; They shall feed in the ways, And in all high hills shall be their pasture; 55.3. Incline your ear, and come unto Me; Hear, and your soul shall live; And I will make an everlasting covet with you, Even the sure mercies of David. 57.21. There is no peace, Saith my God concerning the wicked.

11. Hesiod, Works And Days, 213-247, 638, 667-669, 718, 717 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96

717. μηδέ ποτʼ οὐλομένην πενίην θυμοφθόρον ἀνδρὶ

717. In lovely song). Familiarity

12. Hebrew Bible, Amos, 3.6 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96

3.6. אִם־יִתָּקַע שׁוֹפָר בְּעִיר וְעָם לֹא יֶחֱרָדוּ אִם־תִּהְיֶה רָעָה בְּעִיר וַיהוָה לֹא עָשָׂה׃

3.6. Shall the horn be blown in a city, And the people not tremble? Shall evil befall a city, And the LORD hath not done it?

13. Homer, Iliad, 1.423-1.425, 3.216-3.223, 5.696, 14.246, 16.453, 22.467, 24.88 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism •stoics/stoicism •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 199; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 140, 389, 390

1.423. Ζεὺς γὰρ ἐς Ὠκεανὸν μετʼ ἀμύμονας Αἰθιοπῆας 1.424. χθιζὸς ἔβη κατὰ δαῖτα, θεοὶ δʼ ἅμα πάντες ἕποντο· 1.425. δωδεκάτῃ δέ τοι αὖτις ἐλεύσεται Οὔλυμπον δέ, 3.216. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ πολύμητις ἀναΐξειεν Ὀδυσσεὺς 3.217. στάσκεν, ὑπαὶ δὲ ἴδεσκε κατὰ χθονὸς ὄμματα πήξας, 3.218. σκῆπτρον δʼ οὔτʼ ὀπίσω οὔτε προπρηνὲς ἐνώμα, 3.219. ἀλλʼ ἀστεμφὲς ἔχεσκεν ἀΐδρεϊ φωτὶ ἐοικώς· 3.220. φαίης κε ζάκοτόν τέ τινʼ ἔμμεναι ἄφρονά τʼ αὔτως. 3.221. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην ἐκ στήθεος εἵη 3.222. καὶ ἔπεα νιφάδεσσιν ἐοικότα χειμερίῃσιν, 3.223. οὐκ ἂν ἔπειτʼ Ὀδυσῆΐ γʼ ἐρίσσειε βροτὸς ἄλλος· 14.246. Ὠκεανοῦ, ὅς περ γένεσις πάντεσσι τέτυκται· 16.453. αὐτὰρ ἐπὴν δὴ τόν γε λίπῃ ψυχή τε καὶ αἰών, 24.88. ὄρσο Θέτι· καλέει Ζεὺς ἄφθιτα μήδεα εἰδώς.

1.423. But remain by your swift, sea-faring ships, and continue your wrath against the Achaeans, and refrain utterly from battle; for Zeus went yesterday to Oceanus, to the blameless Ethiopians for a feast, and all the gods followed with him; but on the twelfth day he will come back again to Olympus, 1.424. But remain by your swift, sea-faring ships, and continue your wrath against the Achaeans, and refrain utterly from battle; for Zeus went yesterday to Oceanus, to the blameless Ethiopians for a feast, and all the gods followed with him; but on the twelfth day he will come back again to Olympus, 1.425. and then will I go to the house of Zeus with threshold of bronze, and will clasp his knees in prayer, and I think I shall win him. 3.216. nor of rambling, though verily in years he was the younger. But whenever Odysseus of many wiles arose, he would stand and look down with eyes fixed upon the ground, and his staff he would move neither backwards nor forwards, but would hold it stiff, in semblance like a man of no understanding; 3.217. nor of rambling, though verily in years he was the younger. But whenever Odysseus of many wiles arose, he would stand and look down with eyes fixed upon the ground, and his staff he would move neither backwards nor forwards, but would hold it stiff, in semblance like a man of no understanding; 3.218. nor of rambling, though verily in years he was the younger. But whenever Odysseus of many wiles arose, he would stand and look down with eyes fixed upon the ground, and his staff he would move neither backwards nor forwards, but would hold it stiff, in semblance like a man of no understanding; 3.219. nor of rambling, though verily in years he was the younger. But whenever Odysseus of many wiles arose, he would stand and look down with eyes fixed upon the ground, and his staff he would move neither backwards nor forwards, but would hold it stiff, in semblance like a man of no understanding; 3.220. thou wouldest have deemed him a churlish man and naught but a fool. But whenso he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like snowflakes on a winter's day, then could no mortal man beside vie with Odysseus; then did we not so marvel to behold Odysseus' aspect. 3.221. thou wouldest have deemed him a churlish man and naught but a fool. But whenso he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like snowflakes on a winter's day, then could no mortal man beside vie with Odysseus; then did we not so marvel to behold Odysseus' aspect. 3.222. thou wouldest have deemed him a churlish man and naught but a fool. But whenso he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like snowflakes on a winter's day, then could no mortal man beside vie with Odysseus; then did we not so marvel to behold Odysseus' aspect. 3.223. thou wouldest have deemed him a churlish man and naught but a fool. But whenso he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like snowflakes on a winter's day, then could no mortal man beside vie with Odysseus; then did we not so marvel to behold Odysseus' aspect. 14.246. Oceanus, from whom they all are sprung; but to Zeus, son of Cronos, will I not draw nigh, neither lull him to slumber, unless of himself he bid me. For ere now in another matter did a behest of thine teach me a lesson, 16.453. But and if he be dear to thee, and thine heart be grieved, suffer thou him verily to be slain in the fierce conflict beneath the hands of Patroclus, son of Menoetius; but when his soul and life have left him, then send thou Death and sweet Sleep to bear him away 24.88. was wailing for the fate of her peerless son, who to her sorrow was to perish in deep-soiled Troy, far from his native land. And swift-footed Iris drew near, and spake to her:Rouse thee, 0 Thetis; Zeus, whose counsels are everlasting, calleth thee. Then spake in answer Thetis, the silver-footed goddess:

14. Hesiod, Theogony, 108-113, 115-139, 201-202, 218-220, 900, 902, 905, 114 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 67

114. ταῦτά μοι ἔσπετε Μοῦσαι, Ὀλύμπια δώματʼ ἔχουσαι

114. Such is the precious gift of each goddess.

15. Homer, Odyssey, 4.83-4.85 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 136

4.83. Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθείς, 4.84. Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς 4.85. καὶ Λιβύην, ἵνα τʼ ἄρνες ἄφαρ κεραοὶ τελέθουσι.

4.85. and Libya, where rams become horned suddenly, for the sheep give birth three times in the course of a year. There neither lord nor shepherd lacks any cheese and meat, or sweet milk either, but the sheep always produce ample milk for suckling.

16. Alcman, Poems, 64 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 66

17. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, b6 dk, b36 dk, a 16 dk, 22b, frg. 22b 111 d.-k., 29.11 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 389

18. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, , -, 1, 2, 4, 5 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 193

19. Pindar, Fragments, 169 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 25

20. Anaximenes of Miletus, Fragments, a 23 dk, b2 dk (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 140

21. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4.11-4.56 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 485

4.25. , the bridle of the swift Argo, against the ship. Before that we had been dragging our seafaring ship for twelve days from the Ocean over the deserted back of the land, having drawn it ashore by my counsels. And then the solitary god approached, who had assumed the splendid appearance of an honored man. He began to speak friendly words, [30] such as beneficent hosts use when they first invite arriving strangers to a meal. But we could not stay, for the plea of our sweet homecoming prevented us from lingering. He said that he was Eurypylus, the son of the holder of the earth, the immortal earth-shaker Poseidon. He realized that we were hurrying on our way, and straightaway with his right hand he snatched up a piece of earth, [35] the first thing to come to hand, and sought to present it as a gift of hospitality. He did not fail to persuade Euphemus; the hero leapt down onto the shore, and, pressing his hand in the hand of the stranger, received the divine clod of earth. But now I learn that it was washed out of the ship into the sea by a wave at evening, following the watery tide. Truly, I often urged the sailors who relieve their masters from toil to guard it; but their minds were forgetful, and now on this island the immortal seed of spacious Libya is washed ashore before the proper time. For if only Euphemus had gone to his home in holy Taenarus and cast the clod beside the earthly mouth of Hades- [45] Euphemus the son of lord Poseidon, ruler of horses, whom once Europa the daughter of Tityus bore beside the banks of the Cephisus- the blood of the fourth generation descended from him would have taken possession of that broad continent together with the Danaans; for then they will be uprooted from Lacedaemon and the Argive gulf and Mycenae. 4.50. As it is, Euphemus shall find in the beds of foreign women a chosen race, who, with the honor of the gods, will come to this island and beget a man who will be master of the dark-clouded plains; whom one day Phoebus, in his home rich in gold, will mention in his oracles [55] when he goes into the Pythian shrine at a later time; Phoebus will tell him to carry cities in his ships to the fertile precinct of the son of Cronus beside the Nile." Indeed, these were the oracular verses of Medea. And the godlike heroes bowed down motionless and in silence, listening to her shrewd words of wisdom. Battus, blessed son of Polymnestus, it was you that, in accord with this word of prophecy, the oracle glorified by the spontaneous cry of the Delphic Bee, who three times loudly bid you hail, and declared that you were the destined king of Cyrene, when you came to ask the oracle what relief the gods would grant you for your stammering voice. And even now, in later days, as in the prime of red-blossoming spring, [65] eighth in the line of Battus' descendants flourishes Arcesilas. To him Apollo and Pytho gave glory in the chariot race above those that live around. I will offer him, and the all-golden fleece of the ram, to the Muses as a theme for song. For when the Minyans sailed after that fleece, divinely-sent honors were planted for his race. [70] What beginning of their seafaring welcomed them? What danger bound them with strong bolts of adamant? There was a divine prophecy that Pelias would be killed by the illustrious descendants of Aeolus, either at their hands or through their unflinching counsels; and an oracle came to him that chilled his shrewd spirit, spoken beside the central navel of well-wooded mother earth:

22. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 36.26 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 185

36.26. וְנָתַתִּי לָכֶם לֵב חָדָשׁ וְרוּחַ חֲדָשָׁה אֶתֵּן בְּקִרְבְּכֶם וַהֲסִרֹתִי אֶת־לֵב הָאֶבֶן מִבְּשַׂרְכֶם וְנָתַתִּי לָכֶם לֵב בָּשָׂר׃

36.26. A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I put within you; and I will take away the stony heart out of your flesh, and I will give you a heart of flesh.

23. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 1.7.33, 4.11.1-4.11.4 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, logic of •stoicism, stoics, on language Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 239, 243

24. Parmenides, Fragments, b1.30, b8.51, b7.3-4 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77

25. Pherecydes of Syros, Fragments, b1 (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 148

26. Plato, Laws, 10.896, -d, 10, 679e, 7, 821a, 875a, 875b, 875c, 875d, 886a, 889b10, 903b, 903c, 903d, 896d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 235; Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 39

896d. δόξαι ἀληθεῖς ἐπιμέλειαί τε καὶ μνῆμαι πρότερα μήκους σωμάτων καὶ πλάτους καὶ βάθους καὶ ῥώμης εἴη γεγονότα ἄν, εἴπερ καὶ ψυχὴ σώματος. ΚΛ. ἀνάγκη. ΑΘ. ἆρʼ οὖν τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ὁμολογεῖν ἀναγκαῖον τῶν τε ἀγαθῶν αἰτίαν εἶναι ψυχὴν καὶ τῶν κακῶν καὶ καλῶν καὶ αἰσχρῶν δικαίων τε καὶ ἀδίκων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἐναντίων, εἴπερ τῶν πάντων γε αὐτὴν θήσομεν αἰτίαν; ΚΛ. πῶς γὰρ οὔ; ΑΘ. ψυχὴν δὴ διοικοῦσαν καὶ ἐνοικοῦσαν ἐν ἅπασιν

896d. Ath. Moods and dispositions and wishes and calculations and true opinions and considerations and memories will be prior to bodily length, breadth, depth and strength, if soul is prior to body. Clin. Necessarily. Ath. Must we then necessarily agree, in the next place, that soul is the cause of things good and bad, fair and foul, just and unjust, and all the opposites, if we are to assume it to be the cause of all things? Clin. of course we must. Ath. And as soul thus controls and indwells in all thing

27. Plato, Letters, 7.342a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 188

28. Plato, Gorgias, 467c, 480a, 480b, 497c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 90

497c. ΚΑΛ. Ἐρώτα δὴ σὺ τὰ σμικρά τε καὶ στενὰ ταῦτα, ἐπείπερ Γοργίᾳ δοκεῖ οὕτως. ΣΩ. εὐδαίμων εἶ, ὦ Καλλίκλεις, ὅτι τὰ μεγάλα μεμύησαι πρὶν τὰ σμικρά· ἐγὼ δʼ οὐκ ᾤμην θεμιτὸν εἶναι. ὅθεν οὖν ἀπέλιπες ἀποκρίνου, εἰ οὐχ ἅμα παύεται διψῶν ἕκαστος ἡμῶν καὶ ἡδόμενος. ΚΑΛ. φημί. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν καὶ πεινῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ ἡδονῶν ἅμα παύεται; ΚΑΛ. ἔστι ταῦτα. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν καὶ τῶν λυπῶν

497c. CALLICLES: Well then, proceed with those little cramped questions of yours, since Gorgias is so minded. SOCRATES: You are fortunate, Callicles, in having been initiated into the Great Mysteries before the Little: I did not think that was the proper thing. So go on answering where you left off — as to whether each of us does not cease to feel thirst and pleasure at the same time. CALLICLES: I grant it. SOCRATES: And so, with hunger and the rest, does he cease to feel the desires and pleasures at the same time? CALLICLES: That is so. SOCRATES: And also ceases to feel the pains and pleasures at the same time? 497c. Call. Well then, proceed with those little cramped questions of yours, since Gorgias is so minded. Soc. You are fortunate, Callicles, in having been initiated into the Great Mysteries before the Little: I did not think that was the proper thing. So go on answering where you left off—as to whether each of us does not cease to feel thirst and pleasure at the same time. Call. I grant it. Soc. And so, with hunger and the rest, does he cease to feel the desires and pleasures at the same time? Call. That is so. Soc. And also ceases to feel the pains and pleasures at the same time?

29. Plato, Crito, 50b, 51b, 52a, 46b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 22

46b. ΣΩ. ὦ φίλε Κρίτων, ἡ προθυμία σου πολλοῦ ἀξία εἰ μετά τινος ὀρθότητος εἴη· εἰ δὲ μή, ὅσῳ μείζων τοσούτῳ χαλεπωτέρα. σκοπεῖσθαι οὖν χρὴ ἡμᾶς εἴτε ταῦτα πρακτέον εἴτε μή· ὡς ἐγὼ οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀεὶ τοιοῦτος οἷος τῶν ἐμῶν μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ πείθεσθαι ἢ τῷ λόγῳ ὃς ἄν μοι λογιζομένῳ βέλτιστος φαίνηται. τοὺς δὴ λόγους οὓς ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἔλεγον οὐ δύναμαι νῦν ἐκβαλεῖν, ἐπειδή μοι ἥδε ἡ τύχη γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ σχεδόν τι ὅμοιοι φαίνονταί μοι,

46b. Socrates. My dear Crito, your eagerness is worth a great deal, if it should prove to be rightly directed; but otherwise, the greater it is, the more hard to bear. So we must examine the question whether we ought to do this or not; for I am not only now but always a man who follows nothing but the reasoning which on consideration seems to me best. Aud I cannot, now that this has happened to us, discard the arguments I used to advance, but they seem to me much the same as ever,

30. Thugenides Comicus, Fragments, fr.5 k.-a. (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 342

31. Pherecydes of Athens, Fragments, b1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 148

32. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.11-1.1.16, 1.4.2-1.4.19, 4.3.2-4.3.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoics and stoicism •stoics, stoicism, stoicising •stoics, stoicism, stoicising, middle stoicism •stoics, stoicism, stoicising, old stoic, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 27, 32; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 282; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 19

1.1.11. οὐδεὶς δὲ πώποτε Σωκράτους οὐδὲν ἀσεβὲς οὐδὲ ἀνόσιον οὔτε πράττοντος εἶδεν οὔτε λέγοντος ἤκουσεν. οὐδὲ γὰρ περὶ τῆς τῶν πάντων φύσεως, ᾗπερ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ πλεῖστοι, διελέγετο σκοπῶν ὅπως ὁ καλούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν σοφιστῶν κόσμος ἔχει καὶ τίσιν ἀνάγκαις ἕκαστα γίγνεται τῶν οὐρανίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φροντίζοντας τὰ τοιαῦτα μωραίνοντας ἀπεδείκνυε. 1.1.12. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῶν ἐσκόπει πότερά ποτε νομίσαντες ἱκανῶς ἤδη τἀνθρώπινα εἰδέναι ἔρχονται ἐπὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων φροντίζειν, ἢ τὰ μὲν ἀνθρώπινα παρέντες, τὰ δαιμόνια δὲ σκοποῦντες ἡγοῦνται τὰ προσήκοντα πράττειν. 1.1.13. ἐθαύμαζε δʼ εἰ μὴ φανερὸν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν, ὅτι ταῦτα οὐ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις εὑρεῖν· ἐπεὶ καὶ τοὺς μέγιστον φρονοῦντας ἐπὶ τῷ περὶ τούτων λέγειν οὐ ταὐτὰ δοξάζειν ἀλλήλοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μαινομένοις ὁμοίως διακεῖσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. 1.1.14. τῶν τε γὰρ μαινομένων τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲ τὰ δεινὰ δεδιέναι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ μὴ φοβερὰ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ τοῖς μὲν οὐδʼ ἐν ὄχλῳ δοκεῖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναι λέγειν ἢ ποιεῖν ὁτιοῦν, τοῖς δὲ οὐδʼ ἐξιτητέον εἰς ἀνθρώπους εἶναι δοκεῖν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν οὔθʼ ἱερὸν οὔτε βωμὸν οὔτʼ ἄλλο τῶν θείων οὐδὲν τιμᾶν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ λίθους καὶ ξύλα τὰ τυχόντα καὶ θηρία σέβεσθαι· τῶν τε περὶ τῆς τῶν πάντων φύσεως μεριμνώντων τοῖς μὲν δοκεῖν ἓν μόνον τὸ ὂν εἶναι, τοῖς δʼ ἄπειρα τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἀεὶ πάντα κινεῖσθαι, τοῖς δʼ οὐδὲν ἄν ποτε κινηθῆναι, καὶ τοῖς μὲν πάντα γίγνεσθαί τε καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαι, τοῖς δὲ οὔτʼ ἂν γενέσθαι ποτὲ οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀπολεῖσθαι. 1.1.15. ἐσκόπει δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν καὶ τάδε, ἆρʼ, ὥσπερ οἱ τἀνθρώπεια μανθάνοντες ἡγοῦνται τοῦθʼ ὅ τι ἂν μάθωσιν ἑαυτοῖς τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅτῳ ἂν βούλωνται ποιήσειν, οὕτω καὶ οἱ τὰ θεῖα ζητοῦντες νομίζουσιν, ἐπειδὰν γνῶσιν αἷς ἀνάγκαις ἕκαστα γίγνεται, ποιήσειν, ὅταν βούλωνται, καὶ ἀνέμους καὶ ὕδατα καὶ ὥρας καὶ ὅτου ἂν ἄλλου δέωνται τῶν τοιούτων, ἢ τοιοῦτον μὲν οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ἐλπίζουσιν, ἀρκεῖ δʼ αὐτοῖς γνῶναι μόνον ᾗ τῶν τοιούτων ἕκαστα γίγνεται. 1.1.16. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ταῦτα πραγματευομένων τοιαῦτα ἔλεγεν· αὐτὸς δὲ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἀεὶ διελέγετο σκοπῶν τί εὐσεβές, τί ἀσεβές, τί καλόν, τί αἰσχρόν, τί δίκαιον, τί ἄδικον, τί σωφροσύνη, τί μανία, τί ἀνδρεία, τί δειλία, τί πόλις, τί πολιτικός, τί ἀρχὴ ἀνθρώπων, τί ἀρχικὸς ἀνθρώπων, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ἃ τοὺς μὲν εἰδότας ἡγεῖτο καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς εἶναι, τοὺς δʼ ἀγνοοῦντας ἀνδραποδώδεις ἂν δικαίως κεκλῆσθαι. 1.4.2. λέξω δὲ πρῶτον ἅ ποτε αὐτοῦ ἤκουσα περὶ τοῦ δαιμονίου διαλεγομένου πρὸς Ἀριστόδημον τὸν μικρὸν ἐπικαλούμενον. καταμαθὼν γὰρ αὐτὸν οὔτε θύοντα τοῖς θεοῖς οὔτε μαντικῇ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ποιούντων ταῦτα καταγελῶντα, εἰπέ μοι, ἔφη, ὦ Ἀριστόδημε, ἔστιν οὕστινας ἀνθρώπους τεθαύμακας ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ; ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. 1.4.3. καὶ ὅς, λέξον ἡμῖν, ἔφη, τὰ ὀνόματα αὐτῶν. ἐπὶ μὲν τοίνυν ἐπῶν ποιήσει Ὅμηρον ἔγωγε μάλιστα τεθαύμακα, ἐπὶ δὲ διθυράμβῳ Μελανιππίδην, ἐπὶ δὲ τραγῳδίᾳ Σοφοκλέα, ἐπὶ δὲ ἀνδριαντοποιίᾳ Πολύκλειτον, ἐπὶ δὲ ζωγραφίᾳ Ζεῦξιν. 1.4.4. πότερά σοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ ἀπεργαζόμενοι εἴδωλα ἄφρονά τε καὶ ἀκίνητα ἀξιοθαυμαστότεροι εἶναι ἢ οἱ ζῷα ἔμφρονά τε καὶ ἐνεργά; πολὺ νὴ Δία οἱ ζῷα, εἴπερ γε μὴ τύχῃ τινί, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ γνώμης ταῦτα γίγνεται. τῶν δὲ ἀτεκμάρτως ἐχόντων ὅτου ἕνεκα ἔστι καὶ τῶν φανερῶς ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ ὄντων πότερα τύχης καὶ πότερα γνώμης ἔργα κρίνεις; πρέπει μὲν τὰ ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ γιγνόμενα γνώμης εἶναι ἔργα. 1.4.5. οὐκοῦν δοκεῖ σοι ὁ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ποιῶν ἀνθρώπους ἐπʼ ὠφελείᾳ προσθεῖναι αὐτοῖς διʼ ὧν αἰσθάνονται ἕκαστα, ὀφθαλμοὺς μὲν ὥσθʼ ὁρᾶν τὰ ὁρατά, ὦτα δὲ ὥστʼ ἀκούειν τὰ ἀκουστά; ὀσμῶν γε μήν, εἰ μὴ ῥῖνες προσετέθησαν, τί ἂν ἡμῖν ὄφελος ἦν; τίς δʼ ἂν αἴσθησις ἦν γλυκέων καὶ δριμέων καὶ πάντων τῶν διὰ στόματος ἡδέων, εἰ μὴ γλῶττα τούτων γνώμων ἐνειργάσθη; 1.4.6. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις οὐ δοκεῖ σοι καὶ τάδε προνοίας ἔργοις ἐοικέναι, τὸ ἐπεὶ ἀσθενὴς μέν ἐστιν ἡ ὄψις, βλεφάροις αὐτὴν θυρῶσαι, ἅ, ὅταν μὲν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαί τι δέῃ, ἀναπετάννυται, ἐν δὲ τῷ ὕπνῳ συγκλείεται, ὡς δʼ ἂν μηδὲ ἄνεμοι βλάπτωσιν, ἡθμὸν βλεφαρίδας ἐμφῦσαι, ὀφρύσι τε ἀπογεισῶσαι τὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀμμάτων, ὡς μηδʼ ὁ ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἱδρὼς κακουργῇ· τὸ δὲ τὴν ἀκοὴν δέχεσθαι μὲν πάσας φωνάς, ἐμπίμπλασθαι δὲ μήποτε· καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρόσθεν ὀδόντας πᾶσι ζῴοις οἵους τέμνειν εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ γομφίους οἵους παρὰ τούτων δεξαμένους λεαίνειν· καὶ στόμα μέν, διʼ οὗ ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖ τὰ ζῷα εἰσπέμπεται, πλησίον ὀφθαλμῶν καὶ ῥινῶν καταθεῖναι· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ ἀποχωροῦντα δυσχερῆ, ἀποστρέψαι τοὺς τούτων ὀχετοὺς καὶ ἀπενεγκεῖν ᾗ δυνατὸν προσωτάτω ἀπὸ τῶν αἰσθήσεων· ταῦτα οὕτω προνοητικῶς πεπραγμένα ἀπορεῖς πότερα τύχης ἢ γνώμης ἔργα ἐστίν; 1.4.7. οὐ μὰ τὸν Δίʼ, ἔφη, ἀλλʼ οὕτω γε σκοπουμένῳ πάνυ ἔοικε ταῦτα σοφοῦ τινος δημιουργοῦ καὶ φιλοζῴου τεχνήμασι. τὸ δὲ ἐμφῦσαι μὲν ἔρωτα τῆς τεκνοποιίας, ἐμφῦσαι δὲ ταῖς γειναμέναις ἔρωτα τοῦ ἐκτρέφειν, τοῖς δὲ τραφεῖσι μέγιστον μὲν πόθον τοῦ ζῆν, μέγιστον δὲ φόβον τοῦ θανάτου; ἀμέλει καὶ ταῦτα ἔοικε μηχανήμασί τινος ζῷα εἶναι βουλευσαμένου. 1.4.8. σὺ δὲ σαυτῷ δοκεῖς τι φρόνιμον ἔχειν; ἐρώτα γοῦν καὶ ἀποκρινοῦμαι. ἄλλοθι δὲ οὐδαμοῦ οὐδὲν οἴει φρόνιμον εἶναι; καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰδὼς ὅτι γῆς τε μικρὸν μέρος ἐν τῷ σώματι πολλῆς οὔσης ἔχεις καὶ ὑγροῦ βραχὺ πολλοῦ ὄντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δήπου μεγάλων ὄντων ἑκάστου μικρὸν μέρος λαβόντι τὸ σῶμα συνήρμοσταί σοι· νοῦν δὲ μόνον ἄρα οὐδαμοῦ ὄντα σε εὐτυχῶς πως δοκεῖς συναρπάσαι, καὶ τάδε τὰ ὑπερμεγέθη καὶ πλῆθος ἄπειρα διʼ ἀφροσύνην τινά, ὡς οἴει, εὐτάκτως ἔχειν; 1.4.9. μὰ Δίʼ οὐ γὰρ ὁρῶ τοὺς κυρίους, ὥσπερ τῶν ἐνθάδε γιγνομένων τοὺς δημιουργούς. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν σαυτοῦ σύγε ψυχὴν ὁρᾷς, ἣ τοῦ σώματος κυρία ἐστίν· ὥστε κατά γε τοῦτο ἔξεστί σοι λέγειν, ὅτι οὐδὲν γνώμῃ, ἀλλὰ τύχῃ πάντα πράττεις. 1.4.10. καὶ ὁ Ἀριστόδημος, οὔτοι, ἔφη, ἐγώ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὑπερορῶ τὸ δαιμόνιον, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνο μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ἡγοῦμαι ἢ ὡς τῆς ἐμῆς θεραπείας προσδεῖσθαι. οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, ὅσῳ μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ὂν ἀξιοῖ σε θεραπεύειν, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον τιμητέον αὐτό. 1.4.11. εὖ ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὅτι, εἰ νομίζοιμι θεοὺς ἀνθρώπων τι φροντίζειν, οὐκ ἂν ἀμελοίην αὐτῶν. ἔπειτʼ οὐκ οἴει φροντίζειν; οἳ πρῶτον μὲν μόνον τῶν ζῴων ἄνθρωπον ὀρθὸν ἀνέστησαν· ἡ δὲ ὀρθότης καὶ προορᾶν πλέον ποιεῖ δύνασθαι καὶ τὰ ὕπερθεν μᾶλλον θεᾶσθαι καὶ ἧττον κακοπαθεῖν καὶ ὄψιν καὶ ἀκοὴν καὶ στόμα ἐνεποίησαν· ἔπειτα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἑρπετοῖς πόδας ἔδωκαν, οἳ τὸ πορεύεσθαι μόνον παρέχουσιν, ἀνθρώπῳ δὲ καὶ χεῖρας προσέθεσαν, αἳ τὰ πλεῖστα οἷς εὐδαιμονέστεροι ἐκείνων ἐσμὲν ἐξεργάζονται. 1.4.12. καὶ μὴν γλῶττάν γε πάντων τῶν ζῴων ἐχόντων, μόνην τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησαν οἵαν ἄλλοτε ἀλλαχῇ ψαύουσαν τοῦ στόματος ἀρθροῦν τε τὴν φωνὴν καὶ σημαίνειν πάντα ἀλλήλοις ἃ βουλόμεθα. τὸ δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων ἡδονὰς τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ζῴοις δοῦναι περιγράψαντας τοῦ ἔτους χρόνον, ἡμῖν δὲ συνεχῶς μέχρι γήρως ταῦτα παρέχειν. 1.4.13. οὐ τοίνυν μόνον ἤρκεσε τῷ θεῷ τοῦ σώματος ἐπιμεληθῆναι, ἀλλʼ, ὅπερ μέγιστόν ἐστι, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν κρατίστην τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐνέφυσε. τίνος γὰρ ἄλλου ζῴου ψυχὴ πρῶτα μὲν θεῶν τῶν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ κάλλιστα συνταξάντων ᾔσθηται ὅτι εἰσί; τί δὲ φῦλον ἄλλο ἢ ἄνθρωποι θεοὺς θεραπεύουσι; ποία δὲ ψυχὴ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἱκανωτέρα προφυλάττεσθαι ἢ λιμὸν ἢ δίψος ἢ ψύχη ἢ θάλπη, ἢ νόσοις ἐπικουρῆσαι, ἢ ῥώμην ἀσκῆσαι, ἢ πρὸς μάθησιν ἐκπονῆσαι, ἢ ὅσα ἂν ἀκούσῃ ἢ ἴδῃ ἢ μάθῃ ἱκανωτέρα ἐστὶ διαμεμνῆσθαι; 1.4.14. οὐ γὰρ πάνυ σοι κατάδηλον ὅτι παρὰ τἆλλα ζῷα ὥσπερ θεοὶ ἄνθρωποι βιοτεύουσι, φύσει καὶ τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ κρατιστεύοντες; οὔτε γὰρ βοὸς ἂν ἔχων σῶμα, ἀνθρώπου δὲ γνώμην ἐδύνατʼ ἂν πράττειν ἃ ἐβούλετο, οὔθʼ ὅσα χεῖρας ἔχει, ἄφρονα δʼ ἐστί, πλέον οὐδὲν ἔχει. σὺ δʼ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν πλείστου ἀξίων τετυχηκὼς οὐκ οἴει σοῦ θεοὺς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι; ἀλλʼ ὅταν τί ποιήσωσι, νομιεῖς αὐτοὺς σοῦ φροντίζειν; 1.4.15. ὅταν πέμπωσιν, ὥσπερ σὺ φὴς πέμπειν αὐτούς, συμβούλους ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ μὴ ποιεῖν. ὅταν δὲ Ἀθηναίοις, ἔφη, πυνθανομένοις τι διὰ μαντικῆς φράζωσιν, οὐ καὶ σοὶ δοκεῖς φράζειν αὐτούς, οὐδʼ ὅταν τοῖς Ἕλλησι τέρατα πέμποντες προσημαίνωσιν, οὐδʼ ὅταν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλὰ μόνον σὲ ἐξαιροῦντες ἐν ἀμελείᾳ κατατίθενται; 1.4.16. οἴει δʼ ἂν τοὺς θεοὺς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δόξαν ἐμφῦσαι ὡς ἱκανοί εἰσιν εὖ καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν, εἰ μὴ δυνατοὶ ἦσαν, καὶ ἀνθρώπους ἐξαπατωμένους τὸν πάντα χρόνον οὐδέποτʼ ἂν αἰσθέσθαι; οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅτι τὰ πολυχρονιώτατα καὶ σοφώτατα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων, πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη, θεοσεβέστατά ἐστι, καὶ αἱ φρονιμώταται ἡλικίαι θεῶν ἐπιμελέσταται; 1.4.17. ὠγαθέ, ἔφη, κατάμαθε ὅτι καὶ ὁ σὸς νοῦς ἐνὼν τὸ σὸν σῶμα ὅπως βούλεται μεταχειρίζεται. οἴεσθαι οὖν χρὴ καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ παντὶ φρόνησιν τὰ πάντα, ὅπως ἂν αὐτῇ ἡδὺ ᾖ, οὕτω τίθεσθαι, καὶ μὴ τὸ σὸν μὲν ὄμμα δύνασθαι ἐπὶ πολλὰ στάδια ἐξικνεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ὀφθαλμὸν ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἅμα πάντα ὁρᾶν, μηδὲ τὴν σὴν μὲν ψυχὴν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ δύνασθαι φροντίζειν, τὴν δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ φρόνησιν μὴ ἱκανὴν εἶναι ἅμα πάντων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. 1.4.18. ἂν μέντοι, ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπους θεραπεύων γιγνώσκεις τοὺς ἀντιθεραπεύειν ἐθέλοντας καὶ χαριζόμενος τοὺς ἀντιχαριζομένους καὶ συμβουλευόμενος καταμανθάνεις τοὺς φρονίμους, οὕτω καὶ τῶν θεῶν πεῖραν λαμβάνῃς θεραπεύων, εἴ τί σοι θελήσουσι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων ἀνθρώποις συμβουλεύειν, γνώσει τὸ θεῖον ὅτι τοσοῦτον καὶ τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν ὥσθʼ ἅμα πάντα ὁρᾶν καὶ πάντα ἀκούειν καὶ πανταχοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ ἅμα πάντων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι αὐτούς . 1.4.19. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα λέγων οὐ μόνον τοὺς συνόντας ἐδόκει ποιεῖν ὁπότε ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁρῷντο, ἀπέχεσθαι τῶν ἀνοσίων τε καὶ ἀδίκων καὶ αἰσχρῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁπότε ἐν ἐρημίᾳ εἶεν, ἐπείπερ ἡγήσαιντο μηδὲν ἄν ποτε ὧν πράττοιεν θεοὺς διαλαθεῖν. 4.3.2. πρῶτον μὲν δὴ περὶ θεοὺς ἐπειρᾶτο σώφρονας ποιεῖν τοὺς συνόντας. ἄλλοι μὲν οὖν αὐτῷ πρὸς ἄλλους οὕτως ὁμιλοῦντι παραγενόμενοι διηγοῦντο· ἐγὼ δέ, ὅτε πρὸς Εὐθύδημον τοιάδε διελέγετο, παρεγενόμην. 4.3.3. εἰπέ μοι, ἔφη, ὦ Εὐθύδημε, ἤδη ποτέ σοι ἐπῆλθεν ἐνθυμηθῆναι ὡς ἐπιμελῶς οἱ θεοὶ ὧν οἱ ἄνθρωποι δέονται κατεσκευάκασι; καὶ ὅς, μὰ τὸν Δίʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ ἔμοιγε. ἀλλʼ οἶσθά γʼ, ἔφη, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν φωτὸς δεόμεθα, ὃ ἡμῖν οἱ θεοὶ παρέχουσι; νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη, ὅ γʼ εἰ μὴ εἴχομεν, ὅμοιοι τοῖς τυφλοῖς ἂν ἦμεν ἕνεκά γε τῶν ἡμετέρων ὀφθαλμῶν. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἀναπαύσεώς γε δεομένοις ἡμῖν νύκτα παρέχουσι κάλλιστον ἀναπαυτήριον. 4.3.4. πάνυ γʼ, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦτο χάριτος ἄξιον. οὐκοῦν καὶ ἐπειδὴ ὁ μὲν ἥλιος φωτεινὸς ὢν τάς τε ὥρας τῆς ἡμέρας ἡμῖν καὶ τἆλλα πάντα σαφηνίζει, ἡ δὲ νὺξ διὰ τὸ σκοτεινὴ εἶναι ἀσαφεστέρα ἐστίν, ἄστρα ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ἀνέφηναν, ἃ ἡμῖν τῆς νυκτὸς τὰς ὥρας ἐμφανίζει, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλὰ ὧν δεόμεθα πράττομεν; ἔστι ταῦτα, ἔφη. ἀλλὰ μὴν ἥ γε σελήνη οὐ μόνον τῆς νυκτός, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ μηνὸς τὰ μέρη φανερὰ ἡμῖν ποιεῖ. 4.3.5. πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. τὸ δʼ, ἐπεὶ τροφῆς δεόμεθα, ταύτην ἡμῖν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναδιδόναι καὶ ὥρας ἁρμοττούσας πρὸς τοῦτο παρέχειν, αἳ ἡμῖν οὐ μόνον ὧν δεόμεθα πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα παρασκευάζουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς εὐφραινόμεθα; 4.3.6. πάνυ, ἔφη, καὶ ταῦτα φιλάνθρωπα. τὸ δὲ καὶ ὕδωρ ἡμῖν παρέχειν οὕτω πολλοῦ ἄξιον, ὥστε συμφύειν τε καὶ συναύξειν τῇ γῇ καὶ ταῖς ὥραις πάντα τὰ χρήσιμα ἡμῖν, συντρέφειν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς καὶ μιγνύμενον πᾶσι τοῖς τρέφουσιν ἡμᾶς εὐκατεργαστότερά τε καὶ ὠφελιμώτερα καὶ ἡδίω ποιεῖν αὐτά, καὶ ἐπειδὴ πλείστου δεόμεθα τούτου, ἀφθονέστατον αὐτὸ παρέχειν ἡμῖν; καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, προνοητικόν. 4.3.7. τὸ δὲ καὶ τὸ πῦρ πορίσαι ἡμῖν, ἐπίκουρον μὲν ψύχους, ἐπίκουρον δὲ σκότους, συνεργὸν δὲ πρὸς πᾶσαν τέχνην καὶ πάντα ὅσα ὠφελείας ἕνεκα ἄνθρωποι κατασκευάζονται; ὡς γὰρ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν οὐδὲν ἀξιόλογον ἄνευ πυρὸς ἄνθρωποι τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον χρησίμων κατασκευάζονται. ὑπερβάλλει, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦτο φιλανθρωπίᾳ. 4.3.8. τὸ δὲ τὸν ἥλιον, ἐπειδὰν ἐν χειμῶνι τράπηται, προσιέναι τὰ μὲν ἁδρύνοντα, τὰ δὲ ξηραίνοντα, ὧν καιρὸς διελήλυθε, καὶ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενον μηκέτι ἐγγυτέρω προσιέναι, ἀλλʼ ἀποτρέπεσθαι φυλαττόμενον μή τι ἡμᾶς μᾶλλον τοῦ δέοντος θερμαίνων βλάψῃ, καὶ ὅταν αὖ πάλιν ἀπιὼν γένηται ἔνθα καὶ ἡμῖν δῆλόν ἐστιν ὅτι, εἰ προσωτέρω ἄπεισιν, ἀποπαγησόμεθα ὑπὸ τοῦ ψύχους, πάλιν αὖ τρέπεσθαι καὶ προσχωρεῖν, καὶ ἐνταῦθα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἀναστρέφεσθαι ἔνθα ὢν μάλιστʼ ἂν ἡμᾶς ὠφελοίη; νὴ τὸν Δίʼ, ἔφη, καὶ ταῦτα παντάπασιν ἔοικεν ἀνθρώπων ἕνεκα γιγνομένοις. 4.3.9. τὸ δʼ, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοῦτο φανερὸν ὅτι οὐκ ἂν ὑπενέγκαιμεν οὔτε τὸ καῦμα οὔτε τὸ ψῦχος, εἰ ἐξαπίνης γίγνοιτο, οὕτω μὲν κατὰ μικρὸν προσιέναι τὸν ἥλιον, οὕτω δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπιέναι, ὥστε λανθάνειν ἡμᾶς εἰς ἑκάτερα τὰ ἰσχυρότατα καθισταμένους; ἐγὼ μέν, ἔφη ὁ Εὐθύδημος, ἤδη τοῦτο σκοπῶ, εἰ ἄρα τί ἐστι τοῖς θεοῖς ἔργον ἢ ἀνθρώπους θεραπεύειν· ἐκεῖνο δὲ μόνον ἐμποδίζει με, ὅτι καὶ τἆλλα ζῷα τούτων μετέχει. 4.3.10. οὐ γὰρ καὶ τοῦτʼ, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, φανερὸν ὅτι καὶ ταῦτα ἀνθρώπων ἕνεκα γίγνεταί τε καὶ ἀνατρέφεται; τί γὰρ ἄλλο ζῷον αἰγῶν τε καὶ οἰῶν καὶ βοῶν καὶ ἵππων καὶ ὄνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων τοσαῦτα ἀγαθὰ ἀπολαύει ὅσα ἄνθρωποι; ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ δοκεῖ, πλείω ἢ τῶν φυτῶν· τρέφονται γοῦν καὶ χρηματίζονται οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀπὸ τούτων ἢ ἀπʼ ἐκείνων· πολὺ δὲ γένος ἀνθρώπων τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τῆς γῆς φυομένοις εἰς τροφὴν οὐ χρῆται, ἀπὸ δὲ βοσκημάτων γάλακτι καὶ τυρῷ καὶ κρέασι τρεφόμενοι ζῶσι· πάντες δὲ τιθασεύοντες καὶ δαμάζοντες τὰ χρήσιμα τῶν ζῴων εἴς τε πόλεμον καὶ εἰς ἄλλα πολλὰ συνεργοῖς χρῶνται. ὁμογνωμονῶ σοι καὶ τοῦτʼ, ἔφη· ὁρῶ γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πολὺ ἰσχυρότερα ἡμῶν οὕτως ὑποχείρια γιγνόμενα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὥστε χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ὅ τι ἂν βούλωνται. 4.3.11. τὸ δʼ, ἐπειδὴ πολλὰ μὲν καλὰ καὶ ὠφέλιμα, διαφέροντα δὲ ἀλλήλων ἐστί, προσθεῖναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αἰσθήσεις ἁρμοττούσας πρὸς ἕκαστα, διʼ ὧν ἀπολαύομεν πάντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν· τὸ δὲ καὶ λογισμὸν ἡμῖν ἐμφῦσαι, ᾧ περὶ ὧν αἰσθανόμεθα λογιζόμενοί τε καὶ μνημονεύοντες καταμανθάνομεν ὅπῃ ἕκαστα συμφέρει, καὶ πολλὰ μηχανώμεθα, διʼ ὧν τῶν τε ἀγαθῶν ἀπολαύομεν καὶ τὰ κακὰ ἀλεξόμεθα· 4.3.12. τὸ δὲ καὶ ἑρμηνείαν δοῦναι, διʼ ἧς πάντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν μεταδίδομέν τε ἀλλήλοις διδάσκοντες καὶ κοινωνοῦμεν καὶ νόμους τιθέμεθα καὶ πολιτευόμεθα; παντάπασιν ἐοίκασιν, ὦ Σώκρατες, οἱ θεοὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῖσθαι. τὸ δὲ καί, ᾗ ἀδυνατοῦμεν τὰ συμφέροντα προνοεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν μελλόντων, ταύτῃ αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν συνεργεῖν, διὰ μαντικῆς τοῖς πυνθανομένοις φράζοντας τὰ ἀποβησόμενα καὶ διδάσκοντας ᾗ ἂν ἄριστα γίγνοιτο; σοὶ δʼ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐοίκασιν ἔτι φιλικώτερον ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις χρῆσθαι, εἴ γε μηδὲ ἐπερωτώμενοι ὑπὸ σοῦ προσημαίνουσί σοι ἅ τε χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. 4.3.13. ὅτι δέ γε ἀληθῆ λέγω, καὶ σὺ γνώσῃ, ἂν μὴ ἀναμένῃς ἕως ἂν τὰς μορφὰς τῶν θεῶν ἴδῃς, ἀλλʼ ἐξαρκῇ σοι τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ὁρῶντι σέβεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν τοὺς θεούς. ἐννόει δὲ ὅτι καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ θεοὶ οὕτως ὑποδεικνύουσιν· οἵ τε γὰρ ἄλλοι ἡμῖν τἀγαθὰ διδόντες οὐδὲν τούτων εἰς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἰόντες διδόασι, καὶ ὁ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον συντάττων τε καὶ συνέχων, ἐν ᾧ πάντα καλὰ καὶ ἀγαθά ἐστι, καὶ ἀεὶ μὲν χρωμένοις ἀτριβῆ τε καὶ ὑγιᾶ καὶ ἀγήρατα παρέχων, θᾶττον δὲ νοήματος ὑπηρετοῦντα ἀναμαρτήτως, οὗτος τὰ μέγιστα μὲν πράττων ὁρᾶται, τάδε δὲ οἰκονομῶν ἀόρατος ἡμῖν ἐστιν. 4.3.14. ἐννόει δʼ ὅτι καὶ ὁ πᾶσι φανερὸς δοκῶν εἶναι Ἥλιος οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἑαυτὸν ἀκριβῶς ὁρᾶν, ἀλλʼ, ἐάν τις αὐτὸν ἀναιδῶς ἐγχειρῇ θεάσασθαι, τὴν ὄψιν ἀφαιρεῖται. καὶ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας δὲ τῶν θεῶν εὑρήσεις ἀφανεῖς ὄντας· κεραυνός τε γὰρ ὅτι μὲν ἄνωθεν ἀφίεται, δῆλον, καὶ ὅτι οἷς ἂν ἐντύχῃ πάντων κρατεῖ, ὁρᾶται δʼ οὔτʼ ἐπιὼν οὔτʼ ἐγκατασκήψας οὔτε ἀπιών· καὶ ἄνεμοι αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐχ ὁρῶνται, ἃ δὲ ποιοῦσι φανερὰ ἡμῖν ἐστι, καὶ προσιόντων αὐτῶν αἰσθανόμεθα. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἀνθρώπου γε ψυχή, ἥ, εἴπερ τι καὶ ἄλλο τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων, τοῦ θείου μετέχει, ὅτι μὲν βασιλεύει ἐν ἡμῖν, φανερόν, ὁρᾶται δὲ οὐδʼ αὐτή. ἃ χρὴ κατανοοῦντα μὴ καταφρονεῖν τῶν ἀοράτων, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν γιγνομένων τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν καταμανθάνοντα τιμᾶν τὸ δαιμόνιον. 4.3.15. ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη ὁ Εὐθύδημος, ὅτι μὲν οὐδὲ μικρὸν ἀμελήσω τοῦ δαιμονίου, σαφῶς οἶδα· ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἀθυμῶ, ὅτι μοι δοκεῖ τὰς τῶν θεῶν εὐεργεσίας οὐδʼ ἂν εἷς ποτε ἀνθρώπων ἀξίαις χάρισιν ἀμείβεσθαι. 4.3.16. ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῦτο ἀθύμει, ἔφη, ὦ Εὐθύδημε· ὁρᾷς γὰρ ὅτι ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς θεός, ὅταν τις αὐτὸν ἐπερωτᾷ πῶς ἂν τοῖς θεοῖς χαρίζοιτο, ἀποκρίνεται· νόμῳ πόλεως· νόμος δὲ δήπου πανταχοῦ ἐστι κατὰ δύναμιν ἱεροῖς θεοὺς ἀρέσκεσθαι. πῶς οὖν ἄν τις κάλλιον καὶ εὐσεβέστερον τιμῴη θεοὺς ἤ, ὡς αὐτοὶ κελεύουσιν, οὕτω ποιῶν; 4.3.17. ἀλλὰ χρὴ τῆς μὲν δυνάμεως μηδὲν ὑφίεσθαι· ὅταν γάρ τις τοῦτο ποιῇ, φανερὸς δήπου ἐστὶ τότε οὐ τιμῶν θεούς. χρὴ οὖν μηδὲν ἐλλείποντα κατὰ δύναμιν τιμᾶν τοὺς θεοὺς θαρρεῖν τε καὶ ἐλπίζειν τὰ μέγιστα ἀγαθά. οὐ γὰρ παρʼ ἄλλων γʼ ἄν τις μείζω ἐλπίζων σωφρονοίη ἢ παρὰ τῶν τὰ μέγιστα ὠφελεῖν δυναμένων, οὐδʼ ἂν ἄλλως μᾶλλον ἢ εἰ τούτοις ἀρέσκοι· ἀρέσκοι δὲ πῶς ἂν μᾶλλον ἢ εἰ ὡς μάλιστα πείθοιτο αὐτοῖς; 4.3.18. τοιαῦτα μὲν δὴ λέγων τε καὶ αὐτὸς ποιῶν εὐσεβεστέρους τε καὶ σωφρονεστέρους τοὺς συνόντας παρεσκεύαζεν.

1.1.11. He did not even discuss that topic so favoured by other talkers, the Nature of the Universe : and avoided speculation on the so-called Cosmos of the Professors, how it works, and on the laws that govern the phenomena of the heavens: indeed he would argue that to trouble one’s mind with such problems is sheer folly. 1.1.11. He did not even discuss that topic so favoured by other talkers, "the Nature of the Universe": and avoided speculation on the so-called "Cosmos" of the Professors, how it works, and on the laws that govern the phenomena of the heavens: indeed he would argue that to trouble one's mind with such problems is sheer folly. 1.1.12. In the first place, he would inquire, did these thinkers suppose that their knowledge of human affairs was so complete that they must seek these new fields for the exercise of their brains; or that it was their duty to neglect human affairs and consider only things divine? 1.1.12. In the first place, he would inquire, did these thinkers suppose that their knowledge of human affairs was so complete that they must seek these new fields for the exercise of their brains; or that it was their duty to neglect human affairs and consider only things divine? 1.1.13. Moreover, he marvelled at their blindness in not seeing that man cannot solve these riddles; since even the most conceited talkers on these problems did not agree in their theories, but behaved to one another like madmen. 1.1.13. Moreover, he marvelled at their blindness in not seeing that man cannot solve these riddles; since even the most conceited talkers on these problems did not agree in their theories, but behaved to one another like madmen. 1.1.14. As some madmen have no fear of danger and others are afraid where there is nothing to be afraid of, as some will do or say anything in a crowd with no sense of shame, while others shrink even from going abroad among men, some respect neither temple nor altar nor any other sacred thing, others worship stocks and stones and beasts, so is it, he held, with those who worry with Universal Nature. Some hold that What is is one, others that it is infinite in number: some that all things are in perpetual motion, others that nothing can ever be moved at any time: some that all life is birth and decay, others that nothing can ever be born or ever die. 1.1.14. As some madmen have no fear of danger and others are afraid where there is nothing to be afraid of, as some will do or say anything in a crowd with no sense of shame, while others shrink even from going abroad among men, some respect neither temple nor altar nor any other sacred thing, others worship stocks and stones and beasts, so is it, he held, with those who worry with "Universal Nature." Some hold that "What is" is one, others that it is infinite in number: some that all things are in perpetual motion, others that nothing can ever be moved at any time: some that all life is birth and decay, others that nothing can ever be born or ever die. 1.1.15. Nor were those the only questions he asked about such theorists. Students of human nature, he said, think that they will apply their knowledge in due course for the good of themselves and any others they choose. Do those who pry into heavenly phenomena imagine that, once they have discovered the laws by which these are produced, they will create at their will winds, waters, seasons and such things to their need? Or have they no such expectation, and are they satisfied with knowing the causes of these various phenomena? 1.1.15. Nor were those the only questions he asked about such theorists. Students of human nature, he said, think that they will apply their knowledge in due course for the good of themselves and any others they choose. Do those who pry into heavenly phenomena imagine that, once they have discovered the laws by which these are produced, they will create at their will winds, waters, seasons and such things to their need? Or have they no such expectation, and are they satisfied with knowing the causes of these various phenomena? 1.1.16. Such, then, was his criticism of those who meddle with these matters. His own conversation was ever of human things. The problems he discussed were, What is godly, what is ungodly; what is beautiful, what is ugly; what is just, what is unjust; what is prudence, what is madness; what is courage, what is cowardice; what is a state, what is a statesman; what is government, and what is a governor;—these and others like them, of which the knowledge made a gentleman, in his estimation, while ignorance should involve the reproach of slavishness. 1.1.16. Such, then, was his criticism of those who meddle with these matters. His own conversation was ever of human things. The problems he discussed were, What is godly, what is ungodly; what is beautiful, what is ugly; what is just, what is unjust; what is prudence, what is madness; what is courage, what is cowardice; what is a state, what is a statesman; what is government, and what is a governor;— these and others like them, of which the knowledge made a "gentleman," in his estimation, while ignorance should involve the reproach of "slavishness." 1.4.2. I will first state what I once heard him say about the godhead in conversation with Aristodemus the dwarf, as he was called. On learning that he was not known to sacrifice or pray or use divination, and actually made a mock of those who did so, he said: Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any human beings for wisdom? I do, he answered. 1.4.2. I will first state what I once heard him say about the godhead in conversation with Aristodemus the dwarf, as he was called. On learning that he was not known to sacrifice or pray or use divination, and actually made a mock of those who did so, he said: "Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any human beings for wisdom?" "I do," he answered. 1.4.3. Tell us their names. In epic poetry Homer comes first, in my opinion; in dithyramb, Melanippides; in tragedy, Sophocles; in sculpture, Polycleitus; in painting, Zeuxis. 1.4.3. "Tell us their names." "In epic poetry Homer comes first, in my opinion; in dithyramb, Melanippides; in tragedy, Sophocles; in sculpture, Polycleitus; in painting, Zeuxis." 1.4.4. Which, think you, deserve the greater admiration, the creators of phantoms without sense and motion, or the creators of living, intelligent, and active beings? Oh, of living beings, by far, provided only they are created by design and not mere chance. Suppose that it is impossible to guess the purpose of one creature’s existence, and obvious that another’s serves a useful end, which, in your judgment, is the work of chance, and which of design? Presumably the creature that serves some useful end is the work of design. 1.4.4. "Which, think you, deserve the greater admiration, the creators of phantoms without sense and motion, or the creators of living, intelligent, and active beings?" "Oh, of living beings, by far, provided only they are created by design and not mere chance." "Suppose that it is impossible to guess the purpose of one creature's existence, and obvious that another's serves a useful end, which, in your judgment, is the work of chance, and which of design?" "Presumably the creature that serves some useful end is the work of design." 1.4.5. Do you not think then that he who created man from the beginning had some useful end in view when he endowed him with his several senses, giving eyes to see visible objects, ears to hear sounds? Would odours again be of any use to us had we not been endowed with nostrils? What perception should we have of sweet and bitter and all things pleasant to the palate had we no tongue in our mouth to discriminate between them? 1.4.5. "Do you not think then that he who created man from the beginning had some useful end in view when he endowed him with his several senses, giving eyes to see visible objects, ears to hear sounds? Would odours again be of any use to us had we not been endowed with nostrils? What perception should we have of sweet and bitter and all things pleasant to the palate had we no tongue in our mouth to discriminate between them? 1.4.6. Besides these, are there not other contrivances that look like the results of forethought? Thus the eyeballs, being weak, are set behind eyelids, that open like doors when we want to see, and close when we sleep: on the lids grow lashes through which the very winds filter harmlessly: above the eyes is a coping of brows that lets no drop of sweat from the head hurt them. The ears catch all sounds, but are never choked with them. Again, the incisors of all creatures are adapted for cutting, the molars for receiving food from them and grinding it. And again, the mouth, through which the food they want goes in, is set near the eyes and nostrils; but since what goes out is unpleasant, the ducts through which it passes are turned away and removed as far as possible from the organs of sense. With such signs of forethought in these arrangements, can you doubt whether they are the works of chance or design? No, of course not. 1.4.6. Besides these, are there not other contrivances that look like the results of forethought? Thus the eyeballs, being weak, are set behind eyelids, that open like doors when we want to see, and close when we sleep: on the lids grow lashes through which the very winds filter harmlessly: above the eyes is a coping of brows that lets no drop of sweat from the head hurt them. The ears catch all sounds, but are never choked with them. Again, the incisors of all creatures are adapted for cutting, the molars for receiving food from them and grinding it. And again, the mouth, through which the food they want goes in, is set near the eyes and nostrils; but since what goes out is unpleasant, the ducts through which it passes are turned away and removed as far as possible from the organs of sense. With such signs of forethought in these arrangements, can you doubt whether they are the works of chance or design?" "No, of course not. 1.4.7. When I regard them in this light they do look very like the handiwork of a wise and loving creator. What of the natural desire to beget children, the mother’s desire to rear her babe, the child’s strong will to live and strong fear of death? Undoubtedly these, too, look like the contrivances of one who deliberately willed the existence of living creatures. 1.4.7. When I regard them in this light they do look very like the handiwork of a wise and loving creator." "What of the natural desire to beget children, the mother's desire to rear her babe, the child's strong will to live and strong fear of death?" "Undoubtedly these, too, look like the contrivances of one who deliberately willed the existence of living creatures." 1.4.8. Do you think you have any wisdom yourself? Oh! Ask me a question and judge from my answer. And do you suppose that wisdom is nowhere else to be found, although you know that you have a mere speck of all the earth in your body and a mere drop of all the water, and that of all the other mighty elements you received, I suppose, just a scrap towards the fashioning of your body? But as for mind, which alone, it seems, is without mass, do you think that you snapped it up by a lucky accident, and that the orderly ranks of all these huge masses, infinite in number, are due, forsooth, to a sort of absurdity? 1.4.8. "Do you think you have any wisdom yourself?" "Oh! Ask me a question and judge from my answer." "And do you suppose that wisdom is nowhere else to be found, although you know that you have a mere speck of all the earth in your body and a mere drop of all the water, and that of all the other mighty elements you received, I suppose, just a scrap towards the fashioning of your body? But as for mind, which alone, it seems, is without mass, do you think that you snapped it up by a lucky accident, and that the orderly ranks of all these huge masses, infinite in number, are due, forsooth, to a sort of absurdity?" 1.4.9. Yes; for I don’t see the master hand, whereas I see the makers of things in this world. Neither do you see your own soul, Cyropaedia VIII. Vii. 17. which has the mastery of the body; so that, as far as that goes, you may say that you do nothing by design, but everything by chance. Here Aristodemus exclaimed: 1.4.9. "Yes; for I don't see the master hand, whereas I see the makers of things in this world." "Neither do you see your own soul, which has the mastery of the body; so that, as far as that goes, you may say that you do nothing by design, but everything by chance." Here Aristodemus exclaimed: 1.4.10. Really, Socrates, I don’t despise the godhead. But I think it is too great to need my service. Then the greater the power that deigns to serve you, the more honour it demands of you. 1.4.10. "Really, Socrates, I don't despise the godhead. But I think it is too great to need my service." "Then the greater the power that deigns to serve you, the more honour it demands of you." 1.4.11. I assure you, that if I believed that the gods pay any heed to man, I would not neglect them. Then do you think them unheeding? In the first place, man is the only living creature that they have caused to stand upright; and the upright position gives him a wider range of vision in front and a better view of things above, and exposes him less to injury. Secondly, to grovelling creatures they have given feet that afford only the power of moving, whereas they have endowed man with hands, which are the instruments to which we chiefly owe our greater happiness. 1.4.11. "I assure you, that if I believed that the gods pay any heed to man, I would not neglect them." "Then do you think them unheeding? In the first place, man is the only living creature that they have caused to stand upright; and the upright position gives him a wider range of vision in front and a better view of things above, and exposes him less to injury. Secondly, to grovelling creatures they have given feet that afford only the power of moving, whereas they have endowed man with hands, which are the instruments to which we chiefly owe our greater happiness. 1.4.12. Again, though all creatures have a tongue, the tongue of man alone has been formed by them to be capable of contact with different parts of the mouth, so as to enable us to articulate the voice and express all our wants to one another. Once more, for all other creatures they have prescribed a fixed season of sexual indulgence; in our case the only time limit they have set is old age. 1.4.12. Again, though all creatures have a tongue, the tongue of man alone has been formed by them to be capable of contact with different parts of the mouth, so as to enable us to articulate the voice and express all our wants to one another. Once more, for all other creatures they have prescribed a fixed season of sexual indulgence; in our case the only time limit they have set is old age. 1.4.13. Nor was the deity content to care for man’s body. What is of yet higher moment, he has implanted in him the noblest type of soul. For in the first place what other creature’s soul has apprehended the existence of gods who set in order the universe, greatest and fairest of things? And what race of living things other than man worships gods? And what soul is more apt than man’s to make provision against hunger and thirst, cold and heat, to relieve sickness and promote health, to acquire knowledge by toil, and to remember accurately all that is heard, seen, or learned? 1.4.13. "Nor was the deity content to care for man's body. What is of yet higher moment, he has implanted in him the noblest type of soul. For in the first place what other creature's soul has apprehended the existence of gods who set in order the universe, greatest and fairest of things? And what race of living things other than man worships gods? And what soul is more apt than man's to make provision against hunger and thirst, cold and heat, to relieve sickness and promote health, to acquire knowledge by toil, and to remember accurately all that is heard, seen, or learned? 1.4.14. For is it not obvious to you that, in comparison with the other animals, men live like gods, by nature peerless both in body and in soul? For with a man’s reason and the body of an ox we could not carry out our wishes, and the possession of hands without reason is of little worth. Do you, then, having received the two most precious gifts, yet think that the gods take no care of you? What are they to do, to make you believe that they are heedful of you? 1.4.14. For is it not obvious to you that, in comparison with the other animals, men live like gods, by nature peerless both in body and in soul? For with a man's reason and the body of an ox we could not carry out our wishes, and the possession of hands without reason is of little worth. Do you, then, having received the two most precious gifts, yet think that the gods take no care of you? What are they to do, to make you believe that they are heedful of you?" 1.4.15. I will believe when they send counsellors, as you declare they do, saying, Do this, avoid that. But when the Athenians inquire of them by divination and they reply, do you not suppose that to you, too, the answer is given? Or when they send portents for warning to the Greeks, or to all the world? Are you their one exception, the only one consigned to neglect? 1.4.15. "I will believe when they send counsellors, as you declare they do, saying, 'Do this, avoid that.'" "But when the Athenians inquire of them by divination and they reply, do you not suppose that to you, too, the answer is given? Or when they send portents for warning to the Greeks, or to all the world? Are you their one exception, the only one consigned to neglect? 1.4.16. Or do you suppose that the gods would have put into man a belief in their ability to help and harm, if they had not that power; and that man throughout the ages would never have detected the fraud? Do you not see that the wisest and most enduring of human institutions, cities and nations, are most god-fearing, and that the most thoughtful period of life is the most religious? 1.4.16. Or do you suppose that the gods would have put into man a belief in their ability to help and harm, if they had not that power; and that man throughout the ages would never have detected the fraud? Do you not see that the wisest and most enduring of human institutions, cities and nations, are most god-fearing, and that the most thoughtful period of life is the most religious? 1.4.17. Be well assured, my good friend, that the mind within you directs your body according to its will; and equally you must think that Thought indwelling in the Universal disposes all things according to its pleasure. For think not that your eye can travel over many furlongs and yet god’s eye cannot see the the whole world at once; that your soul can ponder on things in Egypt and in Sicily, and god’s thought is not sufficient to pay heed to the whole world at once. 1.4.17. Be well assured, my good friend, that the mind within you directs your body according to its will; and equally you must think that Thought indwelling in the Universal disposes all things according to its pleasure. For think not that your eye can travel over many furlongs and yet god's eye cannot see the the whole world at once; that your soul can ponder on things in Egypt and in Sicily, and god's thought is not sufficient to pay heed to the whole world at once. 1.4.18. Nay, but just as by serving men you find out who is willing to serve you in return, by being kind who will be kind to you in return, and by taking counsel, discover the masters of thought, so try the gods by serving them, and see whether they will vouchsafe to counsel you in matters hidden from man. Then you will know that such is the greatness and such the nature of the deity that he sees all things Cyropaedia VIII. vii. 22. and hears all things alike, and is present in all places and heedful of all things. 1.4.18. Nay, but just as by serving men you find out who is willing to serve you in return, by being kind who will be kind to you in return, and by taking counsel, discover the masters of thought, so try the gods by serving them, and see whether they will vouchsafe to counsel you in matters hidden from man. Then you will know that such is the greatness and such the nature of the deity that he sees all things and hears all things alike, and is present in all places and heedful of all things." 1.4.19. To me at least it seemed that by these sayings he kept his companions from impiety, injustice, and baseness, and that not only when they were seen by men, but even in solitude; since they ever felt that no deed of theirs could at any time escape the gods. 1.4.19. To me at least it seemed that by these sayings he kept his companions from impiety, injustice, and baseness, and that not only when they were seen by men, but even in solitude; since they ever felt that no deed of theirs could at any time escape the gods. 4.3.2. In the first place, then, he tried to make his companions prudent towards the gods. Accordingly he discoursed on this topic at various times, as those who were present used to relate. The following conversation between him and Euthydemus I heard myself. 4.3.2. In the first place, then, he tried to make his companions prudent towards the gods. Accordingly he discoursed on this topic at various times, as those who were present used to relate. The following conversation between him and Euthydemus I heard myself. 4.3.3. Tell me, Euthydemus, he began, has it ever occurred to you to reflect on the care the gods have taken to furnish man with what he needs? No, indeed it has not, replied Euthydemus. Well, no doubt you know that our first and foremost need is light, which is supplied to us by the gods? of course; since without light our eyes would be as useless as if we were blind. And again, we need rest; and therefore the gods grant us the welcome respite of night. Yes, for that too we owe them thanks. 4.3.3. "Tell me, Euthydemus," he began, "has it ever occurred to you to reflect on the care the gods have taken to furnish man with what he needs?" "No, indeed it has not," replied Euthydemus. "Well, no doubt you know that our first and foremost need is light, which is supplied to us by the gods?" "of course; since without light our eyes would be as useless as if we were blind." "And again, we need rest; and therefore the gods grant us the welcome respite of night." "Yes, for that too we owe them thanks." 4.3.4. And since the night by reason of her darkness is dim, whereas the sun by his brightness illuminates the hours of the day and all things else, have they not made stars to shine in the night, that mark the watches of night for us, and do we not thereby satisfy many of our needs? That is so. Moreover, the moon reveals to us not only the divisions of the night, but of the month too. Certainly. 4.3.4. "And since the night by reason of her darkness is dim, whereas the sun by his brightness illuminates the hours of the day and all things else, have they not made stars to shine in the night, that mark the watches of night for us, and do we not thereby satisfy many of our needs?" "That is so." "Moreover, the moon reveals to us not only the divisions of the night, but of the month too." "Certainly." 4.3.5. Now, seeing that we need food, think how they make the earth to yield it, and provide to that end appropriate seasons which furnish in abundance the diverse things that minister not only to our wants but to our enjoyment. Truly these things too show loving-kindness. 4.3.5. "Now, seeing that we need food, think how they make the earth to yield it, and provide to that end appropriate seasons which furnish in abundance the diverse things that minister not only to our wants but to our enjoyment." "Truly these things too show loving-kindness." 4.3.6. Think again of their precious gift of water, that aids the earth and the seasons to give birth and increase to all things useful to us and itself helps to nourish our bodies, and mingling with all that sustains us, makes it more digestible, more wholesome, and more palatable: and how, because we need so much of it, they supply it without stint. That too shows design at work. 4.3.6. "Think again of their precious gift of water, that aids the earth and the seasons to give birth and increase to all things useful to us and itself helps to nourish our bodies, and mingling with all that sustains us, makes it more digestible, more wholesome, and more palatable: and how, because we need so much of it, they supply it without stint." "That too shows design at work." 4.3.7. Think again of the blessing of fire, our defence against cold and against darkness, our helpmate in every art and all that man contrives for his service. In fact, to put it shortly, nothing of any account that is useful to the life of man is contrived without the aid of fire. This too is a signal token of loving-kindness. 4.3.7. "Think again of the blessing of fire, our defence against cold and against darkness, our helpmate in every art and all that man contrives for his service. In fact, to put it shortly, nothing of any account that is useful to the life of man is contrived without the aid of fire." "This too is a signal token of loving-kindness." 4.3.8. Think again how the sun, when past the winter solstice, approaches, ripening some things and withering others, whose time is over; and having accomplished this, approaches no nearer, but turns away, careful not to harm us by excess of heat; and when once again in his retreat he reaches the point where it is clear to ourselves, that if he goes further away, we shall be frozen with the cold, back he turns once more and draws near and revolves in that region of the heavens where he can best serve us. Yes, verily, these things do seem to be done for the sake of mankind. 4.3.8. "Think again how the sun, when past the winter solstice, approaches, ripening some things and withering others, whose time is over; and having accomplished this, approaches no nearer, but turns away, careful not to harm us by excess of heat; and when once again in his retreat he reaches the point where it is clear to ourselves, that if he goes further away, we shall be frozen with the cold, back he turns once more and draws near and revolves in that region of the heavens where he can best serve us." "Yes, verily, these things do seem to be done for the sake of mankind." 4.3.9. And again, since it is evident that we could not endure the heat or the cold if it came suddenly, Cyropaedia VI. ii. 29. the sun’s approach and retreat are so gradual that we arrive at the one or the other extreme imperceptibly. For myself, exclaimed Euthydemus, I begin to doubt whether after all the gods are occupied in any other work than the service of man. The one difficulty I feel is that the lower animals also enjoy these blessings. 4.3.9. "And again, since it is evident that we could not endure the heat or the cold if it came suddenly, the sun's approach and retreat are so gradual that we arrive at the one or the other extreme imperceptibly." "For myself," exclaimed Euthydemus, "I begin to doubt whether after all the gods are occupied in any other work than the service of man. The one difficulty I feel is that the lower animals also enjoy these blessings." 4.3.10. Yes, replied Socrates, and is it not evident that they too receive life and food for the sake of man? For what creature reaps so many benefits as man from goats and sheep and horses and oxen and asses and the other animals? He owes more to them, in my opinion, than to the fruits of the earth. At the least they are not less valuable to him for food and commerce; in fact a large portion of mankind does not use the products of the earth for food, but lives on the milk and cheese and flesh they get from live stock. Moreover, all men tame and domesticate the useful kinds of animals, and make them their fellow-workers in war and many other undertakings. There too I agree with you, seeing that animals far stronger than man become so entirely subject to him that he puts them to any use he chooses. 4.3.10. "Yes," replied Socrates, "and is it not evident that they too receive life and food for the sake of man? For what creature reaps so many benefits as man from goats and sheep and horses and oxen and asses and the other animals? He owes more to them, in my opinion, than to the fruits of the earth. At the least they are not less valuable to him for food and commerce; in fact a large portion of mankind does not use the products of the earth for food, but lives on the milk and cheese and flesh they get from live stock. Moreover, all men tame and domesticate the useful kinds of animals, and make them their fellow-workers in war and many other undertakings." "There too I agree with you, seeing that animals far stronger than man become so entirely subject to him that he puts them to any use he chooses." 4.3.11. Think again of the multitude of things beautiful and useful and their infinite variety, and how the gods have endowed man with senses adapted for the perception of every kind, so that there is nothing good that we cannot enjoy; and again, how they have implanted in us the faculty of reasoning, whereby we are able to reason about the objects of our perceptions and to commit them to memory, and so come to know what advantage every kind can yield, and devise many means of enjoying the good and driving away the bad; 4.3.11. "Think again of the multitude of things beautiful and useful and their infinite variety, and how the gods have endowed man with senses adapted for the perception of every kind, so that there is nothing good that we cannot enjoy; and again, how they have implanted in us the faculty of reasoning, whereby we are able to reason about the objects of our perceptions and to commit them to memory, and so come to know what advantage every kind can yield, and devise many means of enjoying the good and driving away the bad; 4.3.12. and think of the power of expression, which enables us to impart to one another all good things by teaching and to take our share of them, to enact laws and to administer states. Truly, Socrates, it does appear that the gods devote much care to man. Yet again, in so far as we are powerless of ourselves to foresee what is expedient for the future, Cyropaedia I. vi. 46. the gods lend us their aid, revealing the issues by divination to inquirers, and teaching them how to obtain the best results. With you, Socrates, they seem to deal even more friendly than with other men, if it is true that, even unasked, they warn you by signs what to do and what not to do. 4.3.12. and think of the power of expression, which enables us to impart to one another all good things by teaching and to take our share of them, to enact laws and to administer states." "Truly, Socrates, it does appear that the gods devote much care to man." "Yet again, in so far as we are powerless of ourselves to foresee what is expedient for the future, the gods lend us their aid, revealing the issues by divination to inquirers, and teaching them how to obtain the best results." "With you, Socrates, they seem to deal even more friendly than with other men, if it is true that, even unasked, they warn you by signs what to do and what not to do." 4.3.13. Yes, and you will realise the truth of what I say if, instead of waiting for the gods to appear to you in bodily presence, you are content to praise and worship them because you see their works. Mark that the gods themselves give the reason for doing so; for when they bestow on us their good gifts, not one of them ever appears before us gift in hand; and especially he who co-ordinates and holds together the universe, wherein all things are fair and good, and presents them ever unimpaired and sound and ageless for our use, ibid. VIII. vii. 22. and quicker than thought to serve us unerringly, is manifest in his supreme works, and yet is unseen by us in the ordering of them. 4.3.13. "Yes, and you will realise the truth of what I say if, instead of waiting for the gods to appear to you in bodily presence, you are content to praise and worship them because you see their works. Mark that the gods themselves give the reason for doing so; for when they bestow on us their good gifts, not one of them ever appears before us gift in hand; and especially he who co-ordinates and holds together the universe, wherein all things are fair and good, and presents them ever unimpaired and sound and ageless for our use, and quicker than thought to serve us unerringly, is manifest in his supreme works, and yet is unseen by us in the ordering of them. 4.3.14. Mark that even the sun, who seems to reveal himself to all, permits not man to behold him closely, but if any attempts to gaze recklessly upon him, blinds their eyes. And the gods’ ministers too you will find to be invisible. That the thunderbolt is hurled from heaven, and that he overwhelms all on whom he falls, is evident, but he is seen neither coming nor striking nor going. And the winds are themselves invisible, yet their deeds are manifest to us, and we perceive their approach. Moreover, the soul of man, which more than all else that is human partakes of the divine, reigns manifestly within us, and yet is itself unseen. For these reasons it behoves us not to despise the things that are unseen, but, realising their power in their manifestations, to honour the godhead. 4.3.14. Mark that even the sun, who seems to reveal himself to all, permits not man to behold him closely, but if any attempts to gaze recklessly upon him, blinds their eyes. And the gods' ministers too you will find to be invisible. That the thunderbolt is hurled from heaven, and that he overwhelms all on whom he falls, is evident, but he is seen neither coming nor striking nor going. And the winds are themselves invisible, yet their deeds are manifest to us, and we perceive their approach. Moreover, the soul of man, which more than all else that is human partakes of the divine, reigns manifestly within us, and yet is itself unseen. "For these reasons it behoves us not to despise the things that are unseen, but, realising their power in their manifestations, to honour the godhead." 4.3.15. Socrates, replied Euthydemus, that I will in no wise be heedless of the godhead I know of a surety. But my heart fails me when I think that no man can ever render due thanks to the gods for their benefits. 4.3.15. "Socrates," replied Euthydemus, "that I will in no wise be heedless of the godhead I know of a surety. But my heart fails me when I think that no man can ever render due thanks to the gods for their benefits." 4.3.16. Nay, be not down-hearted, Euthydemus; for you know that to the inquiry, How am I to please the gods? the Delphic god replies, Follow the custom of the state ; and everywhere, I suppose, it is the custom that men propitiate the gods with sacrifices according to their power. How then can a man honour the gods more excellently and more devoutly than by doing as they themselves ordain? 4.3.16. "Nay, be not down-hearted, Euthydemus; for you know that to the inquiry, 'How am I to please the gods?' the Delphic god replies, 'Follow the custom of the state'; and everywhere, I suppose, it is the custom that men propitiate the gods with sacrifices according to their power. How then can a man honour the gods more excellently and more devoutly than by doing as they themselves ordain? 4.3.17. Only he must fall no whit short of his power. For when he does that, it is surely plain that he is not then honouring the gods. Therefore it is by coming no whit short of his power in honouring the gods that he is to look with confidence for the greatest blessing. Cyropaedia I. vi. 4. For there are none from whom a man of prudence would hope for greater things than those who can confer the greatest benefits, nor can he show his prudence more clearly than by pleasing them. And how can he please them better than by obeying them strictly? 4.3.17. Only he must fall no whit short of his power. For when he does that, it is surely plain that he is not then honouring the gods. Therefore it is by coming no whit short of his power in honouring the gods that he is to look with confidence for the greatest blessing. For there are none from whom a man of prudence would hope for greater things than those who can confer the greatest benefits, nor can he show his prudence more clearly than by pleasing them. And how can he please them better than by obeying them strictly?" 4.3.18. Thus by precept and by example alike he strove to increase in his companions Piety and Prudence. 4.3.18. Thus by precept and by example alike he strove to increase in his companions Piety and Prudence.

33. Metrodorus, Fragments, 37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176

34. Metrodorus, Fragments, 37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176

35. Melissus, Fragments, b8 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77

36. Plato, Cratylus, 384b, 385a, 385d, 388b-e, 390c-e, 391c, 401e-402c, 404c, 426c-427c, 430e, 435a, 438e5, 399e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 144

399e. ἀναψῦχον, ἅμα δὲ ἐκλείποντος τοῦ ἀναψύχοντος τὸ σῶμα ἀπόλλυταί τε καὶ τελευτᾷ· ὅθεν δή μοι δοκοῦσιν αὐτὸ ψυχὴν καλέσαι. εἰ δὲ βούλει —ἔχε ἠρέμα· δοκῶ γάρ μοί τι καθορᾶν πιθανώτερον τούτου

399e. ἀναψῦχον ), and when this revivifying force fails, the body perishes and comes to an end therefore, I think, they called it ψυχή . But—please keep still a moment. I fancy I see something which will carry more conviction

37. Aristophanes, Clouds, 3.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, cyril on Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 215

38. Plato, Phaedo, 109b, 97c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32

97c. ἀναγιγνώσκοντος, καὶ λέγοντος ὡς ἄρα νοῦς ἐστιν ὁ διακοσμῶν τε καὶ πάντων αἴτιος, ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ αἰτίᾳ ἥσθην τε καὶ ἔδοξέ μοι τρόπον τινὰ εὖ ἔχειν τὸ τὸν νοῦν εἶναι πάντων αἴτιον, καὶ ἡγησάμην, εἰ τοῦθ’ οὕτως ἔχει, τόν γε νοῦν κοσμοῦντα πάντα κοσμεῖν καὶ ἕκαστον τιθέναι ταύτῃ ὅπῃ ἂν βέλτιστα ἔχῃ: εἰ οὖν τις βούλοιτο τὴν αἰτίαν εὑρεῖν περὶ ἑκάστου ὅπῃ γίγνεται ἢ ἀπόλλυται ἢ ἔστι, τοῦτο δεῖν περὶ αὐτοῦ εὑρεῖν, ὅπῃ βέλτιστον αὐτῷ ἐστιν ἢ εἶναι ἢ

97c. that it is the mind that arranges and causes all things. I was pleased with this theory of cause, and it seemed to me to be somehow right that the mind should be the cause of all things, and I thought, If this is so, the mind in arranging things arranges everything and establishes each thing as it is best for it to be. So if anyone wishes to find the cause of the generation or destruction or existence of a particular thing, he must find out what sort of existence, or passive state of any kind, or activity is best for it. And therefore in respect to

39. Plato, Philebus, 16c, 16d, 18b-d, 23c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 235

23c. ΣΩ. τὴν δέ γε ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ διευλαβεῖσθαι πειρώμεθα τιθέμενοι. ΠΡΩ. ποίαν δὴ λέγεις; ΣΩ. πάντα τὰ νῦν ὄντα ἐν τῷ παντὶ διχῇ διαλάβωμεν, μᾶλλον δʼ, εἰ βούλει, τριχῇ. ΠΡΩ. καθʼ ὅτι, φράζοις ἄν; ΣΩ. λάβωμεν ἄττα τῶν νυνδὴ λόγων. ΠΡΩ. ποῖα; ΣΩ. τὸν θεὸν ἐλέγομέν που τὸ μὲν ἄπειρον δεῖξαι τῶν ὄντων, τὸ δὲ πέρας; ΠΡΩ. πάνυ μὲν οὖν. ΣΩ. τούτω δὴ τῶν εἰδῶν τὰ δύο τιθώμεθα, τὸ δὲ τρίτον

23c. in making our beginning. Pro. What kind of a beginning do you mean? Soc. Let us divide all things that now exist in the universe into two, or rather, if you please, three classes. Pro. Please tell us on what principle you would divide them. Soc. Let us take some of the subjects of our present discussion. Pro. What subjects? Soc. We said that God revealed in the universe two elements, the infinite and the finite, did we not? Pro. Certainly. Soc. Let us, then, assume these as two of our classes, and a third, made by combining these two.

40. Antisthenes, Fragments, 50c, 50a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77

41. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 1.2 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 87

42. Plato, Phaedrus, 246a, 246b, 246c, 246d, 246e, 247c, 249c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176

249c. εἰς ἓν λογισμῷ συναιρούμενον· τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν ἀνάμνησις ἐκείνων ἅ ποτʼ εἶδεν ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ συμπορευθεῖσα θεῷ καὶ ὑπεριδοῦσα ἃ νῦν εἶναί φαμεν, καὶ ἀνακύψασα εἰς τὸ ὂν ὄντως. διὸ δὴ δικαίως μόνη πτεροῦται ἡ τοῦ φιλοσόφου διάνοια· πρὸς γὰρ ἐκείνοις ἀεί ἐστιν μνήμῃ κατὰ δύναμιν, πρὸς οἷσπερ θεὸς ὢν θεῖός ἐστιν. τοῖς δὲ δὴ τοιούτοις ἀνὴρ ὑπομνήμασιν ὀρθῶς χρώμενος, τελέους ἀεὶ τελετὰς τελούμενος, τέλεος ὄντως μόνος γίγνεται· ἐξιστάμενος δὲ τῶν

249c. by means of reason the many perceptions of the senses; and this is a recollection of those things which our soul once beheld, when it journeyed with God and, lifting its vision above the things which we now say exist, rose up into real being. And therefore it is just that the mind of the philosopher only has wings, for he is always, so far as he is able, in communion through memory with those things the communion with which causes God to be divine. Now a man who employs such memories rightly is always being initiated into perfect mysteries and he alone becomes truly perfect;

43. Antisthenes, Fragments, 50c, 50a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77

44. Herodotus, Histories, 2.53 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 66

2.53. ἔνθεν δὲ ἐγένοντο ἕκαστος τῶν θεῶν, εἴτε αἰεὶ ἦσαν πάντες, ὁκοῖοί τε τινὲς τὰ εἴδεα, οὐκ ἠπιστέατο μέχρι οὗ πρώην τε καὶ χθὲς ὡς εἰπεῖν λόγῳ. Ἡσίοδον γὰρ καὶ Ὅμηρον ἡλικίην τετρακοσίοισι ἔτεσι δοκέω μευ πρεσβυτέρους γενέσθαι καὶ οὐ πλέοσι· οὗτοι δὲ εἰσὶ οἱ ποιήσαντες θεογονίην Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῖσι θεοῖσι τὰς ἐπωνυμίας δόντες καὶ τιμάς τε καὶ τέχνας διελόντες καὶ εἴδεα αὐτῶν σημήναντες. οἱ δὲ πρότερον ποιηταὶ λεγόμενοι τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενέσθαι ὕστερον, ἔμοιγε δοκέειν, ἐγένοντο. τούτων τὰ μὲν πρῶτα αἱ Δωδωνίδες ἱρεῖαι λέγουσι, τὰ δὲ ὕστερα τὰ ἐς Ἡσίοδόν τε καὶ Ὅμηρον ἔχοντα ἐγὼ λέγω.

2.53. But whence each of the gods came to be, or whether all had always been, and how they appeared in form, they did not know until yesterday or the day before, so to speak; ,for I suppose Hesiod and Homer flourished not more than four hundred years earlier than I; and these are the ones who taught the Greeks the descent of the gods, and gave the gods their names, and determined their spheres and functions, and described their outward forms. ,But the poets who are said to have been earlier than these men were, in my opinion, later. The earlier part of all this is what the priestesses of Dodona tell; the later, that which concerns Hesiod and Homer, is what I myself say.

45. Plato, Timaeus, 90c, 47e, 29e, 48c, 4.427e, 29e-30a, 28, 37c, 38c, 86b, 81e-87b, 69c, 20a, 53c, 1, 29b, 29c, 69d, 29d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176

90c. φρονεῖν μὲν ἀθάνατα καὶ θεῖα, ἄνπερ ἀληθείας ἐφάπτηται, πᾶσα ἀνάγκη που, καθʼ ὅσον δʼ αὖ μετασχεῖν ἀνθρωπίνῃ φύσει ἀθανασίας ἐνδέχεται, τούτου μηδὲν μέρος ἀπολείπειν, ἅτε δὲ ἀεὶ θεραπεύοντα τὸ θεῖον ἔχοντά τε αὐτὸν εὖ κεκοσμημένον τὸν δαίμονα σύνοικον ἑαυτῷ, διαφερόντως εὐδαίμονα εἶναι. θεραπεία δὲ δὴ παντὶ παντὸς μία, τὰς οἰκείας ἑκάστῳ τροφὰς καὶ κινήσεις ἀποδιδόναι. τῷ δʼ ἐν ἡμῖν θείῳ συγγενεῖς εἰσιν κινήσεις αἱ τοῦ παντὸς διανοήσεις

90c. must necessarily and inevitably think thoughts that are immortal and divine, if so be that he lays hold on truth, and in so far as it is possible for human nature to partake of immortality, he must fall short thereof in no degree; and inasmuch as he is for ever tending his divine part and duly magnifying that daemon who dwells along with him, he must be supremely blessed. And the way of tendance of every part by every man is one—namely, to supply each with its own congenial food and motion; and for the divine part within us the congenial motion

46. Septuagint, Prayer of Azariah, 1.23-1.24, 2.36, 2.43-2.45, 2.88-2.90, 3.2-3.4, 3.219 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, theology of •stoicism, stoics, logic of •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 50, 64, 114, 116

47. Plato, Symposium, 203b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics/stoic ethics Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 270

48. Plato, Sophist, 251c, 263e, 242c-243a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 68

49. Plato, Statesman, 287a, 273b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 235

273b. αὐτὸς τῶν ἐν αὑτῷ τε καὶ ἑαυτοῦ, τὴν τοῦ δημιουργοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἀπομνημονεύων διδαχὴν εἰς δύναμιν. κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν ἀκριβέστερον ἀπετέλει, τελευτῶν δὲ ἀμβλύτερον· τούτων δὲ αὐτῷ τὸ σωματοειδὲς τῆς συγκράσεως αἴτιον, τὸ τῆς πάλαι ποτὲ φύσεως σύντροφον, ὅτι πολλῆς ἦν μετέχον ἀταξίας πρὶν εἰς τὸν νῦν κόσμον ἀφικέσθαι. παρὰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ συνθέντος πάντα καλὰ κέκτηται· παρὰ δὲ τῆς ἔμπροσθεν

273b. over itself and all within itself, and remembering and practising the teachings of the Creator and Father to the extent of its power, at first more accurately and at last more carelessly; and the reason for this was the material element in its composition, because this element, which was inherent in the primeval nature, was infected with great disorder before the attainment of the existing orderly universe. For from its Composer the universe has received only good things; but from its previous condition it retains in itself and creates in the animals all the elements of harshness and injustice

50. Plato, Republic, 379c, 496d, 7.514a-520a, 1.354a, 2.379c, 7.531c-d, 5.475b, 441b, 441c, 5.473D, 7.532a, 6.510b, 6.511c, 7.534c, 357b2, -d, 531d, 364b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 235

379c. he said. “Neither, then, could God,” said I, “since he is good, be, as the multitude say, the cause of all things, but for mankind he is the cause of few things, but of many things not the cause. For good things are far fewer with us than evil, and for the good we must assume no other cause than God, but the cause of evil we must look for in other things and not in God.”“What you say seems to me most true,” he replied. “Then,” said I, “we must not accept 379c. he said. Neither, then, could God, said I, since he is good, be, as the multitude say, the cause of all things, but for mankind he is the cause of few things, but of many things not the cause. For good things are far fewer with us than evil, and for the good we must assume no other cause than God, but the cause of evil we must look for in other things and not in God. What you say seems to me most true, he replied. Then, said I, we must not accept

51. Plato, Protagoras, 358b, 358c, 98b, 352e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 271

352e. ἡττωμένους ἢ λύπης ἢ ὧν νυνδὴ ἐγὼ ἔλεγον ὑπό τινος τούτων κρατουμένους ταῦτα ποιεῖν τοὺς ποιοῦντας.

352e. or under the control of one of the things I have just mentioned. Soc.

52. Plato, Theaetetus, 176a, 176b, 206d, 152d-153a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 68

53. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 72b15, 72b16, 72b17, 72b18, 72b25 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 50

54. Aristotle, Categories, 12a17-25, 7, 8b12, 8b26-28), 8b29-9a13), 10 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 321

55. Aristotle, Soul, 1.4, 2.8, 3.5, 404a27, 404a28, 404a29, 408b13-15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 239; Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 27; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 247

56. Aristotle, Heavens, 279b16, 279b17, 280a11, 280a12, 280a13, 280a14, 280a15, 280a16, 280a17, 280a18, 280a19, 280a20, 280a21, 280a22, 280a23, 280a24, 280a25, 280a26, 280a27, b1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 38

57. Aristotle, Prophesying By Dreams, 433a, 433b, 464a28-b16, 462b12-14 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 137; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 9

58. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, 2.3 736b27 26 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 27

59. Aristotle, Generation And Corruption, 336b, 337b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 274

60. Cleanthes, Fragments, 566 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 173

61. Aristotle, Memory And Reminiscence, 449b31, 449b1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 206

62. Aristotle, Movement of Animals, 700b23, 6 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 348

63. Aristotle, Sense And Sensibilia, 437a3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 61

64. Chaeremon Tragicus, Fragments, 2, 12 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 59

65. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, 1223b7f., 2.10, 1226a7ff., 1226b2ff., 1226b30ff., 1226b16f., 1227a3f., 1227a28ff., 1223a9ff., 2.6, 2.7, 1223a4-9, 4.2.34, 1235b13, 1235b14, 1235b15, 1235b16, 1235b17, 1235b18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 348

66. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1150b19-22, 1.10.14, 1.7, 1.2, 1.10.16, 8115b15-19, 1.3, 1113a14ff., 3.6, 1113a10f., 1112b11ff., 3.5, 1111b6-10, 3.4, 1111a24ff., 3.3, 1095b19ff., 6.2, 1138b31-34, 1 (1109b30f.), 3.1, 6 (1179b23-26), 10.9, (1114a12-21), 3.5.14, 3.5.13, 5.11, 1138b5-13, 4.8.10, 1.1, 1094b19, 1099a1.8, 30-b8 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 271

67. Aristotle, Meteorology, 4.9, 352a17, 352a26, 352a27, 352a28, 352a29, 352a30, 352a31, 352a32, 352b17, 352b18, 354b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 389

68. Aristotle, Physics, 1.5, 2.9, 188a27, 196a24, 196a25, 196a26, 196a27, 196a28, 196a29, 196a30, 196a31, 196a32, 196a33, 196a34, 196a35, 198b14, 198b15, 198b16, 198b17, 198b18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 168

69. Aristotle, Poetics, 1456b38-1457a2, 1457a18-23, 25 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 109

70. Aristotle, Politics, 1.1.5, 1.1.9, 1.2.8, 1.2.16, 1.2.20, 1.23, 3.8.1, 3.8.2, 1258a1-15, 1337b15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 23; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 299

71. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.10, 2.6, 1369a2-4, 1383b12-14 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 438; Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 348

72. Aristotle, Topics, 2.7, 113a32, 6.1, 139a24, 164a8.14, 12-b7 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan

73. Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 190-191 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 66

191. No, the impetuous lusts of the body and insatiate desire—these it is that fill the robbers' bands, that send men on board the pirates' boats; these are, for each man, his Fury, urging him to slay his fellow citizens, to serve the tyrant, to help put down the democracy. For such men reck not of disgrace, nor yet of punishment to come, but are beguiled by the pleasures they expect if they succeed. Therefore, fellow citizens, remove from among us such natures, for so shall you turn the aspirations of the young toward virtue.

74. Callimachus, Hymn To Diana Or Artemis, 4.8 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 53

75. Aristotle, On The Universe, 13, 14, 12, 16, 15, 22, 23, 24, 25, 19, 21, 18, 17, 20, 6.399b12 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 143

76. Aristotle, History of Animals, 4.9 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, logic of •stoicism, stoics, on language Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 247

77. Aristotle, Metaphysics, 1075a, 1.983b20, (1078a31-b6), 7.1, 996b26, 1010a32, 980a1, 1010b1, 1062a31, 1012a29, 1009b28, 1009b12, 1009b13, 1009b14, 1009b15, 1090a36, 1090a37 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 24

78. Aristobulus Cassandreus, Fragments, 4.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 139

79. Theophrastus, Metaphysics, 11b17, 11b18, 11b19, 11b20, 11b21, 8a3-8, 8b10, 9a11, 9b21-24, 10a27 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 24

80. Timon of Phlius, Fragments, 11-14, 16-20, 23-32, 34-46, 48-49, 5, 50-51, 54-56, 58-59, 6, 60, 62, 65-66, 7, 76, 57 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77, 89

81. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 1, 10-18, 2-5, 529-532, 6-9, 533 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 121

533. ἐξ ἠοῦς ἐπὶ νύκτα διώκεται ἤματα πάντα.

82. Ennius, Annales, 350, 349 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 246

83. Eudoxus Rhodius, Fragments, f141 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 243

84. Antisthenes of Rhodes, Fragments, 50c, 50a (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 77

85. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 3.32, 4.1310, 4.1673 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoa, stoicism, stoics Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 53

3.32. ‘Ἥρη, νήιδα μέν με πατὴρ τέκε τοῖο βολάων, < 4.1310. ἦμος ὅτʼ ἐκ πατρὸς κεφαλῆς θόρε παμφαίνουσα, < 4.1673. Ζεῦ πάτερ, ἦ μέγα δή μοι ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θάμβος ἄηται, <

4.1673. Father Zeus, surely great wonder rises in my mind, seeing that dire destruction meets us not from disease and wounds alone, but lo! even from afar, may be, it tortures us! So Talos, for all his frame of bronze, yielded the victory to the might of Medea the sorceress. And as he was heaving massy rocks to stay them from reaching the haven, he grazed his ankle on a pointed crag; and the ichor gushed forth like melted lead; and not long thereafter did he stand towering on the jutting cliff. But even as some huge pine, high up on the mountains, which woodmen have left half hewn through by their sharp axes when they returned from the forest — at first it shivers in the wind by night, then at last snaps at the stump and crashes down; so Talos for a while stood on his tireless feet, swaying to and fro, when at last, all strengthless, fell with a mighty thud. For that night there in Crete the heroes lay; then, just as dawn was growing bright, they built a shrine to Minoan Athena, and drew water and went aboard, so that first of all they might by rowing pass beyond Salmone's height.

86. Chrysippus, Fragments, 314 (svf 3) (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 19

87. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.9, 5.13, 5.25-5.26, 5.96, 5.101-5.102, 5.129.1, 6.1-6.3, 6.12, 7.93, 8.1, 8.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 12, 107, 130, 135, 140, 150, 181, 184; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 105

5.9. But if I have not reached the highest level, I shall none the less go farther up than the second, because I have studied not only by the lamp of Aristophanes, but also by that of Cleanthes. I have desired to go farther than those who expound only how the words of the poets are made up. For it did not seem meet that I seek the source in the case of the word which Ennius had made, and neglect that which long before King Latinus had made, in view of the fact that I get pleasure rather than utility from many words of the poets, and more utility than pleasure from the ancient words. And in fact are not those words mine which have come to me by inheritance from King Romulus, rather than those which were left behind by the poet Livius? 5.13. Therefore because the primal classes of things are four in number, so many are the primal classes of words. From among these, concerning places and those things which are seen in them, I shall put a summary' account in this book; but we shall follow them up wherever the kin of the word under discussion is, even if it has driven its roots beyond its own territory. For often the roots of a tree which is close to the line of the property have gone out under the neighbour's cornfield. Wherefore, when I speak of places, I shall not have gone astray, if from ager 'field' I pass to an agrarius 'agrarian' man, and to an agricola 'farmer.' The partnership of words is one of many members: the Wine Festival cannot be set on its way without wine, nor can the Curia Calabra 'Announcement Hall' be opened without the calatio 'proclamation.' 5.25. If this moisture is in the ground no matter how far down, in a place from which it pote 'can' be taken, it is a puteus 'well'; unless rather because the Aeolians used to say, like — πύταμος for πόταμος 'river,' so also — πύτευς 'well' for ποτέος 'drinkable,' from potus 'act of drinking,' and not φρέαρ 'well' as they do now. From putei 'wells' comes the town-name, such as Puteoli, because around this place there are many hot and cold spring-waters; unless rather from putor 'stench,' because the place is often putidus 'stinking' with smells of sulphur and alum. Outside the towns there are puticuli 'little pits,' named from putei 'pits,' because there the people used to be buried in putei 'pits'; unless rather, as Aelius writes, the puticuli are so called because the corpses which had been thrown out putescebant 'used to rot' there, in the public burial-place which is beyond the Esquiline. This place Afranius in a comedy of Roman life calls the Putiluci 'pit-lights,' for the reason that from it they look up through putei 'pits' to the lumen 'light.' 6.1. I. HERE BEGINS BOOK VI The sources of the words which are names of places and are names of those things which are in these places, I have written in the preceding book. In the present book I shall speak about the names of times and of those things which in the performance take place or are said with some time-factor, such as sitting, walking, talking: and if there are any words of a different sort attached to these, I shall give heed rather to the kinship of the words than to the rebukes of my listener. 6.2. In this subject I rely on Chrysippus as an adequate authority, and on Antipater, and on those in whom there was more learning even if not so much insight, among them Aristophanes and Apollodorus: all these write that words are so derived from words, that the words in some instances take on letters, in others lose them, in still others change them, as in the case of turdus 'thrush' takes place in turdarium 'thrush-cote' and turdelix 'spiral entrance for thrushes.' Thus the Greeks, in adapting our names, make Λουκιανος of Lucienus and Κουίντιος of Quintius,and we make Aristarchus of their Αρισταρχος and Dio of their Διον. In just this way, I say, our practice has altered many from the old form, as solum 'soil' from solu. Liber urn 'God of Wine' from Loebesom, Lares 'Hearth-Gods' from Lases: these words, covered up as they are by lapse of time, I shall try to dig out as best I can. 6.3. II. First we shall speak of the time-names, then of those things which take place through them, but in such a way that first we shall speak of their essential nature: for nature was man's guide to the imposition of names. Time, they say, is an interval in the motion of the world. This is divided into a number of parts, especially from the course of the sun and the moon. Therefore from their temperatus 'moderated' career, tempus 'time' is named, and from this comes tempestiva 'timely things'; and from their motus 'motion,' the mundus 'world,' which is joined with the sky as a whole. 6.12. III. To the division made by nature there have been added the civic names for the days. First I shall give those which have been instituted for the sake of the gods, then those instituted for the sake of men. The dies Agonales 'days of the Agonia,' on which the high-priest sacrifices a ram in the Regia, were named from agon for this reason, because the helper at the sacrifice asks agone? 'Shall I do my work?; unless it is from the Greek, where αγων means princeps 'leader,' from the fact that the sacrificing is done by a leader of the state and the leader of the flock is sacrificed. The Carmentalia are so named because at that time there are sacrifices and a festival of Carmentis.

88. Cicero, Hortensius, 50 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 15

89. Varro, Fragments, 295, 78, 77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 93

90. Varro, Menippeae, 420 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 121

91. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 415

7. A fiery stream issued And came forth from before him; thousand thousands ministered unto him, And ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him; The judgment was set, And the books were opened.,After this I saw in the night visions, and behold a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; and it had great iron teeth; it devoured and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet; and it was diverse from all the beasts that were before it; and it had ten horns.,Daniel spoke and said: I saw in my vision by night, and, behold, the four winds of the heaven broke forth upon the great sea.,I beheld Till thrones were placed, And one that was ancient of days did sit: His raiment was as white snow, And the hair of his head like pure wool; His throne was fiery flames, and the wheels thereof burning fire.,But the saints of the Most High shall receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever.’,I saw in the night visions, And, behold, there came with the clouds of heaven One like unto a son of man, And he came even to the Ancient of days, And he was brought near before Him.,I came near unto one of them that stood by, and asked him the truth concerning all this. So he told me, and made me know the interpretation of the things:,I considered the horns, and, behold, there came up among them another horn, a little one, before which three of the first horns were plucked up by the roots; and, behold, in this horn were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great things.,After this I beheld, and lo another, like a leopard, which had upon the sides of it four wings of a fowl; the beast had also four heads; and dominion was given to it.,In the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon Daniel had a dream and visions of his head upon his bed; then he wrote the dream and told the sum of the matters.,And behold another beast, a second, like to a bear, and it raised up itself on one side, and it had three ribs in its mouth between its teeth; and it was said thus unto it: ‘Arise, devour much flesh.’,And four great beasts came up from the sea, diverse one from another.,And as for the ten horns, out of this kingdom shall ten kings arise; and another shall arise after them; and he shall be diverse from the former, and he shall put down three kings.,Then I desired to know the truth concerning the fourth beast, which was diverse from all of them, exceeding terrible, whose teeth were of iron, and its nails of brass; which devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet;,’These great beasts, which are four, are four kings, that shall arise out of the earth.,But the judgment shall sit, and his dominions shall be taken away, to be consumed and to be destroy unto the end.,I beheld, and the same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against them;,until the Ancient of days came, and judgment was given for the saints of the Most High; and the time came, and the saints possessed the kingdom.,and concerning the ten horns that were on its head, and the other horn which came up, and before which three fell; even that horn that had eyes, and a mouth that spoke great things, whose appearance was greater than that of its fellows.,And as for the rest of the beasts, their dominion was taken away; yet their lives were prolonged for a season and a time.,Thus he said: ‘The fourth beast shall be a fourth kingdom upon earth, which shall be diverse from all the kingdoms, and shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down, and break it in pieces.,I beheld at that time because of the voice of the great words which the horn spoke, I beheld even till the beast was slain, and its body destroyed, and it was given to be burned with fire.,Here is the end of the matter. As for me Daniel, my thoughts much affrighted me, and my countece was changed in me; but I kept the matter in my heart.,And there was given him dominion, And glory, and a kingdom, That all the peoples, nations, and languages Should serve him; His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, And his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.,And he shall speak words against the Most High, and shall wear out the saints of the Most High; and he shall think to change the seasons and the law; and they shall be given into his hand until a time and times and half a time.,And the kingdom and the dominion, and the greatness of the kingdoms under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High; their kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey them.’,The first was like a lion, and had eagle’s wings; I beheld till the wings thereof were plucked off, and it was lifted up from the earth, and made stand upon two feet as a man, and a man’s heart was given to it.,As for me Daniel, my spirit was pained in the midst of my body, and the visions of my head affrighted me. ."

92. Cicero, Pro Caecina, 71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 158

71. aliquid factum necne sit, verum an falsum proferatur, et fictus testis subornari solet et interponi falsae tabulae, non numquam honesto ac probabili nomine bono viro iudici error obici, improbo facultas dari ut, cum sciens perperam iudicarit, testem tamen aut tabulas secutus esse videatur; in iure nihil est eius modi, recuperatores, non tabulae falsae, non testis improbus, denique nimia ista quae dominatur in civitate potentia in hoc solo genere quiescit; quid agat, quo modo adgrediatur iudicem, qua denique digitum proferat, non habet.

93. Cicero, Lucullus, 100-105, 107-113, 146, 18-29, 32-36, 78, 98-99, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 162, 164; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 25

94. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.2.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 70

95. Cicero, Pro Archia, 3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, philosophy, on divisions of Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666

3. sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur, me in quaestione legitima et in iudicio publico, cum res agatur res agitatur Schol. apud praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum rectissimum Schol. virum, et apud severissimos iudices, tanto conventu hominum ac frequentia hoc uti genere dicendi quod non modo a consuetudine iudiciorum verum etiam a forensi sermone abhorreat, quaeso a vobis ut in hac hac om. e causa mihi detis hanc veniam accommodatam huic reo, vobis, quem ad modum spero, non molestam, ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo homine dicentem hoc concursu hominum litteratissimorum, hac vestra humanitate, hoc denique praetore exercente iudicium, patiamini de studiis humanitatis ac litterarum paulo loqui liberius, et in eius modi persona quae propter otium ac studium minime in iudiciis periculisque tractata est uti prope novo quodam et inusitato genere dicendi.

3. For when first Archias grew out of childhood, and out of the studies of those arts by which young boys are gradually trained and refined, he devoted himself to the study of writing. First of all at Antioch, (for he was born there, and was of high rank there,) formerly an illustrious and wealthy city, and the seat of learned men and of liberal sciences; and there it was his lot speedily to show himself superior to all in ability and credit. Afterwards, in the other parts of Asia, and over all Greece, his arrival was so talked of wherever he came, that the anxiety with which he was expected was even greater than the fame of his genius; — but the admiration which he excited when he had arrived, exceeded even the anxiety with which he was expected. [5] Italy was at that time full of Greek science and of Greek systems, and these studies were at that time cultivated in Latium with greater zeal than they now are in the same towns; and here too at Rome, on account of the tranquil state of the republic at that time, they were far from neglected. Therefore, the people of Tarentum, and Rhegium, and Neapolis, presented him with the freedom of the city and with other gifts; and all men who were capable of judging of genius thought him deserving of their acquaintance and hospitality. When, from this great celebrity of his, he had become known to us though absent, he came to Rome, in the consulship of Marius and Catulus. It was his lot to have those men as his first consuls, the one of whom could supply him with the most illustrious achievements to write about, the other could give him, not only exploits to celebrate, but his ears and judicious attention. Immediately the Luculli, though Archias was as yet but a youth, received him in their house. But it was not only to his genius and his learning, but also to his natural disposition and virtue, that it must be attributed that the house which was the first to be opened to him in his youth, is also the one in which he lives most familiarly in his old age. [6] He at that time gained the affection of Quintus Metellus, that great man who was the conqueror of Numidia, and his son Pius. He was eagerly listened to by Marcus Aemilius; he associated with Quintus Catulus, — both with the father and the sons. He was highly respected by Lucius Crassus; and as for the Luculli, and Drusus, and the Octavii, and Cato, and the whole family of the Hortensii, he was on terms of the greatest possible intimacy with all of them, and was held by them in the greatest honour. For, not only did every one cultivate his acquaintance who wished to learn or to hear anything, but even every one pretended to have such a desire.

96. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 14, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32

97. Philodemus of Gadara, De Pietate \ , p.herc. 1428 16 p. 80 gomperz, 2342, 2341, 1288, col. 358, col. 364 (=p.herc. 1428 col.12), col. 336 (=p.herc. 1428 fr.18), 4-6 (= p. herc. 1428 col. 6), col. 356-8 (=p. herc. 1428 col.4), col.363 (=p.herc. 1428 col.10-11), 1428 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 144

98. Cicero, Republic, 2.9.16, 3.3, 3.7, 3.18, 3.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics and stoicism •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 18, 20, 22, 23, 25, 26; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 19, 199; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 126

3.7. fuisse sapientiam, tamen hoc in ratione utriusque generis interfuit, quod illi verbis et artibus aluerunt naturae principia, hi autem institutis et legibus. Pluris vero haec tulit una civitas, si minus sapientis, quoniam id nomen illi tam restricte tenent, at certe summa laude dignos, quoniam sapientium praecepta et inventa coluerunt. Atque etiam, quot et sunt laudandae civitates et fuerunt, quoniam id est in rerum natura longe maximi consilii, constituere eam rem publicam, quae possit esse diuturna, si singulos numeremus in singulas, quanta iam reperiatur virorum excellentium multitudo! Quodsi aut Italiae Latium aut eiusdem Sabinam aut Volscam gentem, si Samnium, si Etruriam, si magnam illam Graeciam conlustrare animo voluerimus, si deinde Assyrios, si Persas, si Poenos, si haec 3.33. Lactant. Div. Inst. 6.8.6 Est quidem vera lex recta ratio naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes, constans, sempiterna, quae vocet ad officium iubendo, vetando a fraude deterreat; quae tamen neque probos frustra iubet aut vetat nec improbos iubendo aut vetando movet. Huic legi nec obrogari fas est neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet neque tota abrogari potest, nec vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege possumus, neque est quaerendus explanator aut interpres eius alius, nec erit alia lex Romae, alia Athenis, alia nunc, alia posthac, sed et omnes gentes et omni tempore una lex et sempiterna et immutabilis continebit, unusque erit communis quasi magister et imperator omnium deus, ille legis huius inventor, disceptator, lator; cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet ac naturam hominis aspernatus hoc ipso luet maximas poenas, etiamsi cetera supplicia, quae putantur, effugerit.

3.7. We must admit that both these types of learning deserved the name of wisdom, yet the difference between these two classes of men has consisted in the fact that one nourished Nature's first gifts to man by admonition and instruction, while the other did so by institutions and laws. Indeed, our own country alone has produced many men, who, if they have not been "wise," since that name is so carefully restricted, ** have surely deserved the highest praise, since they have fostered the precepts and the discoveries of the wise. And if we consider how many praiseworthy commonwealths exist now and have existed in the past, and remember that the establishment of a State which is stable enough to endure for ages requires by far the highest intellectual powers that nature can produce, what a multitude of great geniuses there must have been, even if we suppose that every such State possessed only one! But if we survey the nations of Italy; the Latins, Sabines, Volscians, Samnites, or Etruscans, if we examine Magna Graecia; ** and then if we consider the Assyrians, the Persians, the Punic peoples, if . . . these . . . 3.33. . . . True law is right reason in agreement with nature , it is of universal application, unchanging and everlasting; it summons to duty by its commands, and averts from wrongdoing by its prohibitions. And it does not lay its commands or prohibitions upon good men in vain, though neither have any effect on the wicked. It is a sin to try to alter this law, nor is it allowable to attempt to repeal any part of it, and it is impossible to abolish it entirely. We cannot be freed from its obligations by senate or people, and we need not look outside ourselves for an expounder or interpreter of it. And there will not be different laws at Rome and at Athens, or different laws now and in the future, but one eternal and unchangeable law will be valid for all nations and all times, and there will be one master and ruler, that is, God, over us all, for he is the author of this law, its promulgator, and its enforcing judge. Whoever is disobedient is fleeing from himself and denying his human nature, and by reason of this very fact he will suffer the worst penalties, even if he escapes what is commonly considered punishment. . . .

99. Octavius Lampadio, Fragments, 12.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 218

100. Cicero, Academica, 1.6, 1.17, 1.23, 1.29-1.33, 1.42, 1.44, 2.7-2.8, 2.16, 2.119, 2.121 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoics and stoicism •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of •stoicism, stoics, theology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 102, 107, 125, 210, 289, 293; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 150, 162, 166, 168; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 152

1.17. Platonis autem auctoritate, qui varius et multiplex et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens duobus vocabulis philosophiae forma instituta constituta *g est Academicorum et Peripateticorum, qui rebus congruentes nominibus differebant. nam cum Speusippum sororis filium Plato philosophiae quasi heredem reliquisset, duo duos p 2 p 1 p 2 rg 2 f c autem praestantissimo praestatnissimos mn studio atque doctrina, Xenocratem Calchedonium et Aristotelem Stagiritem, qui erant cum Aristotele Peripatetici dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambulantes in Lycio, illi autem, quia quia *g*p qui wn Platonis instituto in Academia, quod est alterum gymnasium, coetus erant et sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo nomen habuerunt. sed utrique Platonis ubertate completi certam quandam disciplinae formulam composuerunt et eam quidem plenam ac refertam, illam autem Socraticam dubitanter dubitanter Bai. -tantem *g -tationem *d (tionem in ras. p ) de omnibus rebus et nulla affirmatione adhibita consuetudinem consuetudine mn ; adh. cons. in. ras. p disserendi reliquerunt. ita facta est, est disserendi *d (diss. in ras. p ) quod minime Socrates probabat, ars quaedam philosophiae et rerum ordo et descriptio disciplinae. 1.23. Ex hac descriptione discr. mue. agendi quoque aliquid in vita et officii ipsius initium reperiebatur, quod erat in conservatione sui et in appetitione add. Pl. earum rerum quas natura praescriberet. hinc gignebatur fuga desidiae voluptatumque contemptio, ex quo laborum dolorumque susceptio multorum magnorum que add. w ; an et magn.? recti honestique causa et earum rerum quae erant congruentes cum praescriptione descriptione *d naturae; unde et amicitia exsistebat et iustitia atque aequitas, eaeque et voluptatibus et multis vitae commodis anteponebantur. Haec quidem fuit apud eos morum institutio et eius partis partis Wa. artis *g*d quam primam posui forma atque descriptio. 1.29. quam vim animum esse dicunt mundi, eandemque esse esse 2 om. *g mentem sapientiamque perfectam, quem deum appellant, omniumque rerum quae sunt sint Mue. ei subiectae quasi prudentiam providentiam Lb. quandam procurantem caelestia maxime, deinde in terris ea quae pertineant pertinent r 1 wm ad homines; quam interdum eandem necessitatem appellant, quia nihil aliter possit atque ab ea constitutum sit, inter dum interdum p 1, idem et item p m inter *g*d seriem causarum Pl. * * * quasi fatalem et immutabilem continuationem ordinis sempiterni, non no num p numquam quidem quidem om. *g eandem fortunam, quod efficiat multa improvisa et et s ? Lb. haec *g*d ac Ha. necopinata nobis propter obscuritatem ignorationemque causarum. fortunam — — quod multa eff. inopinata nobis ... causarum Lact. inst. 3, 29, 3, cf. ibid. 18 (ign. rerum atque caus.) 1.30. Tertia deinde philosophiae pars, quae erat in ratione et in disserendo, sic tractabatur ab utrisque. Quamquam oriretur a sensibus tamen non non om. *g ; tamen non in ras. p esse iudicium veritatis in sensibus. mentem volebant rerum esse esse ereum ngf iudicem, solam censebant idoneam cui crederetur, quia sola cerneret id quod semper esset simplex et unius modi et tale quale esset (hanc illi i)de/an appellabant, appellabant *gw -labantur m 1 -lant pg iam a Platone ita nominatam, nos recte speciem possumus dicere). 1.31. sensus autem omnis hebetes et tardos esse arbitrabantur nec percipere ullo modo res eas quae subiectae sensibus viderentur, quod quod *g quae *d essent aut ita parvae ut sub sensum cadere non possent, aut ita mobiles et concitatae ut nihil umquam unum esset et add. Ha. aut Reid constans, ne idem ne idem Man. eidem *g*d quidem, quia continenter laberentur et fluerent omnia. itaque hanc omnem partem artem Non. rerum opinabilem opinabilium Goer. appellabant; itaque ... appellabant Non. p. 148 (opinabile) appellabat Non. ? 1.32. scientiam autem nusquam esse censebant nisi in animi notionibus notionibus s ? Lb. mot- *g*d atque rationibus. qua de causa definitiones rerum probabant et has ad omnia de quibus disceptabatur adhibebant; verborum etiam explicatio explicari *g probabatur, probatur *g id est qua de causa quaeque essent esset m p px ita nominata, quam e)tumologi/an appellabant; post argumentis quibusdam quibusdam om. *d et quasi rerum notis ducibus et rer. not. quasi duc. Dav. utebantur ad probandum ad prob. rursus accedit s et ad concludendum id quod explanari volebant. in qua in quo Man. denique Mue. tradebatur omnis dialecticae dialectica w disciplina id est orationis ratione conclusae; conclusa rw huic quasi ex altera parte oratoria vis dicendi adhibebatur, explicatrix orationis perpetuae ad persuadendum accommodatae. 1.33. Haec forma forma om. *d erat illis prima, a Platone tradita; cuius quas acceperim dissupationes dissupationes Bai. disputat- *g*d si vultis exponam.' Nos vero volumus inquam, ut pro Attico etiam respondeam. ATT. Et recte quidem quidem om. *d inquit respondes; praeclare enim explicatur Peripateticorum et Academiae veteris auctoritas. VA. “Aristoteles igitur igitur om. *d primus species quas paulo ante dixi labefactavit, quas mirifice Plato erat amplexatus, quas ... erat amplexatus pars codicum Non. p. 470 ut in iis quiddam divinum esse diceret. Theophrastus autem, vir et oratione suavis et ita moratus ut prae se probitatem quandam et ingenuitatem ferat, ferret Ern. vehementius etiam fregit quodam modo auctoritatem veteris disciplinae; spoliavit enim virtutem suo decore imbecillamque reddidit, quod negavit in ea sola positum esse beate vivere. 1.42. sed inter scientiam et inscientiam comprehensionem illam quam dixi collocabat, eamque neque in rectis neque in pravis paruis *g numerabat, sed soli credendum esse dicebat. E quo sensibus etiam fidem tribuebat, quod ut supra dixi comprehensio facta sensibus et vera esse illi et fidelis videbatur, non quod quod om. *g, in ras. p omnia quae essent in re comprehenderet, sed quia nihil quod cadere in eam eam nat. Man. n. eam Fab. posset relinqueret, quodque natura quasi normam scientiae et principium sui dedisset unde postea notiones rerum in animis imprimerentur; e quibus non principia solum sed latiores quaedam ad rationem inveniendam viae reperiuntur. aperituntur Man. -rirentur Dav. reperirentur Gr. errorem autem et temeritatem et ignorantiam ignorationem s et opinationem et suspicionem et uno nomine omnia quae essent aliena firmae et constantis assensionis a virtute sapientiaque removebat. Atque in his fere commutatio constitit omnis dissensioque Zenonis a superioribus.” 1.44. Tum ego Cum Zenone inquam “ut accepimus Arcesilas sibi omne certamen instituit, non pertinacia aut studio vincendi ut quidem mihi quidem mihi *gp videtur, sed earum rerum obscuritate, quae ad confessionem ignorationis adduxerant Socratem et vel ut iam ante et iam ante Dav. ad Lact. epit. 32 et ueluti amantes *g*d Socratem Democritum Anaxagoram Empedoclem omnes paene veteres, qui nihil cognosci nihil percipi nihil sciri posse dixerunt, angustos sensus imbecillos inbecilles p 1 sgf animos brevia curricula vitae et et om. sgf ut Democritus cf. p. 43, 13 in profundo veritatem esse demersam, demersam gfx dim- smnp m diuersam *d opinionibus et institutis omnia teneri, nihil veritati ueritate *g relinqui, deinceps deinceps denique Bentl. densis IACvHeusde ' Cic. filopla/twn ' ( 1836 ) 236 n. 1 omnia tenebris circumfusa esse dixerunt. cf. Lact. inst. 3, 4, 11. 28, 12 s. 30, 6 Democr. fr. 117 Deiels Emped. fr. 2 D. ( Kranz Herm. 47, 29 n. 2 )

101. Cicero, Cato, 78 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 140

102. Cicero, On Divination, 1.64, 1.127, 2.89, 2.128.139, 2.148, 2.147, 2.128, 2.127, 2.126, 2.125, 2.124, 2.123, 2.122, 2.121, 2.119, 2.101130, 1.65, 1.63, 1.62, 1.61, 1.60, 1.59, 2.120, 2.137, 2.136, 2.135, 2.134, 2.133, 2.132, 2.131, 2.130, 2.129, 1.58, 1.57, 1.56, 1.46, 1.45, 1.44, 1.43, 1.42, 1.41, 1.39, 1.40, 1.47, 1.55, 1.54, 1.53, 1.52, 1.51, 1.50, 1.49, 1.48, 2.141, 2.139, 2.140, 2.145, 2.142, 2.138, 2.146, 2.143, 2.144, 2.47, fr. 4, 1.35, 2.9, 1.83, 2.95, 1.84, 1.23, 2.88, 1.16, 2.91, 2.33, 2.92, 1.82, 2.90, 2.93, 1.13, 2.87, 2.94, 2.41, 1.6, 2.98, 2.96, 2.99, 2.97, 2.106, 2.15, 254, 1.118, 1.131, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 9; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 408

1.64. Divinare autem morientes illo etiam exemplo confirmat Posidonius, quod adfert, Rhodium quendam morientem sex aequales nominasse et dixisse, qui primus eorum, qui secundus, qui deinde deinceps moriturus esset. Sed tribus modis censet deorum adpulsu homines somniare, uno, quod provideat animus ipse per sese, quippe qui deorum cognatione teneatur, altero, quod plenus ae+r sit inmortalium animorum, in quibus tamquam insignitae notae veritatis appareant, tertio, quod ipsi di cum dormientibus conloquantur. Idque, ut modo dixi, facilius evenit adpropinquante morte, ut animi futura augurentur.

1.64. Moreover, proof of the power of dying men to prophesy is also given by Posidonius in his well-known account of a certain Rhodian, who, when on his death-bed, named six men of equal age and foretold which of them would die first, which second, and so on. Now Posidonius holds the view that there are three ways in which men dream as the result of divine impulse: first, the soul is clairvoyant of itself because of its kinship with the gods; second, the air is full of immortal souls, already clearly stamped, as it were, with the marks of truth; and third, the gods in person converse with men when they are asleep. And, as I said just now, it is when death is at hand that men most readily discern signs of the future.

103. Terence, Andria, 78, 306 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 70

306. Id velis quod possit. Ch. Nil volo aliud nisi Philumenam. By. Ah,

104. Cicero, On Fate, 3.5, 4.8, 5, 6, 6.12-8.16, 7, 10.20, 11, 16.36, 17.40, 41, 42, 43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 252

105. Cicero, Letters, 12.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 94

106. Cicero, De Finibus, 1.6, 2.43, 2.104, 3.4, 3.63, 3.71, 3.75, 4.3, 5.16-5.20, 5.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 190; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 25, 107, 217, 289; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 24, 26

107. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 7.13, 34.1-34.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism/stoics Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 24; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 69

7.13. Refuse to utter any lie,for the habit of lying serves no good. 34.1. A man of no understanding has vain and false hopes,and dreams give wings to fools. 34.1. He that is inexperienced knows few things,but he that has traveled acquires much cleverness. 34.2. As one who catches at a shadow and pursues the wind,so is he who gives heed to dreams. 34.2. Like one who kills a son before his fathers eyes is the man who offers a sacrifice from the property of the poor. 34.3. The vision of dreams is this against that,the likeness of a face confronting a face. 34.4. From an unclean thing what will be made clean?And from something false what will be true? 34.5. Divinations and omens and dreams are folly,and like a woman in travail the mind has fancies. 34.6. Unless they are sent from the Most High as a visitation,do not give your mind to them. 34.7. For dreams have deceived many,and those who put their hope in them have failed. 34.8. Without such deceptions the law will be fulfilled,and wisdom is made perfect in truthful lips.

108. Cicero, On Invention, 1.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics/stoic logic Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 184

1.19. firmamentum est firmissima argu- mentatio defensoris et appositissima ad iudicationem: ut si velit Orestes dicere eiusmodi animum matris suae fuisse in patrem suum, in se ipsum ac sorores, in regnum, in famam generis et familiae, ut ab ea poenas liberi sui potissimum petere debuerint. Et in ceteris quidem constitutionibus ad hunc modum iudicationes reperiuntur; in coniecturali autem constitutione, quia ratio non est—factum enim non conceditur—, non potest ex deductione rationis nasci iudicatio. quare ne- cesse est eandem esse quaestionem et iudicationem: factum est, non est factum, factumne sit? quot autem in causa constitutiones aut earum partes erunt, totidem necesse erit quaestiones, rationes, iudicationes, firma- menta reperire. Tum his omnibus in causa repertis denique sin- gulae partes totius causae considerandae sunt. nam non ut quidque dicendum primum est, ita primum animad- vertendum videtur; ideo quod illa, quae prima dicun- tur, si vehementer velis congruere et cohaerere cum causa, ex iis ducas oportet, quae post dicenda sunt. quare cum iudicatio et ea, quae ad iudicationem oportet argumenta inveniri, diligenter erunt artificio reperta, cura et cogitatione pertractata, tum denique ordidae sunt ceterae partes orationis. eae partes sex esse om- nino nobis videntur: exordium, narratio, partitio, con- firmatio, reprehensio, conclusio. Nunc quoniam exordium princeps debet esse, nos quoque primum in rationem exordiendi praecepta da- bimus.

1.19. Now proof by testimony is the firmest sort of reasoning that can be used by an advocate in defence, and it is also the best adapted for the examination of any excuse which may be alleged. For instance, if Orestes were inclined to say that the disposition of his mother had been such towards his father, towards himself and his sisters, towards the kingdom, and towards the reputation of his race and family, that her children were of all people in the world the most bound to inflict punishment upon her. And in all other statements of cases, examinations of excuses alleged are found to be carried on in this manner. But in a conjectural statement of a case, because there is no express evidence, for the fact is not admitted at all, the examination of the defence put forward cannot arise from the bringing forward of evidence. Wherefore, it is inevitable that in this case the question and the judication must be the same thing. As "it was done," "it was not done." The question is whether it was done. But it must invariably happen that there will be the same number of questions, and arguments, and examinations, and evidences employed in a cause, as there are statements of the case or divisions of such statements. When all these things are found in a cause, then at length each separate division of the whole cause must be considered. For it does not seem that those points are necessarily to be first noticed, which have been the first stated; because you must often deduce those arguments which are stated first, at least if you wish them to be exceedingly coherent with one another and to be consistent with the cause, from those arguments which are to be stated subsequently. Wherefore, when the examination of the excuses alleged, and all those arguments which require to be found out for the purpose of such examination have been diligently found out by the rules of art, and handled with due care and deliberation, then at length we may proceed to arrange the remaining portions of our speech. And these portions appear to us to be in all six; the exordium, the relation of the fact, the division of the different circumstances and topics, the bringing forward of evidence, the finding fault with the action which has been done, and the peroration. At present, since the exordium ought to be the main thing of all, we too will first of all give some precepts to lead to a system of opening a case properly.

109. Cicero, On Laws, 1.17-1.19, 1.33-1.34, 1.39, 1.42, 1.44, 2.8-2.11, 2.13, 3.2-3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 289; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 18, 21, 25, 153, 154, 156, 157; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 199

1.17. ATTICUS: In your opinion, then, it is not in the edict of the praetors, as the majority of our modern lawyers pretend, nor in the rules of the Twelve Tables of our Statutes, as the ancient Romans maintained, but in the sublimest doctrines of philosophy, we must seek the true source and obligation of jurisprudence. MARCUS: It is for this reason, my Atticus, that you do not ask me to explain to you the formalities of legal practice, and the technical replications and rejoinders of our professional pleadings. These, indeed, deserve much study and respect, inasmuch as they have occupied the attention of many great men, and are at present expounded by a most eminent lawyer (Servius Sulpicius Rufus) with admirable ability and skill. But the subject of our present discussion soars far higher, and comprehends the universal principles of equity and law. In such a discussion therefore on the great moral law of nature, the practice of the civil law can occupy but an insignificant and subordinate station. For according to our idea, we shall have to explain the true nature of moral justice, which is congenial and correspondent with the true nature of man. We shall have to examine those principles of legislation by which all political states should be governed. And last of all, shall we have to speak of those laws and customs which are framed for the use and convenience of particular peoples, which regulate the civic and municipal affairs of the citizens, and which are known by the title of civil laws. QUINTUS: You take a noble view of the subject, my brother, and go to the fountain-head of moral truth, in order to throw light on the whole science of jurisprudence: while those who confine their legal studies to the civil law too often grow less familiar with the arts of justice than with those of litigation. MARCUS: Your observation, my Quintus, is not quite correct. It is not so much the science of law that produces litigation, as the ignorance of it, (potius ignoratio juris litigiosa est quam scientia). But more of this bye-and-bye. With respect to the true principle of justice, many learned men have maintained that it springs from Law. I hardly know if their opinion be not correct, at least, according to their own definition; for Law (say they) is the highest reason, implanted in nature, which prescribes those things which ought to be done, and forbids the contrary. This, they think, is apparent from the converse of the proposition; because this same reason, when it is confirmed and established in menʼs minds, is the law of all their actions. They therefore conceive that the voice of conscience is a law, that moral prudence is a law, whose operation is to urge us to good actions, and restrain us from evil ones. They think, too, that the Greek name for law (νόμος), which is derived from νέμω, to distribute, implies the very nature of the thing, that is, to give every man his due. For my part, I imagine that the moral essence of law is better expressed by its Latin name, (lex), which conveys the idea of selection or discrimination. According to the Greeks, therefore, the name of law implies an equitable distribution of goods: according to the Romans, an equitable discrimation between good and evil. The true definition of law should, however, include both these characteristics. And this being granted as an almost self-evident proposition, the origin of justice is to be sought in the divine law of eternal and immutable morality. This indeed is the true energy of nature, the very soul and essence of wisdom, the test of virtue and vice. But since every discussion must relate to some subject, whose terms are of frequent occurrence in the popular language of the citizens, we shall be sometimes obliged to use the same terms as the vulgar, and to conform to that common idiom which signifies by the word law, all the arbitrary regulations which are found in our statute books, either commanding or forbidding certain actions. ATTICUS: Let us begin, then, to establish the principles of justice on that eternal and universal law, whose origin precedes the immeasurable course of ages, before legislative enactments were in being, or political governments constituted. 1.34. From whence it appears that when a wise man is attached to a good man by that friendship whose rights are so extensive, that phenomenon takes place which is altogether incredible to worldlings, and yet it is a necessary consequence, that he loves himself not more dearly than he loves his friend. For how can a difference of interests arise where all interests are similar? If there could be such a difference of interests, however minute, it would be no longer a true friendship, which vanishes immediately when, for the sake of our own benefit, we would sacrifice that of our friend. I have made these preliminary remarks, to prepare you the better for the main subject of our discourse, in order that you may more easily understand the principle, that nature herself is the foundation of justice. When I have explained this a little more at large, I shall come to the consideration of that civil law to which all my arguments refer. QUINTUS: Then you have not much to add, my brother, for the arguments you have already used have sufficiently proved to Atticus and myself that nature is the fountain of justice. ATTICUS: How could I maintain any other opinion, since you have proved to us, first, that the gods have been pleased to enrich and adorn us with their gifts, on purpose that we might administer them justly. Secondly, that all mankind bear a fraternal resemblance and relationship to each other. And lastly, that these natural brethren are bound together by the reciprocal obligations of friendship and affection, as well as social rights. Since we are agreed, therefore, that these principles are correct, how can we, with any consistency, separate from nature that law and justice, which are her moral developements? 1.39. For the rest, who indulged their appetites and pampered their passions, pursuing some objects and avoiding others, for no other reason than their amount of gratification or annoyance, though they sometimes speak truth, as we candidly allow, -- let them talk in their own gardens, and let them retire from all the political debates respecting the interests of the state, of which they know nothing, nor, indeed, care to know. As to that new academy of which Arcesilas and Carneades are the leaders, and who attack all sects and parties, we implore them not to interrupt us in our present discussion; for if they invade us on these subjects in which our minds are thoroughly familiar and resolved, they will seek their own ruin. But I, who wish rather to please, dare not excite their resentment; for in questions of this nature, we would fain proceed without any mixture of sophistry or anger; and any defects in our arguments, may surely be expiated without such fumigations as the invectives of criticism. ATTICUS: As you use the word 'expiation,' permit me to enquire what views you entertain respecting the justice of punishment, where laws have been broken and violated. Do you think such offences against laws can be expiated without enforcing the penalty, either directly or indirectly? MARCUS: I think not. I conceive there is no other expiation for the crimes and impieties of men. The guilty therefore must pay the penalty, and bear the punishment. The retributions they undergo are not so much those inflicted by courts of justice, which were not always in being, do not exist at present in many places, and even where established, are frequently biased and partial; but the retributions I principally intend are those of conscience. The Furies pursue and torment them, not with their burning torches, as the poets feign, but by remorse and the tortures arising from guilt. Was it the fear of punishment, and not the nature of the thing itself that ought to restrain mankind from wickedness, what, I would ask, could give villains the least uneasiness, abstracting from all fears of this kind? And yet none of them was ever so audaciously impudent, but he endeavoured to justify what he had done by some law of nature, denied the fact, or else pretended a just sorrow for it. Now if the wicked have the confidence to appeal to these laws, with what profound respect ought good men to treat them? There is the greater need, therefore, of insisting on the natural and unavoidable penalties of conscience. For if either direct punishment, or the fear of it, was what deterred from a vicious course of life, and not the turpitude of the thing itself, then none could he guilty of injustice, in a moral sense, and the greatest offenders ought rather to be called imprudent than wicked. 1.42. It is therefore an absurd extravagance in some philosophers to assert that all things are necessarily just, which are established by the civil laws and the institutions of the people. Are then the laws of tyrants just, simply because they are laws? If the thirty tyrants of Athens imposed certain laws on the Athenians, and if these Athenians were delighted with these tyrannical laws, are we therefore bound to consider these laws as just? For my own part, I do not think such laws deserve any greater estimation than that past during our own interregnum, which ordained, that the dictator should be empowered to put to death with impunity, whatever citizens he pleased, without hearing them in their own defence. There can be but one essential justice, which cements society, and one law which establishes this justice. This law is right reason, which is the true rule of all commandments and prohibitions. Whoever neglects this law, whether written or unwritten, is necessarily unjust and wicked. But if justice consists in submission to written laws and national customs, and if, as the Epicureans persist in affirming, every thing must be measured by utility alone, he who wishes to find an occasion of breaking such laws and customs, will be sure to discover it. So that real justice remains powerless if not supported by nature, and this pretended justice is overturned by that very utility which they call its foundation. But this is not all. If nature does not ratify law, all the virtues lose their sway. What becomes of generosity, patriotism, or friendship? Where should we find the desire of benefitting our neighbours, or the gratitude that acknowledges kindness? For all these virtues proceed from our natural inclination to love and cherish our associates. This is the true basis of justice, and without this, not only the mutual charities of men, but the religious services of the gods, would become obsolete; for these are preserved, as I imagine, rather by the natural sympathy which subsists between divine and human beings, than by mere fear and timidity. If the will of the people, the decrees of the senate, the adjudications of magistrates, were sufficient to establish justice, the only question would be how to gain suffrages, and to win over the votes of the majority, in order that corruption and spoliation, and the falsification of wills, should become lawful. But if the opinions and suffrages of foolish men had sufficient weight to outbalance the nature of things, might they not determine among them, that what is essentially bad and pernicious should henceforth pass for good and beneficial? Or why should not a law able to enforce injustice, take the place of equity? Would not this same law be able to change evil into good, and good into evil? As far as we are concerned, we have no other rule capable of distinguishing between a good or a bad law, than our natural conscience and reason. These, however, enable us to separate justice from injustice, and to discriminate between the honest and the scandalous. For common sense has impressed in our minds the first principles of things, and has given us a general acquaintance with them, by which we connect with Virtue every honourable and excellent quality, and with Vice all that is abominable and disgraceful. Now we must entirely take leave of our senses, ere we can suppose that law and justice have no foundation in nature, and rely merely on the transient opinions of men. We should not venture to praise the virtue of a tree or a horse, in which expression there is an abuse of terms, were we not convinced that this virtue was in their nature, rather than in our opinion. For a stronger reason, it is mainly with respect to the moral nature of things, that we ought to speak of honour and shame among men. If opinion could determine respecting the character of universal virtue, it might also decide respecting particular or partial virtues. But who will dare to determine that a man is prudent and cautious in his moral disposition, from any external appearances. For virtue evidently lies in perfect rationality, and this resides in the inmost depths of our nature. The same remark applies to all honour and honesty, for we judge of true and false, creditable and discreditable, rather by their essential qualities, than their external relations. Thus we judge according to their intrinsic nature, that rationality of life, which is virtue, must be ever constant and perpetual, and that inconstancy must necessarily be vicious. We form an estimate of the opinions of youths, but not by their opinions. Those virtues and vices which reside in their moral natures, must not be measured by opinions. And so of all moral qualities, we must discriminate between honourable and dishonourable by reference to the essential nature of the things themselves. The good we commend, must needs contain in itself something commendable. For as I before stated, goodness is not a mode of opinion: it is what it is, by the force of its very essence. If it were otherwise, opinion alone might constitute virtue and happiness, which is the most absurd of suppositions. And since we judge of good and evil by their nature, and since good and evil are the true constituents of honour and shame, we should judge in the same manner all honourable and all shameful qualities, testing them by the law of nature, without prejudice or passion. 2.8. MARCUS: Let us, then, once more examine, before we descend to particulars, what is the essence and moral obligation of law; lest, when we come to apply it to its subordinate relations, we should not exactly understand each other for want of explanation; and lest we should be ignorant of the force of those terms which are usually employed in jurisprudence. QUINTUS: This is a very necessary caution, and the proper method of seeking truth. MARCUS: This, then, as it appears to me, hath been the decision of the wisest philosophers; that law, was neither excogitated by the genius of men, nor is it any thing discovered in the progress of society; but a certain eternal principle, which governs the entire universe; wisely commanding what is right, and prohibiting what is wrong. Therefore, that aboriginal and supreme law is the Spirit of God himself; enjoining virtue, and restraining vice. For this reason it is, that this law, which the gods have bestowed on the human race, is so justly applauded. For it is the reason and mind of Wisdom, urging us to good, and deterring us from evil. QUINTUS: You have already touched on this topic. But before you come to treat of civil laws, endeavour to explain the force and power of this divine and celestial law, lest the torrent of custom should overwhelm our understanding, and betray us into the vulgar method of expression. MARCUS: From little children have we learned, my Quintus, such phrases as this, that a man "appeals to justice, and goes to law" and a great many municipal laws have we heard mentioned; but we should not understand that such commandments and prohibitions have sufficient moral power to make us practise virtue and avoid vice. The moral power of law, is not only far more ancient than these legal institutions of states and peoples, but it is coeval with God himself, who beholds and governs both heaven and earth. For it is impossible that the divine mind should exist without reason; and divine reason must necessarily be possessed of a power to determine what is virtuous and what is vicious. Nor, because it was nowhere written, that one man should maintain the pass of a bridge against the enemyʼs whole army, and that he should order the bridge behind him to be cut down, are we therefore to imagine that the valiant Cocles did not perform this great exploit, agreeably to the laws of nature and the dictates of true bravery. Again, though in the reign of Tarquin there was no written law concerning adultery, it does not therefore follow that Sextus Tarquinius did not offend against the eternal law when he committed a rape on Lucretia, daughter of Tucipitinus. For, even then he had the light of reason deduced from the nature of things, that incites to good actions and dissuades from evil ones. And this has the force of a law, not from the time it was written, but from the first moment it began to exist. Now, this existence of moral obligation is coeternal with that of the divine mind. Therefore the true and supreme law, whose commands and prohibitions are equally infallible, is the right reason of the Sovereign Deity. QUINTUS: I grant you, my brother, that whatever is the just is always the true law; nor can this true law either be originated or abrogated by any written enactments. MARCUS: Therefore, as the Divine Mind, or reason, is the supreme law, so it exists in the mind of the sage, so far as it can be perfected in man. With respect to civil laws, which differ in all ages and nations, the name of law belongs to them not so much by right as by the favour of the people. For every law which deserves the name of a law ought to be morally good and laudable, as we might demonstrate by the following arguments. It is clear, that laws were originally made for the security of the people, for the preservation of cities, for the peace and benefit of society. Doubtless, the first legislators persuaded the people that they would write and publish such laws only as should conduce to the general morality and happiness, if they would receive and obey them. Such were the regulations, which being settled and sanctioned, they justly entitled Laws. From which we may reasonably conclude, that those who made unjustifiable and pernicious enactments for the people, counteracted their own promises and professions; and established any thing rather than laws, properly so called, since it is evident that the very signification of the word law, comprehends the essence and energy of justice and equity. I would therefore interrogate you on this point, my Quintus, like our inquisitive philosophers. If a state wants something, wanting which it is reckoned no state, must not that something be something good? (Quaero igitur a te Quinte, sicut illi solent, -- quo si civitas careat, ob eam ipsam causam quod eo careat, pro nihilo habenda sit, id est ne numerandum in bonis?)QUINTUS: A very great good. MARCUS: Now a state which has no law, is it not for that reason to be reckoned no state? QUINTUS: We must needs say so. MARCUS: We must therefore reckon law among the very best things. QUINTUS: I entirely agree with you. MARCUS: If then in the majority of nations, many pernicious and mischievous enactments are made, as far removed from the law of justice we have defined as the mutual engagements of robbers, are we bound to call them laws? For as we cannot call the recipes of ignorant empirics, who give poisons instead of medicines, the prescriptions of a physician, we cannot call that the true law of the people, whatever be its name, if it enjoins what is injurious, let the people receive it as they will. For law is the just distinction between right and wrong, conformable to nature, the original and principal regulator of all things, by which the laws of men should be measured, whether they punish the guilty or protect the innocent. QUINTUS: I quite agree with you, and think that no law but that of justice should either be proclaimed as a law or enforced as a law.

110. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.812, 3.817, 1.42, 1.41, 3.818, 3.819, 3.815, 1.43, 1.44, 3.813, 3.814, 3.811, 3.810, 3.809, 3.808, 3.807, 3.806, 1.56, 3.816, 1.55, 1.53, 1.52, 1.51, 1.50, 1.49, 1.48, 1.47, 1.46, 1.45, 1.54, 1.40, 1.38, 1.39, 1.30, 1.29, 2.167, 3.820, 1.37, 1.36, 1.35, 1.34, 1.33, 1.32, 1.31, 1.28, 1.27, 1.26, 1.25, 3.821, 3.823, 3.822, 1.143, 2.83, 3.14.35, 1.15, 1.20.53, 1.14, 2.90, 2.93, 2.92, 2.91, 2.89, 2.88, 2.87, 2.94, 2.95, 2.97, 2.96, 2.25, 2.28, 1.13, 3.39 (92), 3.25ff. (65ff.), 3.31 (76ff.), 2.73, 2.3, 2.150, 2.151, 2.152, 2.153, 2.129, 2.23, 2.22, 2.24, 2.58, 2.21, 2.75, 2.82, 2.27, 2.26, 2.77, 2.4, 2.45, 3.65, 1.121, 1.66, 1.19, 1.18, 1.20, 3.95, 2.46, 2.47, 2.48, 2.49, 2.59, 2.76, 2.160, 2.161, 2.162, 2.20, 2.115, 3.30, 1.98, 3.32, 1.70, 1.101, 3.31, 1.79, 1.104, 3.5, 3.33, 1.71, 1.77, 1.74, 1.97, 3.34, 1.99, 2.54, 2.43, 1.76, 1.96, 1.22, 1.103, 1.100, 1.72, 1.73, 1.21, 1.78, 3.6, 1.102, 3.44, 3.29, 2.85, 3.38, 1.75, 2.36, 1.110, 1.24, 1.91, 1.84, 1.64, 1.119, 1.57, 1.65, 1.118, 1.117, 1.92, 1.105, 1.83, 1.63, 1.89, 2.148, 1.86, 1.122, 1.61, 1.59, 1.124, 1.88, 1.87, 1.123, 1.60, 1.116, 1.120, 1.85, 1.90, 1.62, 1.58, 1.107, 1.68, 1.94, 1.111, 2.2, 1.93, 1.109, 1.81, 1.108, 1.114, 1.82, 1.67, 1.95, 1.115, 1.112, 1.23, 1.113, 1.80, 1.106, 1.69, 2.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 216

111. Cicero, On Duties, 1.6, 1.9, 1.15, 1.46, 1.98-1.100, 1.111, 1.114, 1.128, 1.148, 2.25, 3.9, 3.12, 3.15-3.16, 3.69, 3.89, 3.102, 5.24, 5.41-5.43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 106; Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 190; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 293; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 153, 154, 157; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 150, 151; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 25, 163; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32, 78, 192; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 120

1.6. Quae quamquam ita sunt in promptu, ut res disputatione non egeat, tamen sunt a nobis alio loco disputata. Hae disciplinae igitur si sibi consentaneae velint esse, de officio nihil queant dicere, neque ulla officii praecepta firma, stabilia, coniuncta naturae tradi possunt nisi aut ab iis, qui solam, aut ab iis, qui maxime honestatem propter se dicant expetendam. Ita propria est ea praeceptio Stoicorum, Academicorum, Peripateticorum, quoniam Aristonis, Pyrrhonis, Erilli iam pridem explosa sententia est; qui tamen haberent ius suum disputandi de officio, si rerum aliquem dilectum reliquissent, ut ad officii inventionem aditus esset. Sequemur igitur hoc quidem tempore et hac in quaestione potissimum Stoicos non ut interpretes, sed, ut solemus, e fontibus eorum iudicio arbitrioque nostro, quantum quoque modo videbitur, hauriemus. 1.9. Triplex igitur est, ut Panaetio videtur, consilii capiendi deliberatio. Nam aut honestumne factu sit an turpe dubitant id, quod in deliberationem cadit; in quo considerando saepe animi in contraries sententias distrahuntur. Tum autem aut anquirunt aut consultant, ad vitae commoditatem iucunditatemque, ad facultates rerum atque copias, ad opes, ad potentiam, quibus et se possint iuvare et suos, conducat id necne, de quo deliberant; quae deliberatio omnis in rationem utilitatis cadit. Tertium dubitandi genus est, cum pugnare videtur cum honesto id, quod videtur esse utile; cum enim utilitas ad se rapere, honestas contra revocare ad se videtur, fit ut distrahatur in deliberando animus afferatque ancipitem curam cogitandi. 1.15. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fili, et tamquam faciem honesti vides, quae si oculis cerneretur, mirabiles amores, ut ait Plato, excitaret sapientiae. Sed omne, quod est honestum, id quattuor partium oritur ex aliqua: aut enim in perspicientia veri sollertiaque versatur aut in hominum societate tuenda tribuendoque suum cuique et rerum contractarum fide aut in animi excelsi atque invicti magnitudine ac robore aut in omnium, quae fiunt quaeque dicuntur, ordine et modo, in quo inest modestia et temperantia. Quae quattuor quamquam inter se colligata atque implicata sunt, tamen ex singulis certa officiorum genera nascuntur, velut ex ea parte, quae prima discripta est, in qua sapientiam et prudentiam ponimus, inest indagatio atque inventio veri, eiusque virtutis hoc munus est proprium. 1.46. Quoniam autem vivitur non cum perfectis hominibus planeque sapientibus, sed cum iis, in quibus praeclare agitur si sunt simulacra virtutis, etiam hoc intellegendum puto, neminem omnino esse neglegendum, in quo aliqua significatio virtutis appareat, colendum autem esse ita quemque maxime, ut quisque maxime virtutibus his lenioribus erit ornatus, modestia, temperantia, hac ipsa, de qua multa iam dicta sunt, iustitia. Nam fortis animus et magnus in homine non perfecto nec sapiente ferventior plerumque est, illae virtutes bonum virum videntur potius attingere. Atque haec in moribus. 1.98. Quocirca poëtae in magna varietate personarum, etiam vitiosis quid conveniat et quid deceat, videbunt, nobis autem cum a natura constantiae, moderationis, temperantiae, verecundiae partes datae sint, cumque eadem natura doceat non neglegere, quem ad modum nos adversus homines geramus, efficitur, ut et illud, quod ad omnem honestatem pertinet, decorum quam late fusum sit, appareat et hoc, quod spectatur in uno quoque genere virtutis. Ut enim pulchritudo corporis apta compositione membrorum movet oculos et delectat hoc ipso, quod inter se omnes partes cum quodam lepore consentiunt, sic hoc decorum, quod elucet in vita, movet approbationem eorum, quibuscum vivitur, ordine et constantia et moderatione dictorum omnium atque factorum. 1.99. Adhibenda est igitur quaedam reverentia adversus homines et optimi cuiusque et reliquorum. Nam neglegere, quid de se quisque sentiat, non solum arrogantis est, sed etiam omnino dissoluti. Est autem, quod differat in hominum ratione habenda inter iustitiam et verecundiam. Iustitiae partes sunt non violare homines, verecundiae non offendere; in quo maxime vis perspicitur decori. His igitur expositis, quale sit id, quod decere dicimus, intellectum puto. 1.100. officium autem, quod ab eo ducitur, hanc primum habet viam, quae deducit ad convenientiam conservationemque naturae; quam si sequemur ducem, numquam aberrabimus sequemurque et id, quod acutum et perspicax natura est, et id, quod ad hominum consociationem accommodatum, et id, quod vehemens atque forte. Sed maxima vis decori in hac inest parte, de qua disputamus; neque enim solum corporis, qui ad naturam apti sunt, sed multo etiam magis animi motus probandi, qui item ad naturam accommodati sunt. 1.111. Omnino si quicquam est decorum, nihil est profecto magis quam aequabilitas cum universae vitae, tum singularum actionum, quam conservare non possis, si aliorum naturam imitans omittas tuam. Ut enim sermone eo debemus uti, qui innatus est nobis, ne, ut quidam, Graeca verba inculcantes iure optimo rideamur, sic in actiones omnemque vitam nullam discrepantiam conferre debemus. 1.114. Suum quisque igitur noscat ingenium acremque se et bonorum et vitiorum suorum iudicem praebeat, ne scaenici plus quam nos videantur habere prudentiae. Illi enim non optimas, sed sibi accommodatissimas fabulas eligunt; qui voce freti sunt, Epigonos Medumque, qui gestu, Melanippam, Clytemnestram, semper Rupilius, quem ego memini, Antiopam, non saepe Aesopus Aiacem. Ergo histrio hoc videbit in scaena, non videbit sapiens vir in vita? Ad quas igitur res aptissimi erimus, in iis potissimum elaborabimus; sin aliquando necessitas nos ad ea detruserit, quae nostri ingenii non erunt, omnis adhibenda erit cura, meditatio, diligentia, ut ea si non decore, at quam minime indecore facere possimus; nec tam est enitendum, ut bona, quae nobis data non sint, sequamur, quam ut vitia fugiamus. 1.128. Nec vero audiendi sunt Cynici, aut si qui filerunt Stoici paene Cynici, qui reprehendunt et irrident, quod ea, quae turpia non sint, verbis flagitiosa ducamus, illa autem, quae turpia sint, nominibus appellemus suis. Latrocinari, fraudare, adulterare re turpe est, sed dicitur non obscene; liberis dare operam re honestum est, nomine obscenum; pluraque in ear sententiam ab eisdem contra verecundiam disputantur. Nos autem naturam sequamur et ab omni, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque approbatione, fugiamus; status incessus, sessio accubitio, vultus oculi manuum motus teneat illud decorum. 1.148. Quae vero more agentur institutisque civilibus, de iis nihil est praecipiendum; illa enim ipsa praecepta sunt, nec quemquam hoc errore duci oportet, ut, si quid Socrates aut Aristippus contra rnorem consuetudinemque civilem fecerint locutive sint, idem sibi arbitretur licere; magnis illi et divinis bonis hane licentiam assequebantur. Cynicorum vero ratio tota est eicienda; est enim inimica verecundiae, sine qua nihil rectum esse potest, nihil honestum. 2.25. Quid enim censemus superiorem ilium Dionysium quo cruciatu timoris angi solitum, qui cultros metuens tonsorios candente carbone sibi adurebat capillum? quid Alexandrum Pheraeum quo animo vixisse arbitramur? qui, ut scriptum legimus, cum uxorem Theben admodum diligeret, tamen ad ear ex epulis in cubiculum veniens barbarum, et eum quidem, ut scriptum est, compunctum notis Thraeciis, destricto gladio iubebat anteire praemittebatque de stipatoribus suis, qui scrutarentur arculas muliebres et, ne quod in vestimentis telum occultaretur, exquirerent. O miserum, qui fideliorem et barbarum et stigmatiam putaret quam coniugem! Nec eum fefellit; ab ea est enim ipsa propter pelicatus suspicionem interfectus. Nec vero ulla vis imperii tanta est, quae premente metu possit esse diuturna. 3.9. Minime vero assentior iis, qui negant eum locum a Panaetio praetermissum, sed consulto relictum, nec omnino scribendum fuisse, quia numquam posset utilitas cum honestate pugnare. De quo alterum potest habere dubitationem, adhibendumne fuerit hoc genus, quod in divisione Panaeti tertium est, an plane omittendum, alterum dubitari non potest, quin a Panaetio susceptum sit, sed relictum. Nam qui e divisione tripertita duas partes absolverit, huic necesse est restare tertiam; praeterea in extremo libro tertio de hac parte pollicetur se deinceps esse dicturum. 3.12. Quodsi is esset Panaetius, qui virtutem propterea colendam diceret, quod ea efficiens utilitatis esset, ut ii, qui res expetendas vel voluptate vel indolentia metiuntur, liceret ei dicere utilitatem aliquando cum honestate pugnare; sed cum sit is, qui id solum bonum iudicet, quod honestum sit, quae autem huic repugnent specie quadam utilitatis, eorum neque accessione meliorem vitam fieri nec decessione peiorem, non videtur debuisse eius modi deliberationem introducere, in qua, quod utile videretur, cum eo, quod honestum est, compararetur. 3.15. Cum autem aliquid actum est, in quo media officia compareant, id cumulate videtur esse perfectum, propterea quod volgus quid absit a perfecto, non fere intellegit; quatenus autem intellegit, nihil putat praetermissum; quod idem in poematis, in picturis usu venit in aliisque compluribus, ut delectentur imperiti laudentque ea, quae laudanda non sint, ob eam, credo, causam, quod insit in iis aliquid probi, quod capiat ignaros, qui quidem, quid in una quaque re vitii sit, nequeant iudicare; itaque, cum sunt docti a peritis, desistunt facile sententia. Haec igitur officia, de quibus his libris disserimus, quasi secunda quaedam honesta esse dicunt, non sapientium modo propria, sed cum omni hominum genere communia. 3.16. Itaque iis omnes, in quibus est virtutis indoles, commoventur. Nec vero, cum duo Decii aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemorantur, aut cum Fabricius aut Aristides iustus nominatur, aut ab illis fortitudinis aut ab hoc iustitiae tamquam a sapiente petitur exemplum; nemo enim horum sic sapiens, ut sapientem volumus intellegi, nec ii, qui sapientes habiti et nominati, M. Cato et C. Laelius, sapientes fuerunt, ne illi quidem septem, sed ex mediorum officiorum frequentia similitudinem quandam gerebant speciemque sapientium. 3.69. Hoc quamquam video propter depravationem consuetudinis neque more turpe haberi neque aut lege sanciri aut iure civili, tamen naturae lege sanctum est. Societas est enim (quod etsi saepe dictum est, dicendum est tamen saepius), latissime quidem quae pateat, omnium inter omnes, interior eorum, qui eiusdem gentis sint, propior eorum, qui eiusdem civitatis. Itaque maiores aliud ius gentium, aliud ius civile esse voluerunt; quod civile, non idem continuo gentium, quod autem gentium, idem civile esse debet. Sed nos veri iuris germanaeque iustitiae solidam et expressam effigiem nullam tenemus, umbra et imaginibus utimur. Eas ipsas utinam sequeremur! feruntur enim ex optimis naturae et veritatis exemplis. 3.89. Plenusestsextus liber de officiis Hecatonis talium quaestionum: sitne boni viri in maxima caritate annonae familiam non alere. In utramque partem disputat, sed tamen ad extremum utilitate, ut putat, officium dirigit magis quam humanitate. Quaerit, si in mari iactura facienda sit, equine pretiosi potius iacturam faciat an servoli vilis. Hic alio res familiaris, alio ducit humanitas. Si tabulam de naufragio stultus arripuerit, extorquebitne eam sapiens, si potuerit? Negat, quia sit iniurium. Quid? dominus navis eripietne suum? Minime, non plus quam navigantem in alto eicere de navi velit, quia sua sit. Quoad enim perventum est eo, quo sumpta navis est, non domini est navis, sed navigantium. 3.102. Quid est igitur, dixerit quis, in iure iurando? num iratum timemus lovem? At hoc quidem commune est omnium philosophorum, non eorum modo, qui deum nihil habere ipsum negotii dicunt, nihil exhibere alteri, sed eorum etiam, qui deum semper agere aliquid et moliri volunt, numquam nec irasci deum nec nocere. Quid autem iratus Iuppiter plus nocere potuisset, quam nocuit sibi ipse Regulus Nulla igitur vis fuit religionis, quae tantam utilitatem perverteret. An ne turpiter faceret? Primum minima de malis. Num igitur tantum mali turpitude ista habebat, quantum ille cruciatus? Deinde illud etiam apud Accium: Fregistín fidem? Néque dedi neque do ínfideli cuíquam quamquam ab impio rege dicitur, luculente tamen dicitur.

1.46. Now, the men we live with are not perfect and ideally wise, but men who do very well, if there be found in them but the semblance of virtue. I therefore think that this is to be taken for granted, that no one should be entirely neglected who shows any trace of virtue; but the more a man is endowed with these finer virtues â temperance, self-control, and that very justice about which so much has already been said â the more he deserves to be favoured. I do not mention fortitude, for a courageous spirit in a man who has not attained perfection and ideal wisdom is generally too impetuous; it is those other virtues that seem more particularly to mark the good man. So much in regard to the character of the object of our beneficence. < 1.98. The poets will observe, therefore, amid a great variety of characters, what is suitable and proper for all â even for the bad. But to us Nature has assigned the rÃ´les of steadfastness, temperance, self-control, and considerateness of others; Nature also teaches us not to be careless in our behaviour towards our fellow-men. Hence we may clearly see how wide is the application not only of that propriety which is essential to moral rectitude in general, but also of the special propriety which is displayed in each particular subdivision of virtue. For, as physical beauty with harmonious symmetry of the limbs engages the attention and delights the eye, for the very reason that all the parts combine in harmony and grace, so this propriety, which shines out in our conduct, engages the approbation of our fellow-men by the order, consistency, and self-control it imposes upon every word and deed. < 1.99. We should, therefore, in our dealings with people show what I may almost call reverence toward all men â not only toward the men who are the best, but toward others as well. For indifference to public opinion implies not merely self-sufficiency, but even total lack of principle. There is, too, a difference between justice and considerateness in one's relations to one's fellow-men. It is the function of justice not to do wrong to one's fellow-men; of considerateness, not to wound their feelings; and in this the essence of propriety is best seen. With the foregoing exposition, I think it is clear what the nature is of what we term propriety. < 1.100. Further, as to the duty which has its source in propriety, the first road on which it conducts us leads to harmony with Nature and the faithful observance of her laws. If we follow Nature as our guide, we shall never go astray, but we shall be pursuing that which is in its nature clear-sighted and penetrating (Wisdom), that which is adapted to promote and strengthen society (Justice), and that which is strong and courageous (Fortitude). But the very essence of propriety is found in the division of virtue which is now under discussion (Temperance). For it is only when they agree with Nature's laws that we should give our approval to the movements not only of the body, but still more of the spirit. < 1.111. If there is any such thing as propriety at all, it can be nothing more than uniform consistency in the course of our life as a whole and all its individual actions. And this uniform consistency one could not maintain by copying the personal traits of others and eliminating one's own. For as we ought to employ our mother-tongue, lest, like certain people who are continually dragging in Greek words, we draw well-deserved ridicule upon ourselves, so we ought not to introduce anything foreign into our actions or our life in general. < 1.114. Everyone, therefore, should make a proper estimate of his own natural ability and show himself a critical judge of his own merits and defects; in this respect we should not let actors display more practical wisdom than we have. They select, not the best plays, but the ones best suited to their talents. Those who rely most upon the quality of their voice take the Epigoni and the Medus; those who place more stress upon the action choose the Melanippa and the Clytaemnestra; Rupilius, whom I remember, always played in the Antiope, Aesopus rarely in the Ajax. Shall a player have regard to this in choosing his rÃ´le upon the stage, and a wise man fail to do so in selecting his part in life? We shall, therefore, work to the best advantage in that rÃ´le to which we are best adapted. But if at some time stress of circumstances shall thrust us aside into some uncongenial part, we must devote to it all possible thought, practice, and pains, that we may be able to perform it, if not with propriety, at least with as little impropriety as possible; and we need not strive so hard to attain to points of excellence that have not been vouchsafed to us as to correct the faults we have. < 1.128. But we should give no heed to the Cynics (or to some Stoics who are practically Cynics) who censure and ridicule us for holding that the mere mention of some actions that are not immoral is shameful, while other things that are immoral we call by their real names. Robbery, fraud, and adultery, for example, are immoral in deed, but it is not indecent to name them. To beget children in wedlock is in deed morally right; to speak of it is indecent. And they assail modesty with a great many other arguments to the same purport. But as for us, let us follow Nature and shun everything that is offensive to our eyes or our ears. So, in standing or walking, in sitting or reclining, in our expression, our eyes, or the movements of our hands, let us preserve what we have called "propriety." < 1.148. But no rules need to be given about what is done in accordance with the established customs and conventions of a community; for these are in themselves rules; and no one ought to make the mistake of supposing that, because Socrates or Aristippus did or said something contrary to the manners and established customs of their city, he has a right to do the same; it was only by reason of their great and superhuman virtues that those famous men acquired this special privilege. But the Cynics' whole system of philosophy must be rejected, for it is inimical to moral sensibility, and without moral sensibility nothing can be upright, nothing morally good. < 2.25. What, for instance, shall we think of the elder Dionysius? With what tormenting fears he used to be racked! For through fear of the barber's razor he used to have his hair singed off with a glowing coal. In what state of mind do we fancy Alexander of Pherae lived? We read in history that he dearly loved his wife Thebe; and yet, whenever he went from the banquet-hall to her in her chamber, he used to order a barbarian â one, too, tattooed like a Thracian, as the records state â to go before him with a drawn sword; and he used to send ahead some of his bodyguard to pry into the lady's caskets and to search and see whether some weapon were not concealed in her wardrobe. Unhappy man! To think a barbarian, a branded slave, more faithful than his own wife! Nor was he mistaken. For he was murdered by her own hand, because she suspected him of infidelity. < 3.9. Now, I cannot possibly accept the view of those who say that that point was not overlooked but purposely omitted by Panaetius, and that it was not one that ever needed discussion, because there never can be such a thing as a conflict between expediency and moral rectitude. But with regard to this assertion, the one point may admit of doubt â whether that question which is third in Panaetius's classification ought to have been included or omitted altogether; but the other point is not open to debate â that it was included in Panaetius's plan but left unwritten. For, if a writer has finished two divisions of a threefold subject, the third must necessarily remain for him to do. Besides, he promises at the close of the third book that he will discuss this division also in its proper turn. < 3.12. But if Panaetius were the sort of man to say that virtue is worth cultivating only because it is productive of advantage, as do certain philosophers who measure the desirableness of things by the standard of pleasure or of absence of pain, he might argue that expediency sometimes clashes with moral rectitude. But since he is a man who judges that the morally right is the only good, and that those things which come in conflict with it have only the appearance of expediency and cannot make life any better by their presence nor any worse by their absence, it follows that he ought not to have raised a question involving the weighing of what seems expedient against what is morally right. < 3.15. On the other hand, when some act is performed in which we see "mean" duties manifested, that is generally regarded as fully perfect, for the reason that the common crowd does not, as a rule, comprehend how far it falls short of real perfection; but, as far as their comprehension does go, they think there is no deficiency. This same thing ordinarily occurs in the estimation of poems, paintings, and a great many other works of art: ordinary people enjoy and praise things that do not deserve praise. The reason for this, I suppose, is that those productions have some point of excellence which catches the fancy of the uneducated, because these have not the ability to discover the points of weakness in any particular piece of work before them. And so, when they are instructed by experts, they readily abandon their former opinion. The performance of the duties, then, which I am discussing in these books, is called by the Stoics a sort of second-grade moral goodness, not the peculiar property of their wise men, but shared by them with all mankind. < 3.16. Accordingly, such duties appeal to all men who have a natural disposition to virtue. And when the two Decii or the two Scipios are mentioned as "brave men" or Fabricius is called "the just," it is not at all that the former are quoted as perfect models of courage or the latter as a perfect model of justice, as if we had in one of them the ideal "wise man." For no one of them was wise in the sense in which we wish to have "wise" understood; neither were Marcus Cato and Gaius Laelius wise, though they were so considered and were surnamed "the wise." Not even the famous Seven were "wise." But because of their constant observance of "mean" duties they bore a certain semblance and likeness to wise men. < 3.69. Owing to the low ebb of public sentiment, such a method of procedure, I find, is neither by custom accounted morally wrong nor forbidden either by statute or by civil law; nevertheless it is forbidden by the moral law. For there is a bond of fellowship â although I have often made this statement, I must still repeat it again and again â which has the very widest application, uniting all men together and each to each. This bond of union is closer between those who belong to the same nation, and more intimate still between those who are citizens of the same city-state. It is for this reason that our forefathers chose to understand one thing by the universal law and another by the civil law. The civil law is not necessarily also the universal law; but the universal law ought to be also the civil law. But we possess no substantial, life-like image of true Law and genuine Justice; a mere outline sketch is all that we enjoy. I only wish that we were true even to this; for, even as it is, it is drawn from the excellent models which Nature and Truth afford. < 3.89. The sixth book of Hecaton's "Moral Duties" is full of questions like the following: "Is it consistent with a good man's duty to let his slaves go hungry when provisions are at famine price?" Hecaton gives the argument on both sides of the question; but still in the end it is by the standard of expediency, as he conceives it, rather than by one of human feeling, that he decides the question of duty. Then he raises this question: supposing a man had to throw part of his cargo overboard in a storm, should he prefer to sacrifice a high-priced horse or a cheap and worthless slave? In this case regard for his property interest inclines him one way, human feeling the other."Suppose that a foolish man has seized hold of a plank from a sinking ship, shall a wise man wrest it away from him if he can?" "No," says Hecaton; "for that would be unjust." "But how about the owner of the ship? Shall he take the plank away because it belongs to him?""Not at all; no more than he would be willing when far out at sea to throw a passenger overboard on the ground that the ship was his. For until they reach the place for which the ship is chartered, she belongs to the passengers, not to the owner." < 3.102. "What significance, then," someone will say, "do we attach to an oath? It is not that we fear the wrath of Jove, is it? Not at all; it is the universally accepted view of all philosophers that God is never angry, never hurtful. This is the doctrine not only of those who teach that God is Himself free from troubling cares and that He imposes no trouble upon others, but also of those who believe that God is ever working and ever directing His world. Furthermore, suppose Jupiter had been wroth, what greater injury could He have inflicted upon Regulus than Regulus brought upon himself? Religious scruple, therefore, had no such preponderance as to outweigh so great expediency." "Or was he afraid that his act would be morally wrong? As to that, first of all, the proverb says, 'of evils choose the least.' Did that moral wrong, then, really involve as great an evil as did that awful torture? And secondly, there are the lines of Accius: Thyestes. Hast thou broke thy faith? Atreus. None have I given; none give I ever to the faithless. Although this sentiment is put into the mouth of a wicked king, still it is illuminating in its correctness." <

112. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.11, 1.72, 2.154, 2.162 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, philosophy, on divisions of Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666

1.11. Vere mihi hoc videor esse dicturus, ex omnibus eis, qui in harum artium liberalissimis studiis sint doctrinisque versati, minimam copiam poetarum et oratorum egregiorum exstitisse: atque in hoc ipso numero, in quo perraro exoritur aliquis excellens, si diligenter et ex nostrorum et ex Graecorum copia comparare voles, multo tamen pauciores oratores quam poetae boni reperientur. 2.162. Ego autem, si quem nunc plane rudem institui ad dicendum velim, his potius tradam adsiduis uno opere eandem incudem diem noctemque tundentibus, qui omnis tenuissimas particulas atque omnia minima mansa ut nutrices infantibus pueris in os inserant; sin sit is, qui et doctrina mihi liberaliter institutus et aliquo iam imbutus usu et satis acri ingenio esse videatur, illuc eum rapiam, ubi non seclusa aliqua acula teneatur, sed unde universum flumen erumpat; qui illi sedis et quasi domicilia omnium argumentorum commonstret et ea breviter inlustret verbisque definiat.

1.11. of all those who have engaged in the most liberal pursuits and departments of such sciences, I think I may truly say that a smaller number of eminent poets have arisen than of men distinguished in any other branch of literature; and in the whole multitude of the learned, among whom there rarely appears one of the highest excellence, there will be found, if you will but make a careful review of our own list and that of the Greeks, far fewer good orators than good poets. 2.162. “If it were my desire that a person totally illiterate should be instructed in the art of speaking, I would willingly send him to these perpetual workers at the same employment, who hammer day and night on the same anvil, and who would put his literary food into his mouth, in the smallest pieces, minced as fine as possible, as nurses put theirs into the mouths of children. But if he were one who had had a liberal education, and some degree of practice, and seemed to have some acuteness of genius, I would instantly conduct him, not where a little brook of water was confined by itself, but to the source whence a whole flood gushed forth; to an instructor who would show him the seats and abodes, as it were, of every sort of arguments, and would illustrate them briefly, and define them in proper terms.

113. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.6, 1.7.25, 1.9, 1.33, 1.57-1.58, 1.65, 2.15, 2.43, 2.104, 3.1-3.5, 3.9, 3.12, 3.18, 3.63-3.64, 3.71, 3.75, 4.3, 4.55, 5.16-5.20, 5.23-5.24, 5.41-5.43, 5.84-5.85 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666; Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 190; Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 92; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 25, 107, 217, 289; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 24, 26; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 150, 151; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 152; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 25; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32, 74, 192, 271; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 84, 119, 128, 147

1.6. Quid? quod BEN 2 si nos non interpretum fungimur munere, sed tuemur ea, quae dicta sunt ab iis, quos probamus, eisque eisque eisdem N his (hys) BE nostrum iudicium et nostrum scribendi ordinem adiungimus, quid habent, cur Graeca antepot iis, quae et splendide dicta sint dicta sint dett. dicta sunt neque sint conversa de Graecis? nam si dicent ab illis has res esse tractatas, ne ipsos ipsos NV ipso quidem Graecos est cur tam multos legant, quam legendi sunt. quid enim est a Chrysippo praetermissum in Stoicis? legimus tamen Diogenem, Antipatrum, Mnesarchum, Panaetium, multos alios in primisque familiarem nostrum Posidonium. quid? Theophrastus Theophrastus A. Man. theophrastum RNV theophastrum A theoprastum BE mediocriterne delectat, cum tractat locos ab Aristotele ante tractatos? quid? Epicurei epicuri BE num num BE non RV non ( superscr. ab alt. m. uel num) A non ( superscr. ab alt. m. nun) N desistunt de isdem, de quibus et ab Epicuro scriptum est et ab antiquis, ad arbitrium suum scribere? quodsi Graeci leguntur a Graecis isdem de rebus alia ratione compositis, quid est, cur nostri a nostris non legantur? 1.9. quem quidem locum comit comit Se. c o N cum ABERV cf. ad p. 5,10; 23,1; 26,12; 44,8; 46,15; 160,31 multa venustate et omni sale idem Lucilius, apud quem praeclare Scaevola: Graecum te, Albuci, quam Romanum atque Sabinum, municipem Ponti, Ponti edd. pontii (pontu BE) Tritani, Tritani Bai. tritanii A 2 RV tiranii A 1 tritanu BE centurionum, praeclarorum hominum ac primorum signiferumque, maluisti dici. Graece ergo praetor Athenis, id quod maluisti, te, cum ad me accedis, saluto: 'chaere,' chaere care BE inquam, Tite! lictores, turma omnis chorusque: chorusque cohorsque 'primus quantum video Man.' Mdv. 'chaere, Tite!' hinc hic A 1 BERV mi BEV; om. in ras. A; m R; mi in fine versus N 1, add. itii ( ut sit mutii) N 2 hostis mi Albucius, hinc inimicus. Sed iure Mucius. 1.33. At vero eos et accusamus et iusto odio dignissimos ducimus, qui blanditiis praesentium voluptatum deleniti deliniti BEV atque corrupti, quos dolores et quas molestias excepturi sint, obcaecati obcecati AENV occec cupiditate non provident, similique sunt in culpa, qui officia deserunt mollitia animi, id est laborum et dolorum fuga. et harum quidem rerum facilis est et expedita distinctio. nam libero tempore, cum soluta nobis est eligendi optio, cumque nihil impedit, quo minus id, quod maxime placeat, placeat maxime BE facere possimus, omnis voluptas assumenda est, omnis dolor repellendus. repellendus BE depellendus temporibus autem quibusdam et aut officiis debitis aut rerum necessitatibus saepe eveniet, ut et voluptates repudiandae sint et molestiae non recusandae. itaque earum rerum hic tenetur a sapiente delectus, ut aut reiciendis voluptatibus maiores maioris ABERN 1 alias consequatur aut perferendis doloribus asperiores asperioris ABE asperioribus R repellat. Hanc ego cum teneam sententiam, quid est cur verear, ne ad eam non possim accommodare Torquatos nostros? 1.57. Sed ut iis bonis erigimur, quae expectamus, sic laetamur iis, quae recordamur. stulti autem malorum memoria torquentur, sapientes sapientis R bona praeterita grata recordatione renovata delectant. est autem situm in nobis ut et adversa quasi perpetua oblivione obruamus et secunda iucunde ac suaviter meminerimus. sed cum ea, quae praeterierunt, acri animo et attento intento BE intuemur, tum fit ut aegritudo sequatur, si illa mala sint, laetitia, si bona. si bona laetitia BE O praeclaram beate vivendi et apertam et simplicem et directam viam! cum enim certe nihil homini possit melius esse quam vacare omni dolore et molestia perfruique maximis et animi et corporis voluptatibus, videtisne quam nihil praetermittatur quod vitam adiuvet, quo facilius id, quod propositum est, summum bonum consequamur? clamat Epicurus, is quem vos nimis voluptatibus esse deditum dicitis, non posse iucunde vivi, nisi sapienter, honeste iusteque vivatur, nec sapienter, honeste, iuste, nisi iucunde. 1.58. neque enim civitas in seditione beata esse potest nec in discordia dominorum domus; quo minus animus a se ipse ipso BE dissidens secumque discordans gustare partem ullam liquidae voluptatis et liberae potest. atqui pugtibus et contrariis studiis consiliisque semper utens nihil quieti videre, nihil tranquilli potest. 1.65. Restat locus huic disputationi vel maxime necessarius de amicitia, quam, si voluptas summum sit bonum, affirmatis nullam omnino fore. de qua Epicurus quidem ita dicit, omnium rerum, quas ad beate vivendum sapientia comparaverit, nihil esse maius amicitia, nihil uberius, nihil iucundius. nec vero hoc hoc hos A 1 BER oratione solum, sed multo magis vita et factis et moribus comprobavit. quod quam magnum sit fictae veterum fabulae declarant, in quibus tam multis tamque variis ab ultima antiquitate repetitis tria vix amicorum paria reperiuntur, ut ad Orestem pervenias profectus a Theseo. at vero Epicurus una in domo, et ea quidem angusta, quam magnos quantaque amoris conspiratione consentientis tenuit amicorum greges! quod fit etiam nunc ab Epicureis. sed ad rem redeamus; de hominibus dici non necesse est. 2.15. Satisne igitur videor vim verborum tenere, an sum etiam nunc vel Graece loqui vel Latine docendus? et tamen vide, ne, si ego non intellegam quid Epicurus loquatur, cum Graece, ut videor, luculenter sciam, sit aliqua culpa eius, qui ita loquatur, ut non intellegatur. quod duobus modis sine reprehensione fit, si aut de industria facias, ut Heraclitus, 'cognomento qui skoteino/s perhibetur, quia de natura nimis obscure memoravit', aut cum rerum obscuritas, non verborum, facit ut non intellegatur oratio, qualis est in Timaeo Platonis. Epicurus autem, ut opinor, nec non vult, si possit, plane et aperte loqui, nec de re obscura, ut physici, aut artificiosa, ut mathematici, sed de illustri et facili et iam et iam P. Man. etiam (eciam V) in vulgus pervagata loquitur. loquitur (i in ras. ) N loquatur ( etiam A) Quamquam non negatis nos intellegere quid sit voluptas, sed quid ille dicat. e quo efficitur, non ut nos non intellegamus quae vis sit istius verbi, sed ut ille suo more loquatur, nostrum neglegat. 2.43. Quae quod quod Mdv. cum Aristoni et Pyrrhoni omnino visa sunt sunt visa BE pro nihilo, ut inter optime valere et gravissime aegrotare nihil prorsus dicerent interesse, recte iam pridem contra eos desitum est desitum est contra eos BE disputari. dum enim in una virtute sic omnia esse voluerunt, ut eam rerum selectione se lectione R electione BE delectione V expoliarent expoliarent N ( sed hamulus ad litt. r pertinens et ent in ras. ), V; expoliaverunt AR spoliaverunt BE nec ei quicquam, aut unde oriretur, darent, oriretur darent ARN 2 ore retunderet BE orientur darent N 1 orirentur darent V aut ubi niteretur, virtutem ipsam, quam amplexabantur, sustulerunt. Erillus autem ad scientiam omnia revocans unum quoddam bonum vidit, sed nec optimum nec quo vita gubernari possit. itaque hic ipse iam pridem est reiectus; post enim Chrysippum contra eum add. Se. (est contra eum disp. H. A. Koch p. 37 ) non sane est disputatum. Restatis igitur vos; nam cum Academicis incerta incerta V ĩcerta (˜ et cer ab alt. man., cer in ras. ) N uncta AR iuncta BE luctatio est, qui nihil affirmant et quasi desperata cognitione certi id sequi volunt, quodcumque veri simile videatur. 3.1. Voluptatem quidem, Brute, si ipsa pro se loquatur nec tam pertinaces habeat patronos, concessuram arbitror convictam superiore libro dignitati. etenim sit inpudens, si virtuti diutius repugnet, aut si honestis honestis honestati NV iucunda anteponat aut pluris esse contendat dulcedinem corporis ex eave natam laetitiam quam gravitatem animi atque constantiam. quare illam quidem dimittamus et suis se finibus tenere tenere (ten ab alt. m. in ras. ) N petere iubeamus, ne blanditiis eius inlecebrisque impediatur disputandi severitas. 3.3. ipse etiam dicit dicit cf. p. 13, 24—29 Epicurus ne ne nec RNV argumentandum quidem esse de voluptate, quod sit positum iudicium eius in sensibus, ut commoneri nos satis sit, nihil attineat doceri. quare illa nobis simplex fuit in utramque partem disputatio. nec enim in Torquati sermone quicquam sermone quicquam VN 2 sermone nec quicquam (quitquam ABE) implicatum inpl. R aut tortuosum fuit, nostraque, ut mihi videtur, dilucida oratio. Stoicorum autem non ignoras quam sit subtile vel spinosum potius disserendi genus, idque cum Graecis tum magis nobis, quibus etiam verba parienda sunt inponendaque nova rebus novis nomina. quod quidem nemo mediocriter doctus mirabitur cogitans in omni arte, cuius usus vulgaris communisque non sit, multam novitatem nominum esse, cum constituantur earum rerum vocabula, quae in quaque arte versentur. 3.4. itaque et dialectici et physici verbis utuntur iis, quae ipsi Graeciae nota non non BENV om. AR sint, sint Mdv. sunt geometrae vero et musici, grammatici etiam more quodam loquuntur suo. ipsae rhetorum artes, quae sunt totae forenses atque populares, verbis tamen in docendo quasi privatis utuntur ac suis. atque ut omittam has artis elegantes et ingenuas, ne opifices opifices N opificis AER opositis B opifex V quidem tueri sua artificia possent, nisi vocabulis uterentur nobis incognitis, usitatis sibi. quin etiam agri cultura, quae abhorret ab omni politiore elegantia, tamen eas eas V ea res, in quibus versatur, nominibus notavit novis. quo magis hoc philosopho faciendum est. ars est enim philosophia vitae, de qua disserens arripere verba de foro non potest. 3.9. Praeclare, inquit, facis, cum cum quod Wes. apud Mdv. et eorum memoriam tenes, quorum uterque tibi testamento liberos suos testamento libros suos tibi BE commendavit, et puerum diligis. quod autem meum munus dicis non equidem recuso, sed te adiungo socium. addo etiam illud, multa iam mihi dare signa puerum et pudoris et ingenii, sed aetatem vides. Video equidem, inquam, sed tamen iam infici debet iis artibus, quas si, dum est tener, conbiberit, ad maiora veniet paratior. veniet paratior sit et quidem A venerit (in E incert.) paratior sit et quidem BE veniet paratior sit. Equidem R cu ul si venerit paratior sit Et quidem N 1 veniet paratior sit quidem N 2 veniet paratior sic equidem V Sic, et quidem diligentius saepiusque ista loquemur inter nos agemusque communiter. sed residamus, inquit, si placet. Itaque fecimus. 3.12. Quae adhuc, Cato, a te a te B ate E ante dicta sunt, eadem, inquam, dicere posses, si sequerere Pyrrhonem aut Aristonem. nec enim ignoras his his edd. siis A, si BE; is ( post eras. breviss. vocabul., cuius initium cognoscitur, fort. ) R; his (h ab alt. m. in ras. ) N; si is V istud honestum non summum modo, sed etiam, ut tu vis, solum bonum videri. quod si ita est, sequitur id ipsum, quod te velle video, omnes semper beatos esse sapientes. hosne igitur laudas et hanc eorum, inquam, sententiam sequi nos censes oportere? Minime vero istorum quidem, inquit. cum enim virtutis hoc proprium sit, earum rerum, quae quae qui AR secundum naturam sint, habere delectum, qui qui edd. quae (que) omnia sic exaequaverunt, ut in utramque partem ita paria redderent, uti uti edd. ut in nulla selectione uterentur, hi hi Mdv. hy BE huius ANV h (= huius) R virtutem ipsam sustulerunt. 3.18. artis etiam ipsas propter se adsumendas putamus, cum cum ABE tum N (t corr. ut vid., ex c), RV quia sit in iis iis Mdv. his aliquid dignum adsumptione, tum quod constent ex cognitionibus et contineant quiddam in se ratione constitutum et via. a falsa autem adsensione magis nos alienatos esse quam a ceteris rebus, quae sint sunt R contra naturam, arbitrantur. iam membrorum, id est partium corporis, alia videntur propter eorum usum a natura esse donata, ut manus, crura, pedes, ut ea, ut ea et ea BE quae sunt intus in corpore, quorum utilitas quanta sit a medicis etiam etiam a medicis R disputatur, alia autem nullam ob utilitatem quasi ad quendam ornatum, ut cauda pavoni, plumae versicolores columbis, viris mammae atque barba. 3.63. ex hoc nascitur ut etiam etiam ut BE communis hominum inter homines naturalis sit commendatio, ut oporteat hominem ab homine ob id ipsum, quod homo sit, non alienum videri. ut enim in membris alia sunt sunt N 2 sint tamquam sibi nata, ut oculi, ut aures, alia alia Marsus aliqua ARN aliaque BE reliqua V etiam ceterorum membrorum usum adiuvant, ut crura, ut manus, sic inmanes quaedam bestiae bestie quedam BE sibi solum natae sunt, at illa, quae in concha patula pina dicitur, isque, qui enat e concha, qui, quod eam custodit, pinoteres vocatur in eandemque in eandemque BE in eamque cum se recepit recepit cod. Glogav. recipit includitur, ut videatur monuisse ut caveret, itemque formicae, apes, ciconiae aliorum etiam causa quaedam faciunt. multo haec coniunctius homines. coniunctius homines Mdv. coniunctio est hominis itaque natura sumus apti ad coetus, concilia, consilia Non. civitatis Non. RV civitates. itaque ... civitatis ( v. 18 ) Non. p. 234 3.64. mundum autem censent regi numine deorum, eumque esse quasi communem urbem et civitatem hominum et deorum, et unum quemque nostrum eius mundi esse partem; ex quo illud natura consequi, ut communem utilitatem nostrae anteponamus. ut enim leges omnium salutem singulorum saluti anteponunt, sic vir bonus et sapiens et legibus parens et civilis officii non ignarus utilitati omnium plus quam unius alicuius aut suae consulit. nec magis est vituperandus proditor patriae quam communis utilitatis aut salutis desertor propter suam utilitatem aut salutem. ex quo fit, ut laudandus is sit, qui mortem oppetat pro re publica, quod deceat deceat dett. doceat ( in A ab ead. m. corr. ex diceat) cariorem nobis esse patriam quam nosmet ipsos. quoniamque quoniamque quēque R illa vox inhumana et scelerata ducitur eorum, qui negant se recusare quo minus ipsis mortuis terrarum omnium deflagratio consequatur—quod vulgari quodam versu Graeco pronuntiari solet—, certe verum est etiam iis, qui aliquando futuri sint, esse propter ipsos consulendum. 3.71. Ius autem, quod ita dici appellarique possit, id esse natura, natura P. Man., Lamb. naturam alienumque alienumque V et ( corr. priore u ab alt. m. ) N alienamque esse a sapiente non modo iniuriam cui facere, verum etiam nocere. nec vero rectum est cum amicis aut bene meritis consociare sociare BE aut coniungere iniuriam, gravissimeque et gravissime et BE verissime defenditur numquam aequitatem ab utilitate posse seiungi, et quicquid aequum iustumque esset, id etiam honestum vicissimque, quicquid esset honestum, id iustum etiam atque aequum fore. 3.75. quam gravis vero, quam magnifica, quam constans conficitur persona sapientis! qui, cum ratio docuerit, quod honestum esset, id esse solum bonum, semper sit necesse est beatus vereque omnia ista nomina possideat, quae irrideri ab inperitis solent. rectius enim appellabitur rex quam Tarquinius, qui nec se nec suos regere potuit, rectius magister populi—is enim est dictator dictator est BE —quam Sulla, qui trium pestiferorum vitiorum, luxuriae, avaritiae, crudelitatis, magister fuit, rectius dives quam Crassus, qui nisi eguisset, numquam Euphraten nulla belli causa transire voluisset. recte eius omnia dicentur, qui scit uti solus omnibus, recte etiam pulcher appellabitur— animi enim liniamenta sunt pulchriora quam corporis quam corporis NV quam corporibus ABE corporibus ( om. quam) R —, recte solus liber nec dominationi cuiusquam parens nec oboediens cupiditati, recte invictus, cuius etiamsi corpus constringatur, animo tamen vincula inici nulla possint, nec expectet ullum tempus aetatis, uti tum uti tum Se. ut tum (ut in ras., sequente ras. 2 vel 3 litt. ) N virtutum ABE ututū R ubi tum V denique iudicetur beatusne fuerit, cum extremum vitae diem morte confecerit, quod ille unus e septem sapientibus non sapienter Croesum monuit; 4.3. Existimo igitur, inquam, Cato, veteres illos Platonis auditores, auditores Platonis BE Speusippum, Aristotelem, Xenocratem, deinde eorum, Polemonem, Theophrastum, satis et copiose et eleganter habuisse constitutam disciplinam, ut non esset causa Zenoni, cum Polemonem audisset, cur et ab eo ipso et a superioribus dissideret. quorum fuit haec institutio, in qua animadvertas velim quid mutandum putes nec expectes, dum ad omnia dicam, quae a te a te ed. princ. Rom. ante dicta sunt; universa enim illorum ratione cum tota vestra confligendum puto. 5.16. ex quo, id quod omnes expetunt, beate vivendi ratio inveniri et comparari potest. quod quoniam in quo sit magna dissensio est, Carneadea carneadia BENV nobis adhibenda divisio est, qua noster Antiochus libenter uti solet. ille igitur vidit, non modo quot fuissent adhuc philosophorum de summo bono, sed quot omnino esse possent sententiae. negabat igitur ullam esse artem, quae ipsa a se proficisceretur; etenim semper illud extra est, quod arte comprehenditur. nihil opus est exemplis hoc facere longius. est enim perspicuum nullam artem ipsam in se versari, sed esse aliud artem ipsam, aliud quod propositum sit arti. quoniam igitur, ut medicina valitudinis, navigationis gubernatio, sic vivendi ars est prudentia, necesse est eam quoque ab aliqua re esse constitutam et profectam. 5.17. constitit autem fere inter omnes id, in quo prudentia versaretur et quod assequi vellet, aptum et accommodatum naturae esse oportere et tale, ut ipsum per se invitaret et alliceret appetitum animi, quem o(rmh\n o(rmh/n ] bonū R Graeci vocant. quid autem sit, quod ita moveat itaque a natura in primo ortu appetatur, non constat, deque eo est inter philosophos, cum summum bonum exquiritur, omnis dissensio. totius enim quaestionis eius, quae habetur de finibus bonorum et malorum, cum quaeritur, in his quid sit extremum et ultimum, et quid ultimum BE fons reperiendus est, in quo sint prima invitamenta naturae; quo invento omnis ab eo quasi capite de summo bono et malo disputatio ducitur. Voluptatis alii primum appetitum putant et primam depulsionem doloris. vacuitatem doloris alii censent primum ascitam ascitam cod. Glogav., Mdv. ; ascitum RV as|scitum N assertum BE et primum declinatum dolorem. 5.18. ab iis iis Lamb. 2, Mdv. ; his alii, quae prima secundum naturam nomit, proficiscuntur, in quibus numerant incolumitatem conservationemque omnium partium, valitudinem, sensus integros, doloris vacuitatem, viris, pulchritudinem, cetera generis eiusdem, quorum similia sunt prima prima om. R in animis quasi virtutum igniculi et semina. Ex his tribus cum unum aliquid aliquid Wes. aliquod sit, quo primum primum dett. prima BE primo RNV natura moveatur vel ad appetendum vel ad ad ( prius ) om. BERN repellendum, nec quicquam omnino praeter haec tria possit esse, necesse est omnino officium aut fugiendi aut sequendi ad eorum aliquid aliquod BE referri, ut illa prudentia, quam artem vitae esse diximus, in earum trium rerum aliqua versetur, a qua totius vitae ducat exordium. 5.19. ex eo autem, quod statuerit esse, quo primum natura moveatur, existet recti etiam ratio atque honesti, quae cum uno aliquo aliquo uno BE ex tribus illis congruere possit, possit. u aut non dolendi ita sit ut quanta ( v. 19 ) R rell. om. ut aut id honestum sit, facere omnia aut voluptatis causa, etiam si eam secl. Mdv. non consequare, aut non dolendi, etiam etiam N 2 in ras., aut BEV si id assequi nequeas, aut eorum, quae secundum naturam sunt, adipiscendi, etiam si nihil consequare. ita ita N 2 aut non dolendi ita R ( cf. ad v. 14 ), N 1 V; aut nichil dolendi ita BE fit ut, quanta differentia est in principiis naturalibus, tanta sit in finibus bonorum malorumque dissimilitudo. alii rursum isdem a principiis omne officium referent aut ad voluptatem aut ad non dolendum aut ad prima illa secundum naturam optinenda. 5.20. expositis iam igitur sex de summo bono sententiis trium proximarum hi principes: voluptatis Aristippus, non dolendi Hieronymus, fruendi rebus iis, quas primas secundum naturam esse diximus, Carneades non ille quidem auctor, sed defensor disserendi causa fuit. superiores tres erant, quae esse possent, quarum est una sola defensa, eaque vehementer. nam voluptatis causa facere omnia, cum, etiamsi nihil consequamur, tamen ipsum illud consilium ita faciendi per se expetendum et honestum et solum bonum sit, nemo dixit. ne vitationem quidem doloris ipsam per se quisquam in rebus expetendis putavit, nisi nisi Urs. ne si etiam evitare posset. at vero facere omnia, ut adipiscamur, quae secundum naturam sint, sunt BE etiam si ea non assequamur, id esse et honestum et solum per se expetendum et solum bonum Stoici dicunt. 5.23. de illis, cum volemus. Democriti autem securitas, quae est animi tamquam tamquam (tanquā R) tranquillitas RN tranquillitas tamquam BE tranquillitas ( om. tamquam) V tranquillitas, quam appellant eu)qumi/an, eo separanda fuit ab hac disputatione, quia ista animi tranquillitas ea ipsa secl. Se. est est ipsa BE beata vita; quaerimus autem, non quae sit, sit ( utroque loco ) dett. sint sed unde sit. Iam explosae eiectaeque sententiae Pyrrhonis, Aristonis, Erilli quod in hunc orbem, quem circumscripsimus, incidere non possunt, adhibendae omnino non fuerunt. nam cum omnis haec quaestio de finibus et quasi de extremis bonorum et malorum ab eo proficiscatur, quod diximus diximus p. 163, 16 sqq. naturae esse aptum et accommodatum, quodque ipsum per se primum appetatur, hoc totum et ii tollunt, qui in rebus iis, in quibus nihil quod non aut honestum aut turpe sit, negant esse del. Lamb. ullam causam, cur aliud alii anteponatur, nec inter eas res quicquam quicquam quitquid BE omnino putant interesse, et Erillus, si ita sensit, nihil esse bonum praeter scientiam, omnem consilii capiendi causam inventionemque officii sustulit. Sic exclusis sententiis reliquorum cum praeterea nulla esse possit, haec antiquorum valeat necesse est. ergo ergo igitur BE instituto veterum, quo etiam Stoici utuntur, hinc capiamus exordium. 5.24. Omne animal se ipsum diligit ac, simul et ortum est, id agit, se ut ut se BE conservet, quod hic ei primus ad omnem vitam tuendam appetitus a natura datur, se ut conservet atque ita sit affectum, ut optime secundum naturam affectum esse possit. hanc initio institutionem confusam habet et incertam, ut tantum modo se tueatur, qualecumque sit, sed nec quid sit nec quid possit nec quid ipsius natura sit intellegit. cum autem processit paulum et quatenus quicquid se attingat ad seque pertineat perspicere coepit, tum sensim incipit progredi seseque agnoscere et intellegere quam ob ob N 2 ad causam habeat habeat Lamb. habet eum, quem diximus, animi appetitum coeptatque et ea, quae naturae sentit apta, appetere et propulsare contraria. ergo omni animali illud, quod appetit, positum est in eo, quod naturae nature V natura ( etiam B) est accommodatum. ita finis bonorum existit secundum naturam vivere sic affectum, ut optime affici possit ad naturamque que ER et NV om. B accommodatissime. 5.41. Cum igitur ea sit, quam exposui, forma naturae, si, ut initio dixi, simul atque ortus esset, se quisque cognosceret iudicareque posset quae vis et totius esset naturae et partium singularum, continuo videret quid esset hoc, quod quaerimus, omnium rerum, quas expetimus, summum et ultimum nec ulla in re peccare posset. nunc vero a primo quidem mirabiliter occulta natura est nec perspici nec cognosci potest. progredientibus autem aetatibus sensim tardeve potius quasi nosmet ipsos cognoscimus. itaque prima illa commendatio, quae a natura nostri facta est nobis, incerta et obscura est, primusque appetitus ille animi tantum agit, ut salvi atque integri esse possimus. cum autem dispicere dispicere NV despicere BER coepimus cepimus RNV ceperimus BE et sentire quid simus et quid ab add. ed. Veneta 1494 animantibus ceteris differamus, tum ea sequi incipimus, ad quae nati sumus. 5.42. quam similitudinem videmus in bestiis, quae primo, in quo loco natae sunt, ex eo se non commovent, deinde suo quaeque appetitu movetur. movetur moventur NV serpere anguiculos, nare nare natare Non. anaticulas, anaticulas V aneticulas BERN anaticulos Non. volare Non. evolare merulas, cornibus uti videmus boves, videamus boves Non. boves videmus BE nepas nepas RN 1 Non. nespas vel vespas V vespas BEN 2 aculeis, suam denique cuique naturam esse ad vivendum ducem. serpere ... ducem Non. p. 145 quae similitudo in genere etiam humano apparet. parvi enim primo ortu sic iacent, tamquam omnino sine animo sint. cum autem paulum firmitatis accessit, et animo utuntur et sensibus conitunturque, ut sese sese ut BE utuntur ed. Iuntina utantur erigant, et manibus utuntur et eos agnoscunt, a quibus educantur. deinde aequalibus delectantur libenterque se cum iis congregant dantque se ad ludendum fabellarumque auditione ducuntur deque eo, quod ipsis superat, aliis gratificari volunt animadvertuntque ea, quae domi fiunt, curiosius incipiuntque commentari aliquid et discere et discere facere R et eorum, quos vident, volunt non ignorare nomina, quibusque rebus cum aequalibus decertant, si vicerunt, vicerunt Mdv.. vicerint BENV dicerint R efferunt se laetitia, victi debilitantur animosque que om. BEN demittunt. quorum sine causa fieri nihil putandum est. 5.43. est enim natura sic generata vis hominis, ut ad omnem virtutem percipiendam facta videatur, ob eamque causam parvi virtutum simulacris, quarum in se habent semina, sine doctrina moventur; sunt enim prima elementa naturae, quibus auctis auctis actis R virtutis quasi germen germen I. F. Gronov. carmen efficitur. nam cum ita nati factique simus, ut et agendi aliquid et diligendi aliquos et liberalitatis et referendae gratiae principia in nobis contineremus atque ad scientiam, prudentiam, fortitudinem aptos animos haberemus a contrariisque rebus alienos, non sine causa eas, quas dixi, in pueris virtutum quasi scintillas videmus, e quibus accendi philosophi ratio debet, ut eam quasi deum ducem subsequens ad naturae perveniat extremum. nam, ut saepe iam dixi, in infirma aetate inbecillaque mente vis naturae quasi per caliginem cernitur; cum autem progrediens confirmatur animus, agnoscit ille quidem ille quidem Mdv. quid ille BE quidem ille RNV naturae vim, sed ita, ut progredi possit longius, per se sit tantum tantum Mdv. tamen inchoata. 5.84. dato dato edd. date hoc dandum erit erit est BE illud. Quod vestri non item. 'Tria genera bonorum'; proclivi proclivis V currit oratio. venit ad extremum; haeret in salebra. cupit enim dicere nihil posse ad beatam vitam deesse sapienti. honesta oratio, Socratica, Platonis etiam. Audeo dicere, inquit. Non potes, potes cod. Glogav., Dav. ; potest nisi retexueris illa. paupertas si malum est, mendicus beatus esse esse beatus BE nemo potest, quamvis sit sapiens. at Zeno eum non beatum modo, sed etiam divitem dicere ausus est. dolere malum est: in crucem qui agitur, in crucem qui agitur cod. Mor., marg. Crat. ; in crucem quia igitur BE in cruce. Quia igitur RV beatus esse non potest. bonum liberi: misera orbitas. bonum patria: miserum exilium. bonum valitudo: miser miser Mdv. miserum RV om. BE morbus. bonum integritas corporis: misera debilitas. bonum incolumis acies: misera caecitas. quae si potest singula consolando levare, universa quo modo sustinebit? sustinebis BE substinebis V sit enim idem caecus, debilis, morbo gravissimo affectus, exul, orbus, egens, torqueatur eculeo: eculeo dett. aculeo quem hunc appellas, Zeno? Beatum, inquit. Etiam beatissimum? Quippe, inquiet, cum tam tam dett., om. BERV docuerim gradus istam rem non habere quam virtutem, in qua sit ipsum etiam beatum. 5.85. Tibi hoc incredibile, quod quod Mdv. quid B quia ERV beatissimum. quid? tuum credibile? si enim ad populum me vocas, eum, qui ita sit affectus, beatum esse numquam probabis; si ad prudentes, alterum fortasse dubitabunt, sitne tantum in virtute, ut ea praediti vel in Phalaridis tauro beati sint, alterum non dubitabunt, quin et Stoici convenientia sibi dicant et vos repugtia. Theophrasti igitur, inquit, tibi liber ille placet de beata vita? Tamen aberramus a proposito, et, ne longius, prorsus, inquam, Piso, si ista mala sunt, placet. Nonne igitur tibi videntur, nonne inquit igitur tibi videntur BE inquit, mala?

2.15. "Well, do you think I have properly grasped the meaning of the terms, or do I still require lessons in the use of either Greek or Latin? And even supposing that I do not understand what Epicurus says, still I believe I really have a very clear knowledge of Greek, so that perhaps it is partly his fault for using such unintelligible language. Obscurity is excusable on two grounds: it may be deliberately adopted, as in the case of Heraclitus, The surname of the Obscure who bore, So dark his philosophic lore; or the obscurity may be due to the abstruseness of the subject and not of the style â an instance of this is Plato's Timaeus. But Epicurus, in my opinion, has no intention of not speaking plainly and clearly if he can, nor is he discussing a recondite subject like natural philosophy, nor a technical subject such as mathematics, but a lucid and easy topic, and one that is generally familiar already. And yet you Epicureans do not deny that we understand what pleasure is, but what he means by it; which proves not that we do not understand the real meaning of the word, but that Epicurus is speaking an idiom of his own and ignoring our accepted terminology. < 2.43. Aristo and Pyrrho thought all these things utterly worthless, and said, for example, that there was absolutely nothing to choose between the most perfect health and the most grievous sickness; and consequently men have long ago quite rightly given up arguing against them. For in insisting upon the unique importance of virtue in such a sense as to rob it of any power of choice among external things and to deny it any starting-point or basis, they destroyed the very virtue they desired to cherish. Again, Erillus, in basing everything on knowledge, fixed his eyes on one definite Good, but this not the greatest Good, nor one that could serve as the guide of life. Accordingly Erillus himself has long ago been set aside; since Chrysippus no one has even troubled to refute him."Accordingly your school remains; for there is no coming to grips with the Academics, who affirm nothing positively, and despairing of a knowledge of certain truth, make up their minds to take apparent probability as their guide. < 3.1. My dear Brutus. â Were Pleasure to speak for herself, in default of such redoubtable advocates as she now has to defend her, my belief is that she would own defeat. Vanquished by the arguments of our preceding Book, she would yield the victory to true Worth. Indeed she would be lost to shame if she persisted any longer in the battle against Virtue, and rated what is pleasant above what is morally good, or maintained that bodily enjoyment or the mental gratification which springs from it is of higher value than firmness and dignity of character. Let us then give Pleasure her dismissal, and bid her keep within her own domains, lest her charms and blandishments put snares in the way of strict philosophical debate. < 3.3. In fact Epicurus himself declares that there is no occasion to argue about pleasure at all: its criterion resides in the senses, so that proof is entirely superfluous; a reminder of the facts is all that is needed. Therefore our preceding debate consisted of a simple statement of the case on either side. There was nothing abstruse or intricate in the discourse of Torquatus, and my own exposition was, I believe, as clear as daylight. But the Stoics, as you are aware, affect an exceedingly subtle or rather crabbed style of argument; and if the Greeks find it so, still more must we, who have actually to create a vocabulary, and to invent new terms to convey new ideas. This necessity will cause no surprise to anyone of moderate learning, when he reflects that in every branch of science lying outside the range of common everyday practice there must always be a large degree of novelty in the vocabulary, when it comes to fixing a terminology to denote the conceptions with which the science in question deals. < 3.4. Thus Logic and Natural Philosophy alike make use of terms unfamiliar even to Greece; Geometry, Music, Grammar also, have an idiom of their own. Even the manuals of Rhetoric, which belong entirely to the practical sphere and to the life of the world, nevertheless employ for purposes of instruction a sort of private and peculiar phraseology. And to leave out of account these liberal arts and accomplishments, even artisans would be unable to preserve the tradition of their crafts if they did not make use of words unknown to us though familiar to themselves. Nay, agriculture itself, a subject entirely unsusceptible of literary refinement, has yet had to coin technical terms to denote the things with which it is occupied. All the more is the philosopher compelled to do likewise; for philosophy is the Science of Life, and cannot treat its subject in language taken from the street. < 3.9. "I commend you," rejoined Cato, "for your loyalty to the memory of men who both bequeathed their children to your care, as well as for your affectionate interest in the lad. My own responsibility, as you call it, I by no means disown, but I enlist you to share it with me. Moreover I may say that the youth already seems to me to show many signs both of modesty and talent; but you know how young he is." "I do," said I, "but all the same it is time for him to receive a tincture of studies which, if allowed to soak in at this impressionable age, will render him better equipped when he comes to the business of life." "True, and we will discuss this matter again several times more fully and take common action. But let us sit down," he said, "shall we?" So we sat down. < 3.12. "What you have said so far, Cato," I answered, "might equally well be said by a follower of Pyrrho or of Aristo. They, as you are aware, think as you do, that this Moral Worth you speak of is not merely the chief but the only Good; and from this of necessity follows the proposition that I notice you maintain, namely, that the Wise are always happy. Do you then," I asked, "commend these philosophers, and think that we ought to adopt this view of theirs?" "I certainly would not have you adopt their view," he said; "for it is of the essence of virtue to exercise choice among the things in accordance with nature; so that philosophers who make all things absolutely equal, rendering them indistinguishable either as better or worse, and leaving no room for selection among them, have abolished virtue itself." < 3.18. The sciences also, we consider, are things to be chosen for their own sake, partly because there is in them something worthy of choice, partly because they consist of acts of cognition and contain an element of fact established by methodical reasoning. The mental assent to what is false, as the Stoics believe, is more repugt to us than all the other things that are contrary to nature. "(Again, of the members or parts of the body, some appear to have been bestowed on us by nature for the sake of their use, for example the hands, legs, feet, and internal organs, as to the degree of whose utility even physicians are not agreed; while others serve no useful purpose, but appear to be intended for ornament: for instance the peacock's tail, the plumage of the dove with its shifting colours, and the breasts and beard of the male human being.) < 3.63. From this impulse is developed the sense of mutual attraction which unites human beings as such; this also is bestowed by nature. The mere fact of their common humanity requires that one man should feel another man to be akin to him. For just as some of the parts of the body, such as the eyes and the ears, are created as it were for their own sakes, while others like the legs or the hands also subserve the utility of the rest of the members, so some very large animals are born for themselves alone; whereas the seaâpen, as it is called, in its roomy shell, and the creature named the 'pinoteres' because it keeps watch over the seaâpen, which swims out of the seaâpen's shell, then retires back into it and is shut up inside, thus appearing to have warned its host to be on its guard â these creatures, and also the ant, the bee, the stork, do certain actions for the sake of others besides themselves. With human beings this bond of mutual aid is far more intimate. It follows that we are by nature fitted to form unions, societies and states. < 3.64. "Again, they hold that the universe is governed by divine will; it is a city or state of which both men and gods are members, and each one of us is a part of this universe; from which it is a natural consequence that we should prefer the common advantage to our own. For just as the laws set the safety of all above the safety of individuals, so a good, wise and lawâabiding man, conscious of his duty to the state, studies the advantage of all more than that of himself or of any single individual. The traitor to his country does not deserve greater reprobation than the man who betrays the common advantage or security for the sake of his own advantage or security. This explains why praise is owed to one who dies for the commonwealth, because it becomes us to love our country more than ourselves. And as we feel it wicked and inhuman for men to declare (the saying is usually expressed in a familiar Greek line) that they care not if, when they themselves are dead, the universal conflagration ensues, it is undoubtedly true that we are bound to study the interest of posterity also for its own sake. < 3.71. Right moreover, properly so styled and entitled, exists (they aver) by nature; and it is foreign to the nature of the Wise Man not only to wrong but even to hurt anyone. Nor again is it righteous to enter into a partnership in wrongdoing with one's friends or benefactors; and it is most truly and cogently maintained that honesty is always the best policy, and that whatever is fair and just is also honourable, and conversely whatever is honourable will also be just and fair. < 3.75. "Then, how dignified, how lofty, how consistent is the character of the Wise Man as they depict it! Since reason has proved that moral worth is the sole good, it follows that he must always be happy, and that all those titles which the ignorant are so fond of deriding do in very truth belong to him. For he will have a better claim to the title of King than Tarquin, who could not rule either himself or his subjects; a better right to the name of 'Master of the People' (for that is what a dictator is) than Sulla, who was a master of three pestilential vices, licentiousness, avarice and cruelty; a better right to be called rich than Crassus, who had he lacked nothing could never have been induced to cross the Euphrates with no pretext for war. Rightly will he be said to own all things, who alone knows how to use all things; rightly also will he be styled beautiful, for the features of the soul are fairer than those of the body; rightly the one and only free man, as subject to no man's authority, and slave of no appetite; rightly unconquerable, for though his body be thrown into fetters, no bondage can enchain his soul. < 4.3. "My view, then, Cato," I proceeded, "is this, that those old disciples of Plato, Speusippus, Aristotle and Xenocrates, and afterwards their pupils Polemo and Theophrastus, had developed a doctrine that left nothing to be desired either in fullness or finish, so that Zeno on becoming the pupil of Polemo had no reason for differing either from his master himself or from his master's predecessors. The outline of their theory was as follows â but I should be glad if you would call attention to any point you may desire to correct without waiting while I deal with the whole of your discourse; for I think I shall have to place their entire system in conflict with the whole of yours. < 5.16. and therefore have discovered a standard to which each action may be referred; and from this we can discover and construct that rule of happiness which all desire. "Now there is great difference of opinion as to what constitutes the Chief Good. Let us therefore adopt the classification of Carneades, which our teacher Antiochus is very fond of employing. Carneades passed in review all the opinions as of that Chief Good, not only that actually had been held by philosophers hitherto, but that it was possible to hold. He then pointed out that no science or art can supply its own starting-point; its subject-matter must always lie outside it. There is no need to enlarge upon or illustrate this point; for it is evident that no art is occupied with itself: the art is distinct from the subject with which it deals; since therefore, as medicine is the art of health and navigation the art of sailing the ship, so Prudence or Practical Wisdom is the art of conduct, it follows that Prudence also must have something as its base and point of departure. < 5.17. Now practically all have agreed that the subject with which Prudence is occupied and the end which it desires to attain is bound to be something intimately adapted to our nature; it must be capable of directly arousing and awakening an impulse of desire, what in Greek is called hormÄ. But what it is that at the first moment of our existence excites in our nature this impulse of desire â as to this there is no agreement. It is at this point that all the difference of opinion among students of the ethical problem arises. of the whole inquiry into the Ends of Goods and Evils and the question which among them is ultimate and final, the fountain-head is to be found in the earliest instincts of nature; discover these and you have the source of the stream, the starting-point of the debate as to the Chief Good and Evil. < 5.18. "One school holds that our earliest desire is for pleasure and our earliest repulsion is from pain; another thinks that freedom from pain is the earliest thing welcomed, and pain the earliest thing avoided; others again start from what they term the primary objects in accordance with nature, among which they reckon the soundness and safety of all the parts of the body, health, perfect senses, freedom from pain, strength, beauty and the like, analogous to which are the primary intellectual excellences which are the sparks and seeds of the virtues. Now it must be one or other of these three sets of things which first excites our nature to feel desire or repulsion; nor can it be anything whatsoever beside these three things. It follows therefore that every right act of avoidance or of pursuit is aimed at one of these objects, and that consequently one of these three must form the subject-matter of Prudence, which we spoke of as the art of life; from one of the three Prudence derives the initial motive of the whole of conduct. < 5.19. "Now, from whichever Prudence decides to be the object of the primary natural impulses, will arise a theory of right and of Moral Worth which may correspond with one or other of the three objects aforesaid. Thus Morality will consist either in aiming all our actions at pleasure, even though one may not succeed in attaining it; or at absence of pain, even though one is unable to secure it; or at getting the things in accordance with nature, even though one does not attain any of them. Hence there is a divergence between the different conceptions of the Ends of Goods and Evils, precisely equivalent to the difference of opinion as to the primary natural objects. â Others again starting from the same primary objects will make the sole standard of right action the actual attainment of pleasure, freedom from pain, or the primary things in accordance with nature, respectively. < 5.20. "Thus we have now set forth six views as to the Chief Good. The leading upholders of the latter three are: of pleasure, Aristippus; of freedom from pain, Hieronymus; of the enjoyment of what we have called the primary things in accordance with nature, Carneades, â that is, he did not originate this view but he upheld it for purposes of argument. The three former were possible views, but only one of them has been actually maintained, though that with great vigour. No one has asserted pleasure to be the sole aim of action in the sense that the mere intention of attaining pleasure, although unsuccessful, is in itself desirable and moral and the only good. Nor yet has anyone held that the effort to avoid pain is in itself a thing desirable, without one's being able actually to avoid it. On the other hand, that morality consists in using every endeavour to obtain the things in accordance with nature, and that this endeavour even though unsuccessful is itself the sole thing desirable and the sole good, is actually maintained by the Stoics. < 5.23. "The calmness or tranquillity of mind which is the Chief Good of Democritus, euthumia as he calls it, has had to be excluded from this discussion, because this mental tranquillity is in itself the happiness in question; and we are inquiring not what happiness is, but what produces it. Again, the discredited and abandoned theories of Pyrrho, Aristo and Erillus cannot be brought within the circle we have drawn, and so we have not been concerned to consider them at all. For the whole of this inquiry into the Ends or, so to speak, the limits of Goods and Evils must begin from that which we have spoken of as adapted and suited to nature and which is the earliest object of desire for its own sake; now this is entirely done away with by those who maintain that, in the sphere of things which contain no element of Moral Worth or baseness, there is no reason why any one thing should be preferred to any other, and who consider these things to be absolutely indifferent; and Erillus also, if he actually held that there is nothing good but knowledge, destroyed every motive of rational action and every clue to right conduct. "Thus we have eliminated the views of all the other philosophers; and no other view is possible; therefore this doctrine of the Ancients must hold good. Let us then follow the practice of the old philosophers, adopted also by the Stoics, and start as follows. < 5.24. "Every living creature loves itself, and from the moment of birth strives to secure its own preservation; because the earliest impulse bestowed on it by nature for its life-long protection is the instinct for self-preservation and for the maintece of itself in the best condition possible to it in accordance with its nature. At the outset this tendency is vague and uncertain, so that it merely aims at protecting itself whatever its character may be; it does not understand itself nor its own capacities and nature. When, however, it has grown a little older, and has begun to understand the degree in which different things affect and concern itself, it now gradually commences to make progress. Self-consciousness dawns, and the creature begins to comprehend the reason why it possesses the instinctive appetition aforesaid, and to try to obtain the things which it perceives to be adapted to its nature and to repel their opposites. Every living creature therefore finds its object of appetition in the thing suited to its nature. Thus arises The End of Goods, namely to live in accordance with nature and in that condition which is the best and most suited to nature that is possible. < 5.41. "The plan of our nature being then that which I have explained, if, as I said at the outset, every man as soon as he is born could know himself and could appreciate the powers of his nature as a whole and of its several parts, he would at once perceive the true essence of the thing that is the subject of our inquiry, namely the highest and last of the objects of our desires, and he would be incapable of error in anything. But as it is, our nature at all events at the outset is curiously hidden from us, and we cannot fully realize or understand it; yet as we grow older we gradually or I should say tardily come, as it were, to know ourselves. Accordingly, the earliest feeling of attraction which nature has created in us towards ourselves is vague and obscure, and the earliest instinct of appetition only strives to secure our safety and freedom from injury. When, however, we begin to look about us and to perceive what we are and how we differ from the rest of living creatures, we then commence to pursue the objects for which we are intended by nature. < 5.42. Some resemblance to this process we observe in the lower animals. At first they do not move from the place where they were born. Then they begin to move, under the influence of their several instincts of appetition; we see little snakes gliding, ducklings swimming, blackbirds flying, oxen using their horns, scorpions their stings; each in fact has its own nature as its guide to life. A similar process is clearly seen in the human race. Infants just born lie helpless, as if absolutely iimate; when they have acquired a little more strength, they exercise their mind and senses; they strive to stand erect, they use their hands, they recognize their nurses; then they take pleasure in the society of other children, and enjoy meeting them, they take part in games and love to hear stories; they desire to bestow of their own abundance in bounty to others; they take an inquisitive interest in what goes on in their homes; they begin to reflect and to learn, and want to know the names of the people they see; in their contests with their companions they are elated by victory, discouraged and disheartened by defeat. For every stage of this development there must be supposed to be a reason. < 5.43. It is that human capacity is so constituted by nature that it appears designed to achieve every kind of virtue; hence children, without instruction, are actuated by semblances of the virtues, of which they possess in themselves the seeds, for these are primary elements of our nature, and they sprout and blossom into virtue. For we are so constituted from birth as to contain within us the primary instincts of action, of affection, of liberality and of gratitude; we are also gifted with minds that are adapted to knowledge, prudence and courage, and averse from their opposites; hence there is a reason why we observe in children those sparks of virtue I have mentioned, from which the philosopher's torch of reason must be kindled, that he may follow reason as his divine guide and so arrive at nature's goal. For as I have repeatedly said already, in the years of immaturity when the intellect is weak the powers of our nature are discerned as through a mist; but as the mind grows older and stronger it learns to know the capacity of our nature, while recognizing that this nature is susceptible of further development and has by itself only reached an incomplete condition. < 5.84. Your school are not so logical. 'Three classes of goods': your exposition runs smoothly on. But when it comes to its conclusion, it finds itself in trouble; for it wants to assert that the Wise Man can lack no requisite of happiness. That is the moral style, the style of Socrates and of Plato too. 'I dare assert it,' cries the Academic. You cannot, unless you recast the earlier part of the argument. If poverty is an evil, no beggar can be happy, be he as wise as you like. But Zeno dared to say that a wise beggar was not only happy but also wealthy. Pain is an evil: then a man undergoing crucifixion cannot be happy. Children are a good: then childlessness is miserable; one's country is good: then exile is miserable; health is a good: then sickness is miserable; soundness of body is a good; then infirmity is miserable; good eyesight is a good: then blindness is miserable. Perhaps the philosopher's consolations can alleviate each of these misfortunes singly; but how will he enable us to endure them all together? Suppose a man to be at once blind, infirm, afflicted by dire disease, in exile, childless, destitute and tortured on the rack; what is your name, Zeno, for him? 'A happy man,' says Zeno. A supremely happy man as well? 'To be sure,' he will reply, 'because I have proved that happiness no more admits of degrees than does virtue, in which happiness itself consists.' < 5.85. You draw the line at this; you can't believe that he is supremely happy. Well, but can one believe what you say either? Call me before a jury of ordinary people, and you will never persuade them that the man so afflicted is happy; refer the case to the learned, and it is possible that on one of the two counts you will be doubtful about their verdict, whether virtue has such efficacy that the virtuous will be happy even in the bull of Phalaris: but on the other, they will find without hesitation that the Stoic doctrine is consistent and yours self-contradictory. 'Ah,' says the Academic, 'then you agree with Theophrastus in his great work On Happiness?' However, we are wandering from the subject; and to cut the matter short, Piso," I said, "I do fully agree with Theophrastus, if misfortunes, as you say, are evils." <

114. Philodemus of Gadara, De Ira \ , 8.32, 19.25, 19.24, 19.23, 19.22, 19.21, 19.20, 8.31, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 24, 23, 40.22, 40.21, 39.30, 39.29, 37.39, 37.30, 37.29, fr. 13.26, fr. 12.21, 37.38, 6.21, 6.20, 6.19, 6.18, 37.35, 38.4, 37.37, 37.34, 40.17, 6.22, 37.36, 37.31, 37.32, 37.33, 1.13, 1.12, 1.14, 1.21, 1.22, 1.15, 1.27, 1.26, 1.17, 1.23, 1.24, 1.20, 1.16, 1.18, 1.25, 1.19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 33

115. Anon., Jubilees, 12.17, 15.27-15.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 15, 31, 32

12.17. And in the sixth week, in the fifth year thereof, Abram sat up throughout the night on the new moon of the seventh month to observe the stars from the evening to the morning, in order to see what would be the character of the year with regard to the rains, 15.27. and there is no circumcision of the days, and no omission of one day out of the eight days; for it is an eternal ordice, ordained and written on the heavenly tables. 15.28. And every one that is born, the flesh of whose foreskin is not circumcised on the eighth day, belongeth not to the children of the covet which the Lord made with Abraham, but to the children of destruction;

116. Cicero, Pro Scauro, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, cosmology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 172

5. Had that Sardinian woman of yours then, known anything about or had she read Pythagoras or Plato? Though even these men praise death with such limitations that they forbid our flying from life, and say that such conduct is contrary to the conditions and laws of nature. And in truth you will not be able to find any other reason which can justify a voluntary death. And this, too, the prosecutor saw; for he let out an insinuation, somewhere, that that woman preferred being deprived of life to being robbed of her chastity.

117. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, 49.317, 49.318, 49.319, 49.320, 49.321, 49.322, 49.323, 49.324, 49.325, 49.326, 49.327, 49.360, 49.361, 49.362, 49.363, 272.34, 272.35, 272.36, 280.15, 280.19, 280.20, 280.21, 280.22, 280.23, 280.24, 284.22, 284.23, 284.24, 104, 109, 13, 192, 277a41, 280, 280-281a, 281a, 368, 45 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 21, 25, 139

118. Dead Sea Scrolls, 1Qha, 7.25-7.35, 9.9-9.11, 9.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoa, stoicism, stoics Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 193

119. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 2.2-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoa, stoicism, stoics Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 193

120. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 2.2-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoa, stoicism, stoics Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 193

121. Lucilius Gaius, Fragments, 1160, 1322, 1326-1338, 1340, 262, 379, 635-636, 784-790, 261 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 93

122. Metrodorus of Scepsis, Fragments, 37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176

123. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 7, 7.13, 7.22-8.1, 8.7, 9.15, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 338

8.7. I said: They establish their ways in righteousness. I thought upon the judgements of God since the creation of heaven and earth; I held God righteous in His judgements which have been from of old. 8.7. And if any one loves righteousness,her labors are virtues;for she teaches self-control and prudence,justice and courage;nothing in life is more profitable for men than these.

124. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.46-1.47, 1.53, 1.57-1.58, 1.62, 1.71-1.75, 1.97-1.99, 2.9, 2.11.25, 3.1-3.7, 3.11.24, 3.12-3.21, 3.12.27, 3.13.27, 3.25.61, 3.31.76, 3.36-3.51, 3.58, 3.76-3.77, 3.82-3.84, 4.3.7, 4.6.1, 4.6.11-4.6.14, 4.11-4.14, 4.30.64, 4.31, 4.42, 4.63, 4.65, 4.70, 4.79, 5.5, 5.7, 5.35-5.36, 5.41.121, 5.85 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, on language •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of •stoics and stoicism •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 92, 93, 94, 99; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 65, 107, 253, 293; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 19, 80; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 152; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 26, 52, 53, 54, 66, 72, 81, 83, 149; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32, 38, 270, 284; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 124, 125

1.46. nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimus ea quae videmus; neque est enim enim est V 2 B ullus sensus in corpore, sed, ut non physici phisici KRH solum docent verum etiam medici, qui ista aperta et patefacta viderunt, viae quasi quaedam sunt ad oculos, ad auris, ad naris aures...nares ex -is V 1? a sede animi perforatae. itaque saepe aut cogitatione aut aliqua vi morbi impediti apertis atque integris et oculis et auribus nec videmus nec audimus, ut ut quo ss. V 2 facile intellegi possit animum et videre et audire, non eas partis quae quasi fenestrae sint animi, non... 10 sunt animi Non. 36, 12 quibus tamen sentire nihil queat mens, nisi id agat et adsit. quid, quod quid quod V ( sed quod corr. in cū 1 ) qui quod GK 1 ( corr. c ) R eadem mente res dissimillimas comprendimus, cũ ( ex cō) prendimus V ut colorem, saporem, calorem, odorem, sonum? quae numquam quinque nuntiis animus animi in animis corr. V 1 cognosceret, nisi ad eum omnia referrentur et is omnium iudex solus esset. atque ea profecto tum multo puriora et dilucidiora cernentur, cum, quo natura fert, fertur K c liber animus pervenerit. illam ... 24 vult 239, 15 nulla vero est celeritas...240, 16 excitavit 240, 26 quod tandem ... 241,17 pervenerit H 1.47. nam nunc quidem, quamquam foramina illa, quae patent ad animum animos Non. a corpore, callidissimo calidissimo K 1 RV artificio natura fabricata nam 19 natura fabricatur Non. 35, 26 est, tamen terrenis concretisque corporibus sunt intersaepta intersepta X quodam modo: cum autem nihil erit praeter animum, nulla res obiecta impediet, quo minus percipiat, quale quidque sit. Quamvis copiose haec diceremus, si res postularet, quam multa, quam varia, quanta spectacula animus in locis caelestibus esset esse R 1 habiturus. 1.53. Sed si, qualis sit animus, ipse animus nesciet, nesci aet K dic quaeso, ne esse ne esse ex non esse K c quidem se sciet, ne moveri quidem se? ex quo illa ratio nata est Platonis, quae a Socrate est in Phaedro Phaedr. 245 c, cf. Cic. rep. 6, 27. Ciceronem sequitur Lact. inst. 7, 8, 4 et Serv. Aen. 6, 727 phedro KRV explicata, a me autem posita est in sexto libro de re p.: “Quod semper movetur, aeternum et aet. X ( sed et exp. V vet K c ) aet. Somn. Macr. est; quod autem motum adfert alicui quodque ipsum agitatur aliunde, aliunde ( u(p' a)/llou ) H e corr. s Somn. pars Macr. alicunde X quando finem habet motus, vivendi finem habeat necesse est. solum igitur, quod se ipsum movet, quia numquam deseritur a se, quia a se s. u. add. V 2 numquam ne moveri quidem desinit; quin etiam ceteris quae moventur hic fons, hoc hoc o in r. R c principium est movendi. 1.57. Habet primum memoriam, et eam infinitam rerum innumerabilium. quam Men. 81 e sqq. quidem Plato Quam quidem Plato cf. 247, 4 Ego autem recordationem esse volt vitae superioris. nam in illo libro, qui inscribitur Menon, meñ K 1 (ñ erasum, non in mg. add. 2 ) me non V 1 pusionem quendam Socrates interrogat quaedam geometrica de dimensione quadrati. ad ea sic ille respondet respondet s respondit X Boeth. ut puer, et tamen ita faciles interrogationes sunt, ut gradatim gradatum RV 1 respondens eodem perveniat, quo si quo si quasi Boeth. K 1 V 1 ( corr. K c V c geometrica didicisset. ex quo effici volt Socrates, ut discere nihil aliud sit nisi recordari. quem locum multo etiam accuratius explicat in eo sermone, quem habuit eo ipso die, quo excessit e Phaed. 72e sqq. vita; docet enim quemvis, qui omnium rerum rudis esse videatur, bene interroganti interrogati V 1 respondentem respondem X ( corr. K 2 V c ) declarare se non tum cf. Lact. inst. 7, 22,19 illa discere, sed reminiscendo recognoscere, nec vero fieri ullo modo posse, ut a pueris tot rerum atque tantarum insitas et quasi consignatas consignata V 1 (s add. c ) cognitgnatas primo R in animis notiones, quas quas add. K c e)nnoi/as ennoias X (i in e corr. V 1 ) ENNOUAC Boeth. vocant, haberemus, nisi animus, ante quam in corpus intravisset, in rerum cognitione viguisset. 1.58. cumque nihil esset , lac. ind. Po. (suppl. fere : eorum quae sensibus perciperentur cl. div.2,9 Tim.28A) ut omnibus locis a Platone disseritur—nihil enim ille post enim hab. VBP s putat esse, quod oriatur et intereat, idque solum esse, esse s esset quod semper tale sit quale quale EIDEAN corr. Sey. est ( i)de/an appellat ille, nos speciem)—, non potuit animus haec in corpore inclusus c lusus V (ss ) adgnoscere, ad gn. G 1 a gn. V cognita attulit; ex quo tam multarum rerum rerum om. V cognitionis admiratio tollitur. neque ea plane videt animus, cum repente in in om. Boeth. tam insolitum tamque perturbatum domicilium inmigravit, sed cum se collegit collegit s recollegit Boeth. colligit X (col V) atque recreavit, tum adgnoscit ad gn. R 1 agn. V Boeth. illa reminiscendo. in illo libro... 11 vita et 14 aiunt enim nullo modo fieri pos- se ut ... 247, 3 reminiscendo ( om. 18 cumque... 24 tollitur) libere reddit Boethius in Cic. top. 76 V p. 391, 7 Bai. (Stangl, Jahrb. 127 S. 290. 299) 1.62. illa vis quae tandem est quae investigat occulta, quae inventio atque excogitatio dicitur? ex hacne tibi terrena mortalique natura et caduca concreta ea concreta ea concretus esse Bentl. videtur? aut qui primus, quod summae sapientiae Pythagorae visum est, omnibus rebus imposuit nomina? aut qui dissipatos homines congregavit et ad societatem vitae convocavit, vocum V 2 aut qui sonos vocis, qui infiniti videbantur, paucis litterarum notis terminavit, aut qui errantium stellarum cursus praegressiones insti tu tiones institiones Man. notavit? omnes magni; etiam superiores, qui fruges, qui vestitum, qui tecta, qui cultum vitae, qui praesidia contra feras invenerunt, a quibus mansuefacti et exculti a necessariis artificiis ad elegantiora eligantiora K ele g. R 1 defluximus. nam et auribus oblectatio magna parta est inventa parata ss. K 2 que post inventa add. V 2 et temperata varietate et natura sonorum, et astra suspeximus cum cum V, sed c in r. scr, V c tum X ea quae sunt infixa certis locis, tum illa non re sed vocabulo errantia, quorum conversiones omnisque motus qui animo animo Man. s animus vidit, is docuit similem animum suum eius esse, qui ea fabricatus esset in caelo. 1.71. in animi autem autem om. H cognitione dubitare non possumus, nisi plane in physicis plumbei sumus, quin nihil sit animis admixtum, nihil concretum, nihil copulatum, nihil coagmentatum, nihil duplex: quod cum ita sit, certe nec ne nec HK (c 2 aut c ) add. Mdv. ad Fin. exc. III secerni nec dividi nec discerpi nec distrahi potest, ne interire quidem igitur. est enim interitus quasi discessus et secretio ac diremptus diremptus s V rec direptus X earum partium, quae ante interitum iunctione aliqua tenebantur. non valet animus... 253,22 tenebantur H His et talibus rationibus adductus aductus GR 1 (corr. c ) V 1 (corr. 1 ) Socrates nec patronum quaesivit ad iudicium capitis nec iudicibus supplex 254,12 saep. q; in r. R al.m. ( ex que ut v. ) fuit adhibuitque liberam contumaciam a magnitudine animi ductam, non a superbia, et supremo vitae die de hoc ipso multa disseruit et paucis ante diebus, cum facile posset educi e custodia, noluit, et tum, tum ex cum V 1 paene in manu iam mortiferum illud tenens poculum, locutus ita est, ut non ad mortem trudi, verum in caelum videretur escendere. aescendere V asc. KB s 1.72. Ita Plato Phaedon 80sqq. enim censebat itaque disseruit, duas ut ante duas eras. in K esse vias duplicesque cursus animorum e corpore excedentium: nam cf. Lact. inst. 7, 10, 10 qui se humanis vitiis contaminavissent et se totos toto GV 1 ( s add. 2 ) R 1 ut v. (s add. ipse, tum lib- ex bib-) libidinibus dedissent, quibus caecati vel velut X (sed ut exp. V vet ) domesticis vitiis atque flagitiis se inquinavissent vel re publica violanda rei publicae violandae V 2 fraudes inexpiabiles concepissent, concoepissent GR concęp. K is devium quoddam iter esse, seclusum a concilio deorum; qui autem se integros castosque servavissent, quibusque fuisset minima cum corporibus contagio seseque contagiose seque V 1 ab is semper sevocavissent s evocavissent V ( exp. vet ) essentque in corporibus humanis vitam imitati deorum, is ad illos a quibus essent profecti reditum facilem patere. 1.73. Itaque Phaed. 85b commemorat, ut cygni, qui non sine causa Apollini dicati sint, si nt V( 2) sunt Serv. sed quod ab eo divinationem habere videantur, ut cycni ... 17 videantur Serv. Aen. 1,393 qua providentes quid in morte boni sit cum cantu et voluptate moriantur, sic omnibus bonis et doctis esse faciendum. faciundum K 2 (nec vero de hoc quisquam dubitare posset, possit K 2 nisi idem nobis accideret diligenter de animo cogitantibus, quod is quo his X (quod his V c ) saepe usu venit, qui cum Phaed. 99d d el. Man. ant cum aut ut v. acriter oculis deficientem solem intuerentur, ut del. Bentl. ut in vel mut. Se. Jb. d. ph. V. 24 p. 247 aspectum omnino amitterent; sic mentis acies se ipsa intuens non numquam hebescit, ob eamque causam contemplandi diligentiam amittimus. itaque dubitans circumspectans haesitans, multa adversa reverens revertens X ( sed t exp. in V) tamquam in rate in rate cf. e)pi\ sxedi/as Phaid. 85d ratis V 2 Se. imm. R in mari inmenso 1.74. nostra vehitur oratio ratio Camerar. ). sed haec haec add. V 2 et vetera sunt post vetera add. K 2 et a Graecis; Cato autem sic abiit e vita, ut causam moriendi moriundi K 2 nactum se esse gauderet. vetat enim domis ille in in om. V nobis deus iniussu hinc nos suo demigrare; cum vero causam iustam deus ipse dederit, ut tunc tum GV Socrati, nunc Catoni, saepe multis, ne ille me Dius Fidius vir sapiens laetus ex his tenebris in lucem illam excesserit, nec tamen ille ille Lb. ilia rup erit V vincla carceris ruperit—leges enim vetant—, sed tamquam a magistratu aut ab aliqua potestate legitima, sic a deo evocatus atque emissus exierit. Tota Plato Phaedon 80e enim philosophorum vita, ut ait idem, commentatio mortis est. 1.75. nam quid nam quid quid enim V 2 aliud agimus, cum a voluptate, vol. G 1 a uuol. K 1 id est id ( pro id est) V a corpore, cum a re familiari, quae est ministra et famula corporis, cum a re publica, cum a negotio omni sevocamus omni sev. (s. i. r. V c )V omni sev. ex omnis ev. R animum, quid, inquam, in quantum GR 1 V 1 tum agimus nisi animum ad se ipsum advocamus, advocamus s avoc. X (voc. K 1 a add. K c ) secum esse cogimus cogita mus G 1 maximeque a corpore abducimus? secernere autem a corpore animum, nec quicquam post animum add. V 2 : id est se ipsum nec quicquam K ( c K c ) aliud, est mori est mori Bentl. ēmori K emori GRVH ( post aliud add. quam R al.m. nisi V rec ) cf. Plato Phaed. 67d Lact. epit. 41 : deum vere colere id est, nec quicquam aliud, sapientia. discere. quare hoc commentemur, mihi crede, disiungamusque credidis iung. GR 1 (corr. 1? ) V 1 (corr. 2 ) credi disi. H credi siung K 1 nos a corporibus, id est id ( pro id est) V consuescamus mori. hoc, et dum erimus in terris, erit illi illi K caelesti vitae simile, et cum illuc ex his vinclis vinculis K 2 V 2 emissi feremur, minus tardabitur cursus animorum. Tota... 23 animorum H nam qui in compedibus corporis semper fuerunt, etiam cum soluti sunt, tardius ingrediuntur, ut i qui ferro vincti multos annos fuerunt. fuerint V 1 quo cum venerimus, tum denique vivemus. nam haec quidem vita vita s. v. add. K 1 mors est, quam lamentari possem, si liberet. nam haec... 5 liberet Aug. epist. 155,4 liberetur GKR 1 (corr. 1 ) V 1 (ur eras. ) liberet Aug. Satis tu quidem in Consolatione es lamentatus; 1.97. vadit enim enim om. s in eundem carcerem atque in eundem paucis post annis scyphum Socrates, eodem scelere iudicum quo tyrannorum Theramenes. QHPAMENHC X Apol. 40csqq. (libere reddita) quae est igitur eius oratio, qua facit eum Plato usum apud iudices iam morte multatum? magna me inquit “spes tenet, iudices, bene mihi evenire, quod mittar ad mortem. necesse est enim sit alterum de duobus, ut aut sensus omnino omnes omnis K (acst s = accusativus ss. 2 ) mors auferat aut in alium quendam locum ex his locis morte migretur. meretur K quam ob rem, sive sensus extinguitur morsque ei somno similis est, qui non numquam etiam sine visis somniorum placatissimam quietem adfert, di dii GRV boni, quid lucri est emori! aut quam multi dies reperiri repp. GR (corr. 1 ) V possunt, qui tali nocti antepotur! cui si si V 2 s om. X similis est perpetuitas omnis consequentis temporis, quis me beatior? 1.98. sin vera sunt quae dicuntur, migrationem esse mortem in eas oras, horas K 1 V 2 quas qui e vita excesserunt incolunt, id hic in id corr. K c multo iam beatius est. tene, cum ab is, qui se iudicum numero numerū V 1 haberi volunt, evaseris, ad eos venire, qui vere iudices appellentur, Minoem Rhadamanthum Aeacum Aeacum s Aiacem X Triptolemum, convenireque eos qui iuste et et s om. X ( e)ge/nonto e)n tw=|n e(autw=n bi/w| ) cum fide vixerint— haec peregrinatio mediocris vobis videri potest? ut vero conloqui cum Orpheo Musaeo Homero Hesiodo liceat, quanti tandem aestimatis? equidem saepe emori, si fieri posset, vellem, ut ea quae dico mihi liceret invisere. invisere V (ise in r. V c ) invenire rell. quanta delectatione autem adficerer, cum Palamedem, cum Aiacem, cum alios iudicio iniquo iniquorum ventos GR iniquorũ ventos K iniquo ( eras. 3—4 litt., tum circum in fine versus V c ) ventos V ( ei)/ tis a)/llos dia\ kri/din a)/dikon te/qnhken circumventos convenirem! temptarem etiam summi regis, qui maximas copias duxit ad Troiam, et Ulixi ulixis V 2 Sisyphique prudentiam, nec ob eam rem, cum haec exquirerem sicut hic faciebam, capite damnarer.—Ne vos quidem, iudices i qui me absolvistis, hi X si V 2 mortem timueritis. 1.99. nec nec c in r. V c enim cuiquam bono mali quicquam evenire potest nec vivo nec mortuo, nec umquam eius res a dis inmortalibus imm. KR neglegentur, nec mihi ipsi hoc accidit fortuito. nec vero ego is, a quibus accusatus aut a quibus condemnatus sum, habeo quod suscenseam, succenseam K 2 in mg. V c nisi quod mihi nocere se crediderunt.” et haec quidem hoc modo; nihil autem melius extremo: sed tempus est inquit iam hinc abire, habire G 1 R 1 me, ut moriar, vos, ut vitam agatis. utrum autem sit melius, dii inmortales imm. V 2 sciunt, hominem quidem scire arbitror neminem. utrum... 26 neminem libere Lact. inst. 7,2, 10 Ne ego h' supra ego V 2 haud aut X haud V 2 paulo hunc animum malim mallim G ( 2. l in r. ) K 1 RV 1 quam eorum omnium fortunas, qui de hoc iudicaverunt. etsi, quod praeter deos negat scire quemquam, id scit scit sit V 1 ipse utrum sit melius—nam dixit ante—, sed suum illud, nihil ut adfirmet, tenet ad extremum; 2.9. Itaque mihi semper Peripateticorum Academiaeque consuetudo de omnibus rebus in contrarias partis partes K 1 R 1?ecorr. disserendi non ob eam causam solum placuit, quod aliter non posset, quid in quaque re re add. in mg. K 2 veri simile esset, inveniri, invenire GK 1 (~i 2 aut c ) RV 1 (i V rec ) sed etiam quod esset ea maxuma dicendi exercitatio. qua qua G princeps usus est Aristoteles, deinde eum qui secuti sunt. nostra autem memoria Philo, quem nos frequenter audivimus, instituit alio tempore rhetorum praecepta tradere, alio philosophorum: ad quam nos consuetudinem a familiaribus nostris adducti in Tusculano, quod datum est temporis nobis, in eo consumpsimus. itaque cum ante meridiem dictioni operam dedissemus, sicut pridie feceramus, post meridiem meridie X (-di V me- ridi ach. G) meridiẽ K 2 R c? cf. de orat.2, 367 et Usener, Jahrb f. Phil. 117 p. 79 in Academiam descendimus. in qua disputationem habitam non quasi narrantes exponimus, exponemus V 2 sed eisdem ex eisdem K (exp. 2 aut 1) fere verbis, ut actum disputatumque est. Est igitur ambulantibus ad hunc modum mundum V 1 sermo ille nobis institutus et a tali et ali V 1 et tali V c quodam ductus ductus Crat. inductus cf. Brut. 21 exordio: 3.1. Quidnam esse, Brute, Quidnam-Brute om. RK cf. praef. cur om. K causae putem, cur, cum constemus ex animo et corpore, corporis curandi tuendique causa quaesita sit ars atque eius ars eius atque X (areius atque K 1, cf. praef. ) corr. Man. utilitas deorum inmortalium de eorum inm. R 1 V 1 inventioni consecrata, animi autem medicina nec tam desiderata desidera GRV ( add. V 1? ) sit, ante quam inventa, nec tam culta, posteaquam cognita est, nec tam multis grata et probata, pluribus etiam suspecta et invisa? an quod corporis gravitatem et dolorem animo iudicamus, animi morbum corpore non sentimus? ita fit ut animus de se ipse tum tum ex cum corr. K 2 iudicet, cum id ipsum, quo iudicatur, aegrotet. 3.2. Quodsi talis nos natura genuisset, ut eam ipsam intueri et perspicere eademque optima duce cursum vitae conficere possemus, haut haut V 2 aut GK 1 RV 1 haud K 2 B s erat sane quod quisquam rationem ac doctrinam rationem ac doctrinam s ratione ac doctrina X rationedẽ V 2 hac pro ac G 1 et Gr.?) requireret. requiret G 1 nunc parvulos nobis dedit igniculos, quos celeriter malis moribus opinionibusque depravati depravati V 1? e corr. B s depravatis X sic restinguimus, ut nusquam naturae lumen appareat. sunt enim ingeniis nostris semina semita G innata virtutum, quae si adolescere adholescere G 1 adol. sed o in r. V 1 liceret, licet in liceret corr. R c licetret G 1 ipsa nos ad beatam vitam natura perduceret. nunc autem, simul atque editi in lucem et suscepti sumus, in omni continuo pravitate et in summa opinionum perversitate versamur, ut paene cum lacte nutricis errorem suxisse videamur. cum vero parentibus redditi, dein reddit idem G reddit idemr R ( et r = require al.m. ) redditidē V 1 (redditi dein V 2 sec. Str. ) redditi idem HK ( demŭ ss. 2 ) redditi demum Gr.(?)B magistris traditi sumus, tum tum ... 9 cedat Non. 416, 32 ita variis imbuimur inb. KR erroribus, ut vanitati veritas et opinioni opinio G 1 confirmatae confirmatae s Non. confirmata X natura naturae K ipsa cedat. 3.3. accedunt etiam poëtae, qui cum magnam speciem doctrinae sapientiaeque prae se tulerunt, audiuntur leguntur ediscuntur et inhaerescunt penitus in mentibus. cum vero eodem quasi maxumus quidam quidem K 1 R 1 H magister populus accessit accessit V c ( cf. rep. 4,9 ) om. X (accedit ante eodem add. multi s ) atque omnis undique ad vitia consentiens multitudo, tum plane inficimur opinionum pravitate a naturaque desciscimus, dessciscimus KR 1 ut nobis optime naturae vim vidisse naturae vim vidisse Mdv. ad fin. 3,62 naturam invidisse videantur, qui nihil melius homini, nihil magis expetendum, nihil praestantius honoribus, imperiis, populari gloria iudicaverunt. ad ad at K quam fertur optumus quisque veramque illam honestatem expetens, expe tens V quam unam natura maxime anquirit, unam s una anquirit Mos. inquirit in summa iitate versatur consectaturque nullam eminentem effigiem virtutis, virtutis del. Bentl. gloriae ( ex gloria V 2 ) del. Bai. sed adumbratam imaginem gloriae. est enim gloria solida quaedam res et expressa, non adumbrata; ea est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta et ante incorrupta add. V c vox bene iudicantium de excellenti excellenti ex -te V 1 excellente rell. ( ft. recte cf. de orat. 2, 85 fr. ap. Char. GL. I p. 138, 13 ) virtute, ea virtuti resonat tamquam imago; gloriae post imago add. X exp. V 1 quae quia recte factorum plerumque comes est, non est non est ea H est in r. V c bonis viris repudianda. repudienda in -anda corr. K 1 V 1 3.4. illa autem, quae se eius imitatricem esse volt, uult R e corr. H temeraria atque inconsiderata et plerumque peccatorum vitiorumque laudatrix, fama popularis, simulatione honestatis formam forme G 1 eius pulchritudinemque corrumpit. qua caecitate homines, cum quaedam etiam praeclara cuperent eaque que om. H nescirent nec ubi nec qualia essent, funditus alii everterunt everterent X corr. K 2 R c V 1? suas civitates, alii ipsi occiderunt. atque hi quidem optuma petentes non tam voluntate quam cursus errore falluntur. quid? qui quid qui K c R 2 V 1? e corr. quid- que GR 1 V 1 quiqui K 1 pecuniae cupiditate, qui voluptatum libidine feruntur, quid...12 feruntur om. H quorumque ita perturbantur animi, ut non multum absint ab insania, quod insipientibus contingit contigit G 1 omnibus, quod 14 omnibus del. Ba. is is H his rell. nullane ne om. G 1 est adhibenda curatio? utrum quod minus noceant animi aegrotationes quam corporis, an quod corpora curari possint, animorum medicina nulla sit? 3.5. at et morbi morbi ex moribus K 1 perniciosiores pluresque sunt animi quam corporis; an ... 18 corporis add. G 2 in mg. hi enim ipsi hi...19 ipsi hoc. . ipso Ba. male: 'ipsi corporis morbi animi morbos efficere possunt eorumque numerum augent' (plures!) cf. p. 405,14 odiosi sunt, quod ad animum pertinent pertine t V eumque sollicitant, solicitant G 1 R 1 V 1 animusque aeger, ut ait Ennius, Enn. sc. 392 semper errat neque pati pati poti Ribb. sed cf. Va. neque perpeti potest, cupere numquam desinit. quibus duobus morbis, ut omittam alios, aegritudine et cupiditate, cupidldatẽ R 1 qui tandem possunt in corpore esse graviores? qui vero probari potest ut sibi mederi animus non possit, cum ipsam medicinam corporis animus invenerit, cumque ad corporum sanationem multum ipsa corpora et natura valeat nec omnes, omnis X corr. V 2 sint Tregd. sunt qui curari se passi sint, continuo etiam convalescant, convalescunt G animi autem, qui se sanari voluerint praeceptisque sapientium paruerint, sine ulla dubitatione sanentur? 3.6. est profecto animi medicina, philosophia; Cur igitur cum constemus ... 319,4 philosophia H cuius auxilium non ut in corporis morbis petendum est foris, omnibusque opibus viribus, et ante viribus add. V c s viribus om. Gr. ut nosmet ipsi nobis mederi possimus, elaborandum est. Quamquam de universa philosophia, quanto opere et expetenda esset et colenda, satis, ut arbitror, dictum est in Hortensio. ortensio G de maxumis autem rebus nihil fere intermisimus postea nec disputare nec scribere. his autem libris exposita sunt ea quae eaque G 1 a a om. K 1 nobis cum familiaribus nostris in Tusculano erant disputata. sed quo niam duobus superioribus de morte et de dolore dictum est, tertius dies disputationis hoc tertium volumen efficiet. 3.7. ut enim in Academiam nostram descendimus inclinato iam in postmeridianum tempus die, poposci eorum aliquem, qui aderant, aliquid quid adherant G 1 causam disserendi. tum res acta sic est: Videtur mihi cadere in sapientem aegritudo. Num reliquae quoque perturbationes animi, formidines libidines libidines add. G 2 iracundiae? haec enim fere sunt eius modi, eiusmodi V ( ss. c ) quae Graeci pa/qh pathe X appellant; ego poteram morbos, et id verbum esset e verbo, sed in consuetudinem nostram non caderet. nam misereri, invidere, gestire, laetari, haec omnia morbos Graeci appellant, motus animi rationi non obtemperantis, nos autem hos eosdem motus concitati animi recte, ut opinor, perturbationes dixerimus, morbos autem non satis usitate, relique ... 29 usitate ( libere ) H uisit. G 1 ( sic etiam 322, 10; 325,16 ) nisi quid aliud tibi videtur. Mihi vero isto modo. 3.12. Cadere, opinor, in sapientem aegritudinem tibi dixisti videri. Et vero ita existimo. Humanum id quidem, quod ita existumas. non enim silice nati sumus, sed est naturale in animis tenerum e ante silice add. V c non male naturabile X sed bi exp. V 1 ( cf. animabili codd. nat. deor. 2,91 ) natura Lb. quiddam quidam R 1 V 1 ( corr. 1 ) -ddā in r. G 2 atque molle, quod quod quā G 1 aegritudine quasi tempestate quatiatur, sed humanum... 22 quatiatur H nec absurde Crantor ille, qui in in om. X add. s V rec nostra Academia vel in primis fuit nobilis, minime inquit inquid G 1 adsentior is qui istam nescio quam indolentiam magno opere laudant, quae quae V 2 B qui X nec potest ulla ulle G 1 esse nec debet. ne aegrotus sim; sim s si inquit (inquid G 1 P cf. 2 ) fuerat X ( fuat V 2 si exp. et ss. V rec ) corr. Sey. cf. Ps. Plut. Cons. ad Ap. 102c, qui primum ou) ga\r sumfe/romai — e)/cw kai\ tou= dunatou= kai\ tou= sumfe/rontos ou)=san ut sua profert, paulo post addit : ' mh\ ga\r nosoi=men ', fhsi\n o( a)kadhmaiko\s Kra/ntwr, ' nosh/sasi de\ parei/h tis ai)/sqhsis ' ktl . inquit ut 303, 21 ergo, inquit al. si debet nec aegrotassem. Si X (a apertum post t in V) c exp. V 2? ne aegrotus inquit fuero, sin quid fuerit Vict. sensus adsit, adsit d in r. G 2 absit V c sive secetur quid sive avellatur a corpore. nam istuc nihil dolere dolere ex dolore K 1 R 1 ex dobere (b= lo) V 1 contigit G 1 non sine magna mercede contingit inmanitatis in animo, stuporis in corpore. non sine... 7 corpore Aug. civ. 14, 9 3.13. sed videamus ne haec oratio sit hominum adsentantium nostrae inbecillitati et indulgentium mollitudini; nos autem audeamus non solum ramos amputare miseriarum, sed omnis radicum fibras fybras X evellere. tamen aliquid relinquetur fortasse; ita sunt altae alta GKV ( corr. 2? ) H stirpes stultitiae; sed relinquetur id solum quod erit necessarium. Illud quidem sic habeto, nisi sanatus animus sit, quod sine philosophia fieri non potest, finem miseriarum nullum fore. sed... 15 fore quam ob rem, quoniam coepimus, tradamus nos ei curandos: sanabimur, si volemus. et progrediar quidem longius: non enim de aegritudine solum, quamquam id quidem quidem in mg. add. R c primum, sed de omni animi, ut ego posui, perturbatione, morbo, ut Graeci volunt, explicabo. et primo, si placet, Stoicorum more agamus, qui breviter astringere solent argumenta; deinde nostro instituto vagabimur. 3.14. Qui fortis est, idem est fidens (quoniam confidens sqq. St. fr. 3, 570 mala consuetudine loquendi loquendum Non. L 1 in vitio ponitur, ductum verbum a a add. V 2 confidendo, quod laudis in ante laudis add. V 2 est). qui autem est fidens, is profecto non extimescit; discrepat enim a timendo qui... 4 a timendo fidens (fidere Quich. ) Non. 443, 9 confidere. confidens Non. atqui, atqui R 2 ( cf. We. ) atque in quem cadit aegritudo, in eundem timor; quarum enim rerum praesentia sumus in aegritudine, easdem inpendentes et venientes inpendentis..venientis e corr. V aut 2 timemus. ita fit ut fortitudini aegritudo repugnet. ita. ... repugnet del. Hei. veri simile est igitur, in quem cadat cadit G aegritudo, cadere in eundem eundem eum Non. timorem et infractionem infractionem V ( exp. rec ) quidem quidem quandam ut v. in mg. R rec animi in quem... 10 animi Non. 122,28 et demissionem. demisionem GKR 1 dimis ionem V 1 quae in quem cadunt, in eundem cadit, ut serviat, ut victum, si quando, si quando aliquando (ali in r. 2 ) V se esse fateatur. quae qui recipit, recipiat idem necesse est timiditatem et ignaviam. non cadunt autem haec in virum fortem: igitur ne aegritudo quidem. at nemo sapiens nisi fortis: non cadet cadit V 2 H cadat K ergo in sapientem aegritudo. 3.15. Praeterea necesse est, qui fortis sit, eundem esse magni animi; qui magni animi BK 2 om. X qui autem magni animi V c ( ft. rec- tius cf. 326,11 Str. Phil. 49 p. 60 ) qui magni animi sit, invictum; qui invictus sit, eum eum om. H res humanas despicere atque infra se positas arbitrari. despicere autem nemo potest eas res, eas res nemo potest H propter quas aegritudine adfici potest; post potest add. nisi fortis V c ex quo efficitur fortem virum aegritudine numquam adfici. omnes autem sapientes fortes: non cadit igitur in sapientem aegritudo. Et quem ad modum oculus conturbatus turbatus H non est probe adfectus ad suum munus fungendum, fugendum K 1 V 1 et reliquae partes totumve corpus statu cum est motum, deest officio suo et muneri, sic conturbatus siconturbatus G 1 K 1 adxequendum V 1 animus non est aptus ad exequendum ad ex seq. G munus suum. munus autem animi est ratione bene uti; et sapientis animus ita semper adfectus est, ut ratione optime utatur; numquam igitur est perturbatus. at ad G 1 (14 G 1 K 1 ) aegritudo perturbatio est animi: semper igitur ea sapiens vacabit. primo iam si 325, 6 vacabit H 3.16. Veri etiam simile illud illi G 1 est, qui sit temperans— quem Graeci sw/frona appellant eamque virtutem swfrosu/nhn vocant, quam soleo equidem tum temperantiam, tum moderationem appellare, non numquam etiam modestiam; sed haud -d haut in r. K 1 scio an recte ea virtus frugalitas appellari possit, quod angustius apud Graecos valet, qui frugi homines xrhsi/mous appellant, id est tantum modo utilis; at illud est latius; omnis enim abstinentia, omnis innocentia (quae apud Graecos usitatum nomen nullum habet, sed habere potest potest om. H a)bla/beian ; a B La BEl in r. V 1 AB D AB e lAN fere K 1 RG 2 ( in litt. evan. aut eras. ) abdabeian H a B La BEl a N V 1 nam est innocentia adfectio affectio KRH talis animi sed praeter a N in r. quae noceat nemini)—reliquas etiam etiam om. H virtutes frugalitas continet. omnis abst.... 19 continet quae nisi tanta esset, et si is angustiis, quibus plerique putant, teneretur, numquam esset L. Pisonis cognomen tanto opere laudatum. 3.17. sed quia, nec qui propter metum praesidium reliquit, relinquit (-id G 1 ) X corr. V 1 aut 2 quod est ignaviae, nec qui propter avaritiam clam depositum depositi G non reddidit, quod est iniustitiae, nec qui propter temeritatem male rem gessit, quod est stultitiae, frugi appellari solet, eo tris virtutes, fortitudinem iustitiam prudentiam, frugalitas complexa est (etsi hoc quidem commune est virtutum; omnes omnis X enim inter se nexae et iugatae sunt hoc quidem est commu- ne ... 326, 1 sunt ( sine nexae et) Non. 47, 7 ): reliqua igitur et quarta virtus sit sit ut sit X sed ut exp. V 2 reliqua igitur est, quarta v. ut sit, ipsa fr. Mdv. ipsa frugalitas. eius enim videtur esse proprium motus animi adpetentis regere et sedare semperque semper quae X corr. R c adversantem aversantem X corr. VCR 2 libidini moderatam in omni re servare constantiam. cui contrarium vitium nequitia dicitur. 3.18. frugalitas, ut opinor, a fruge, qua nihil melius e est e We. terra, nequitia ab eo (etsi erit hoc fortasse durius, sed temptemus: lusisse lu sisse V (l m. 2? ) iusisse R 1 iussisse GKR 2 H putemur, putatos V (ato in r. 2 ut v.; voluitne putato ?) nil GR c ( totum verbum del. R 2 ) si nihil sit) ab eo, quod nequicquam est in tali homine, ex quo idem nihili St. fr. 3, 570 nihili V 2 nihil dic. G ( 2 litt. erasae ) nihil KRV 1 dicitur.—qui sit frugi igitur vel, si mavis, moderatus et temperans, eum necesse est esse esse add. G 2 constantem; qui autem constans, quietum; qui quietus, perturbatione omni vacuum, ergo etiam aegritudine. et sunt illa sapientis: sed ... 326, 13 sapientis H aberit igitur a sapiente aegritudo. Itaque non inscite Heracleotes Dionysius St. fr. 1, 434 dyonisius KR dioni ius V ad ea disputat, quae apud Homerum Achilles queritur hoc, ut opinor, modo: Corque meum penitus turgescit tristibus iris, I 646 Cum decore atque omni me orbatum laude recordor. num manus adfecta recte est, cum in tumore est, aut num aliud quodpiam aliud quodpiam Turn. ex s aliquod ( ex aliquid K 1 ) quippiam X alia quippiam H membrum tumidum ac turgidum non vitiose se habet? 3.19. sic igitur inflatus et tumens animus in vitio est. sapientis autem animus semper vacat vitio, numquam turgescit, numquam tumet; at irati irati V e corr. iratus X cf. 23 sapientis animus eius modi est: numquam igitur sapiens irascitur. nam si irascitur, etiam concupiscit; proprium est enim irati cupere, a quo laesus videatur, ei quam maxumum dolorem inurere. qui autem id concupierit, eum necesse est, si id si id sit G 1 consecutus sit, magno opere magnopere K H (magno opere R) laetari. ex quo fit, ut alieno malo gaudeat; quod quoniam non cadit in sapientem, ne ut irascatur quidem cadit. sapientis... 24 timet ( pro tumet) 21 num ... 23 est 24 at... 327, 6 cadit ( hoc ordine ) H sin sin, non si ( ut dicit Ha. ) R autem caderet in sapientem aegritudo, caderet etiam iracundia; qua quoniam vacat, aegritudine etiam vacabit. 3.20. Etenim si sapiens in aegritudinem aegritudinem -ne G incidere posset, posset semel R 1 posset etiam in misericordiam, posset in invidentiam (non dixi invidiam, quae tum tum (cum G) etiam Bouh., alii aliter, Ciceronem corrigentes est, cum invidetur; ab invidendo autem invidentia recte dici potest, ut effugiamus ut et fug. Non. ambiguum nomen invidiae. posset (posse codd. ) etiam... 12 invidiae Non. 443,15 (10 in invidiam. non dixi in invidentia 11 invidia) quod verbum ductum dictum G 1 K 1 ( cf. Isidor. 10,134 ) est a nimis intuendo fortunam alterius, ut est in Melanippo: quisnam florem Acc. fr. 424 (unde aut quis mortalis fl. Non. 500, 13 num quis non mortalis fl. Ri. num quisnam poetae sit, dubium ) quasnam G 1 liberum invidit meum? male Latine videtur, sed praeclare Accius; ut enim videre, sic invidere florem flore X florē K 2 R c? rectius quam flori . nos consuetudine prohibemur; 3.21. poëta ius suum tenuit et dixit audacius)—cadit igitur in eundem et misereri et invidere. non cadit ... 19 invidere nam qui dolet rebus alicuius adversis, idem alicuius etiam secundis dolet, olet V add. 1 aut 2 solet GK 1 ( corr. 2 ) R 1 ( dolet m. ant. ) ut Theophrastus interitum deplorans Callisthenis sodalis sui, rebus Alexandri prosperis angitur, itaque dicit Callisthenem incidisse in hominem summa potentia summaque fortuna, sed ignarum quem ad modum rebus secundis uti conveniret. atqui, quem ad modum misericordia aegritudo est ex alterius rebus adversis, sic invidentia aegritudo est ex alterius rebus secundis. in quem igitur cadit misereri, in eundem etiam invidere; atqui . . 328, 3 invidere non non nunc K 1 cadit autem invidere in sapientem: ergo ne misereri quidem. quodsi aegre ferre aegre ferre s V rec haec referre X sapiens soleret, misereri etiam soleret. abest ergo a a add. V c sapiente aegritudo. 3.36. quid iaces aut quid maeres aut cur succumbis cedisque fortunae? quae quae om. G 1 pervellere te forsitan potuerit et pungere, non potuit certe vires frangere. magna vis est in virtutibus; eas excita, si forte dormiunt. iam tibi aderit princeps fortitudo, quae te animo tanto esse coget, ut omnia, quae possint homini evenire, contemnas et pro nihilo putes. aderit temperantia, quae est eadem moderatio, a me quidem paulo ante appellata frugalitas, quae te turpiter et nequiter facere nihil patietur. patiatur X ( cf. coget 21 dicet 28) quid est autem nequius aut turpius ecfeminato eff. G 1 e corr. R 2 V rec viro? ne iustitia quidem sinet te ista facere, cui minimum esse videtur in hac causa loci; loqui X corr. V c? quae tamen ita dicet dupliciter esse te iniustum, cum et alienum adpetas, appetas V 2 qui mortalis natus condicionem conditionem GKV postules inmortalium et graviter feras te, quod utendum acceperis, reddidisse. 3.37. prudentiae vero quid quod R 1 respondebis docenti virtutem sese esse contentam, quo modo ad bene vivendum, sic etiam ad beate? quae si extrinsecus religata pendeat et non et oriatur et ante oriatur om. KR a se et rursus ad se revertatur et omnia sua complexa nihil quaerat aliunde, non intellego, cur aut verbis tam vehementer orda aut re tantopere expetenda videatur —ad haec bona me me V ( eras. si) si revocas, Epicure, pareo, sequor, utor te ipso duce, obliviscor etiam malorum, ut iubes, eoque facilius, quod ea ne in malis quidem ponenda censeo. sed traducis cogitationes meas ad voluptates. quas? corporis, credo, aut quae propter corpus vel recordatione vel spe cogitentur. num quid est aliud? rectene interpretor interprecor K 1 V sententiam tuam? solent enim isti negare nos intellegere, quid dicat Epicurus. 3.38. hoc dicit, et hoc ille acriculus agriculus X corr. V c me audiente Athenis senex Zeno, istorum acutissimus, contendere et magna voce dicere solebat: eum esse Epic. fr. 446 beatum, qui praesentibus voluptatibus frueretur confideretque se fruiturum aut in omni aut in magna parte vitae dolore non interveniente, aut si interveniret, si summus foret, futurum brevem, sin productior, plus habiturum iucundi quam mali; haec cogitantem fore beatum, praesertim cum cum add. V c si s R 2 ( ft. rectius, sed cf. fin. 1, 41 ad ea cum accedit) om. X et ante perceptis bonis contentus esset et nec mortem nec deos extimesceret. add. Hei. habes formam Epicuri vitae beatae verbis Zenonis expressam, nihil ut possit negari. Quid ergo? 3.39. huiusne vitae propositio et cogitatio aut Thyestem levare poterit aut Aeetam, aetam X ( ex aetem K 1 ) oetam K 2 R c? cf. p. 331,3 de quo paulo ante dixi, aut Telamonem pulsum patria exulantem atque egentem? in quo haec admiratio fiebat: Hi/cine hicine BR 2 haecine X est ille Te/lamon, Telamo Turn. sed cf. Str. p. 64 modo quem glo/ria ad caelum e/xtulit, Quem a/spectabant, cui/us ob os Grai Graii s Graj La. Lucr. 3, 374. cf. epist. 9, 26 o/ra obverteba/nt sua? Trag. inc. 93 3.40. quodsi cui, ut ait idem, simul animus cum re concidit animus rem condidit X corr. V c s , a gravibus illis antiquis philosophis petenda medicina est, non est non V est si non X ab his voluptariis. quam enim isti bonorum copiam dicunt? fac sane esse summum bonum non dolere—quamquam id non vocatur voluptas, sed non necesse est nunc omnia—: idne est, quo traducti luctum levemus? sit sane summum malum dolere: dolore in dolere corr. G 2 K 2 V 2 in eo igitur qui non est, si malo careat, continuone fruitur summo bono? 3.41. Quid tergiversamur, Epicure, nec fatemur eam nos dicere voluptatem, quam tu idem, cum os perfricuisti, soles dicere? sunt haec tua verba necne? in eo quidem libro, qui continet Epic. p. te/lous fr. 67 p. 119, 16 omnem disciplinam tuam,—fungar enim iam interpretis munere, ne quis me putet fingere—dicis haec: nec equidem habeo, quod intellegam bonum illud, detrahens eas voluptates quae sapore percipiuntur, detrahens eas quae rebus percipiuntur veneriis, detrahens eas quae rebus percipiuntur venereis detrahens add. in mg. V c om. rell. cf. praef. et locos ab Usenero ad fr. 67 congestos eas quae auditu e e Sor. et ( cf. 23 ex formis) cantibus, detrahens eas etiam quae ex formis percipiuntur oculis detrahens eas supra oculis add. K 2 suavis motiones, sive quae aliae voluptates in toto homine gignuntur quolibet quelibet V 1 quodlibet K 1 sensu. nec vero ita dici potest, mentis laetitiam solam esse in bonis. laetantem enim mentem ita novi: spe eorum omnium, quae supra dixi, fore forte G 1 K 1 ut natura is natura is naturalis X natura iis s potiens dolore careat. 3.42. atque haec quidem his verbis, quivis ut intellegat, quam voluptatem norit Epicurus. deinde paulo infra: saepe quaesivi inquit Epic. ib. fr. 69 ex is qui appellabantur sapientes, quid haberent quod in bonis quid in boni GV (quod V 2 ) R 1 (in exp. 1 ) quidboni K 1 quid in bonis K 2 B quod in bono Gr. relinquerent, si illa detraxissent, nisi si vellent voces iis fundere: nihil ab is potui cognoscere. qui si virtutes ebullire volent et sapientias, sapientiam V 2 nihil aliud dicent nisi eam viam, vi am K viam V ( exp. 2 ) vim quae fiant ureae vol. Non. quae G qua efficiantur eae eae haec K voluptates quas supra dixi. qui si ... 7 dixi Non. 26, 19 quae secuntur, sequuntur GR in eadem sententia sunt, totusque liber, qui est alt. est om. X add. V 2 de summo bono, refertus est et verbis et sententiis talibus. 3.43. ad hancine igitur vitam Telamonem illum revocabis, ut leves aegritudinem, et si quem tuorum adflictum maerore videris, videbis R 1 huic ut huic V tu huic Str. p. 58 ( non male, sed v. 10 ut pro et Non. C A D A ) acipenserem accipenserem X ( cf. fat. fr. 5 ) accipienserem Non. V 2 ( pen) (acup. fin. 2,91 cf. 24. 5 ) potius quam aliquem Socraticum libellum dabis? et si... 12 dabis Non. 550, 18 hydrauli h gD PA l l fere X hydraulis V 2 hortabere ut audiat voces potius quam Platonis? expones, exponens X corr. V 2 quae spectet, spectat K florida et varia? fasciculum ad naris admovebis? incendes odores et sertis redimiri iubebis et rosa? si vero aliquid etiam—, tum plane luctum omnem absterseris. 3.44. haec Epicuro confitenda sunt aut ea, quae modo expressa ad verbum dixi, tollenda de libro vel totus liber potius abiciundus; est enim confertus voluptatibus. Quaerendum igitur, quem ad modum aegritudine privemus privemur X corr. K 2 R 2 V 3 eum qui ita dicat: Pol mi/hi fortuna ma/gis nunc defit qua/m quam quod G 1 genus. Enn. Thyest. sc. 354 Na/mque namque neque K regnum su/ppetebat mi, mihi X corr. Grotius u/t scias, quanto e/ loco, Qua/ntis opibus, qui/bus de rebus la/psa fortuna a/ccidat. occidat Ribb. sed cf. Th. l. l. I p. 290 quid? huic calix mulsi impingendus est, ut plorare desinat, quid? plorare se desinat Non. 545, 20 aut aliquid eius modi? ecce tibi ex altera parte ab eodem poëta; ex opibus summis opis egens, Hector, haector X tuae —huic subvenire debemus; quaerit enim auxilium: Qui/d petam prae/sidi praesidii X aut e/xequar quo/ve nunc Ennius Andr. sc. 85. 6 Au/xilio e/xili exilii X (exillii K 1 ) de hiatu cf. Plaut. Aul. 142 al. ( Jacobsohn, Quaest. Plaut. Gött. 1904 p. 21 ) au/t fugae fugae s Bentl. fuga fre/ta sim? A/rce et urbe o/rba sum. quo a/ccidam? accedam X (accedam' K) corr. s quo a/pplicem? Cui/ nec arae pa/triae domi stant, fra/ctae et disiectae/ iacent, Fa/na flamma de/flagrata, to/sti alti alii X corr. M 2 s stant pa/rietes De/formati atque a/biete crispa— scitis quae sequantur, et illa in primis: ilium primis X corr. Tr. illud in primis V c s cf. p. 260, 26 O pa/ter, o patria, o Pri/ami domus, Saeptum a/ltisono cardi/ne templum! Vidi e/go te adstante dstantem X ( def. Va. ) sed m eras. in V astante p. 260, 22 ope ba/rbarica Tecti/s caelatis la/queatis, Auro e/bore instructam re/gifice. regificem X sed m exp. K 1 B 3.45. o poëtam egregium! quamquam ab his cantoribus Euphorionis Euphorioneis V ei in r. 1autc contemnitur. sentit omnia repentina et necopinata esse graviora; exaggeratis igitur regiis regis X corr. s opibus, quae videbantur sempiternae fore, quid adiungit? Haec o/mnia vidi infla/mmari, Enn. ib. 92.97 cf. p.260, 22 sqq. Priamo/ vi vitam evi/tari, Iovis a/ram sanguine sanguine KR c Non. sanguinem GR 1 V tu/rpari. Iovis... turpari Non. 181, 1 3.46. praeclarum carmen! est enim et rebus et verbis et modis lugubre. Eripiamus huic aegritudinem. quo modo? conlocemus in culcita plumea, psaltriam adducamus, eripiamus ... 341, 1 adducamus Non. 542, 17 aducamus G 1 R 1 V 1 ( corr. G 2 R c V 2 ) demus damus X supra a scr. V c aut 1 hedycrum, hedrycrum G 1 R 1 V 1 aut c hedrycum R 1 V 1 aedricrum G od. add. Po. psaltriam adducamus, hedychri incendamus scut. Mdv., sed he- dychrum unguentum est non suffimentum, Diosc, 1.58 al. nihil add. Se neque G. Dittmann qui litteris ad me datis scutellam idem esse statuit atque scutram Plaut. Persa 89 Cato agr. 157, 11; sed cf. p. 339, 15; 431, 27 odorum incendamus scutellam, dulciculae potionis aliquid videamus dulciculae videamus Prisc. GL. II p. 105, 21 Anon. Class. auct. ed. Mai 8, 165 et cibi? haec tandem bona sunt, quibus aegritudines gravissumae detrahantur? tu enim paulo ante ne intellegere interrogandi signa pos. Po. cf. § 43. 4 quidem te te quidem, W corr. Lb. We. cl. v. 24, ac. 2, 140. fin. 2, 7. 20. 30. nat. deor. 1, 111 alia ulla ulla V 2 W multa X dicebas. revocari igitur oportere a oportere a s oportet ea X (o. eum a V 3 ) maerore ad cogitationem bonorum conveniret mihi cum Epicuro, si, quid esset bonum, conveniret. Dicet aliquis: quid ergo? tu Epicurum existimas Epic. fr. 440 existimas s existimabas ista voluisse, aut libidinosas eius fuisse sententias? ego vero minime; video enim ab eo dici multa severe, multa praeclare. itaque, ut saepe dixi, de acumine agitur eius, non de moribus; quamvis spernat spert X (sperant G 1 ) corr. V c aut 1 voluptates eas quas modo laudavit, ego tamen meminero quod quid G videatur ei summum bonum. non enim verbo solum posuit voluptatem, sed explanavit quid diceret: saporem inquit et corporum complexum et ludos Epic. fr. 67 atque cantus et formas eas quibus oculi iucunde moveantur. num fingo, num mentior? cupio refelli. quid enim laboro nisi ut veritas in omni quaestione explicetur? 3.47. 'at at ad V idem ait non crescere voluptatem dolore fr. 419 detracto, detractos G 1 V 1 esse V c s om. X summamque esse voluptatem nihil dolere. dolore V 1 ' paucis verbis tria magna peccata: unum, quod secum ipse pugnat. modo enim ne suspicari quidem se quicquam bonum, nisi sensus quasi titillarentur titilarentur R 1 VG 2 ( ex titul.) voluptate; nunc autem summam voluptatem esse dolore carere: potestne magis secum ipse pugnare? alterum peccatum, quod, cum in natura tria sint, sunt G 1 unum gaudere, alterum dolere, tertium nec gaudere prius gaudere om. K 1 nec dolere, hic primum et tertium putat idem esse nec distinguit a non dolendo voluptatem. tertium peccatum commune cum quibusdam, quod, cum virtus maxime expetatur maxime expetatur in r. V c eiusque adipiscendae causa philosophia quaesita sit, ille a a om. G 1 virtute summum bonum separavit. 3.48. 'at at ac R 1 laudat Epic. fr. 507 saepe virtutem'. et quidem C. Gracchus, sqq. grachus G 1 (gracchi 23) K cum largitiones maximas fecisset et effudisset effundisset X corr. K 1 V 1 aerarium, verbis tamen defendebat aerarium. quid verba audiam, cum facta videam? L. L. add. V c om. X ( ut p. 223, 13 M. ante Crassum) cf. Verr. 4, 195 Piso ille Frugi semper contra legem frumentariam dixerat. is lege lata consularis ad frumentum accipiundum accipiendum G 1 K venerat. animum animam X corr. R 1? K 2 advertit Gracchus in contione Pisonem stantem; quaerit audiente p. R., qui sibi constet, cum ea lege frumentum petat, quam dissuaserit. dissuas serat G 1 nolim inquit mea bona, Gracche, tibi viritim dividere libeat, sed, si facias, facies K partem petam. parumne parumne satis ss. V 2 declaravit vir gravis et sapiens lege Sempronia patrimonium publicum dissupari? lege orationes Gracchi, patronum aerarii esse dices. 3.49. negat Epicurus sqq. Epic. fr. 506. 584. 459 iucunde posse vivi, nisi cum virtute vivatur, negat ullam in sapientem vim esse fortunae, tenuem victum antefert copioso, negat ullum esse tempus, quo sapiens non beatus sit. omnia philosopho digna, sed cum voluptate pugtia. non istam dicit voluptatem . dicat quamlibet; nempe eam dicit, in qua virtutis nulla pars insit. age, si voluptatem non intellegimus, ne dolorem quidem? nego igitur eius eius om. R 1 esse, qui quid X d del. in RV dolore dolorem X corr. s autem illi summum malum metiatur, mentionem facere virtutis. 3.50. Et queruntur quidam Epicurei, viri optimi—nam nullum genus est minus malitiosum—, me studiose dicere contra Epicurum. ita credo, de honore aut de dignitate contendimus. mihi summum in animo bonum videtur, illi autem in corpore, videtur in corp. K 1 mihi in virtute, illi in voluptate. et illi pugt, et quidem vicinorum fidem implorant—multi autem sunt, qui statim convolent —; ego sum is qui dicam me non laborare, actum habiturum, quod egerint. 3.51. quid enim? de bello Punico agitur? de quo ipso cum aliud M. Catoni, aliud L. Lentulo videretur, nulla inter eos concertatio concertatio er in r. V concertio K umquam fuit. hi nimis iracunde agunt, praesertim cum ab is non sane animosa defendatur sententia, pro qua non in senatu, non in contione, contentione R 1 non apud exercitum neque ad ad apud V 2 censores dicere audeant. sed cum istis alias, et eo quidem animo, nullum ut certamen instituam, verum dicentibus facile cedam; tantum admonebo, si maxime verum sit ad corpus omnia referre sapientem sive, ut honestius dicam, nihil facere nisi quod expediat, sive omnia referre ad utilitatem suam, quoniam haec plausibilia non sunt, ut in sinu in sinu insignum vel in signum RG 1 K 1 in sinum K 1 e corr. G 2 V gaudeant, gloriose loqui desit. Otto, Sprichw. 1656 Cyrenaicorum restat sententia; 3.58. similiter commemorandis exemplis orbitates quoque liberum liberorum V c praedicantur, eorumque, eorum quoque K 1 qui gravius ferunt, luctus aliorum exemplis leniuntur. sic perpessio ceterorum facit, ut ea quae acciderint multo minora maiora ex minora V c quam quanta sint existimata, videantur. ita fit, sensim cogitantibus ut, quantum sit ementita opinio, appareat. atque hoc idem et Telamo ille declarat: ego cum genui et Theseus: futuras mecum commentabar miserias tum morituros scivi et ei rei sustuli add. R 2, moriturum scivi V 3 et Anaxagoras: sciebam me genuisse mortalem. cf. p. 332, 9 sqq. hi enim omnes diu cogitantes de rebus humanis intellegebant eas nequaquam pro opinione volgi esse extimescendas. extimescendas KR 1 existimescendas R c G existimiscendas G 1 e corr. V et mihi quidem videtur idem fere accidere is qui ante meditantur, quod is quibus medetur dies, nisi quod ratio ratio V ratione GKR ( unde in hoc quae- dam 2? ) quaedam sanat illos, hos ipsa natura intellecto eo quod rem continet, illud illud continet X trp. B malum, quod opinatum sit esse maxumum, nequaquam esse tantum, ut vitam beatam possit evertere. 3.76. sunt qui unum officium consolantis cons olantis R 1 consulantis GK 1 V 1 putent putent docere Lb. Cleanthes fr. 576 malum illud omnino non esse, ut Cleanthi placet; sunt qui non magnum malum, ut Peripatetici; sunt qui abducant a malis ad bona, ut Epicurus; sunt qui satis satis om. G 1 putent ostendere nihil inopinati inopiti GRV 1 (n exp. c ) opiti K accidisse, ut Cyrenaici lac. stat. Po. ut Cyrenaici pro nihil mali (nihil a mali V 1 ) Dav. cogitari potest: ut Cyr. atque hi quoque, si verum quaeris, efficere student ut non multum adesse videatur aut nihil mall. Chr. cf. § 52–59. 61 extr. Chrys. fr. eth. 486 nihil mali. Chrysippus autem caput esse censet in consolando detrahere detra in r. V c illam opinionem maerentis, qua se maerentis se X (mer. KR) qd add. V 2 maerentis si vel maerentl si s ( sed sec. Chr. omnes qui maerent in illa opinione sunt; non recte p. 275, 19 confert Va. Op. 1, 70 ) qua Po. officio fungi putet iusto atque debito. sunt etiam qui haec omnia genera consolandi colligant abducunt... 21 putant... 356, 2 colligunt X 356, 2 colligant V 2 abducant et putent Ern. ( obloq. Küh. Sey. cf. tamen nat. deor. 2, 82 al. ). inconcinnitatem modorum def. Gaffiot cf. ad p. 226, 23 —alius enim alio modo movetur—, ut fere nos in Consolatione omnia omnia bis scripsit, prius erasit G omnia exp. et in mg. scr. fecimus. omne genus consolandi V c in consolationem unam coniecimus; erat enim in tumore animus, et omnis in eo temptabatur curatio. sed sumendum tempus est non minus in animorum morbis quam in corporum; ut Prometheus ille Aeschyli, cui cum dictum esset: Atqui/, Prometheu, te ho/c tenere exi/stimo, Mede/ri posse ra/tionem ratione ratione G 1 RV 1 ( alterum exp. G 2 V 1 ratione rationem K 1 (ratione del. K 2 ) orationem Stephanus ( ft. recte cf. lo/goi ) iracu/ndiae, v. 377 respondit: Siquide/m qui qui et ss. V c tempesti/vam medicinam a/dmovens Non a/dgravescens adgr. ss. V c vo/lnus inlida/t manu. manus X s exp. V 3.77. Erit igitur in consolationibus prima medicina docere aut nullum malum esse aut admodum parvum, altera et prius et om. G 1 de communi condicione vitae et proprie, propriae G 1 KVH ( sim. 358, 6 ) si quid sit de ipsius qui maereat disputandum, tertia tertiam H summam esse stultitiam frustra confici maerore, cum intellegas nihil nil G posse profici. nam Cleanthes cleantes X (24 GK 1 ) Cl. fr. 577 quidem sapientem consolatur, qui consolatione non eget. nihil enim enim om. G 1 esse malum, quod turpe non sit, si lugenti persuaseris, non tu illi luctum, sed stultitiam detraxeris; erit... 21 detraxeris ( sine 18 nam... 19 eget) H alienum autem tempus docendi. et tamen non satis mihi videtur vidisse hoc Cleanthes, suscipi aliquando aegritudinem posse ex eo ipso, quod esse summum malum Cleanthes suscipi... 24 Cleanthes om. K Cleanthes del. Ba. sed cf. Va. Op. 2, 130. 409 ipse fateatur. quid enim dicemus, cum Socrates Aisch. Socr. fr. 10 D. Aug. civ. 14, 8 Alcibiadi persuasisset, ut accepimus, eum nihil hominis esse nec quicquam inter Alcibiadem summo loco natum et quemvis baiolum interesse, cum se Alcibiades adflictaret lacrimansque Socrati supplex esset, ut sibi virtutem traderet turpitudinemque depelleret, illam ante dep. add. V 2 —quid dicemus, Cleanthe? acleanthe V (356, 23 cl. in r. V 2 ) o cleanthe Str. p. 58 tum tum ( cf. 356, 23 aliquando)] num edd. aegritudinem X corr. K 1 R c V 1 in illa re, quae aegritudine Alcibiadem adficiebat, mali nihil fuisse? 3.82. et tamen, ut medici uti medici K ( er. n) toto corpore curando minimae etiam parti, si condoluit, medentur, sic philosophia cum universam aegritudinem sustulit, sustulit aegritudinem sustulit tamen si X (sustullit G 1 V 1 condoluit tamen si K 1 medenturaegr. sustulit add. c ) corr. Keil, Quaest. Tull. p. XVIII etiam, si quis error alicunde alicunde Ern. aliunde extitit, si paupertas momordit, si ignominia pupugit, pupigit G 1 R 1 V 1 si quid tenebrarum obfudit exilium, exsilium GV 1 aut eorum quae quaeque (quaeque G) modo X corr. s modo dixi si quid si quid sicut K extitit. etsi singularum rerum sunt propriae consolationes, de quibus audies tu quidem, cum voles. sed ad eundem fontem revertendum est, aegritudinem omnem procul abesse a sapiente, quod iis sit, quod frustra suscipiatur, quod non natura exoriatur, sed iudicio, sed opinione, sed quadam invitatione ad dolendum, cum id decreverimus ita fieri oportere. 3.83. Hoc detracto, quod totum est voluntarium, aegritudo erit sublata illa ilia ita G 1 maerens, morsus tamen tamen tantum Bentl. sed cf. p. 323, 11 quo Cic. hic respicit et contractiuncula quaedam contractiuncuculae quaedam (quadam G quandam V 1 ) relinquentur W Non. (relincuntur) corr. Bentl. cf. 9 hanc et Sen. ad Marc. 7, 1 animi relinquetur. hoc... 9 relinquentur Non. 92, 24 hanc dicant sane naturalem, dum aegritudinis nomen absit grave taetrum funestum, quod cum sapientia esse atque, ut ita dicam, habitare nullo modo possit. At quae at quae Bentl. atque stirpes sunt aegritudinis, quam multae, quam amarae! quae ipso ipso om. V trunco everso omnes eligendae elidendae R 2 sunt et, si necesse erit, singulis disputationibus. superest enim nobis hoc, cuicuimodi cuicuimodi cuiusmodi V 3 est, otium. sed ratio una omnium est aegritudinum, plura sed plura H nomina. nam et invidere aegritudinis est et aemulari et obtrectare et misereri et angi, lugere, maerere, aerumna adfici, lamentari, sollicitari, sollicitari add. G 2 dolere, dolore V in molestia esse, adflictari, desperare. 3.84. Haec omnia definiunt Stoici, eaque verba quae dixi singularum rerum St. fr. 3, 419 sunt, non, ut videntur, easdem res significant, sed aliquid differunt; quod alio loco alio loco cf. IV, 16 fortasse tractabimus. haec hae V 2 sunt illae fibrae stirpium, quas initio dixi, persequendae et omnes eligendae, et 25 eligendae X ( cf. Colum. 4, 5 Varro rust. 1, 47 ) eliciendae V c ne umquam ulla possit existere. magnum opus et difficile, quis negat? quid autem praeclarum non idem arduum? sed tamen id se effecturam philosophia profitetur, nos modo curationem eius recipiamus. denique ratio una ... 360, 3 recipiamus H Verum haec quidem verum quidem haec W corr. We. actenus K 1 R 1 hactenus, cetera, quotienscumque voletis, et hoc loco et aliis parata vobis erunt. 4.11. sit igitur hic hic K 1 fons; utamur tamen in his perturbationibus describendis discrib. Mue. sed cf. Th. l. l. 5, 663 Stoicorum definitionibus et partitionibus, parti cipationibus R 1 particionibus GVH qui mihi videntur in hac quaestione versari acutissime. Est igitur Zenonis haec definitio, ut perturbatio Zeno fr. 205 sit, quod pa/qos pat OC K patos R ( p ex ) PL T w C H ille dicit, aversa a a om. V 1 ( add. c ) recta ratione contra naturam animi commotio. quidam brevius perturbationem esse adpetitum vehementiorem, sed vehementiorem eum volunt esse, qui longius discesserit a naturae constantia. partes autem perturbationum volunt ex duobus opinatis bonis nasci et ex duobus opinatis malis; ita esse quattuor, ex bonis libidinem et laetitiam, ut sit laetitia praesentium bonorum, libido futurorum, ex malis metum et aegritudinem nasci censent, metum futuris, aegritudinem praesentibus; quae enim venientia metuuntur, eadem adficiunt aegritudine aegritudinem K ( corr. 2 ) RH instantia. 4.12. laetitia autem et libido in bonorum opinione versantur, cum libido ad id, quod videtur bonum, inlecta inlecta s iniecta X et sqq. cf. Barlaami eth. sec. Stoicos 2, 11 qui hinc haud pauca adsumpsit. inflammata rapiatur, laetitia ut adepta iam aliquid concupitum ecferatur et gestiat. natura natura s V rec naturae X (-re K) enim omnes ea, Stoic. fr. 3, 438 quae bona videntur, secuntur fugiuntque contraria; quam ob rem simul obiecta species est speciei est H speci est KR ( add. c ) speciest GV cuiuspiam, quod bonum videatur, ad id adipiscendum impellit ipsa natura. id cum constanter prudenterque fit, eius modi adpetitionem Stoici bou/lhsin BO gL AHClN KR bo gL HC in G bo ga HCin V appellant, nos appellemus appellemus We. appellamus X (apell G) cf. v. 26, fin. 3, 20 voluntatem, eam eam iam V illi putant in solo esse sapiente; quam sic definiunt: voluntas est, quae quid cum ratione desiderat. quae autem ratione adversante adversante Po. ( cf. p.368, 6; 326, 3; St. fr. 3, 462 a)peiqw=s tw=| lo/gw| w)qou/menon e)pi\ plei=on adversa X (d del. H 1 ) a ratione aversa Or. incitata est vehementius, ea libido est vel cupiditas effrenata, quae in omnibus stultis invenitur. 4.13. itemque cum ita ita om. H movemur, ut in bono simus aliquo, dupliciter id contingit. nam cum ratione curatione K 1 (ũ 2 ) animus movetur placide atque constanter, tum illud gaudium dicitur; cum autem iiter et effuse animus exultat, tum illa laetitia gestiens vel nimia dici potest, quam ita definiunt: sine ratione animi elationem. quoniamque, quoniam quae X praeter K 1 (quae del. V rec ) ut bona natura adpetimus, app. KR 2? (H 367, 24) sic a malis natura declinamus, quae declinatio si cum del. Bentl. ratione fiet, cautio appelletur, appellatur K 1 V rec s eaque intellegatur in solo esse sapiente; quae autem sine ratione et cum exanimatione humili atque fracta, nominetur metus; est igitur metus a a Gr.(?) s om. X ratione aversa cautio. cautio Cic. dicere debebat: declinatio 4.14. praesentis autem mali sapientis adfectio nulla est, stultorum stultorum Dav. stulta autem aegritudo est, eaque eaque Ba. ea qua X (ea qu e M 1 ) adficiuntur in malis opinatis animosque demittunt et contrahunt rationi non obtemperantes. itaque haec prima definitio difin. V est, ut aegritudo sit animi adversante ratione contractio. itaque ... 6 contractio Non. 93, 1 sic quattuor perturbationes sunt, tres constantiae, quoniam cf. Aug. civ. 14, 8 aegritudini nulla constantia opponitur. Sed omnes perturbationes iudicio censent fieri et St. fr. 3, 380 et 393 opinione. itaque eas definiunt pressius, ut intellegatur, non modo quam vitiosae, vitiose GKR sed etiam quam in nostra sint potestate. est ergo ergo igitur H s aegritudo aegritudo om. G 1 add. 1 et 2 opinio recens mali praesentis, in quo demitti contrahique animo rectum esse videatur, laetitia opinio recens boni praesentis, in quo ecferri ecferri haec ferri VK c (eff. K 2 ) rectum esse videatur, laetitia...15 videatur om. G 1, add. G 2 in mg. inf. ( lemmata laetitia metus adscr. 1 cf. praef. ) metus opinio impendentis mali, quod intolerabile intollerabile V esse videatur, libido lubido K, in lib. corr. G 1 (libido etiam in mg. ) R 1 opinio venturi boni, quod sit ex usu iam praesens esse atque adesse. 4.31. et ut corporis est quaedam apta figura membrorum cum coloris quadam suavitate eaque ea quae X dicitur dicuntur G 1 pulchritudo, sic in animo opinionum iudiciorumque aequabilitas et constantia cum firmitate quadam et stabilitate virtutem subsequens aut virtutis vim ipsam continens pulchritudo vocatur. itemque viribus corporis et nervis et efficacitati similes similibus quoque similibus quoque Man. similibusque verbis animi vires nomitur. velocitas autem corporis celeritas appellatur, quae eadem ingenii etiam laus habetur propter animi multarum rerum brevi tempore percursionem. propter ... percursiones Non. 161, 20 ( s. l. percursionem) percussionem X ( corr. V rec periussionem K 1 ) Illud animorum corporumque dissimile, St. fr. 3, 426 quod animi valentes morbo temptari non possunt, temptari non possunt ut c. Bentl. sed cf. Galen de Hipp. et Pl. 409, 1 M. al. corpora corpora autem p. G ( exp. 2 ) possunt; sed corporum offensiones sine culpa accidere possunt, animorum non item, quorum omnes morbi et perturbationes ex aspernatione rationis eveniunt. veniunt H itaque in in om. H hominibus solum existunt; nam bestiae simile quiddam quidam GR 1 V 1 ( corr. R 2 V c ) faciunt, sed in perturbationes non incidunt. 4.42. aegritudo autem ceteraeque perturbationes amplificatae certe pestiferae sunt: igitur pestiferunt ig. K 1 etiam susceptae continuo in magna pestis parte versantur. etenim ipsae ipse GV se impellunt, ubi semel a ratione discessum est, ipsaque sibi imbecillitas inb. G indulget in altumque provehitur imprudens nec reperit repperit X locum consistendi. quam ob rem nihil interest, utrum moderatas perturbationes adprobent an moderatam iniustitiam, moderatam ignaviam, moderatam intemperantiam; qui enim vitiis modum apponit, is partem suscipit vitiorum; quod cum ipsum per se odiosum est, tum eo molestius, quia sunt in lubrico incitataque semel proclivi labuntur sustinerique sustineri quae X (qu e V) nullo modo possunt. Quid, quod idem Peripatetici perturbationes istas, quas nos nos V c s non X extirpandas putamus, non modo naturalis esse dicunt, sed etiam utiliter a natura datas? 4.63. itaque non sine causa, cum Orestem fabulam doceret doceret s Prisc. diceret X Euripides, non ... 16 Euripides Prisc. GL. 2, 246, 2 primos tris versus revocasse dicitur Socrates: Neque ta/m terribilis u/lla fando ora/tio oratio s ( e0/pos ) ratio X Prisc. est, Nec fo/rs fors X (sor G 1 fors G 2 ) Prisc. ( audacter dictum pro eo quod fors fert, ut saepe fortuna; sed vix spernendum cf. Forsdeus Att. 4, 10 forte-divinitus Liv. 1, 4, Ov. trist. 5, 3, 13, Vell. 2, 66 al. ) sors vulgo ( pa/qos Eur. ) nec ira cae/litum invectu/m invectum edd. inventum X invictum Prisc. malum, Quod no/n non add. G 2 natura huma/na patiendo e/cferat. neque ... 20 ferat Prisc. GL.3, 426, 7 est autem utilis ad persuadendum ea quae acciderint ferri et posse et oportere oportere V eorum bis V 1 enumeratio eorum qui tulerunt. tullerunt GR ( corr. c ) V ( corr. 3 ) etsi aegritudinis sedatio et hesterna disputatione explicata est et in Consolationis libro, quem in medio—non enim sapientes eramus—maerore et dolore conscripsimus; quodque vetat vertat V 1 St. fr. 3, 484 Chrysippus, ad recentis quasi tumores animi remedium adhibere, id nos fecimus naturaeque vim cum in vim corr. V 3 attulimus, attullimus X (adt. V) ut magnitudini medicinae doloris magnitudo concederet. ut cum magnitudine ... 3 concederet Non. 270, 11 4.65. videamus nunc de bonorum, id est de laetitia et de cupiditate. mihi quidem in tota ratione ea, quae eaque KR pertinet pertinet s pertinent X ad animi perturbationem, una res videtur causam continere, omnis eas esse in nostra potestate, omnis iudicio susceptas, omnis voluntarias. hic igitur error est eripiendus, haec detrahenda opinio haec detrahenda opinio ne consererent Gr atque ut in malis opinatis tolerabilia, tollerabilia X ( corr. R c? ) sic in bonis sedatiora sunt efficienda ea quae magna et laetabilia ducuntur. dicuntur W corr. Wo. atque hoc quidem commune malorum et bonorum, bonorum et malorum G 1 ut, si iam difficile sit persuadere nihil earum rerum, quae perturbent perturbant K 1 animum, aut in bonis aut in malis esse habendum, tamen alia ad alium motum curatio sit adhibenda aliaque ratione malevolus, alia amator, alia rursus anxius, alia timidus corrigendus. 4.70. Sed poëtas ludere sinamus, quorum fabulis in hoc flagitio versari ipsum videmus Iovem: ad at G 1 magistros virtutis philosophos veniamus, qui amorem quimorem quā orem K 1 -i amorem in r. G 2 negant stupri esse St. fr. 3, 653 Epic. 483 et in eo litigant cum Epicuro non multum, ut opinio mea fert, mentiente. quis est enim iste ista K 1 amor amicitiae? cur neque deformem adulescentem quisquam amat neque formosum senem? mihi quidem haec in Graecorum gymnasiis nata consuetudo videtur, in quibus isti liberi et concessi sunt amores. bene ergo Ennius: Ennius sc. 395 Fla/giti flagitii X cives G(?)R rec princi/pium est nudare i/nter civis co/rpora. qui ut sint, quod fieri posse video, pudici, solliciti tamen et anxii sunt, eoque magis, quod se ipsi continent et coërcent. 4.79. Ubi sunt ergo isti, qui iracundiam utilem dicunt —potest utilis esse insania?—aut naturalem? an an s hanc X quicquam est secundum est sec. s es sec. R esse sec. GKV naturam, quod fit repugte ratione? quo modo autem, si naturalis esset ira, ira add. G 2 aut alius alio magis iracundus esset, aut finem haberet prius quam esset aut finem ... 4 esset add. V 3 ulta, ulta Man. ulla ulciscendi lubido, aut quemquam paeniteret, quod fecisset fecisse V 1 per iram? ut Alexandrum regem videmus, qui cum interemisset Clitum clitum iditum K familiarem suum, vix a se manus abstinuit; tanta vis fuit paenitendi. quibus cognitis quis est qui dubitet dubitat K quin hic quoque motus animi sit totus opinabilis ac voluntarius? Quis enim dubitarit quin aegrotationes animi, qualis est avaritia, gloriae cupiditas, ex eo, quod magni magna V aestumetur ea res ex qua animus aegrotat, oriantur? oriantur s oriatur unde intellegi debet perturbationem quoque omnem esse in opinione. 5.5. Sed et huius culpae et ceterorum vitiorum peccatorumque nostrorum omnis a philosophia petenda correctio est. est H (9 nihil est... 405, 8 videantur et 405, 18 illa ... 405, 29 est bis ) cuius in sinum cum a primis temporibus ( initio libere ) ... 405, 29 aetatis nostra nostram K 1 voluntas studiumque nos compulisset, his gravissimis casibus in eundem portum, ex quo eramus egressi, magna iactati tempestate confugimus. o vitae philosophia dux, o virtutis virtus KRH indagatrix expultrixque excultrixque GKR 1 V 1 H Apul. plur. (exculptrixque PL ) Lact. P 1 V (ultrixque H ) expultrixque R vet V rec M s Prisc. Apul. F 2 Lact. BP 2 vitiorum! o vitae ... 4 vitiorum Prisc. GL. 2, 371, 10 o vitae, om. codd. phil....potuisset et tu inventrix...fuisti Lact. inst.3, 13, 15 cf. Apul. mund. 1 quid quid qui V 1 ( dadd, 1 aut 2 ) ft. recte cf. Mue. non modo nos, sed omnino vita hominum sine te esse potuisset? tu urbis peperisti, tu dissipatos homines in societatem vitae convocasti, tu eos inter se primo domiciliis, deinde coniugiis, tum litterarum literarum K et vocum communione iunxisti, tu inventrix legum, tu magistra morum et disciplinae fuisti; ad te confugimus, a te opem petimus, tibi nos, ut antea magna ex parte, sic nunc penitus totosque tradimus. est autem quid ad te opem ferimus. est autem H unus dies bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus peccanti peccandi R 1 imm. GH inmortalitati anteponendus. 5.7. Quam rem antiquissimam cum videamus, nomen tamen esse confitemur recens. nam sapientiam quidem ipsam quis negare potest non negare non p. K 1 modo re esse antiquam, verum etiam nomine? quae divinarum humanarumque rerum, tum initiorum causarumque rerum causarumque in mg. G 2 cuiusque V c s cuius X (cuiu G 1 ) cuiusque rei cognitione cognitionem H hoc pulcherrimum nomen apud antiquos adsequebatur. o vitae ... 407, 7 assequebatur H itaque et illos septem, qui a Graecis sofoi/, CO f Ol X sapientes a nostris et habebantur habebantur V 2 s habeantur X (et et h. G) et nominabantur, qui... 8 nominabantur del. Sauppe et multis ante saeculis Lycurgum, lygurgum X ( ex lygitur gum K 1 ) cuius temporibus Homerus etiam fuisse ante hanc urbem conditam traditur, et iam et iam etiam W heroicis aetatibus Ulixem ulixem i e corr. G ulyxem V et Nestorem accepimus et alt. et add. V c fuisse et habitos esse sapientis. sapientis ex -es R c 5.35. 'numquam enim cum eo conlocutus sum.—ain tu? an aliter an tu an aliter X sed prius an in ain corr. V 2 an tu aliter s ( ti/ de/; suggeno/menos a)\n gnoi/hs, a)/llws de\ an)to/qen on) gignw/sxeis xtl .;) cf. Att. 4,5,1. ain tu? aliter Or. id id om. G scire non potes?—nullo modo.—tu igitur ne de Persarum quidem rege rege nego V 1 magno potes dicere, beatusne sit? beatus nescit K 1 —an ego possim, cum ignorem, quam sit doctus, quam vir bonus?—quid? tu in eo sitam vitam beatam putas?—ita prorsus existimo, bonos beatos, improbos miseros.—miser ergo Archelaus?—certe, si iniustus.'

125. Cicero, Timaeus, 43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 291

126. Philodemus, De Libertate Dicendi, col. 17a.4-8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 124

127. Philodemus, De Oeconomia, 13.11-13.29, 14.9-14.37, 23.15-23.16, 23.23-23.34, 27.35-27.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics/stoicism, long-windedness Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 78, 84, 126, 128

128. Philodemus, (Pars I) \ On Piety, p.herc. 1428 16 p. 80 gomperz (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 144

129. Cicero, Topica, 15.58-15.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 283

130. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, 132, 150, 167, 226, 52-81, 96, 98, 97 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 95

97. and there is an account of events recorded in the history of the creation of the world, comprising a sufficient relation of the cause of this ordice; for the sacred historian says, that the world was created in six days, and that on the seventh day God desisted from his works, and began to contemplate what he had so beautifully created;

131. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 100-102, 104-106, 48-49, 51, 61, 79-80, 103 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 104

103. And the daily sacrifice of the priests corresponds also to these facts. For it is expressly commanded to them to offer every day the tenth part of an Ephah of fine wheat flour. For, passing over the ninth number, the god who was only discernible by the outward senses and by opinion, they learnt to worship the tenth, who is the only living and true God.

132. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

133. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, 161, 179-180, 68, 181 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 78; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143

181. And there is an evidence in favour of this assertion of mine in this expression, which was uttered by the man who was made perfect by practice; "The God who nourished me from my youth up, the angel who defended me from all Evils;" for by this words he already confesses that those genuine good things which nourish the souls which love virtue, are referred to God as their sole cause; but the fate of the wicked is, on the other hand, referred to the angels, and even they have not independent and absolute power of inflicting punishment, that this salutary nature may not afford an opportunity to any one of the things which tend to destruction.

134. Catullus, Poems, 7.3, 7.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 119

135. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.20.2-1.20.3, 1.90.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 181

1.90.1. The language spoken by the Romans is neither utterly barbarous nor absolutely Greek, but a mixture, as it were, of both, the greater part of which is Aeolic; and the only disadvantage they have experienced from their intermingling with these various nations is that they do not pronounce all their sounds properly. But all other indications of a Greek origin they preserve beyond any other colonists. For it is not merely recently, since they have enjoyed the full tide of good fortune to instruct them in the amenities of life, that they have begun to live humanely; nor is it merely since they first aimed at the conquest of countries lying beyond the sea, after overthrowing the Carthaginian and Macedonian empires, but rather from the time when they first joined in founding the city, that they have lived like Greeks; and they do not attempt anything more illustrious in the pursuit of virtue now than formerly. <

136. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 14-15, 39, 86 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 78

86. And the doctrine is this: God alone keeps festival in reality, for he alone rejoices, he alone is delighted, he alone feels cheerfulness, and to him alone is it given, to pass an existence of perfect peace unmixed with war. He is free from all pain, and free from all fear; he has no participation in any evils, he yields to no one, he suffers no sorrow, he knows no fatigue, he is full of unalloyed happiness; his nature is entirely perfect, or rather God is himself the perfection, and completion, and boundary of happiness, partaking of nothing else by which he can be rendered better, but giving to every individual thing a portion of what is suited to it, from the fountain of good, namely, from himself; for the beautiful things in the world would never have been such as they are, if they had not been made after an archetypal pattern, which was really beautiful, the uncreate, and blessed, and imperishable model of all things. XXVI.

137. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 2.1-2.3, 4.15, 4.17-4.20, 5.1-5.4, 16.1-16.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 172, 173, 178, 181, 183, 184, 186

138. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 2.1-2.3, 4.15, 4.17-4.20, 5.1-5.4, 16.1-16.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 172, 173, 178, 181, 183, 184, 186

139. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 9.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 178

140. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 204 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 408

204. For it was not likely that in his state he could clearly and distinctly comprehend either sleep or waking, or a stationary position or motion; but when he appears to have come to an opinion in the best manner, then above all other times is he found to be most foolish, since his affairs then come to an end, by no means resembling that which was expected;

141. Sallust, Iugurtha, 85.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 210

142. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Dinarchus, 7.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 173

143. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 173

144. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Character of Thucydides, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 173

145. Philo of Alexandria, On The Eternity of The World, 10-18, 34, 47-51, 54, 57-59, 76-77, 8, 19 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32

19. and a very long time before him Moses, the lawgiver of the Jews, had said in his sacred volumes that the world was both created and indestructible, and the number of the books is five. The first of which he entitled Genesis, in which he begins in the following manner: "in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth; and the earth was invisible and without form." Then proceeding onwards he relates in the following verses, that days and nights, and seasons, and years, and the sun and moon, which showed the nature of the measurement of time, were created, which, having received an immortal portion in common with the whole heaven, continue for ever indestructible.

146. Andronicus of Rhodes, On Emotions, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 65

147. Ovid, Tristia, 1.3.37-1.3.38, 1.4.3-1.4.4, 1.4.11-1.4.16, 1.4.23, 1.5.17, 1.5.36, 1.11.9-1.11.10, 1.11.33-1.11.34, 3.4, 3.5.25-3.5.26, 3.5.31-3.5.42, 3.7.47-3.7.50, 5.1.35-5.1.36, 5.1.41-5.1.42 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 38, 273, 277, 283, 320

148. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.253-1.258, 1.260-1.312, 3.316, 7.20-7.21, 7.523-7.524, 9.157-9.165, 9.179-9.180, 9.182-9.197, 9.200-9.210, 9.223-9.225, 9.229-9.238, 10.203, 10.252, 13.139-13.141, 13.152-13.153, 13.159, 13.354-13.369, 15.807-15.815 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 37, 38, 121, 150, 161, 162, 192, 201, 202, 203, 270, 290, 291, 292

1.253. Iamque erat in totas sparsurus fulmina terras: 1.254. sed timuit, ne forte sacer tot ab ignibus aether 1.255. conciperet flammas longusque ardesceret axis: 1.256. esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur, adfore tempus, 1.257. quo mare, quo tellus correptaque regia caeli 1.258. ardeat et mundi moles obsessa laboret. 1.260. poena placet diversa, genus mortale sub undis 1.261. perdere et ex omni nimbos demittere caelo. 1.262. Protinus Aeoliis Aquilonem claudit in antris 1.263. et quaecumque fugant inductas flamina nubes 1.264. emittitque Notum. Madidis Notus evolat alis, 1.265. terribilem picea tectus caligine vultum: 1.266. barba gravis nimbis, canis fluit unda capillis; 1.267. fronte sedent nebulae, rorant pennaeque sinusque. 1.268. Utque manu late pendentia nubila pressit, 1.269. fit fragor: hinc densi funduntur ab aethere nimbi. 1.270. Nuntia Iunonis varios induta colores 1.271. concipit Iris aquas alimentaque nubibus adfert. 1.272. Sternuntur segetes et deplorata coloni 1.273. vota iacent, longique perit labor inritus anni. 1.274. Nec caelo contenta suo est Iovis ira, sed illum 1.275. caeruleus frater iuvat auxiliaribus undis. 1.276. Convocat hic amnes. Qui postquam tecta tyranni 1.277. intravere sui, “non est hortamine longo 1.278. nunc” ait “utendum. Vires effundite vestras: 1.279. sic opus est! aperite domos ac mole remota 1.280. fluminibus vestris totas inmittite habenas!” 1.281. Iusserat; hi redeunt ac fontibus ora relaxant 1.282. et defrenato volvuntur in aequora cursu. 1.283. Ipse tridente suo terram percussit: at illa 1.284. intremuit motuque vias patefecit aquarum. 1.285. Exspatiata ruunt per apertos flumina campos 1.286. cumque satis arbusta simul pecudesque virosque 1.287. tectaque cumque suis rapiunt penetralia sacris. 1.288. Siqua domus mansit potuitque resistere tanto 1.289. indeiecta malo, culmen tamen altior huius 1.290. unda tegit, pressaeque latent sub gurgite turres. 1.291. Iamque mare et tellus nullum discrimen habebant: 1.292. omnia pontus erant; deerant quoque litora ponto. 1.293. Occupat hic collem, cumba sedet alter adunca 1.294. et ducit remos illic, ubi nuper ararat, 1.295. ille supra segetes aut mersae culmina villae 1.296. navigat, hic summa piscem deprendit in ulmo. 1.297. Figitur in viridi, si fors tulit, ancora prato, 1.298. aut subiecta terunt curvae vineta carinae; 1.299. et, modo qua graciles gramen carpsere capellae, 1.300. nunc ibi deformes ponunt sua corpora phocae. 1.301. Mirantur sub aqua lucos urbesque domosque 1.302. Nereides, silvasque tenent delphines et altis 1.303. incursant ramis agitataque robora pulsant. 1.304. Nat lupus inter oves, fulvos vehit unda leones, 1.305. unda vehit tigres, nec vires fulminis apro, 1.306. crura nec ablato prosunt velocia cervo. 1.307. Quaesitisque diu terris, ubi sistere possit, 1.308. in mare lassatis volucris vaga decidit alis. 1.309. Obruerat tumulos inmensa licentia ponti, 1.310. pulsabantque novi montana cacumina fluctus. 1.311. Maxima pars unda rapitur; quibus unda pepercit, 1.312. illos longa domant inopi ieiunia victu. 3.316. Dumque ea per terras fatali lege geruntur 7.20. mens aliud suadet. Video meliora proboque, 7.21. deteriora sequor. Quid in hospite, regia virgo, 9.229. appellantque Lichan.—At tu, Iovis inclita proles, 9.230. arboribus caesis, quas ardua gesserat Oete, 9.231. inque pyram structis, arcum pharetramque capacem 9.232. regnaque visuras iterum Troiana sagittas 9.233. ferre iubes Poeante satum. Quo flamma ministro est 9.234. subdita; dumque avidis comprenditur ignibus agger, 9.235. congeriem silvae Nemeaeo vellere summam 9.236. sternis et inposita clavae cervice recumbis, 9.237. haud alio vultu, quam si conviva iaceres 9.238. inter plena meri redimitus pocula sertis. 10.203. reddere! Quod quoniam fatali lege tenemur, 10.252. ars adeo latet arte sua. Miratur et haurit 13.139. invidia careat, bona nec sua quisque recuset. 13.140. Nam genus et proavos et quae non fecimus ipsi, 13.141. vix ea nostra voco; sed enim quia rettulit Aiax 13.152. Aiacis meritum non sit nec sanguinis ordo, 13.153. sed virtutis honor spoliis quaeratur in istis! 13.159. Ergo operum quoniam nudum certamen habetur: 13.354. Qui nisi pugnacem sciret sapiente minorem 13.355. esse nec indomitae deberi praemia dextrae, 13.356. ipse quoque haec peteret, peteret moderatior Aiax 13.357. Eurypylusque ferox claroque Andraemone natus, 13.358. nec minus Idomeneus patriaque creatus eadem 13.359. Meriones, peteret maioris frater Atridae: 13.360. quippe manu fortes nec sunt tibi Marte secundi, 13.361. consiliis cessere meis. Tibi dextera bello 13.362. utilis: ingenium est, quod eget moderamine nostro; 13.363. tu vires sine mente geris, mihi cura futuri; 13.364. tu pugnare potes, pugdi tempora mecum 13.365. eligit Atrides; tu tantum corpore prodes, 13.366. nos animo; quantoque ratem qui temperat, anteit 13.367. remigis officium, quanto dux milite maior, 13.368. tantum ego te supero; nec non in corpore nostro 13.369. pectora sunt potiora manu: vigor omnis in illis. 15.807. Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808. nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809. tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810. ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro, 15.811. quae neque concussum caeli neque fulminis iram 15.812. nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813. Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814. fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815. et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri.

1.253. The knife must cut immedicable wounds, 1.254. lest maladies infect untainted parts. 1.255. “Beneath my sway are demi gods and fauns, 1.256. nymphs, rustic deities, sylvans of the hills, 1.257. atyrs;—all these, unworthy Heaven's abodes, 1.258. we should at least permit to dwell on earth 1.260. is safety theirs when I, your sovereign lord, 1.261. the Thunder-bolt Controller, am ensnared 1.262. by fierce Lycaon?” Ardent in their wrath, 1.263. the astonished Gods demand revenge overtake 1.264. this miscreant; he who dared commit such crimes. 1.265. 'Twas even thus when raged that impious band 1.266. to blot the Roman name in sacred blood 1.267. of Caesar, sudden apprehensive fear 1.268. of ruin absolute astonished man, 1.269. and all the world convulsed. Nor is the love 1.270. thy people bear to thee, Augustus, le 1.271. than these displayed to Jupiter whose voice 1.272. and gesture all the murmuring host restrained: 1.273. and as indigt clamour ceased, suppressed 1.274. by regt majesty, Jove once again 1.275. broke the deep silence with imperial words; 1.276. “Dismiss your cares; he paid the penalty 1.277. however all the crime and punishment 1.278. now learn from this:—An infamous report 1.279. of this unholy age had reached my ears, 1.280. and wishing it were false, I sloped my course 1.281. from high Olympus , and—although a God— 1.282. disguised in human form I viewed the world. 1.283. It would delay us to recount the crime 1.284. unnumbered, for reports were less than truth. 1.285. “I traversed Maenalus where fearful den 1.286. abound, over Lycaeus, wintry slope 1.287. of pine tree groves, across Cyllene steep; 1.288. and as the twilight warned of night's approach, 1.289. I stopped in that Arcadian tyrant's realm 1.290. and entered his inhospitable home:— 1.291. and when I showed his people that a God 1.292. had come, the lowly prayed and worshiped me, 1.293. but this Lycaon mocked their pious vow 1.294. and scoffing said; ‘A fair experiment 1.295. will prove the truth if this be god or man.’ 1.296. and he prepared to slay me in the night,— 1.297. to end my slumbers in the sleep of death. 1.298. So made he merry with his impious proof; 1.299. but not content with this he cut the throat 1.300. of a Molossian hostage sent to him, 1.301. and partly softened his still quivering limb 1.302. in boiling water, partly roasted them 1.303. on fires that burned beneath. And when this flesh 1.304. was served to me on tables, I destroyed 1.305. his dwelling and his worthless Household Gods, 1.306. with thunder bolts avenging. Terror struck 1.307. he took to flight, and on the silent plain 1.308. is howling in his vain attempts to speak; 1.309. he raves and rages and his greedy jaws, 1.310. desiring their accustomed slaughter, turn 1.311. against the sheep—still eager for their blood. 1.312. His vesture separates in shaggy hair, 7.20. only to those who might to him return, 7.21. victorious from hard labors of great risk. 9.230. I drown my wretched spirit in weak tears? 9.231. Let me consider an effectual check— 9.232. while it is possible—even before 9.233. he comes, invader of my lawful bed: 9.234. hall I be silent or complain of it? 9.235. Must I go back to Calydon or stay? 9.236. Shall I depart unbidden, from my house? 9.237. Or, if no other method can prevail, 9.238. hall I oppose my rival's first approach? 10.203. he could not bear it, and resolved on death. 10.252. Though you have died. Always when warm spring 13.139. But, let me speak the truth, the arms will gain 13.140. more fame than I, for they will share my glory. 13.141. And they need Ajax, Ajax needs not them. 13.152. with sparkling gold, will certainly betray 13.153. his plans, and will discover him when hid. 13.159. beseem a dastard left hand, smooth for theft. 13.354. who dared to do the very things we dared, 13.355. but not before I had prevailed on him 13.356. to tell me everything, by which I learned 13.357. perfidious actions which Troy had designed. 13.359. that should be found out, and I might have then 13.360. returned to enjoy the praise I had deserved. 13.361. But not content with that, I sought the tent 13.362. of Rhesus, and within his camp I slew 13.363. him and his proved attendants. Having thu 13.364. gained as a conqueror my own desires, 13.365. I drove back in a captured chariot,— 13.366. a joyous triumph. Well, deny me, then. 13.367. The arms of him whose steeds the enemy 13.368. demanded as the price of one night's aid. 13.369. Ajax himself has been more generous. 15.807. but now instead you shall be Virbius.’ 15.808. And from that time I have inhabited 15.809. this grove; and, as one of the lesser gods, 15.810. I live concealed and numbered in her train.” 15.812. of sad Egeria, and she laid herself 15.813. down at a mountain's foot, dissolved in tears, 15.814. till moved by pity for her faithful sorrow, 15.815. Diana changed her body to a spring,

149. Ovid, Fasti, 2.717-2.720, 6.267-6.280 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32, 121

6.267. Vesta eadem est et terra: subest vigil ignis utrique: 6.268. significant sedem terra focusque suam. 6.269. terra pilae similis nullo fulcimine nixa, 6.270. aere subiecto tam grave pendet onus. 6.271. ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem, 6.272. quique premat partes, angulus omnis abest, 6.273. cumque sit in media rerum regione locata 6.274. et tangat nullum plusve minusve latus, 6.275. ni convexa foret, parti vicinior esset, 6.276. nec medium terram mundus haberet onus. 6.277. arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278. stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279. et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280. terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit,

6.267. Vesta’s identified with Earth: in them both’s unsleeping fire: 6.268. Earth and the hearth are both symbols of home. 6.269. The Earth’s a ball not resting on any support, 6.270. It’s great weight hangs in the ether around it. 6.271. Its own revolutions keep its orb balanced, 6.272. It has no sharp angles to press on anything, 6.273. And it’s placed in the midst of the heavens, 6.274. And isn’t nearer or further from any side, 6.275. For if it weren’t convex, it would be nearer somewhere, 6.276. And the universe wouldn’t have Earth’s weight at its centre. 6.277. There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278. That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279. And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280. Which is achieved by its spherical shape.

150. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 3.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 38

151. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 12.209 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 270

152. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.1-1.24, 1.347-1.350, 1.375-1.390, 1.477-1.486, 1.715-1.722, 2.493-2.494, 2.499-2.508, 2.511-2.512, 2.515, 2.519, 2.561-2.600, 2.641-2.676, 2.687, 2.689, 2.717, 2.727, 2.730-2.732, 3.41-3.42, 3.101-3.290, 3.771 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 74, 78, 79, 80, 81, 105, 120, 121, 125, 127, 136

1.1. Siquis in hoc artem populo non novit amandi, 1.2. rend= 1.4. rend= 1.7. Me Venus artificem tenero praefecit Amori; 1.8. rend= 1.9. Ille quidem ferus est et qui mihi saepe repugnet: 1.10. rend= 1.17. Aeacidae Chiron, ego sum praeceptor Amoris: 1.21. Et mihi cedet Amor, quamvis mea vulneret arcu 1.22. rend= 2.599. En, iterum testor: nihil hic, nisi lege remissum 2.600. rend= 2.643. Nec suus Andromedae color est obiectus ab illo, 2.644. rend= 2.657. Nominibus mollire licet mala: fusca vocetur, 2.658. rend= 2.659. Si straba, sit Veneri similis: si rava, Minervae: 2.660. rend= 2.661. Dic habilem, quaecumque brevis, quae turgida, plenam, 2.662. rend= 2.663. Nec quotus annus eat, nec quo sit nata, require, 2.664. rend= 2.665. Praecipue si flore caret, meliusque peractum 2.666. rend= 2.667. Utilis, o iuvenes, aut haec, aut serior aetas: 2.668. rend= 2.727. Ad metam properate simul: tum plena voluptas, 3.101. Ordior a cultu; cultis bene Liber ab uvis 3.102. rend= 3.103. Forma dei munus: forma quota quaeque superbit? 3.104. rend= 3.105. Cura dabit faciem; facies neglecta peribit, 3.106. rend= 3.107. Corpora si veteres non sic coluere puellae, 3.108. rend= 3.109. Si fuit Andromache tunicas induta valentes, 3.110. rend= 3.111. Scilicet Aiaci coniunx ornata venires, 3.112. rend= 3.113. Simplicitas rudis ante fuit: nunc aurea Roma est, 3.114. rend= 3.115. Aspice quae nunc sunt Capitolia, quaeque fuerunt: 3.116. rend= 3.117. Curia, concilio quae nunc dignissima tanto, 3.118. rend= 3.119. Quae nunc sub Phoebo ducibusque Palatia fulgent, 3.120. rend= 3.121. Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum 3.122. rend= 3.123. Non quia nunc terrae lentum subducitur aurum, 3.124. rend= 3.125. Nec quia decrescunt effosso marmore montes, 3.126. rend= 3.127. Sed quia cultus adest, nec nostros mansit in annos 3.128. rend= 3.169. Quid de veste loquar? Nec vos, segmenta, requiro 3.170. rend= 3.171. Cum tot prodierint pretio leviore colores, 3.172. rend= 3.173. Aëris, ecce, color, tum cum sine nubibus aër, 3.174. rend= 3.175. Ecce, tibi similis, quae quondam Phrixon et Hellen 3.176. rend= 3.177. Hic undas imitatur, habet quoque nomen ab undis: 3.178. rend= 3.179. Ille crocum simulat: croceo velatur amictu, 3.180. rend= 3.181. Hic Paphias myrtos, hic purpureas amethystos, 3.182. rend= 3.183. Nec glandes, Amarylli, tuae, nec amygdala desunt; 3.184. rend= 3.185. Quot nova terra parit flores, cum vere tepenti 3.186. rend= 3.187. Lana tot aut plures sucos bibit; elige certos: 3.188. rend= 3.189. Pulla decent niveas: Briseïda pulla decebant: 3.190. rend= 3.191. Alba decent fuscas: albis, Cepheï, placebas: 3.192. rend= 3.210. rend= 3.222. rend= 3.271. Pes malus in nivea semper celetur aluta: 3.273. Conveniunt tenues scapulis analemptrides altis: 3.281. Quis credat? discunt etiam ridere puellae,

1.1. In Cupid's school The poet here lays down the proposition of the work, which he comprehends in the two first verses: he then invokes the assistance of the gods and begins his narration. , whoe'er would take degree 1.1. BOOK 1 Should anyone here not know the art of love, read this, and learn by reading how to love. By art the boat’s set gliding, with oar and sail, by art the chariot’s swift: love’s ruled by art. Automedon was skilled with Achilles’s chariot reins, Tiphys in Thessaly was steersman of the Argo, Venus appointed me as guide to gentle Love: I’ll be known as Love’s Tiphys, and Automedon. It’s true Love’s wild, and one who often flouts me: 1.2. Must learn his rudiments by reading me, One must learn to love, and what to love: for love is so far from being forbidden, that there is nothing so commendable, provided the object is good. 1.4. Art guides the chariot: art instructs to love. 1.7. Cupid indeed is obstinate and wild, 1.8. A stubborn god He speaks of love who is very seldom guided by reason. ; but yet the god's a child: 1.9. Easy to govern in his tender age, 1.10. Like fierce Achilles in his pupilage: 1.10. but he’s a child of tender years, fit to be ruled. Chiron made the young Achilles perfect at the lyre, and tempered his wild spirits through peaceful art. He, who so terrified his enemies and friends, they say he greatly feared the aged Centaur. That hand that Hector was destined to know, was held out, at his master’s orders, to be flogged. I am Love’s teacher as Chiron was Achilles’s, both wild boys, both children of a goddess. Yet the bullock’s neck is bowed beneath the yoke, 1.17. To teach her softer arts; to sooth the mind, 1.21. The bull reclaim'd and yolk'd, the burden draws: This he says to show us that love may also be tamed by habit. Ovid is full of these sort of similes. 1.22. The horse receives the bit within his jaws. 2.599. Shall I, with patience, the known signal hear, 2.600. Retire, and leave a happy rival there! 2.600. Who’d dare reveal to the impious the secret rites of Ceres, or uncover the high mysteries of Samothrace? There’s little virtue in keeping silent: but speaking of what’s kept secret’s a heinous crime. O it’s good if that babbler Tantalus, clutching at fruit in vain, thirsts in the very middle of the waters! Venus, above all, orders you to be silent about her rites: I warn you, let no idle chatterers come near her. Though the mysteries of Venus are not buried in a box, nor echo in the wide air to the clash of cymbals, 2.643. She wants that cover for another place. 2.644. To burly Mars a gay spectator said, 2.657. Tho' in your pow'r, a rival ne'er expose, 2.658. Never his intercepted joys disclose: He means intercepting a rival's letter, and discovering the contents. To intercept letters, and divulge a secret, was a crime punishable by the laws, by banishment, or interdiction of fire and water, by which was understood exile. 2.659. This I command, Venus commands the same, 2.660. Who hates the snares she once sustain'd with shame. 2.660. call her ‘trim’, who’s tiny, ‘full-bodied’ if she’s gross, and hide the fault behind the nearest virtue. Don’t ask how old she is, or who was Consul when she was born, that’s strictly the Censor’s duty: Especially if she’s past bloom, and the good times gone, and now she plucks the odd grey hair. There’s value, O youth, in this or a greater age: this will bear seed, this is a field to sow. Besides, they’ve more knowledge of the thing, and have that practice that alone makes the artist: 2.661. What impious wretch will Ceres ' rites expose, This is a simile, and shows us it was not lawful to reveal the mysteries of Ceres . Macrobius in the 11th chapter of his first book upon Scipio's dream, writes that the philosopher Numenius, being too curious to know the secrets of hidden things, incurred the wrath of the gods by divulging the Eleusinian mysteries, which were the same with those of Ceres . 2.662. Or Juno's solemn mysteries disclose! 2.663. His witty torments Tantalus deserves, He proves by the example of Tantalus, that no man should reveal secrets. Tantalus, so Diodorus tells us, was the son of Jupiter and the nymph Plota, equally rich and renowned. He dwelt in Paphlagonia , and was favoured by the gods for the dignity of his birth ; but having been told some of their secrets, and divulging them to mortals, he was thrown into hell for his crime, where his punishment was what Ovid tells us. 2.664. That thirsts in waves and viewing banquets starves. 2.665. But Venus most in secresy delights: 2.666. Away, ye babblers, from her silent rites! 2.667. No pomp her mysteries attend, no noise! 2.668. No sounding brass proclaims the latent joys! 2.727. Or like Minerva that has yellow hair. 3.101. And you, who now the love-sick youth reject, 3.102. Will prove in age, what pains attend neglect. 3.103. None, then will press upon your midnight hours, 3.104. Nor wake to strew your street with morning flow'rs. 3.105. Then nightly knockings at your doors will cease, 3.106. Whose noiseless hammer, then, may rest in peace. 3.107. Alas, how soon a clear complexion fades! 3.108. How soon a wrinkled skin plump flesh invades! 3.109. And what avails it, tho' the fair one swear 3.110. She from her infancy had some grey hairs ? 3.110. what wonder? Her husband was a rough soldier? Do you suppose Ajax’s wife would come to him all smart, when his outer layer was seven hides of an ox? There was crude simplicity before: now Rome is golden, and owns the vast wealth of the conquered world. Look what the Capitol is now, and what it was: you’d say it belonged to a different Jove. The Senate-House, now worthy of such debates, was made of wattle when Tatius held the kingship. Where the Palatine now gleams with Apollo and our leaders, 3.111. She grows all hoary in a few more years, 3.112. And then the venerable truth appears. 3.113. The snake his skin, the deer his horns may cast, 3.114. And both renew their youth and vigor past; 3.115. But no receipt can human-kind relieve, 3.116. Doom'd to decrepit age, without reprieve. 3.117. Then crop the flow'r which yet invites your eye, 3.118. And which, ungather'd, on its stalk must die. 3.119. Besides, the tender sex is form'd to bear, 3.120. And frequent births too soon will youth impair; 3.120. what was that but pasture for ploughmen’s oxen? Others may delight in ancient times: I congratulate myself on having been born just now: this age suits my nature. Not because stubborn gold’s mined now from the earth, or choice shells come to us from farthest shores: nor because mountains shrink as marble’s quarried, or because blue waters retreat from the piers: but because civilisation’s here, and no crudity remains, in our age, that survives from our ancient ancestors. You too shouldn’t weight your ears with costly stones, 3.121. Continual harvest wears the fruitful field, 3.122. And earth itself decays, too often till'd. 3.123. Thou didst not, Cynthia , scorn the Latmian swain; 3.124. Nor thou, Aurora, Cephalus disdain; 3.125. The Paphian Queen, who, for Adonis' fate 3.126. So deeply mourn'd, and who laments him yet, 3.127. Has not been found inexorable since; 3.128. Witness Harmonia, and the Dardan prince. 3.169. Let ancient manners other men delight; 3.170. But me the modern please, as more polite. 3.170. or wools dyed purple with Tyrian murex. With so many cheaper colours having appeared, it’s crazy to bear your fortune on your back! See, the sky’s colour, when the sky’s without a cloud, no warm south-westerly threatening heavy rain. See, what to you, you’ll say, looks similar to that fleece, on which Phrixus and Helle once escaped fierce Ino: this resembles the waves, and also takes its name from the waves: I might have thought the sea-nymphs clothed with this veil. That’s like saffron-flowers: dressed in saffron robes, 3.171. Not that materials now in gold are wrought, 3.172. And distant shores for orient pearls are sought; 3.173. Not for, that hills exhaust their marble veins, 3.174. And structures rise whose bulks the sea retains; 3.175. But that the world is civilis'd of late, 3.176. And polish'd from the rust of former date. 3.177. Let not the nymph with pendants load her ear, 3.178. Nor in embroid'ry, or brocade, appear; 3.179. Too rich a dress may sometimes check desire, 3.180. And cleanliness more animate love's fire, 3.180. the dew-wet goddess yokes her shining horses: this, Paphian myrtle: this, purple amethyst, dawn roses, and the Thracian crane’s grey. Your chestnuts are not lacking, Amaryllis, and almonds: and wax gives its name to various wools. As many as the flowers the new world, in warm spring, bears when vine-buds wake, and dark winter vanishes, as many or more dyes the wool drinks: choose, decisively: since all are not suitable for everyone. dark-grey suits snow-white skin: dark-grey suited Briseis: 3.181. The hair dispos'd, may gain or lose a grace, 3.182. And much become or misbecome the face. 3.183. What suits your features of your glass enquire; 3.184. For no one rule is fixed for head attire, 3.185. A face too long should part and flat the hair. 3.186. Lest upward comb'd, the length too much appear: 3.187. So Laodamia dress'd. A face too round 3.188. Should show the ears, and with a tour be crown'd. 3.189. On either shoulder, one, her locks displays; 3.190. Adorn'd like Phoebus, when he sings his lays; 3.190. when she was carried off, then she also wore dark-grey. White suits the dark: you looked pleasing, Andromeda, in white: so dressed, the island of Seriphos was ruled by you. How near I was to warning you, no rankness of the wild goatunder your armpits, no legs bristling with harsh hair! But I’m not teaching girls from the Caucasian hills, or those who drink your waters, Mysian Caicus. So why remind you not to let your teeth get blackened, by being lazy, and to wash your face each morning in water? You know how to acquire whiteness with a layer of powder: 3.191. Another, all her tresses tie behind; 3.192. So dressed, Diana hunts the fearful hind. 3.210. The losses they sustain by various ways. 3.210. on your dressing table: art delights in its hidden face. Who’s not offended by cream smeared all over your face, when it runs in fallen drops to your warm breast? Don’t those ointments smell? Even if they are sent from Athens, they’re oils extracted from the unwashed fleece of a sheep. Don’t apply preparations of deer marrow openly, and I don’t approve of openly cleaning your teeth: it makes for beauty, but it’s not beautiful to watch: many things that please when done, are ugly in the doing: What now carries the signature of busy Myron 3.222. When more becoming colors are less dear! 3.271. All daub'd and dripping with the melted grease? 3.273. The wool's unsav'ry scent is still the same. 3.281. As once the robe you wear was wool unshorn;

153. Ovid, Amores, 1.2.9-1.2.10, 1.15.23-1.15.24, 2.4.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 136, 270, 291

1.15.23. Carmina sublimis tunc sunt peritura Lucreti, 1.15.24. Exitio terras cum dabit una dies;

154. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 44.261 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 93

155. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 1, 118, 2-3, 281 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 613

281. "Concerning the holy city I must now say what is necessary. It, as I have already stated, is my native country, and the metropolis, not only of the one country of Judaea, but also of many, by reason of the colonies which it has sent out from time to time into the bordering districts of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria in general, and especially that part of it which is called Coelo-Syria, and also with those more distant regions of Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia, and the furthermost corners of Pontus. And in the same manner into Europe, into Thessaly, and Boeotia, and Macedonia, and Aetolia, and Attica, and Argos, and Corinth and all the most fertile and wealthiest districts of Peloponnesus.

156. Publilius Syrus, Sententiae, 40 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 32

157. Philoxenus of Alexandria, Fragments, 323 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 181

158. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 2.1021, 2.1158 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 301, 302; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 105

35. But when light came, and darkness retreated and yielded to it, and boundaries were set in the space between the two, namely, evening and morning, then of necessity the measure of time was immediately perfected, which also the Creator called "day." and He called it not "the first day," but "one day;" and it is spoken of thus, on account of the single nature of the world perceptible only by the intellect, which has a single nature. X.

159. Philo of Alexandria, On The Posterity of Cain, 6.17, 6.18, 6.19, 6.20, 04-May, 115, 13, 14, 20, 26, 27, 28, 80 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 85

160. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 5.12, 5.9, 5.prooemium, 3.306, 3.305, 3.308, 3.307, 3.300, 3.301, 3.302, 3.303, 3.304, 3.310, 3.299, 3.309, 3.313, 3.312, 3.311, 3.298, 3.296, 3.297, 3.294, 3.295, 4.1286, 4.1287, 3.856, 3.857, 3.858, 3.859, 3.860, 3.861, 3.862, 3.863, 3.864, 3.855, 3.865, 3.867, 3.868, 3.869, 5.91, 5.92, 5.93, 5.94, 5.95, 5.96, 3.866, 3.854, 3.853, 3.852, 3.847, 3.848, 3.849, 3.850, 3.851, 5.106, 4.1173, 4.904, 4.903, 4.902, 4.901, 4.900, 4.899, 4.898, 4.897, 4.896, 2.3, 4.1172, 4.1171, 2.2, 2.1, 4.1174, 4.1175, 4.1176, 4.1177, 4.1178, 4.1179, 2.4, 4.1167, 4.1166, 4.1165, 4.1164, 4.1163, 4.1162, 4.1161, 4.1160, 4.1159, 4.1158, 4.1157, 4.1156, 4.1155, 4.1154, 4.1153, 4.1152, 4.1151, 4.1150, 4.1149, 4.1283, 4.1284, 4.1285, 4.1170, 4.1168, 4.1192, 4.1278, 4.1279, 4.1280, 4.1281, 4.1282, 4.1169, 1.49, 1.48, 1.47, 1.46, 1.45, 1.44, 5.392, 5.394, 5.401, 5.399, 5.398, 5.397, 5.396, 5.395, 5.393, 5.400, 5.390, 5.391, 5.405, 5.404, 5.402, 5.389, 5.403, 5.388, 5.382, 5.386, 5.387, 5.385, 5.384, 5.383, 5.381, 5.380, 5.379, 5.378, 5.377, 5.376, 5.375, 5.374, 5.373, 5.1042, 5.1043, 5.1044, 5.1051, 5.1041, 5.1085, 5.1086, 2.112, 5.1067, 5.1066, 5.1062, 5.1049, 5.1050, 5.1060, 5.1048, 5.1059, 5.1058, 5.1057, 5.1056, 5.1055, 5.1054, 5.1053, 5.1052, 5.1061, 5.1063, 5.1087, 5.1088, 5.1089, 5.1090, 5.1064, 5.1045, 5.1084, 5.1046, 5.1047, 5.1065, 5.1083, 5.1072, 5.1070, 5.1069, 2.124, 2.123, 2.122, 1.160, 1.159, 5.1073, 5.1074, 5.1075, 5.1076, 5.1077, 5.1079, 5.1080, 2.114, 2.113, 5.1081, 5.1071, 2.115, 5.1082, 2.116, 2.118, 2.121, 2.120, 5.1068, 2.119, 2.117, 5.1078, 5.1040, 5.1039, 5.1037, 5.1036, 5.1035, 5.1034, 5.1033, 5.1038, 5.1032, 5.1031, 5.1030, 5.1029, 5.1028, 1.145, 1.144, 1.143, 1.142, 1.141, 1.140, 1.139, 1.138, 1.137, 1.136, 3.1021, 3.1022, 3.1023, 3.981, 3.998, 3.999, 3.997, 3.996, 3.995, 3.1000, 3.994, 3.992, 3.1020, 3.993, 3.1019, 3.1007, 3.1008, 3.1009, 3.1010, 3.991, 3.990, 3.989, 3.988, 3.987, 3.986, 3.985, 3.984, 3.983, 3.982, 3.1018, 3.1005, 3.1017, 3.1016, 3.1015, 3.1014, 3.1013, 3.1012, 3.1001, 3.1002, 3.1003, 3.1004, 3.1006, 3.1011, 3.978, 3.980, 3.979, 5.956, 5.955, 5.954, 5.953, 5.957, 5.1104, 5.1103, 5.1102, 5.1101, 5.1014, 5.1013, 5.1011, 5.1012, 5.1023, 5.1021, 5.1020, 5.1019, 5.1018, 5.1017, 5.1016, 5.1015, 5.952, 5.951, 5.950, 5.949, 5.948, 5.1022, 5.1025, 6.66, 6.65, 5.1026, 5.1024, 5.1027, 5.49, 5.309, 5.310, 6.64, 5.48, 5.2, 5.47, 5.1, 2.1009, 2.1010, 2.1011, 2.1012, 3.931, 3.932, 3.933, 3.934, 3.935, 3.936, 3.937, 3.938, 3.939, 3.940, 3.941, 3.942, 2.1008, 2.1007, 2.1005, 2.577, 2.578, 2.579, 2.580, 2.991, 2.992, 2.993, 2.994, 2.995, 3.943, 2.997, 2.998, 2.999, 2.1000, 2.1001, 2.1002, 2.1003, 2.1004, 2.996, 3.944, 6.58, 3.945, 3.946, 3.947, 3.948, 3.949, 1.102, 1.331, 1.1116, 3.9, 3.207, 4.24, 4.25, 5.82, 2.576, 2.1006, 2.571, 2.570, 2.569, 2.573, 2.79, 2.78, 2.574, 2.77, 2.76, 2.75, 1.57, 2.575, 2.572, 1.56, 1.55, 2.252, 1.189, 1.196, 1.204, 1.195, 1.175, 1.190, 1.192, 1.194, 2.254, 1.186, 1.193, 2.253, 1.205, 1.174, 1.202, 1.171, 1.172, 1.201, 1.173, 1.203, 1.197, 2.219, 2.218, 1.188, 2.251, 1.169, 1.198, 1.199, 1.187, 1.170, 1.200, 4.1217, 4.1216, 4.1215, 1.210, 4.1214, 4.1220, 1.209, 4.1219, 4.1218, 1.182, 4.1213, 1.211, 1.214, 4.1209, 1.213, 1.212, 4.1212, 4.1211, 4.1210, 4.1221, 4.1222, 4.1230, 1.208, 1.177, 1.178, 1.185, 1.176, 1.206, 4.1232, 1.207, 4.1231, 4.1229, 1.184, 1.179, 4.1225, 4.1224, 1.181, 4.1223, 1.183, 4.1228, 4.1227, 1.191, 4.1226, 1.180, 1.791, 1.792, 3.416, 1.793, 1.794, 1.795, 1.796, 1.797, 1.798, 1.799, 1.800, 1.801, 1.802, 1.803, 1.804, 1.805, 1.806, 1.807, 1.808, 1.809, 1.810, 1.811, 1.812, 1.790, 1.789, 1.788, 1.770, 1.771, 1.772, 1.773, 5.56, 1.774, 1.775, 1.776, 1.813, 1.777, 1.779, 1.780, 1.781, 1.782, 1.783, 5.57, 1.784, 1.785, 1.786, 1.787, 5.58, 1.778, 1.814, 1.816, 1.817, 1.818, 1.819, 1.820, 1.821, 1.822, 1.823, 1.824, 1.825, 1.826, 1.815, 1.827, 1.828, 1.829, 1.768, 1.726, 2.513, 1.727, 1.728, 2.512, 2.511, 2.510, 2.509, 1.729, 1.730, 2.508, 1.731, 2.507, 1.732, 1.733, 2.506, 1.734, 2.505, 2.504, 2.503, 1.735, 1.736, 1.737, 1.725, 2.514, 2.515, 2.516, 3.179, 3.180, 3.204, 3.209, 3.243, 3.244, 1.716, 2.502, 1.717, 2.520, 1.718, 1.719, 1.720, 2.519, 1.721, 2.518, 1.722, 2.517, 1.723, 1.724, 2.521, 1.769, 1.738, 2.501, 2.489, 1.757, 1.758, 2.488, 2.487, 2.486, 1.759, 2.485, 1.760, 2.484, 1.761, 2.483, 1.762, 2.482, 1.763, 1.764, 1.765, 2.481, 2.480, 2.479, 1.766, 2.478, 1.767, 1.756, 1.755, 1.754, 2.490, 2.500, 2.499, 1.740, 1.741, 2.498, 1.742, 1.743, 1.744, 2.497, 2.496, 1.745, 1.739, 1.746, 1.747, 2.494, 1.748, 2.493, 2.492, 1.749, 1.750, 1.751, 2.491, 1.752, 1.753, 2.495, 2.255, 2.256, 2.285, 2.286, 5.679, 1.163, 2.287, 5.678, 2.288, 2.289, 2.835, 2.290, 2.1060, 2.291, 2.292, 2.1061, 1.162, 2.293, 2.836, 2.284, 2.283, 2.832, 2.277, 2.783, 2.805, 2.785, 2.278, 2.793, 2.1059, 2.833, 2.279, 2.280, 2.250, 2.834, 2.282, 1.164, 2.794, 2.804, 2.803, 5.677, 2.1112, 2.247, 2.1111, 2.1110, 2.784, 2.1109, 2.799, 6.30, 2.1108, 2.797, 2.798, 2.1105, 2.248, 2.1107, 2.790, 2.1106, 2.249, 2.800, 2.246, 2.1117, 6.31, 2.244, 1.161, 2.1116, 2.802, 2.1115, 2.795, 2.1062, 2.245, 2.796, 5.107, 2.257, 2.1114, 2.801, 2.1113, 1.165, 2.281, 2.276, 2.816, 2.826, 2.815, 2.827, 2.264, 2.814, 2.813, 2.265, 2.828, 2.266, 2.812, 2.811, 2.267, 2.787, 1.168, 2.258, 2.788, 2.822, 2.821, 2.259, 2.823, 2.791, 2.820, 1.167, 2.260, 2.819, 2.824, 2.818, 2.261, 2.825, 2.262, 2.817, 2.268, 2.263, 2.810, 2.270, 2.271, 2.831, 2.273, 2.809, 2.789, 2.275, 2.807, 2.830, 2.272, 2.274, 2.808, 2.786, 2.829, 2.806, 2.269, 2.792, 1.21, 1.166 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 177

5.12. in tam tranquillo et tam clara luce locavit.

161. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.2-1.7, 1.23, 1.39, 1.117, 1.158, 2.5-2.7, 2.12, 2.74-2.76 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 320; Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 75, 76, 77, 79; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 101

1.2. for the glory of the laws which he left behind him has reached over the whole world, and has penetrated to the very furthest limits of the universe; and those who do really and truly understand him are not many, perhaps partly out of envy, or else from the disposition so common to many persons of resisting the commands which are delivered by lawgivers in different states, since the historians who have flourished among the Greeks have not chosen to think him worthy of mention, 1.3. the greater part of whom have both in their poems and also in their prose writings, disparaged or defaced the powers which they have received through education, composing comedies and works full of Sybaritish profligacy and licentiousness to their everlasting shame, while they ought rather to have employed their natural endowments and abilities in preserving a record of virtuous men and praiseworthy lives, so that honourable actions, whether ancient or modern, might not be buried in silence, and thus have all recollection of them lost, while they might shine gloriously if duly celebrated; and that they might not themselves have seemed to pass by more appropriate subjects, and to prefer such as were unworthy of being mentioned at all, while they were eager to give a specious appearance to infamous actions, so as to secure notoriety for disgraceful deeds. 1.4. But I disregard the envious disposition of these men, and shall proceed to narrate the events which befell him, having learnt them both from those sacred scriptures which he has left as marvellous memorials of his wisdom, and having also heard many things from the elders of my nation, for I have continually connected together what I have heard with what I have read, and in this way I look upon it that I am acquainted with the history of his life more accurately than other people. 1.5. And I will begin first with that with which it is necessary to begin. Moses was by birth a Hebrew, but he was born, and brought up, and educated in Egypt, his ancestors having migrated into Egypt with all their families on account of the long famine which oppressed Babylon and all the adjacent countries; for they were in search of food, and Egypt was a champaign country blessed with a rich soil, and very productive of every thing which the nature of man requires, and especially of corn and wheat, 1.6. for the river of that country at the height of summer, when they say that all other rivers which are derived from winter torrents and from springs in the ground are smaller, rises and increases, and overflows so as to irrigate all the lands, and make them one vast lake. And so the land, without having any need of rain, supplies every year an unlimited abundance of every kind of good food, unless sometimes the anger of God interrupts this abundance by reason of the excessive impiety of the inhabitants. 1.7. And his father and mother were among the most excellent persons of their time, and though they were of the same time, still they were induced to unite themselves together more from an uimity of feeling than because they were related in blood; and Moses is the seventh generation in succession from the original settler in the country who was the founder of the whole race of the Jews. 1.23. Accordingly he speedily learnt arithmetic, and geometry, and the whole science of rhythm and harmony and metre, and the whole of music, by means of the use of musical instruments, and by lectures on the different arts, and by explanations of each topic; and lessons on these subjects were given him by Egyptian philosophers, who also taught him the philosophy which is contained in symbols, which they exhibit in those sacred characters of hieroglyphics, as they are called, and also that philosophy which is conversant about that respect which they pay to animals which they invest with the honours due to God. And all the other branches of the encyclical education he learnt from Greeks; and the philosophers from the adjacent countries taught him Assyrian literature and the knowledge of the heavenly bodies so much studied by the Chaldaeans. 1.117. but nature does not expend her powers to no purpose when they are not wanted, so as to provide rain for a land which does not require it, but it rejoices in the variety and diversity of scientific operations, and arranges the harmony of the universe from a number of opposite qualities. And for this reason it supplies the benefits which are derivable from water, to some countries, by bestowing it on them from above, namely from heaven, and to others it gives it from below by means of springs and rivers; 1.158. What more shall I say? Has he not also enjoyed an even greater communion with the Father and Creator of the universe, being thought unworthy of being called by the same appellation? For he also was called the god and king of the whole nation, and he is said to have entered into the darkness where God was; that is to say, into the invisible, and shapeless, and incorporeal world, the essence, which is the model of all existing things, where he beheld things invisible to mortal nature; for, having brought himself and his own life into the middle, as an excellently wrought picture, he established himself as a most beautiful and Godlike work, to be a model for all those who were inclined to imitate him. 2.5. But a king and a lawgiver ought to pay attention not only to human things, but also to divine ones, for the affairs of neither kings nor subjects go on well except by the intervention of divine providence; on which account it was necessary that such a man as Moses should enjoy the first priesthood, in order that he might with perfectly conducted sacrifices, and with a perfect knowledge of the proper way to serve God, entreat for a deliverance from evil and for a participation in good, both for himself and for the people whom he was governing, from the merciful God who listens favourably to prayers. 2.6. But since there is an infinite variety of both human and divine circumstances which are unknown both to king, and lawgiver, and chief priest, for a man is no less a created and mortal being from having all these offices, or because he is clothed with such a vast and boundless inheritance of honour and happiness, he was also of necessity invested with the gift of prophecy, in order that he might through the providence of God learn all those things which he was unable to comprehend by his own reason; for what the mind is unable to attain to, that prophecy masters. 2.7. Therefore the connection of these four powers is beautiful and harmonious, for being all connected together and united one to another, they unite in concert, receiving and imparting a reciprocity of benefits from and to one another, imitating the virgin graces with whom it is an immutable law of their nature that they cannot be disunited, with respect to whom one might fairly say, what is habitually said of the virtues, that he who has one has them all. 2.12. But that he himself is the most admirable of all the lawgivers who have ever lived in any country either among the Greeks or among the barbarians, and that his are the most admirable of all laws, and truly divine, omitting no one particular which they ought to comprehend, there is the clearest proof possible in this fact, the laws of other lawgivers, 2.74. Therefore Moses now determined to build a tabernacle, a most holy edifice, the furniture of which he was instructed how to supply by precise commands from God, given to him while he was on the mount, contemplating with his soul the incorporeal patterns of bodies which were about to be made perfect, in due similitude to which he was bound to make the furniture, that it might be an imitation perceptible by the outward senses of an archetypal sketch and pattern, appreciable only by the intellect; 2.75. for it was suitable and consistent for the task of preparing and furnishing the temple to be entrusted to the real high priest, that he might with all due perfection and propriety make all his ministrations in the performance of his sacred duties correspond to the works which he was now to make. 2.76. Therefore the general form of the model was stamped upon the mind of the prophet, being accurately painted and fashioned beforehand invisibly without any materials, in species which were not apparent to the eye; and the completion of the work was made in the similitude of the model, the maker giving an accurate representation of the impression in material substances corresponding to each part of the model,

162. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 70, 78 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 104

78. And these explanations of the sacred scriptures are delivered by mystic expressions in allegories, for the whole of the law appears to these men to resemble a living animal, and its express commandments seem to be the body, and the invisible meaning concealed under and lying beneath the plain words resembles the soul, in which the rational soul begins most excellently to contemplate what belongs to itself, as in a mirror, beholding in these very words the exceeding beauty of the sentiments, and unfolding and explaining the symbols, and bringing the secret meaning naked to the light to all who are able by the light of a slight intimation to perceive what is unseen by what is visible.

163. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 84 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143

84. Accordingly, the sacred volumes present an infinite number of instances of the disposition devoted to the love of God, and of a continued and uninterrupted purity throughout the whole of life, of a careful avoidance of oaths and of falsehood, and of a strict adherence to the principle of looking on the Deity as the cause of everything which is good and of nothing which is evil. They also furnish us with many proofs of a love of virtue, such as abstinence from all covetousness of money, from ambition, from indulgence in pleasures, temperance, endurance, and also moderation, simplicity, good temper, the absence of pride, obedience to the laws, steadiness, and everything of that kind; and, lastly, they bring forward as proofs of the love of mankind, goodwill, equality beyond all power of description, and fellowship, about which it is not unreasonable to say a few words.

164. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 213, 212 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 26, 27; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 90

212. The most ancient person of the Jewish nation was a Chaldaean by birth, born of a father who was very skilful in astronomy, and famous among those men who pass their lives in the study of mathematics, who look upon the stars as gods, and worship the whole heaven and the whole world; thinking, that from them do all good and all evil proceed, to every individual among men; as they do not conceive that there is any cause whatever, except such as are included among the objects of the outward senses.

165. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 2.53 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143

166. Philo of Alexandria, On The Sacrifices of Cain And Abel, 19-20, 43, 99, 63 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96, 143

63. Let us then, with reference to our gratitude to and honouring of the omnipotent God, be active and ready, deprecating all sluggishness and delay; for those who are passing over from obedience to the passions to the contemplation of virtue, are enjoined to keep the passover with their loins girded up, being ready to do service, and binding up the burden of the flesh, or, as it is expressed, their shoes, "standing upright, and firmly on their feet, and having in their hands a Staff," that is to say education, with the object of succeeding without any failure in all the affairs of life; and lastly, "to eat the passover in haste." For, by the passover, is signified the crossing over of the created and perishable being to God:--and very appropriately; for there is no single good thing which does not belong to God, and which is not divine.

167. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.34-1.2.35, 1.15, 2.3.7, 14.1.24, 16.4.27 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism •stoicism, stoics, epistemology of •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, athens Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 107; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 42, 136; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 604

1.2.34. Many conjectures have been hazarded as to who the Erembi were: they who suppose the Arabs are intended, seem to deserve the most credit. Our Zeno reads the passage thus: — I came to the Ethiopians, the Sidonians, and the Arabians. But there is no occasion to tamper with the text, which is of great antiquity; it is a far preferable course to suppose a change in the name itself, which is of frequent and ordinary occurrence in every nation: and in fact certain grammarians establish this view by a comparison of the radical letters. Posidonius seems to me to adopt the better plan after all, in looking for the etymology of names in nations of one stock and community; thus between the Armenians, Syrians, and Arabians there is a strong affinity both in regard to dialect, mode of life, peculiarities of physical conformation, and above all in the contiguity of the countries. Mesopotamia, which is a motley of the three nations, is a proof of this; for the similarity amongst these three is very remarkable. And though in consequence of the various latitudes there may be some difference between those who dwell in the north and those of the south, and again between each of these and the inhabitants of the middle region, still the same characteristics are domit in all. Also the Assyrians and Arians have a great affinity both to these people and to each other. And [Posidonius] believes there is a similarity in the names of these different nations. Those whom we call Syrians style themselves Armenians and Arammaeans, names greatly like those of the Armenians, Arabs, and Erembi. Perhaps this [last] term is that by which the Greeks anciently designated the Arabs; the etymon of the word certainly strengthens the idea. Many deduce the etymology of the Erembi from ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν, (to go into the earth,) which [they say] was altered by the people of a later generation into the more intelligible name of Troglodytes, by which are intended those Arabs who dwell on that side of the Arabian Gulf next to Egypt and Ethiopia. It is probable then that the poet describes Menelaus as having visited these people in the same way that he says he visited the Ethiopians; for they are likewise near to the Thebaid; and he mentions them not on account of any commerce or gain, (for of these there was not much,) but probably to enhance the length of the journey and his meed of praise: for such distant travelling was highly thought of. For example, — Discover'd various cities, and the mind And manners learn'd of men in lands remote. [Od. i. 3.] And again: After numerous toils And perilous wanderings o'er the stormy deep, In the eighth year at last I brought them home. [Od. iv. 81.] Hesiod, in his Catalogue, writes, And the daughter of Arabus, whom gracious Hermes and Thronia, descended from king Belus, brought forth. Thus, too, says Stesichorus. Whence it seems that at that time the country was from him named Arabia, though it is not likely this was the case in the heroic period. 1.2.35. There are many who would make the Erembi a tribe of the Ethiopians, or of the Cephenes, or again of the Pygmies, and a thousand other fancies. These ought to be regarded with little trust; since their opinion is not only incredible, but they evidently labour under a certain confusion as to the different characters of history and fable. In the same category must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phoenicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and make the wanderings of Menelaus to have happened there. Not the least cause for mistrusting these writers is the manner in which they contradict each other. One half would have us believe that the Sidonians are a colony from the people whom they describe as located on the shores of the [Indian] Ocean, and who they say were called Phoenicians from the colour of the Erythraean Sea, while the others declare the opposite. Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phoenicia, and make Joppa the scene of the adventures of Andromeda; and this not from any ignorance of the topography of those places, but by a kind of mythic fiction similar to those of Hesiod and other writers censured by Apollodorus, who, however, couples Homer with them, without, as it appears, any cause. He cites as instances what Homer relates of the Euxine and Egypt, and accuses him of ignorance for pretending to speak the actual truth, and then recounting fable, all the while ignorantly mistaking it for fact. Will anyone then accuse Hesiod of ignorance on account of his Hemicynes, his Macrocephali, and his Pygmies; or Homer for his like fables, and amongst others the Pygmies themselves; or Alcman for describing the Steganopodes; or Aeschylus for his Cynocephali, Sternophthalmi, and Monommati; when amongst prose writers, and in works bearing the appearance of veritable history, we frequently meet with similar narrations, and that without any admission of their having inserted such myths. Indeed it becomes immediately evident that they have woven together a tissue of myths not through ignorance of the real facts, but merely to amuse by a deceptive narration of the impossible and marvellous. If they appear to do this in ignorance, it is because they can romance more frequently and with greater plausibility on those things which are uncertain and unknown. This Theopompus plainly confesses in the announcement of his intention to relate the fables in his history in a better style than Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus, and those who had written on the affairs of India. 2.3.7. Next he undertakes to find fault with those who gave to the continents their present division, instead of marking them out by lines drawn parallel to the equator, by which means the different animals, plants, and temperatures would have been distinguished, according as they approached the frigid or the torrid zones; so that each continent would have formed a kind of zone. Afterwards, however, he overturns and gives up altogether this view, bestowing every commendation on the existing system, and thus making his argument altogether worthless and of no avail. In fact, the various arrangements [of a country] are not the result of premeditation, any more than the diversities of nations or languages; they all depend on circumstances and chance. Arts, forms of government, and modes of life, arising from certain [internal] springs, flourish under whatever climate they may be situated; climate, however, has its influence, and therefore while some peculiarites are due to the nature of the country, others are the result of institutions and education. It is not owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedemonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. Neither are the Babylonians and Egyptians philosophers by nature, but by reason of their institutions and education. In like manner the excellence of horses, oxen, and other animals, results not alone from the places where they dwell, but also, from their breeding. Posidonius confounds all these distinctions. In praising the division of the continents as it now stands, he advances as an argument the difference between the Indians and the Ethiopians of Libya, the former being more robust, and less dried by the heat of the climate. It is on this account that Homer, who includes them all under the title of Ethiopians, describes them as being separated into two divisions, These eastward situate, those toward the west. [Od. i, 23. [Crates], to support his hypothesis, supposes another inhabited earth, of which Homer certainly knew nothing; and says that the passage ought to be read thus, towards the descending sun, viz. when having passed the meridian, it begins to decline. 14.1.24. Ephesus has both an arsenal and a harbor. The mouth of the harbor was made narrower by the engineers, but they, along with the king who ordered it, were deceived as to the result, I mean Attalus Philadelphus; for he thought that the entrance would be deep enough for large merchant vessels — as also the harbor itself, which formerly had shallow places because of the silt deposited by the Cayster River — if a mole were thrown up at the mouth, which was very wide, and therefore ordered that the mole should be built. But the result was the opposite, for the silt, thus hemmed in, made the whole of the harbor, as far as the mouth, more shallow. Before this time the ebb and flow of the tides would carry away the silt and draw it to the sea outside. Such, then, is the harbor; and the city, because of its advantageous situation in other respects, grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side the Taurus. 16.4.27. When the poet says, I went to the country of the Ethiopians, Sidonians, and Erembi, it is doubtful, what people he means by Sidonians, whether those who lived near the Persian Gulf, a colony from which nation are the Sidonians in our quarter (in the same manner as historians relate, that some Tyrian islanders are found there, and Aradii, from whom the Aradii in our country derive their origin), or whether the poet means actually the Sidonians themselves.But there is more doubt about the Erembi, whether we are to suppose that he means the Troglodytae, according to the opinion of those who, by a forced etymology, derive the word Erembi from ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν, that is, 'entering into the earth,' or whether he means the Arabians. Zeno the philosopher of our sect alters the reading in this manner, And Sidoni, and Arabes; but Poseidonius alters it with a small variation, And Sidonii, and Arambi, as if the poet gave the name Arambi to the present Arabians, from their being so called by others in his time. He says also, that the situation of these three nations close to one another indicates a descent from some common stock, and that on this account they are called by names having a resemblance to one another, as Armenii, Aramaei, Arambi. For as we may suppose one nation to have been divided into three (according to the differences of latitude [in which they lived], which successively became more marked [in proceeding from one to the other]), so in like manner we may suppose that several names were adopted in place of one. The proposed change of reading to Eremni is not probable, for that name is more applicable to the Ethiopians. The poet mentions also the Arimi, whom Poseidonius says are meant here, and not a place in Syria or Cilicia, or any other country, but Syria itself. For the Aramaei lived there. Perhaps these are the people whom the Greeks called Arimaei or Arimi. But the alterations of names, especially of barbarous nations, are frequent, Thus Darius was called Darieces; Parysatis, Pharziris; Athara, Atargata, whom Ctesias again calls Derceto.Alexander might be adduced to bear witness to the wealth of the Arabians, for he intended, it is said, after his return from India, to make Arabia the seat of empire. All his enterprises terminated with his death, which happened suddenly; but certainly one of his projects was to try whether the Arabians would receive him voluntarily, or resist him by force of arms; for having found that they did not send ambassadors to him, either before or after his expedition to India, he was beginning to make preparations for war, as we have said in a former part of this work.

168. Philo of Alexandria, On Sobriety, 46-48, 36 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 135

169. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.278, 6.733 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 36, 65, 70

6.278. tum consanguineus Leti Sopor, et mala mentis 6.733. Hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque, neque auras

6.278. The lingering bough, broke it in eager haste, 6.733. of mortals who, exulting in vain guile,

170. Vergil, Eclogues, 10.69 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 136

10.69. and you, my love, grow with them. And meanwhile

171. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.11.1, 2.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics, and astrology Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 132

2.29. But to us it seems not inappropriate to speak briefly of the Chaldaeans of Babylon and of their antiquity, that we may omit nothing which is worthy of record., Now the Chaldaeans, belonging as they do to the most ancient inhabitants of Babylonia, have about the same position among the divisions of the state as that occupied by the priests of Egypt; for being assigned to the service of the gods they spend their entire life in study, their greatest renown being in the field of astrology. But they occupy themselves largely with soothsaying as well, making predictions about future events, and in some cases by purifications, in others by sacrifices, and in others by some other charms they attempt to effect the averting of evil things and the fulfilment of the good., They are also skilled in soothsaying by the flight of birds, and they give out interpretations of both dreams and portents. They also show marked ability in making divinations from the observation of the entrails of animals, deeming that in this branch they are eminently successful. The training which they receive in all these matters is not the same as that of the Greeks who follow such practices., For among the Chaldaeans the scientific study of these subjects is passed down in the family, and son takes it over from father, being relieved of all other services in the state. Since, therefore, they have their parents for teachers, they not only are taught everything ungrudgingly but also at the same time they give heed to the precepts of their teachers with a most unwavering trust. Furthermore, since they are bred in these teachings from childhood up, they attain a great skill in them, both because of the ease with which youth is taught and because of the great amount of time which is devoted to this study., Among the Greeks, on the contrary, the student who takes up a large number of subjects without preparation turns to the higher studies only quite late, and then, after labouring upon them to some extent, gives them up, being distracted by the necessity of earning a livelihood; and but a few here and there really strip for the higher studies and continue in the pursuit of them as profit-making business, and these are always trying to make innovations in connection with the most important doctrines instead of following in the path of their predecessors., The result of this is that the barbarians, by sticking to the same things always, keep a firm hold on every detail, while the Greeks, on the other hand, aiming at the profit to be made out of the business, keep founding new schools and, wrangling with each other over the most important matters of speculation, bring it about that their pupils hold conflicting views, and that their minds, vacillating throughout their lives and unable to believe at all with firm conviction, simply wander in confusion. It is at any rate true that, if a man were to examine carefully the most famous schools of the philosophers, he would find them differing from one another to the uttermost degree and maintaining opposite opinions regarding the most fundamental tenets. 2.29. 1. But to us it seems not inappropriate to speak briefly of the Chaldaeans of Babylon and of their antiquity, that we may omit nothing which is worthy of record.,2. Now the Chaldaeans, belonging as they do to the most ancient inhabitants of Babylonia, have about the same position among the divisions of the state as that occupied by the priests of Egypt; for being assigned to the service of the gods they spend their entire life in study, their greatest renown being in the field of astrology. But they occupy themselves largely with soothsaying as well, making predictions about future events, and in some cases by purifications, in others by sacrifices, and in others by some other charms they attempt to effect the averting of evil things and the fulfilment of the good.,3. They are also skilled in soothsaying by the flight of birds, and they give out interpretations of both dreams and portents. They also show marked ability in making divinations from the observation of the entrails of animals, deeming that in this branch they are eminently successful. The training which they receive in all these matters is not the same as that of the Greeks who follow such practices.,4. For among the Chaldaeans the scientific study of these subjects is passed down in the family, and son takes it over from father, being relieved of all other services in the state. Since, therefore, they have their parents for teachers, they not only are taught everything ungrudgingly but also at the same time they give heed to the precepts of their teachers with a most unwavering trust. Furthermore, since they are bred in these teachings from childhood up, they attain a great skill in them, both because of the ease with which youth is taught and because of the great amount of time which is devoted to this study.,5. Among the Greeks, on the contrary, the student who takes up a large number of subjects without preparation turns to the higher studies only quite late, and then, after labouring upon them to some extent, gives them up, being distracted by the necessity of earning a livelihood; and but a few here and there really strip for the higher studies and continue in the pursuit of them as profit-making business, and these are always trying to make innovations in connection with the most important doctrines instead of following in the path of their predecessors.,6. The result of this is that the barbarians, by sticking to the same things always, keep a firm hold on every detail, while the Greeks, on the other hand, aiming at the profit to be made out of the business, keep founding new schools and, wrangling with each other over the most important matters of speculation, bring it about that their pupils hold conflicting views, and that their minds, vacillating throughout their lives and unable to believe at all with firm conviction, simply wander in confusion. It is at any rate true that, if a man were to examine carefully the most famous schools of the philosophers, he would find them differing from one another to the uttermost degree and maintaining opposite opinions regarding the most fundamental tenets.

172. Vergil, Georgics, 1.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, cosmology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 172

1.6. lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annum,

1.6. Such are my themes. O universal light

173. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.1.2, 1.11, 1.33, 1.135-1.137, 1.143, 1.188-1.189, 1.232, 2.1.5, 2.3.1, 2.8-2.17, 2.244 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 16

174. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.1.3-6.1.8, 9.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism •stoicism, stoics, and astrology Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 129; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 42

6.1.3. 3. This, however, is determined by consideration of the nature of the place and observations made on the limbs and bodies of the inhabitants. For where the sun acts with moderate heat, it keeps the body at a temperate warmth, where it is hot from the proximity of the sun, all moisture is dried up: lastly, in cold countries which are distant from the south, the moisture is not drawn out by the heat, but the dewy air, insinuating its dampness into the system, increases the size of the body, and makes the voice more grave. This is the reason why the people of the north are so large in stature, so light in complexion, and have straight red hair, blue eyes, and are full of blood, for they are thus formed by the abundance of the moisture, and the coldness of their country. 6.1.4. 4. Those who live near the equator, and are exactly under the sun's course, are, owing to its power, low in stature, of dark complexion, with curling hair, black eyes, weak legs, deficient in quantity of blood. And this deficiency of blood makes them timid when opposed in battle, but they bear excessive heat and fevers without fear, because their limbs are nourished by heat. Those, however, born in northern countries are timid and weak when attacked by fever, but from their sanguineous habit of body more courageous in battle. 6.1.5. 5. The pitch of the voice is various, and of different qualities in different nations. For the eastern and western boundaries round the level of the earth, where the upper is divided from the under part of the world, and the earth appears to be balanced by nature, are designated by a circle which mathematicians call the horizon; keeping this circumstance in mind, from the edge on the northern extremity, let a line be drawn to that above the southern axis, and therefrom another in an oblique direction up to the pole near the northern stars, and we shall immediately perceive the principle of the triangular instrument called by the Greeks ÏÎ±Î¼Î²ÏÎºÎ·. 6.1.6. 6. Thus the people who live in the region near the lower point, that is in the southern part towards the equator, from the small elevation of the pole have shrill and high toned voices similar to those on the instrument near the angle; next come those whose tone of voice is of lower pitch, such as the people in the central parts of Greece. Thus, proceeding by degrees from the middle to the northern extremity, the voice of the inhabitants gradually becomes of lower pitch. Herein we may perceive how the system of the world is harmonically arranged, by the obliquity of the zodiac from the appropriate temperature of the sun. 6.1.7. 7. Hence those who are in the middle, between the equator and the pole, are gifted with a middle pitch of voice, similar to the tones in the central part of the musical diagram. Advancing to the northern nations, where the pole is more elevated, the people, from an increased quantity of moisture, naturally possess lower toned voices, similar to the hypatÃ¨ and the proslambanomenos. And finally, those nations extending from the middle regions to the south have shrill and acute voices similar to the tones of paranetÃ¨ and netÃ¨. 6.1.8. 8. That the tone of the voice is rendered deeper by the damp nature of a place, and higher by its being of a hot nature, may be proved by the following experiment. Let two vases be selected, both equally baked in a furnace, of equal weight, and yielding the same tone, and one of them be immersed in water and then taken out: let both of them be then struck, and a great difference will be perceived in the tones they yield, as well as an inequality in their weight. Thus it is with the human body; for although all men are born of the same form, and under the same heaven, yet some from the warmth of the climate are shrill in voice, and others from a superabundance of moisture have a low tone of voice.

175. Horace, Sermones, 1.1.6, 1.1.28-1.1.32, 1.1.80-1.1.87, 1.2.38-1.2.40, 1.2.78-1.2.79, 1.3.19-1.3.24, 1.3.38, 1.3.68, 1.3.76-1.3.124, 1.3.126-1.3.142, 1.4.53, 1.4.130-1.4.131, 1.6.65-1.6.66, 1.10.23-1.10.35, 1.10.54, 2.2.65, 2.2.107-2.2.115, 2.3.1-2.3.6, 2.3.32-2.3.45, 2.3.326, 2.7.72-2.7.77 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, long-windedness •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics/stoicism •stoics/stoicism, condemned by greek authors Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 37, 79, 283, 284; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 33, 84, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 147, 278, 279, 283

1.3.76. So, if the vice of anger, and all of the other faults That cling to fools can’t be wholly excised, why then Does Reason not employ her own weights and measures And curb each offence with appropriate punishment? If a man were to nail his slave to a cross for eating Left-over fish and cold sauce from the dish he’d been told To remove, sane men would call him madder than Labeo. Well how much greater and more insane a fault is this: When your friend has committed some slight offence, That you’d be thought ungracious not to have pardoned, You hate him savagely, and shun him as Ruso is shunned By his debtor. When the unhappy Kalends come, if he can’t, Poor wretch, rustle up principal or interest from somewhere, He has to expose his throat, and listen to those sad Histories! So what if a drunken friend drenches the couch, or even Knocks a bowl that must have been touched by Evander’s Own fingers from the table: should he be less of a friend In my eyes, even though he may have reached for the bird On my side of the dish? What would I do then if he should Commit a theft, betray a trust, or even disown his word? The Stoics who think all sins are much of a much-ness Struggle in face of reality: all tradition and feeling rebel And Expediency too, mother almost of fairness and justice. 1.3.99. When the first living creatures crawled on primeval Earth, Mute, formless beasts, they fought for their food and shelter With claws and fists, and then with sticks, and so on up Until they found words, to give meaning to feelings And cries, and then names. They began to shun war, They started to lay out towns and to lay down laws, By which no man might be thief, brigand, or adulterer. Even before Helen’s day cunts were a dire cause for battle, But those who snatched promiscuous love like beasts And were killed like a bull in the herd by a stronger bull, Died an unsung death. If you want to study the record of those past ages of the world, you’ll be forced to accept That justice was created out of the fear of injustice. Nature doesn’t, can’t, distinguish between right and wrong, As she does between sweet and sour, attractive and hostile: And Reason can never show it’s the same offence To cull fresh cabbages out of a neighbour’s garden As to steal the god’s sacred emblems by night: let’s have Rules, to lay down a fair punishment for every crime, Lest we flay with the terrible whip what merits the strap. 1.6.65. Still, if my character’s flawed by only a few little Faults, and otherwise sound, just as you’d censure Perhaps the blemishes scattered over a noble body: And if no one can accuse me in fairness of greed, Meanness, debauchery, if in truth, in my own praise, I live purely, innocently, loved by my friends: It’s due to my father, who though poor, on poor land, Wouldn’t send me to Flavius’ school, where fine lads The sons of fine centurions went with their tablets And satchel hanging from their left shoulders, carrying Their eight coins as fee on the Ides of each month, But instead he bravely whisked his son off to Rome, To be taught the skills senator or knight would expect To be taught his son. And if anyone noticed my clothes And attendants, a big city scene, he’d have thought The expenses were being met from ancestral wealth. He, the truest of guardians, toured all my teachers With me, too. What can I say? He guarded my innocence, And that’s virtue’s prime ornament, he kept me free Not only from shameful actions, but slander as well. He wasn’t afraid someone might call him foolish If I’d only followed the trade of an auctioneer Or collector of dues like himself: I’d not have complained As it turns out I owe him still greater praise and thanks. 1.10.31. Though born this side of the sea, I too made versicles In Greek, but after midnight, when dreams are true, A vision of Quirinus forbade me to do so, saying: Your desire to swell the mighty ranks of the Greeks Is as stupid as carrying wood to the forest.’ So while Furius, turgid Alpine poet, kills Memnon, And muddies the head of the Rhine, I toy with these, That won’t resound in the Muses’ temple competing For Tarpa’s prize, nor be staged, again and again. Fundanius, you alone of the living, delight us With chatty comedy where the crafty whore and Davus Cheat old Chremes: and Pollio, with a triple beat, Sings kingly deeds: Varius marshals brave epics Like none: and to Virgil the country-loving MusesHave granted rare tenderness and grace. What Varroof Atax, and others, a few, attempted in vain, Satire, is what I could write more effectively, Though less well than its inventor: I’d not presume To snatch the crown that clings to his head in glory. 2.2.112. You’ll credit it more if I say that when I was a lad ofellus, as I know well, spent no more widely, then, When his wealth was intact, as now it’s reduced. You can see him there with his sons and herd, a solid Tet on his lost farm. ‘I was never one,’ he says, ‘To eat rashly on working days, no more than greens, A shank of smoked ham, and if friends came to visit I’d not seen for ages, or if I welcomed a neighbour On a wet day when I couldn’t work, we dined well, Not on fish from town, but a kid or a pullet: then Raisins and nuts and split figs graced our dessert. After it drinking matches with a forfeit for losing, And with a prayer to Ceres: ‘May she raise the stalks high’, She smoothed care from our furrowed brows with wine. Let Fortune’s winds blow, let her stir a fresh tumult: How can she lessen this? How much worse off have I Or you been, my lads, since this new landlord arrived? Nature makes no-one, not he nor I, the true owner of the land: he replaced us, and he’ll be replaced Through incompetence, not grasping legal subtlety, Or, failing all that, by the heir that outlives him. Today it’s Umbrenus’ farm, it was ofellus’ lately, No one will truly own it, but it will be worked Now by me, now another. So live bravely, as men With brave hearts do, and confront the vagaries of fate.

176. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.3, 1.13, 1.116, 1.170-1.171, 1.202, 1.257, 1.277, 1.298, 1.325, 2.1, 2.48, 2.58, 2.170-2.173, 2.239-2.241, 2.255, 3.45-3.48, 3.121, 3.137, 4.100-4.120, 4.122-4.123, 4.187 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 27, 30, 32; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 75, 76, 77, 79; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143, 213; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 408; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 301

1.3. In consequence of which it would be most fitting for men to discard childish ridicule, and to investigate the real causes of the ordice with more prudence and dignity, considering the reasons why the custom has prevailed, and not being precipitate, so as without examination to condemn the folly of mighty nations, recollecting that it is not probable that so many myriads should be circumcised in every generation, mutilating the bodies of themselves and of their nearest relations, in a manner which is accompanied with severe pain, without adequate cause; but that there are many reasons which might encourage men to persevere and continue a custom which has been introduced by previous generations, and that these are from reasons of the greatest weight and importance. 1.13. Some persons have conceived that the sun, and the moon, and the other stars are independent gods, to whom they have attributed the causes of all things that exist. But Moses was well aware that the world was created, and was like a very large city, having rulers and subjects in it; the rulers being all the bodies which are in heaven, such as planets and fixed stars; 1.116. For the law designs that he should be the partaker of a nature superior to that of man; inasmuch as he approaches more nearly to that of the Deity; being, if one must say the plain truth, on the borders between the two, in order that men may propitiate God by some mediator, and that God may have some subordinate minister by whom he may offer and give his mercies and kindnesses to mankind.XXIV. 1.170. And on the seventh day he doubles the number of victims to be offered, giving equal honour to equal things, inasmuch as he looks upon the seventh day as equal in dignity to eternity, since he has recorded it as being the birthday of the whole world. On which account he has thought fit to make the sacrifice to be offered on the seventh day, equal to the continuation of what is usually sacrificed in one day. 1.171. Moreover, the most fragrant of all incenses are offered up twice every day in the fire, being burnt within the veil, both when the sun rises and sets, before the morning and after the evening sacrifice, so that the sacrifices of blood display our gratitude for ourselves as being composed of blood, but the offerings of incense show our thankfulness for the domit part within us, our rational spirit, which was fashioned after the archetypal model of the divine image. 1.202. Again, the hands which are laid upon the head of the victim are a most manifest symbol of irreproachable actions, and of a life which does nothing which is open to accusation, but which in all respects is passed in a manner consistent with the laws and ordices of nature; 1.257. The law chooses that a person who brings a sacrifice shall be pure, both in body and soul; --pure in soul from all passions, and diseases, and vices, which can be displayed either in word or deed; and pure in body from all such things as a body is usually defiled by. 1.277. And this command is a symbol of nothing else but of the fact that in the eyes of God it is not the number of things sacrificed that is accounted valuable, but the purity of the rational spirit of the sacrificer. Unless, indeed, one can suppose that a judge who is anxious to pronounce a holy judgment will never receive gifts from any of those whose conduct comes before his tribunal, or that, if he does receive such presents, he will be liable to an accusation of corruption; and that a good man will not receive gifts from a wicked person, not even though he may be poor and the other rich, and he himself perhaps in actual want of what he would so receive; and yet that God can be corrupted by bribes, who is most all-sufficient for himself and who has no need of any thing created; who, being himself the first and most perfect good thing, the everlasting fountain of wisdom, and justice, and of every virtue, rejects the gifts of the wicked. 1.298. The third, which is a reason of the very greatest importance, is this. Since we are not only well treated while we are awake, but also when we are asleep, inasmuch as the mighty God gives sleep as a great assistance to the human race, for the benefit of both their bodies and souls, of their bodies as being by it relieved of the labours of the day, and of their souls as being lightened by it of all their cares, and being restored to themselves after all the disorder and confusion caused by the outward senses, and as being then enabled to retire within and commune with themselves, the law has very properly thought fit to make a distinction of the actions of thanksgiving, so that sacrifices may be made on behalf of those who are awake by means of the victims which are offered, and on behalf of those who are asleep, and of those who are benefited by sleep, by the lighting of the sacred candles.LV. 1.325. Therefore, as it was aware that no inconsiderable number of wicked men are often mingled in these assemblies, and escape notice by reason of the crowds collected there, in order to prevent that from being the case in this instance, he previously excludes all who are unworthy from the sacred assembly, beginning in the first instance with those who are afflicted with the disease of effeminacy, men-women, who, having adulterated the coinage of nature, are willingly driven into the appearance and treatment of licentious women. He also banishes all those who have suffered any injury or mutilation in their most important members, and those who, seeking to preserve the flower of their beauty so that it may not speedily wither away, have altered the impression of their natural manly appearance into the resemblance of a woman. 2.1. In the treatise preceding this one we have discussed with accuracy two articles of the ten commandments, that which relates to not thinking that any other beings are absolute gods, except God himself; and the other which enjoins us not to worship as God any object made with hands. And we also spoke of the laws which relate specially to each of these points. But we will now proceed to discuss the three which come next in the regular order, again adapting suitable special laws to each. 2.48. But if men everywhere agreed with this small number, and became, as nature originally designed that they should, all blameless and irreproachable, lovers of wisdom, delighting in all that is virtuous and honourable, and thinking that and that alone good, and looking on everything else as subordinate and slaves, as if they themselves were the masters of them, then all the cities would be full of happiness, being wholly free from all the things which are the causes of pain or fear, and full of all those which produce joy and cheerfulness. So that no time would ever cease to be the time of a happy life, but that the whole circle of the year would be one festival.XIV. 2.58. But Moses, from a most honourable cause, called it consummation and perfection; attributing to the number six the origination of all the parts of the world, and to the number seven their perfection; for the number six is an oddeven number, being composed of twice three, having the odd number for the male and the even number for the female, from the union of which, production takes place in accordance with the unalterable laws of nature. 2.171. That the first fruit is a handful for their own land and for all lands, offered in thanksgiving for prosperity and a good season which the nation and the entire race of human beings were hoping to enjoy, has been demonstrated. We should not be unaware that many benefits have come by means of the first fruit: first, memory of God--it is not possible to find a more perfect good than this; then, the most just recompense to the real Cause of the fruitfulness. 2.240. But the law has enjoined fear, because children are accustomed to feel an easy indifference. For though parents attend to their children with an exceeding violence of affection, providing them with necessary things from all quarters, and bestowing all good things upon them, and shrinking from no labour and from no danger, being bound to them by love stronger than any oaths, still some persons do not receive their affection as if it aimed solely at their good, being full of luxury and arrogance; and coveting a luxurious life, and becoming effeminate both in body and soul, permitting them in no respect to entertain proper dispositions as through the native powers of their minds, which they are not ashamed to overthrow, and to enervate, and to deprive of each separate energy, and so they come not to fear their natural correctors, their fathers and mothers yielding to and indulging their own private passions and desires. 2.241. But we must also urge on the parents of such persons that they employ more weighty and severe admonitions in order to cure this impetuous obstinacy of their children, and we must warn the children to reverence their parents, fearing them as their rulers and natural masters; for it is with difficulty even by these considerations that they will be brought to hesitate to act unjustly.XLIV. 3.45. And it is very likely that there may be other Pasipha's also, with passions equally unbridled, and that not women only, but men likewise may fall madly in love with animals, from whom, perhaps, indescribable monsters may be born, being memorials of the excessive pollution of men; owing to which, perhaps, those unnatural creations of unprecedented and fabulous monsters will exist, such as hippocentaurs and chimaeras, and other similar animals. 3.46. But so great are the precautions which are taken against them in the holy laws of God, that in order to prevent the possibility of men ever desiring any unlawful connection, it is expressly commanded that even animals of different kinds shall not be put together. And no Jewish shepherd will endeavour to cross a sheep with a he-goat, or a ram with a she-goat, or a cow with a horse; and if he does, he must pay the penalty as breaking a solemn law of nature who is desirous to keep the original kinds of animals free from all spurious admixture. 3.47. And some persons prefer mules to every other kind of animal for the yoke, since their bodies are very compact, and are very strong and powerful; and accordingly, in the pastures and stalls where they keep their horses, they also keep asses of an extraordinary size, which they call celones, in order that they may breed with the mares; and then the mares produce a mixed animal, half horse and half ass, which, since Moses knew that its production was wholly contrary to nature, he forbade the existence of with all his might by a general injunction, that that no union or combination between different kinds of animals should on any account be permitted. 3.48. Therefore he provided thus against those evils in a manner suited to and consistent with nature; and from a long distance off, as from a watchtower, he admonished men and kept them in the straight path, in order that both men and women, learning from these percepts of his, might abstain from unlawful connections. 3.121. For the merciful and forgiving God can never be supposed to have given up any innocent person to be put to death; but whoever ingeniously escapes the judgment of a human tribunal by means of his own cunning and wariness, he is convicted when brought before the invisible tribunal of nature, by which alone the uncorrupted truth is discerned without being kept in the dark by the artifices of sophistical arguments. For such an investigation does not admit of arguments at all, laying bare all devices and intentions, and bringing the most secret counsels to light; and, in one sense, it does not look upon a man who has slain another as liable to justice, inasmuch as he has only sinned to be the minister of a divine judgment, but still he will have incurred an obscure and slight kind of defilement, which, however, may obtain allowance and pardon. 3.137. Now servants are, indeed, in an inferior condition of life, but still the same nature belongs to them and to their masters. And it is not the condition of fortune, but the harmony of nature, which, in accordance with the divine law is the rule of justice. On which account it is proper for masters not to use their power over their slaves in an insolent manner, displaying by such conduct their insolence and overbearing disposition and terrible cruelty; for such conduct is not a proof of a peaceful soul, but of one which, out of an inability to regulate itself, covets the irresponsibility of a tyrannical power. 4.100. Moreover, Moses has not granted an unlimited possession and use of all other animals to those who partake in his sacred constitution, but he has forbidden with all his might all animals, whether of the land, or of the water, or that fly through the air, which are most fleshy and fat, and calculated to excite treacherous pleasure, well knowing that such, attracting as with a bait that most slavish of all the outward senses, namely, taste, produce insatiability, an incurable evil to both souls and bodies, for insatiability produces indigestion, which is the origin and source of all diseases and weaknesses. 4.101. Now of land animals, the swine is confessed to be the nicest of all meats by those who eat it, and of all aquatic animals the most delicate are the fish which have no scales; and Moses is above all other men skilful in training and inuring persons of a good natural disposition to the practice of virtue by frugality and abstinence, endeavouring to remove costly luxury from their characters, 4.102. at the same time not approving of unnecessary rigour, like the lawgiver of Lacedaemon, nor undue effeminacy, like the man who taught the Ionians and the Sybarites lessons of luxury and license, but keeping a middle path between the two courses, so that he has relaxed what was over strict, and tightened what was too loose, mingling the excesses which are found at each extremity with moderation, which lies between the two, so as to produce an irreproachable harmony and consistency of life, on which account he has laid down not carelessly, but with minute particularity, what we are to use and what to avoid. 4.103. One might very likely suppose it to be just that those beasts which feed upon human flesh should receive at the hands of men similar treatment to that which they inflict on men, but Moses has ordained that we should abstain from the enjoyment of all such things, and with a due consideration of what is becoming to the gentle soul, he proposes a most gentle and most pleasant banquet; for though it is proper that those who inflict evils should suffer similar calamities themselves, yet it may not be becoming to those whom they ill treated to retaliate, lest without being aware of it they become brutalized by anger, which is a savage passion; 4.104. and he takes such care to guard against this, that being desirous to banish as far as possible all desire for those animals abovementioned, he forbids with all his energy the eating of any carnivorous animal at all, selecting the herbivorous animals out of those kinds which are domesticated, since they are tame by nature, feeding on that gentle food which is supplied by the earth, and having no disposition to plot evil against anything.WHAT QUADRUPEDS ARE CLEANXVIII. 4.105. The animals which are clean and lawful to be used as food are ten in number; the heifer, the lamb, the goat, the stag, the antelope, the buffalo, the roebuck, the pygarga, the wildox, and the chamois, {19}{#de 14:4.} for he always adheres to that arithmetical subtilty which, as he originally devised it with the minutest accuracy possible, he extends to all existing things, so that he establishes no ordices, whether important or unimportant, without taking and as it were adapting this number to it as closely connected with the regulations which he is ordaining. Now of all the numbers beginning from the unit, the most perfect is the number ten, and as Moses says, it is the most sacred of all and a holy number, and by it he now limits the races of animals that are clean, wishing to assign the use of them to all those who partake of the constitution which he is establishing. 4.106. And he gives two tests and criteria of the ten animals thus Enumerated{20}{#le 11:3.} by two signs, first, that they must part the hoof, secondly, that they must chew the cud; for those which do neither, or only one of these things, are unclean. And these signs are both of them symbols of instruction and of the most scientific learning, by which the better is separated from the worse, so that all confusion between them is prevented; 4.107. for as the animal which chews the cud, while it is masticating its food draws it down its throat, and then by slow degrees kneads and softens it, and then after this process again sends it down into the belly, in the same manner the man who is being instructed, having received the doctrines and speculations of wisdom in at his ears from his instructor, derives a considerable amount of learning from him, but still is not able to hold it firmly and to embrace it all at once, until he has resolved over in his mind everything which he has heard by the continued exercise of his memory (and this exercise of memory is the cement which connects idea 4.108. But as it seems the firm conception of such ideas is of no advantage to him unless he is able to discriminate between and to distinguish which of contrary things it is right to choose and which to avoid, of which the parting of the hoof is the symbol; since the course of life is twofold, the one road leading to wickedness and the other to virtue, and since we ought to renounce the one and never to forsake the other.WHAT BEASTS ARE NOT CLEANXIX. 4.109. For this reason all animals with solid hoofs, and all with many toes are spoken of by implication as unclean; the one because, being so, they imply that the nature of good and evil is one and the same; which is just as if one were to say that the nature of a concave and a convex surface, or of a road up hill and down hill, was the same. And the other, because it shows that there are many roads, though, indeed, they have no right to be called roads at all, which lead the life of man to deceit; for it is not easy among a variety of paths to choose that which is the most desirable and the most excellent.WHAT AQUATIC ANIMALS ARE CLEANXX. 4.110. Having laid down these definitions with respect to land animals, he proceeds to describe what aquatic creatures are clean and lawful to be used for food; distinguishing them also by two characteristics as having fins or Scales.{21}{#le 11:9.} For those which have neither one nor the other, and those which have only one of the two, he rejects and Prohibits.{22}{#de 14:10.} And he must state the cause, which is not destitute of sense and propriety; 4.111. for all those creatures which are destitute of both, or even of one of the two, are sucked down by the current, not being able to resist the force of the stream; but those which have both these characteristics can stem the water, and oppose it in front, and strive against it as against an adversary, and struggle with invincible good will and courage, so that if they are pushed they push in their turn; and if they are pursued they turn upon their foe and pursue it in their turn, making themselves broad roads in a pathless district, so as to have an easy passage to and fro. 4.112. Now both these things are symbols; the former of a soul devoted to pleasure, and the latter of one which loves perseverance and temperance. For the road which leads to pleasure is a down-hill one and very easy, being rather an absorbing gulf than a path. But the path which leads to temperance is up hill and laborious, but above all other roads advantageous. And the one leads men downwards, and prevents those who travel by it from retracing their steps until they have arrived at the very lowest bottom, but the other leads to heaven; making those who do not weary before they reach it immortal, if they are only able to endure its rugged and difficult ascent.ABOUT Reptile 4.113. And adhering to the same general idea the lawgiver asserts that those reptiles which have no feet, and which crawl onwards, dragging themselves along the ground on their bellies, or those which have four legs, or many feet, are all unclean as far as regards their being eaten. And here, again, when he mentions reptiles he intimates under a figurative form of expression those who are devoted to their bellies, gorging themselves like cormorants, and who are continually offering up tribute to their miserable belly, tribute, that is, of strong wine, and confections, and fish, and, in short, all the superfluous delicacies which the skill and labour of bakers and confectioners are able to devise, inventing all sorts of rare viands, to stimulate and set on fire the insatiable and unappeasable appetites of man. And when he speaks of animals with four legs and many feet, he intends to designate the miserable slaves not of one single passion, appetite, but of all the passions; the genera of which were four in number; but in their subordinate species they are innumerable. Therefore, the despotism of one is very grievous, but that of many is most terrible, and as it seems intolerable. 4.114. Again, in the case of those reptiles who have legs above their feet, so that they are able to take leaps from the ground, those Moses speaks of as clean; as, for instance, the different kinds of locusts, and that animal called the serpentfighter, here again intimating by figurative expressions the manners and habits of the rational soul. For the weight of the body being naturally heavy, drags down with it those who are but of small wisdom, strangling it and pressing it down by the weight of the flesh. 4.115. But blessed are they to whose lot it has fallen, inasmuch as they have been well and solidly instructed in the rules of sound education, to resist successfully the power of mere strength, so as to be able, by reason of what they have learnt, to spring up from the earth and all low things, to the air and the periodical revolutions of the heaven, the very sight of which is to be admired and earnestly striven for by those who come to it of their own accord with no indolence or indifference.CONCERNING FLYING Creature 4.116. Having, therefore, in his ordices already gone through all the different kinds of land animals and of those who live in the water, and having distinguished them in his code of laws as accurately as it was possible, Moses begins to investigate the remaining class of animals in the air; the innumerable kinds of flying creatures, rejecting all those which prey upon one another or upon man, all carnivorous birds, in short, all animals which are venomous, and all which have any power of plotting against others. 4.117. But doves, and pigeons, and turtle-doves, and all the flocks of cranes, and geese, and birds of that kind, he numbers in the class of domestic, and tame, and eatable creatures, allowing every one who chooses to partake of them with impunity. 4.118. Thus, in each of the parts of the universe, earth, water, and air, he refuses some kinds of each description of animal, whether terrestrial, or aquatic, or a'rial, to our use; and thus, taking as it were fuel from the fire, he causes the extinction of appetite.CONCERNING CARCASSES AND BODIES WHICH HAVE BEEN TORN BY WILDBEASTSXXIII. 4.119. Moreover, Moses Commands{25}{#le 5:2.} that no man shall take of any dead carcass, or of any body which has been torn by wild beasts; partly because it is not fitting that man should share a feast with untameable beasts, so as to become almost a fellow reveller in their carnivorous festivals; and partly because perhaps it is injurious and likely to cause disease if the juice of the dead body becomes mingled with the blood, and perhaps, also, because it is proper to preserve that which has been pre-occupied and seized beforehand by death untouched, having a respect to the necessities of nature by which it has been seized. 4.120. Now many of the lawgivers both among the Greeks and barbarians, praise those who are skilful in hunting, and who seldom fail in their pursuit or miss their aim, and who pride themselves on their successful hunts, especially when they divide the limbs of the animals which they have caught with the huntsmen and the hounds, as being not only brave hunters but men of very sociable dispositions. But any one who was a sound interpreter of the sacred constitution and code of laws would very naturally blame them, since the lawgiver of that code has expressly forbidden any enjoyment of carcasses or of bodies torn by beasts for the reasons before mentioned. 4.122. But some men, with open mouths, carry even the excessive luxury and boundless intemperance of Sardanapalus to such an indefinite and unlimited extent, being wholly absorbed in the invention of senseless pleasures, that they prepare sacrifices which ought never be offered, strangling their victims, and stifling the essence of life, {26}{#le 17:11.} which they ought to let depart free and unrestrained, burying the blood, as it were, in the body. For it ought to have been sufficient for them to enjoy the flesh by itself, without touching any of those parts which have an connection with the soul or life. 4.123. On which account Moses, in another passage, establishes a law concerning blood, that one may not eat the blood nor the Fat.{27}{#le 3:17.} The blood, for the reason which I have already mentioned, that it is the essence of the life; not of the mental and rational life, but of that which exists in accordance with the outward senses, to which it is owing that both we and irrational animals also have a common existence.CONCERNING THE SOUL OR LIFE OF MANXXIV. For the essence of the soul of man is the breath of God, especially if we follow the account of Moses, who, in his history of the creation of the world, says that God breathed into the first man, the founder of our race, the breath of life; breathing it into the principal part of his body, namely the face, where the outward senses are established, the body-guards of the mind, as if it were the great king. And that which was thus breathed into his face was manifestly the breath of the air, or whatever else there may be which is even more excellent than the breath of the air, as being a ray emitted from the blessed and thricehappy nature of God. 4.187. for this is to act in imitation of God, since he also has the power to do either good or evil, but his inclination causes him only to do good. And the creation and arrangement of the world shows this, for he has summoned what had previously no being into existence, creating order out of disorder, and distinctive qualities out of things which had no such qualities, and similarities out of things dissimilar, and identity out of things which were different, and intercommunion and harmony out of things which had previously no communication nor agreement, and equality out of inequality, and light out of darkness; for he is always anxious to exert his beneficent powers in order to change whatever is disorderly from its present evil condition, and to transform it so as to bring it into a better state.XXXVI.

177. Horace, Letters, 1.1.5, 1.1.11, 1.2.17-1.2.31, 1.7.35-1.7.49, 1.106-1.108 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism •stoics/stoicism, philosophical ideal •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 23; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 5, 32; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 120, 128, 209

1.7.46. Philippus the famous lawyer, one both resolute And energetic, was heading home from work, at two, And complaining, at his age, about the Carinae Being so far from the Forum, when he noticed, A close-shaven man, it’s said, in an empty barber’s Booth, penknife in hand, quietly cleaning his nails. ‘Demetrius,’ (a boy not slow to obey his master’s Orders) ‘go and discover where that man hails from, Who he is, his standing, his father or his patron.’ off he goes, and returns to say the man’s VolteiusMena, a respectable auctioneer, not wealthy, Knowing his time to work or rest, earn or spend, Taking pleasure in humble friends and his own home, And sport, and the Campus when business was over. ‘I’d like to hear all that from his own lips: invite him To dinner.’ Mena can scarcely believe it, pondering In silence. To be brief, he replies: ‘No thank you.’ ‘Does he refuse?’ ‘The rascal has refused, he’s either Insulting you or afraid.’ Next morning, PhilippusFinds Volteius selling cheap goods to working folk, And gives him a greeting. He offers business Commitments and work as his excuse to PhilippusFor not having come to his house that morning, in short For not paying his respects. ‘Consider yourself Forgiven, so long as you dine with me today.’ ‘As you wish.’ ‘Come after nine then: now work, increase Your wealth.’ At dinner he chattered unguardedly And then was packed off home to bed. After that he was often seen to race like a fish to the baited hook, A dawn attendant, a constant guest, so was summoned To visit the country estate when the Latin games Were called. Pulled by the ponies he never stops praising The Sabine soil and skies. Philippus watches and smiles, And seeking light relief and laughter from any source, Gives him seven thousand sesterces, offers a loan of seven more, and persuades him to buy a small farm. He buys it. Not to bore you with an over-long, rambling Tale, the city-dweller turns rustic, rattling on about Furrows, and vineyards, stringing his elm-trees, killing Himself with zeal, aged by his passion for yields. But after his sheep are lost to theft, goats to disease The crops have failed, the ox is broken by ploughing, Pricked by his losses, in the depths of night, he grabs His horse, and rides to Philippus’ house in a rage. When Philippus sees him, wild and unshaven, he cries: ‘Volteius, you look rough, and seem to be sorely tried.’ ‘Truly, patron, call me a miserable wretch,’ he said, ‘If you want to call me by my true name. I beg you, Implore you, by your guardian spirit, your own right hand, Your household gods, give me back the life I once had!’ When a man sees by how much what he’s left surpasses What he sought, he should swiftly return to what he lost. Every man should measure himself by his own rule.

178. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 14, 140, 152, 184, 219, 221, 67, 76, 7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 78; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 104

7. Do not, however, think that the living God, he who is truly living, is ever seen so as to be comprehended by any human being; for we have no power in ourselves to see any thing, by which we may be able to conceive any adequate notion of him; we have no external sense suited to that purpose (for he is not an object which can be discerned by the outward sense), nor any strength adequate to it: therefore, Moses, the spectator of the invisible nature, the man who really saw God (for the sacred scriptures say that he entered "into the Darkness," by which expression they mean figuratively to intimate the invisible essence), having investigated every part of every thing, sought to see clearly the much-desired and only God;

179. Philo of Alexandria, That God Is Unchangeable, 151, 55 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 78

55. For of men some are attached to the service of the soul, and others to that of the body; now the companions of the soul, being able to associate with incorporeal natures, appreciable only by the intellect, do not compare the living God to any species of created beings; but, dissociating it with any idea of distinctive qualities (for this is what most especially contributes to his happiness and to his consummate felicity, to comprehend his naked existence without any connection with figure or character), they, I say, are content with the bare conception of his existence, and do not attempt to invest him with any form.

180. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 129, 28-31, 118 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 79

181. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, 112, 163, 171-172, 79-80, 70 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143

70. And he made us of the powers which were subordinate to him, not only for the reason which has been mentioned, but also because the soul of man alone was destined to receive notions of good and evil, and to choose one of the two, since it could not adopt both. Therefore, he thought it necessary to assign the origin of evil to other workmen than himself, --but to retain the generation of good for himself alone. XIV.

182. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, a b c d\n0 3.94 3.94 3 94\n1 3.106 3.106 3 106\n2 3.105 3.105 3 105\n3 3.104 3.104 3 104\n4 1.33(105-108) 1.33(105 1 33(105\n5 1.90 1.90 1 90\n6 2.15 2.15 2 15\n7 2.14 2.14 2 14\n8 1.106 1.106 1 106\n9 1.107 1.107 1 107\n10 1.105 1.105 1 105\n11 1.108 1.108 1 108\n12 3.126 3.126 3 126\n13 2.17 2.17 2 17\n14 3.207 3.207 3 207\n15 3.252 3.252 3 252\n16 3.165 3.165 3 165\n17 3.206 3.206 3 206\n18 2.3 2.3 2 3\n19 2.2 2.2 2 2\n20 2.1 2.1 2 1\n21 1.56 1.56 1 56\n22 81 81 81 0\n23 3.21 3.21 3 21\n24 46 46 46 0\n25 61 61 61 0\n26 60 60 60 0 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 104

183. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Exodus, 2.1, 2.82 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, natural law •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 77; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 101

184. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Genesis, 1.20, 1.62, 1.100, 2.6, 2.41, 4.9, 4.42, 4.184 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism •stoics/stoicism, natural law •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, god sends calamities •stoicism and stoics •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 320; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 77, 79; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 80; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96, 143; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 95

185. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 4.172 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 418

4.172. And much black ashes shall fill the great sky,

186. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 52, 89, 122 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 156; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 143

122. for it is the nature of justice in the first place to cause rest instead of labour, being utterly indifferent to the things that are in the confines between wickedness and virtue, riches and glory, and power and honour, and all other things which are akin to these, which are the chief objects of the energies of the human race. And, in the second place, to destroy those pains which exist in accordance with our own energies; for Moses does not (as some wicked men do) say, that God is the cause of evils, but our own hands; indicating, by a figurative expression, the works of our hand, and the voluntary inclinations of our mind to the worser part. XXXIII. Last of all, Noah is said "to comfort us concerning our work, because of the ground which the Lord God hath Cursed."

187. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 100, 91 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 78

188. Horace, Odes, 1.1.7, 1.1.16, 1.1.18, 2.6, 2.16.38, 3.3.1-3.3.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, long-windedness •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 292; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 78, 84, 120

189. Livy, History, 1.19.4, 32.40.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 99; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 105

1.19.4. clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis externorum periculorum curis ne luxuriarent otio animi, quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continuerat, omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem inperitam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est.

190. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 2.82 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 101

191. Juvenal, Satires, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325

192. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.9-2.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 210

2.9. Book 2 This was made plain the anger of the gods; The universe gave signs Nature reversed In monstrous tumult fraught with prodigies Her laws, and prescient spake the coming guilt. How seemed it just to thee, Olympus' king, That suffering mortals at thy doom should know By omens dire the massacre to come? Or did the primal parent of the world When first the flames gave way and yielding left 2.10. Matter unformed to his subduing hand, And realms unbalanced, fix by stern decree' Unalterable laws to bind the whole (Himself, too, bound by law), so that for aye All Nature moves within its fated bounds? Or, is Chance sovereign over all, and we The sport of Fortune and her turning wheel? Whate'er be truth, keep thou the future veiled From mortal vision, and amid their fears May men still hope. Thus known how great the woes

193. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.154-1.156, 1.158, 1.222, 14.149-14.155 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, ps.-orpheus, recension b •stoicism, stoics, chrysippus •stoicism, stoics, cleanthes •stoicism, stoics, major proponents •stoicism, stoics, zeno Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 31, 32; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 90, 91, 613

1.154. ̔́Αβραμος δὲ Λῶτον τὸν ̓Αράνου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸν τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Σάρρας ἀδελφὸν εἰσεποιήσατο γνησίου παιδὸς ἀπορῶν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν Χαλδαίαν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ πέντε γεγονὼς ἔτη τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν μετελθεῖν, ἐν ᾗ κατῴκησε καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις κατέλιπε δεινὸς ὢν συνεῖναί τε περὶ πάντων καὶ πιθανὸς τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις περί τε ὧν εἰκάσειεν οὐ διαμαρτάνων. 1.155. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ φρονεῖν μεῖζον ἐπ' ἀρετῇ τῶν ἄλλων ἠργμένος καὶ τὴν περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ δόξαν, ἣν ἅπασι συνέβαινεν εἶναι, καινίσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν ἔγνω. πρῶτος οὖν τολμᾷ θεὸν ἀποφήνασθαι δημιουργὸν τῶν ὅλων ἕνα, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν εἰ καί τι πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν συντελεῖ κατὰ προσταγὴν τὴν τούτου παρέχειν ἕκαστον καὶ οὐ κατ' οἰκείαν ἰσχύν. 1.156. εἰκάζεται δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης παθήμασι τοῖς τε περὶ τὸν ἥλιον καὶ τὴν σελήνην καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς κατ' οὐρανὸν συμβαίνουσι: δυνάμεως γὰρ αὐτοῖς παρούσης καὶ προνοῆσαι τῆς κατ' αὐτοὺς εὐταξίας, ταύτης δ' ὑστεροῦντας φανεροὺς γίνεσθαι μηδ' ὅσα πρὸς τὸ χρησιμώτερον ἡμῖν συνεργοῦσι κατὰ τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ κελεύοντος ἰσχὺν ὑπουργεῖν, ᾧ καλῶς ἔχει μόνῳ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ τὴν εὐχαριστίαν ἀπονέμειν. 1.158. Μνημονεύει δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ̔Αβράμου Βηρωσός, οὐκ ὀνομάζων, λέγων δ' οὕτως: “μετὰ δὲ τὸν κατακλυσμὸν δεκάτῃ γενεᾷ παρὰ Χαλδαίοις τις ἦν δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ μέγας καὶ τὰ οὐράνια ἔμπειρος.” 1.222. ̓́Ισακον δὲ ὁ πατὴρ ̔́Αβραμος ὑπερηγάπα μονογενῆ ὄντα καὶ ἐπὶ γήρως οὐδῷ κατὰ δωρεὰν αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ γενόμενον. προεκαλεῖτο δὲ εἰς εὔνοιαν καὶ τὸ φιλεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν γονέων καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ παῖς ἐπιτηδεύων πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν καὶ τῆς τε τῶν πατέρων θεραπείας ἐχόμενος καὶ περὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείαν ἐσπουδακώς. 14.149. Εὕρατο δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ τῶν ̓Αθηναίων δήμου τιμὰς ̔Υρκανὸς πολλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς αὐτοὺς χρήσιμος γενόμενος, ἔπεμψάν τε αὐτῷ ψήφισμα τοῦτον περιέχον τὸν τρόπον: “ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως καὶ ἱερέως Διονυσίου τοῦ ̓Ασκληπιάδου μηνὸς Πανέμου πέμπτῃ ἀπιόντος ἐπεδόθη τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ψήφισμα ̓Αθηναίων. 14.151. ἐπειδὴ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διατελεῖ κοινῇ τε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἰδίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν ἑκάστῳ εὔνους ὢν καὶ πάσῃ χρώμενος περὶ αὐτοὺς σπουδῇ καὶ τοὺς παραγινομένους ̓Αθηναίων ἢ κατὰ πρεσβείαν ἢ κατ' ἰδίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται φιλοφρόνως καὶ προπέμπει τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς αὐτῶν ἐπανόδου προνοούμενος, 14.152. ἐμαρτυρήθη μὲν καὶ πρότερον περὶ τούτων, δεδόχθαι δὲ καὶ νῦν Διονυσίου τοῦ Θεοδώρου Σουνιέως εἰσηγησαμένου καὶ περὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς ὑπομνήσαντος τὸν δῆμον, καὶ ὅτι προαίρεσιν ἔχει ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς ὅ τι ποτ' ἂν δύνηται ἀγαθόν, 14.153. τιμῆσαι τὸν ἄνδρα χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ ἀριστείῳ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ στῆσαι αὐτοῦ εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἐν τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Δήμου καὶ τῶν Χαρίτων, ἀνειπεῖν δὲ τὸν στέφανον ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ Διονυσίοις τραγῳδῶν τῶν καινῶν ἀγομένων καὶ Παναθηναίων καὶ ̓Ελευσινίων καὶ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν, 14.154. ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς διαμένοντί τε αὐτῷ καὶ φυλάττοντι τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὔνοιαν εἶναι πᾶν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπινοήσωμεν εἰς τιμὴν καὶ χάριν τῆς τἀνδρὸς σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἵνα τούτων γινομένων φαίνηται ὁ δῆμος ἡμῶν ἀποδεχόμενος τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς καὶ τῆς προσηκούσης ἀμοιβῆς ἀξιῶν καὶ ζηλώσῃ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς σπουδὴν τῶν ἤδη τετιμημένων: 14.155. ἑλέσθαι δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐξ ἁπάντων ̓Αθηναίων, οἵτινες τὸ ψήφισμά τε αὐτῷ κομιοῦσι καὶ παρακαλέσουσιν προσδεξάμενον τὰς τιμὰς πειρᾶσθαί τι ποιεῖν ἀγαθὸν ἡμῶν ἀεὶ τὴν πόλιν.” αἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων τιμαὶ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ διὰ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωνται.

1.154. 1. Now Abram, having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Haran’s son, and his wife Sarai’s brother; and he left the land of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions; 1.155. for which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, That there was but one God, the Creator of the universe; and that, as to other [gods], if they contributed any thing to the happiness of men, that each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. 1.156. This his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were visible both at land and sea, as well as those that happen to the sun, and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus:—“If [said he] these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their own regular motions; but since they do not preserve such regularity, they make it plain, that in so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own abilities, but as they are subservient to Him that commands them, to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and thanksgiving.” 1.158. 2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he says thus: “In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was among the Chaldeans a man righteous and great, and skillful in the celestial science.” 1.222. 1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every virtue, and adhering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. 14.149. Hyreanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows “Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders, 14.151. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety, 14.152. of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, 14.153. to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; 14.154. and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him. 14.155. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city.” And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.

194. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.341-7.350 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32

7.341. μέγα τε σχετλιάσας καὶ τοῖς δακρύουσιν ἀτενὲς ἐμβλέψας “ἦ πλεῖστον, εἶπεν, ἐψεύσθην νομίζων ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀγώνων συναρεῖσθαι, ζῆν καλῶς ἢ τεθνάναι διεγνωκόσιν. 7.342. ὑμεῖς δὲ ἦτε τῶν τυχόντων οὐδὲν εἰς ἀρετὴν οὐδ' εὐτολμίαν διαφέροντες, οἵ γε καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ μεγίστων ἀπαλλαγῇ κακῶν φοβεῖσθε θάνατον δέον ὑπὲρ τούτου μήτε μελλῆσαι μήτε σύμβουλον ἀναμεῖναι. 7.343. πάλαι γὰρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης αἰσθήσεως παιδεύοντες ἡμᾶς οἱ πάτριοι καὶ θεῖοι λόγοι διετέλουν ἔργοις τε καὶ φρονήμασι τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων αὐτοὺς βεβαιούντων, ὅτι συμφορὰ τὸ ζῆν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις, οὐχὶ θάνατος. 7.344. οὗτος μὲν γὰρ ἐλευθερίαν διδοὺς ψυχαῖς εἰς τὸν οἰκεῖον καὶ καθαρὸν ἀφίησι τόπον ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι πάσης συμφορᾶς ἀπαθεῖς ἐσομένας, ἕως δέ εἰσιν ἐν σώματι θνητῷ δεδεμέναι καὶ τῶν τούτου κακῶν συναναπίμπλανται, τἀληθέστατον εἰπεῖν, τεθνήκασι: 7.345. κοινωνία γὰρ θείῳ πρὸς θνητὸν ἀπρεπής ἐστι. μέγα μὲν οὖν δύναται ψυχὴ καὶ σώματι συνδεδεμένη: ποιεῖ γὰρ αὐτῆς ὄργανον αἰσθανόμενον ἀοράτως αὐτὸ κινοῦσα καὶ θνητῆς φύσεως περαιτέρω προάγουσα ταῖς πράξεσιν: 7.346. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ἐπειδὰν ἀπολυθεῖσα τοῦ καθέλκοντος αὐτὴν βάρους ἐπὶ γῆν καὶ προσκρεμαμένου χῶρον ἀπολάβῃ τὸν οἰκεῖον, τότε δὴ μακαρίας ἰσχύος καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀκωλύτου μετέχει δυνάμεως, ἀόρατος μένουσα τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις ὄμμασιν ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ὁ θεός: 7.347. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἕως ἐστὶν ἐν σώματι θεωρεῖται: πρόσεισι γὰρ ἀφανῶς καὶ μὴ βλεπομένη πάλιν ἀπαλλάττεται, μίαν μὲν αὐτὴ φύσιν ἔχουσα τὴν ἄφθαρτον, αἰτία δὲ σώματι γινομένη μεταβολῆς. 7.348. ὅτου γὰρ ἂν ψυχὴ προσψαύσῃ, τοῦτο ζῇ καὶ τέθηλεν, ὅτου δ' ἂν ἀπαλλαγῇ, μαρανθὲν ἀποθνήσκει: τοσοῦτον αὐτῇ περίεστιν ἀθανασίας. 7.349. ὕπνος δὲ τεκμήριον ὑμῖν ἔστω τῶν λόγων ἐναργέστατον, ἐν ᾧ ψυχαὶ τοῦ σώματος αὐτὰς μὴ περισπῶντος ἡδίστην μὲν ἔχουσιν ἀνάπαυσιν ἐφ' αὑτῶν γενόμεναι, θεῷ δ' ὁμιλοῦσαι κατὰ συγγένειαν πάντη μὲν ἐπιφοιτῶσι, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν ἐσομένων προθεσπίζουσι.

7.341. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus:—“Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; 7.342. but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await anyone to give you good advice; 7.343. for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; 7.344. for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. 7.345. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. 7.346. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; 7.347. for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; 7.348. for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. 7.349. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. 7.350. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal!

195. Martial, Epigrams, 5.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212

196. Martial, Epigrams, 5.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212

197. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.6.3, 1.6.7, 1.6.11-1.6.12, 1.12.2, 1.13.3-1.13.5, 1.19.11, 2.7, 2.22.6-2.22.7, 3.2.1-3.2.4, 3.13.4-3.13.7, 4.1.51, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics, on language •stoicism, stoics, and astrology •stoicism, stoics, logic of •stoicism, stoics •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36; Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 31, 32, 92, 99; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134, 244, 270, 383, 384; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 299; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 173

4.7. WHAT makes the tyrant formidable? The guards, you say, and their swords, and the men of the bedchamber and those who exclude them who would enter. Why then if you bring a boy (child) to the tyrant when he is with his guards, is he not afraid; or is it because the child does not understand these things? If then any man does understand what guards are and that they have swords, and comes to the tyrant for this very purpose because he wishes to die on account of some circumstance and seeks to die easily by the hand of another, is he afraid of the guards? No, for he wishes for the thing which makes the guards formidable. If then any man neither wishing to die nor to live by all means, but only as it may be permitted, approaches the tyrant, what hinders him from approaching the tyrant without fear? Nothing. If then a man has the same opinion about his property as the man whom I have instanced has about his body; and also about his children and his wife: and in a word is so affected by some madness or despair that he cares not whether he possesses them or not, but like children who are playing with shells care (quarrel) about the play, but do not trouble themselves about the shells, so he too has set no value on the materials (things), but values the pleasure that he has with them and the occupation, what tyrant is then formidable to him or what guards or what swords? Then through madness is it possible for a man to be so disposed towards these things, and the Galilaeans through habit, and is it possible that no man can learn from reason and from demonstration that God has made all the things in the universe and the universe itself completely free from hindrance and perfect, and the parts of it for the use of the whole? All other animals indeed are incapable of comprehending the administration of it; but the rational animal man has faculties for the consideration of all these things, and for understanding that it is a part, and what kind of a part it is, and that it is right for the parts to be subordinate to the whole. And besides this being naturally noble, magimous and free, man sees that of the things which surround him some are free from hindrance and in his power, and the other things are subject to hindrance and in the power of others; that the things which are free from hindrance are in the power of the will; and those which are subject to hindrance are the things which are not in the power of the will. And for this reason if he thinks that his good and his interest be in these things only which are free from hindrance and in his own power, he will be free, prosperous, happy, free from harm, magimous, pious, thankful to God for all things; in no matter finding fault with any of the things which have not been put in his power, nor blaming any of them. But if he thinks that his good and his interest are in externals and in things which are not in the power of his will, he must of necessity be hindered, be impeded, be a slave to those who have the power over the things which he admires (desires) and fears; and he must of necessity be impious because he thinks that he is harmed by God, and he must be unjust because he always claims more than belongs to him; and he must of necessity be abject and mean. What hinders a man, who has clearly separated (comprehended) these things, from living with a light heart and bearing easily the reins, quietly expecting every thing which can happen, and enduring that which has already happened? Would you have me to bear poverty? Come and you will know what poverty is when it has found one who can act well the part of a poor man. Would you have me to possess power? Let me have power, and also the trouble of it. Well, banishment? Wherever I shall go, there it will be well with me; for here also where I am, it was not because of the place that it was well with me, but because of my opinions which I shall carry off with me: for neither can any man deprive me of them; but my opinions alone are mine and they cannot be taken from me, and I am satisfied while I have them, wherever I may be and whatever I am doing. But now it is time to die. Why do you say to die? Make no tragedy show of the thing, but speak of it as it is: it is now time for the matter (of the body) to be resolved into the things out of which it was composed. And what is the formidable thing here? what is going to perish of the things which are in the universe? what new thing or wondrous is going to happen? Is it for this reason that a tyrant is formidable? Is it for this reason that the guards appear to have swords which are large and sharp? Say this to others; but I have considered about all these things; no man has power over me. I have been made free; I know his commands, no man can now lead me as a slave. I have a proper person to assert my freedom; I have proper judges. (I say) are you not the master of my body? What then is that to me? Are you not the master of my property? What then is that to me? Are you not the master of my exile or of my chains? Well, from all these things and all the poor body itself I depart at your bidding, when you please. Make trial of your power, and you will know how far it reaches. Whom then can I still fear? Those who are over the bedchamber? Lest they should do, what? Shut me out? If they find that I wish to enter, let them shut me out. Why then do you go to the doors? Because I think it befits me, while the play (sport) lasts, to join in it. How then are you not shut out? Because unless some one allows me to go in, I do not choose to go in, but am always content with that which happens; for I think that what God chooses is better than what I choose. I will attach myself as a minister and follower to him; I have the same movements (pursuits) as he has, I have the same desires; in a word, I have the same will ( συνφέλω ). There is no shutting out for me, but for those who would force their way in. Why then do not I force my way in? Because I know that nothing good is distributed within to those who enter. But when I hear any man called fortunate because he is honoured by Caesar, I say, what does he happen to get? A province (the government of a province). Does he also obtain an opinion such as he ought? The office of a Prefect. Does he also obtain the power of using his office well? Why do I still strive to enter (Caesar’s chamber)? A man scatters dried figs and nuts: the children seize them, and fight with one another; men do not, for they think them to be a small matter. But if a man should throw about shells, even the children do not seize them. Provinces are distributed: let children look to that. Money is distributed: let children look to that. Praetorships, consulships are distributed: let children scramble for them, let them be shut out, beaten, kiss the hands of the giver, of the slaves: but to me these are only dried figs and nuts. What then? If you fail to get them, while Caesar is scattering them about, do not be troubled: if a dried fig come into your lap, take it and eat it; for so far you may value even a fig. But if I shall stoop down and turn another over, or be turned over by another, and shall flatter those who have got into (Caesar’s) chamber, neither is a dried fig worth the trouble, nor any thing else of the things which are not good, which the philosophers have persuaded me not to think good. Show me the swords of the guards. See how big they are, and how sharp. What then do these big and sharp swords do? They kill. And what does a fever do? Nothing else. And what else a (falling) tile? Nothing else. Would you then have me to wonder at these things and worship them, and go about as the slave of all of them? I hope that this will not happen: but when I have once learned that every thing which has come into existence must also go out of it, that the universe may not stand still nor be impeded, I no longer consider it any difference whether a fever shall do it or a tile, or a soldier. But if a man must make a comparison between these things, I know that the soldier will do it with less trouble (to me), and quicker. When then I neither fear any thing which a tyrant can do to me, nor desire any thing which he can give, why do I still look on with wonder (admiration)? Why am I still confounded? Why do I fear the guards? Why am I pleased if he speaks to me in a friendly way, and receives me, and why do I tell others how he spoke to me? Is he a Socrates, is he a Diogenes that his praise should be a proof of what I am? Have I been eager to imitate his morals? But I keep up the play and go to him, and serve him so long as he does not bid me to do any thing foolish or unreasonable. But if he says to me, Go and bring Leon of Salamis, I say to him, Seek another, for I am no longer playing. (The tyrant says): Lead him away (to prison). I follow; that is part of the play. But your head will be taken off—Does the tyrant’s head always remain where it is, and the heads of you who obey him?—But you will be cast out unburied?—If the corpse is I, I shall be cast out; but if I am different from the corpse, speak more properly according as the fact is, and do not think of frightening me. These things are formidable to children and fools. But if any man has once entered a philosopher’s school and knows not what he is, he deserves to be full of fear and to flatter those whom afterwards he used to flatter; (and) if he has not yet learned that he is not flesh nor bones nor sinews ( νεῦρα ), but he is that which makes use of these parts of the body and governs there and follows (understands) the appearances of things. Yes, but this talk makes us despise the laws—And what kind of talk makes men more obedient to the laws who employ such talk? And the things which are in the power of a fool are not law. And yet see how this talk makes us disposed as we ought to be even to these men (fools); since it teaches us to claim in opposition to them none of the things in which they are able to surpass us. This talk teaches us as to the body to give it up, as to property to give that up also, as to children, parents, brothers, to retire from these, to give up all; it only makes an exception of the opinions, which even Zeus has willed to be the select property of every man. What transgression of the laws is there here, what folly? Where you are superior and stronger, there I gave way to you: on the other hand, where I am superior, do you yield to me; for I have studied (cared for) this, and you have not. It is your study to live in houses with floors formed of various stones, how your slaves and dependents shall serve you, how you shall wear fine clothing, have many hunting men, lute players, and tragic actors. Do I claim any of these? have you made any study of opinions, and of your own rational faculty? Do you know of what parts it is composed, how they are brought together, how they are connected, what powers it has, and of what kind? Why then are you vexed, if another who has made it his study, has the advantage over you in these things? But these things are the greatest. And who hinders you from being employed about these things and looking after them? And who has a better stock of books, of leisure, of persons to aid you? Only turn your mind at last to these things, attend, if it be only a short time, to your own ruling faculty ( ἡγεμονικόν ): consider what this is that you possess, and whence it came, this which uses all other (faculties), and tries them, and selects and rejects. But so long as you employ yourself about externals you will possess them (externals) as no man else does; but you will have this (the ruling faculty) such as you choose to have it, sordid and neglected.

198. Epictetus, Enchiridion, 1.29.19, 3.3.11-3.3.12, 3.24.107, 4.3.11-4.3.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage •stoics/stoicism, natural law Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 20, 21, 25, 27, 157

199. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.129, 2.168-2.169 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, and astrology •stoicism and stoics Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 320; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 129

1.129. μάρτυς δὲ τούτων Βηρῶσος ἀνὴρ Χαλδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς περὶ παιδείαν ἀναστρεφομένοις, ἐπειδὴ περί τε ἀστρονομίας καὶ περὶ τῶν παρὰ Χαλδαίοις φιλοσοφουμένων αὐτὸς εἰς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας ἐξήνεγκε τὰς συγγραφάς. 2.168. ὁποῖος δὲ κατ' οὐσίαν [ἐστὶν] ἄγνωστον. ταῦτα περὶ θεοῦ φρονεῖν οἱ σοφώτατοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὅτι μὲν ἐδιδάχθησαν ἐκείνου τὰς ἀρχὰς παρασχόντος, ἐῶ νῦν λέγειν, ὅτι δ' ἐστὶ καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσει καὶ μεγαλειότητι, σφόδρα μεμαρτυρήκασι: καὶ γὰρ Πυθαγόρας καὶ ̓Αναξαγόρας καὶ Πλάτων οἵ τε μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς φιλόσοφοι καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἅπαντες οὕτως 2.169. φαίνονται περὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ φύσεως πεφρονηκότες. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν πρὸς ὀλίγους φιλοσοφοῦντες εἰς πλήθη δόξαις προκατειλημμένα τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ δόγματος ἐξενεγκεῖν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν, ὁ δὲ ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης ἅτε δὴ τὰ ἔργα παρέχων σύμφωνα τοῖς λόγοις οὐ μόνον τοὺς καθ' αὑτὸν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ γενησομένοις

1.129. Berosus shall be witness to what I say: he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, on account of his publication of the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy among the Greeks. 2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; 2.169. yet durst not these men disclose those true notions to more than a few, because the body of the people were prejudiced with other opinions beforehand. But our legislator, who made his actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be removed.

200. Musonius Rufus, Dissertationum A Lucio Digestarum Reliquiae, 73 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 92

201. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 121

2.8. This theory leads mortal minds upward to heaven, and discloses to their observation from that height, as it were, the greatness of the three greatest parts of the universe; clearly it would not be possible for the whole of the sun to be eclipsed from the earth by the passage of the moon between them if the earth were larger than the moon. The vast size of the sun will be shown with the more certainty from the two bodies, so that there is no need to investigate its size by the evidence of the eyes and by logical inference, arguing that it is immeasurably large for the following reasons: (1) the shadow that it throws of rows of trees along the balks of fields are at equal distances apart for ever so many miles, just as if over the whole space the sun were in the centre; (2) during the equinoxes it reaches the vertical simultaneously for all the inhabitants of the southern region; (3) the shadows of the people living round the Tropic of Cancer fall northward at midday but westward at sunrise, which could not happen unless the sun were much larger than the earth; (4) when it is rising its breadth exceeds Mount Ida, overlapping it widely right and left — and that though it is separated from it by so great a distance., The eclipse of the moon supplies indubitable proof of the size of the sun, just as the sun itself when it suffers eclipse proves the smallness of the earth. For shadows are of three shapes, and it is clear that, if the solid object that throws a shadow is equal in area to the shaft of light, the shadow projected is shaped like a pillar and is of infinite length, but if the solid body is larger than the light, the shadow has the shape of an upright spinning-top, so that it is narrowest at the bottom, and infinite in length as in the former case, while if the solid is smaller than the light the result is the figure of a cone narrowing down to end in a point, and this is the nature of the shadow observed during an eclipse of the moon; hence it is proved without any further possibility of doubt remaining that the sun exceeds the earth's size. Indeed, this is also proved by the silent testimony of nature herself; for why in the division of the turns of the year does the winter sun retire, so as to refresh the earth with the darkness of the nights? when otherwise it would unquestionably scorch up the earth, and even as it is does so in a certain part, so great is its magnitude.

202. Philo of Byblos, Fragments, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 32

203. New Testament, Philippians, 1.21-1.23, 2.3-2.12, 3.12-3.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 6, 11, 13, 99; Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 194; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 306

1.21. Ἐμοὶ γὰρ τὸ ζῇν Χριστὸς καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν κέρδος. 1.22. εἰ δὲ τὸ ζῇν ἐν σαρκί, τοῦτό μοι καρπὸς ἔργου, — καὶ τί αἱρήσομαι οὐ γνωρίζω· 1.23. συνέχομαι δὲ ἐκ τῶν δύο, τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχων εἰς τὸ ἀναλῦσαι καὶ σὺν Χριστῷ εἶναι, πολλῷ γὰρ μᾶλλον κρεῖσσον, 2.3. μηδὲν κατʼ ἐριθίαν μηδὲ κατὰ κενοδοξίαν, ἀλλὰ τῇ ταπεινοφροσύνῃ ἀλλήλους ἡγούμενοι ὑπερέχοντας ἑαυτῶν, 2.4. μὴ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστοι σκοποῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἑτέρων ἕκαστοι. 2.5. τοῦτο φρονεῖτε ἐν ὑμῖν ὃ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 2.6. ὃς ἐν μορφῇ θεοῦ ὑπάρχων οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο τὸ εἶναι ἴσα θεῷ, 2.7. ἀλλὰ ἑαυτὸν ἐκένωσεν μορφὴν δούλου λαβών, ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος· καὶ σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς ἄνθρωπος 2.8. ἐταπείνωσεν ἑαυτὸν γενόμενος ὑπήκοος μέχρι θανάτου, θανάτου δὲ σταυροῦ· 2.9. διὸ καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν, καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα, 2.10. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦπᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ καταχθονίων, 2.11. καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσηταιὅτι ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ εἰς δόξανθεοῦπατρός. 2.12. Ὥστε, ἀγαπητοί μου, καθὼς πάντοτε ὑπηκούσατε, μὴ [ὡς] ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ μου μόνον ἀλλὰ νῦν πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐν τῇ ἀπουσίᾳ μου, μετὰ φόβου καὶ τρόμου τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν κατεργάζεσθε, 3.12. διώκω δὲ εἰ καὶ καταλάβω, ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ κατελήμφθην ὑπὸ Χριστοῦ [Ἰησοῦ]. ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ ἐμαυτὸν οὔπω λογίζομαι κατειληφέναι· 3.13. ἓν δέ, τὰ μὲν ὀπίσω ἐπιλανθανόμενος τοῖς δὲ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπεκτεινόμενος, 3.14. κατὰ σκοπὸν διώκω εἰς τὸ βραβεῖον τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ.

1.21. For to me to live is Christ, and to die is gain. 1.22. But if I live on in the flesh, this will bring fruit from my work; yet I don't make known what I will choose. 1.23. But I am in a dilemma between the two, having the desire to depart and be with Christ, which is far better. 2.3. doing nothing through rivalry or through conceit, but in humility, each counting others better than himself; 2.4. each of you not just looking to his own things, but each of you also to the things of others. 2.5. Have this in your mind, which was also in Christ Jesus, 2.6. who, existing in the form of God, didn't consider it robbery to be equal with God, 2.7. but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men. 2.8. And being found in human form, he humbled himself, becoming obedient to death, yes, the death of the cross. 2.9. Therefore God also highly exalted him, and gave to him the name which is above every name; 2.10. that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, those on earth, and those under the earth, 2.11. and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. 2.12. So then, my beloved, even as you have always obeyed, not only in my presence, but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling. 3.12. Not that I have already obtained, or am already made perfect; but I press on, if it is so that I may take hold of that for which also I was taken hold of by Christ Jesus. 3.13. Brothers, I don't regard myself as yet having taken hold, but one thing I do. Forgetting the things which are behind, and stretching forward to the things which are before, 3.14. I press on toward the goal for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus.

204. New Testament, Romans, 1, 1.16, 1.17, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25, 1.31, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.14, 2.15, 3.20, 4.3, 4.12.16.23, 4.12.16.24, 5, 5.12, 6.23, 7, 7.14, 7.16, 7.25, 8, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.14, 8.15, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 8.23, 8.34, 8.35, 8.36, 8.37, 8.38, 8.39, 9, 9.1, 9.2, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.6-11.36, 9.7, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 10, 10.3, 10.6, 10.7, 10.9, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 10.17, 11, 11.1, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.13, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 11.19, 11.20, 11.21, 11.25, 11.26, 11.36, 12, 12.2, 12.3, 13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 205; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 44, 203; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 280

1.25. οἵτινες μετήλλαξαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν τῷ ψεύδει, καὶ ἐσεβάσθησαν καὶ ἐλάτρευσαν τῇ κτίσει παρὰ τὸν κτίσαντα, ὅς ἐστιν εὐλογητὸς εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας· ἀμήν.

1.25. who exchanged the truth of God for a lie, and worshiped and served the creature rather than the Creator, who is blessed forever. Amen.

205. New Testament, Titus, 1.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 96

1.10. Εἰσὶν γὰρ πολλοὶ ἀνυπότακτοι, ματαιολόγοι καὶ φρεναπάται, μάλιστα οἱ ἐκ τῆς περιτομῆς,

1.10. For there are also many unruly men, vain talkers and deceivers, especially those of the circumcision,

206. New Testament, John, 1.1-1.18, 3.5, 11.15, 11.35, 14.6, 15.5-15.6, 20.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 270; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 121; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 22, 27, 80; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 89, 91, 99, 271, 272, 280, 281

1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος. 1.2. Οὗτος ἦν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν θεόν. 1.3. πάντα διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕν. 1.4. ὃ γέγονεν ἐν αὐτῷ ζωὴ ἦν, καὶ ἡ ζωὴ ἦν τὸ φῶς τῶν ἀνθρώπων· 1.5. καὶ τὸ φῶς ἐν τῇ σκοτίᾳ φαίνει, καὶ ἡ σκοτία αὐτὸ οὐ κατέλαβεν. 1.6. Ἐγένετο ἄνθρωπος ἀπεσταλμένος παρὰ θεοῦ, ὄνομα αὐτῷ Ἰωάνης· 1.7. οὗτος ἦλθεν εἰς μαρτυρίαν, ἵνα μαρτυρήσῃ περὶ τοῦ φωτός, ἵνα πάντες πιστεύσωσιν διʼ αὐτοῦ. 1.8. οὐκ ἦν ἐκεῖνος τὸ φῶς, ἀλλʼ ἵνα μαρτυρήσῃ περὶ τοῦ φωτός. 1.9. Ἦν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθινὸν ὃ φωτίζει πάντα ἄνθρωπον ἐρχόμενον εἰς τὸν κόσμον. 1.10. ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἦν, καὶ ὁ κόσμος διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ ὁ κόσμος αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔγνω. 1.11. Εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἦλθεν, καὶ οἱ ἴδιοι αὐτὸν οὐ παρέλαβον. 1.12. ὅσοι δὲ ἔλαβον αὐτόν, ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τέκνα θεοῦ γενέσθαι, τοῖς πιστεύουσιν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, 1.13. οἳ οὐκ ἐξ αἱμάτων οὐδὲ ἐκ θελήματος σαρκὸς οὐδὲ ἐκ θελήματος ἀνδρὸς ἀλλʼ ἐκ θεοῦ ἐγεννήθησαν. 1.14. Καὶ ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, δόξαν ὡς μονογενοῦς παρὰ πατρός, πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας·?̔ 1.15. Ἰωάνης μαρτυρεῖ περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ κέκραγεν λέγων — οὗτος ἦν ὁ εἰπών — Ὁ ὀπίσω μου ἐρχόμενος ἔμπροσθέν μου γέγονεν, ὅτι πρῶτός μου ἦν·̓ 1.16. ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ πληρώματος αὐτοῦ ἡμεῖς πάντες ἐλάβομεν, καὶ χάριν ἀντὶ χάριτος· 1.17. ὅτι ὁ νόμος διὰ Μωυσέως ἐδόθη, ἡ χάρις καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐγένετο. 1.18. θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακεν πώποτε· μονογενὴς θεὸς ὁ ὢν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκεῖνος ἐξηγήσατο. 3.5. ἀπεκρίθη [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ἐὰν μή τις γεννηθῇ ἐξ ὕδατος καὶ πνεύματος, οὐ δύναται εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ. 11.15. καὶ χαίρω διʼ ὑμᾶς, ἵνα πιστεύσητε, ὅτι οὐκ ἤμην ἐκεῖ· ἀλλὰ ἄγωμεν πρὸς αὐτόν. 11.35. ἐδάκρυσεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς. 14.6. λέγει αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια καὶ ἡ ζωή· οὐδεὶς ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸν πατέρα εἰ μὴ διʼ ἐμοῦ. 15.5. ὁ μένων ἐν ἐμοὶ κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ οὗτος φέρει καρπὸν πολύν, ὅτι χωρὶς ἐμοῦ οὐ δύνασθε ποιεῖν οὐδέν. 15.6. ἐὰν μή τις μένῃ ἐν ἐμοί, ἐβλήθη ἔξω ὡς τὸ κλῆμα καὶ ἐξηράνθη, καὶ συνάγουσιν αὐτὰ καὶ εἰς τὸ πῦρ βάλλουσιν καὶ καίεται. 20.13. καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῇ ἐκεῖνοι Γύναι, τί κλαίεις; λέγει αὐτοῖς ὅτι Ἦραν τὸν κύριόν μου, καὶ οὐκ οἶδα ποῦ ἔθηκαν αὐτόν.

1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 1.2. The same was in the beginning with God. 1.3. All things were made through him. Without him was not anything made that has been made. 1.4. In him was life, and the life was the light of men. 1.5. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness hasn't overcome it. 1.6. There came a man, sent from God, whose name was John. 1.7. The same came as a witness, that he might testify about the light, that all might believe through him. 1.8. He was not the light, but was sent that he might testify about the light. 1.9. The true light that enlightens everyone was coming into the world. 1.10. He was in the world, and the world was made through him, and the world didn't recognize him. 1.11. He came to his own, and those who were his own didn't receive him. 1.12. But as many as received him, to them he gave the right to become God's children, to those who believe in his name: 1.13. who were born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God. 1.14. The Word became flesh, and lived among us. We saw his glory, such glory as of the one and only Son of the Father, full of grace and truth. 1.15. John testified about him. He cried out, saying, "This was he of whom I said, 'He who comes after me has surpassed me, for he was before me.'" 1.16. From his fullness we all received grace upon grace. 1.17. For the law was given through Moses. Grace and truth came through Jesus Christ. 1.18. No one has seen God at any time. The one and only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, he has declared him. 3.5. Jesus answered, "Most assuredly I tell you, unless one is born of water and spirit, he can't enter into the Kingdom of God! 11.15. I am glad for your sakes that I was not there, so that you may believe. Nevertheless, let's go to him." 11.35. Jesus wept. 14.6. Jesus said to him, "I am the way, the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father, except through me. 15.5. I am the vine. You are the branches. He who remains in me, and I in him, the same bears much fruit, for apart from me you can do nothing. 15.6. If a man doesn't remain in me, he is thrown out as a branch, and is withered; and they gather them, throw them into the fire, and they are burned. 20.13. They told her, "Woman, why are you weeping?"She said to them, "Because they have taken away my Lord, and I don't know where they have laid him."

207. New Testament, Luke, 1.47-1.55, 2.14, 3.1-3.2, 6.36, 6.45, 18.20, 22.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoa, stoicism, stoics •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, long and sedley •stoicism, stoics, pneuma •stoicism, stoics, sevenster, j. •stoicism, stoics, ware, j. •stoicism/stoics viif •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 270; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 94, 307; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 585; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 69, 80; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 93

1.47. καὶ ἠγαλλίασεν τὸ πνεῦμά μου ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ τῷ σωτῆρί μου· 1.48. ὅτι ἐπέβλεψεν ἐπὶ τὴν ταπείνωσιν τῆς δούλης αὐτοῦ, ἰδοὺ γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν μακαριοῦσίν με πᾶσαι αἱ γενεαί· 1.49. ὅτι ἐποίησέν μοι μεγάλα ὁ δυνατός, καὶ ἅγιον τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, 1.50. καὶ τὸ ἔλεος αὐτοῦ εἰς γενεὰς καὶ γενεάς τοῖς φοβουμένοις αὐτόν. 1.51. Ἐποίησεν κράτος ἐν βραχίονι αὐτοῦ, διεσκόρπισεν ὑπερηφάνους διανοίᾳ καρδίας αὐτῶν· 1.52. καθεῖλεν δυνάστας ἀπὸ θρόνων καὶ ὕψωσεν ταπεινούς, 1.53. πεινῶντας ἐνέπλησεν ἀγαθῶν καὶ πλουτοῦντας ἐξαπέστειλεν κενούς. 1.54. ἀντελάβετο Ἰσραὴλ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μνησθῆναι ἐλέους, 1.55. καθὼς ἐλάλησεν πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν, τῷ Ἀβραὰμ καὶ τῷ σπέρματι αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα. 2.14. Δόξα ἐν ὑψίστοις θεῷ καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς εἰρήνη ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκίας. 3.1. ΕΝ ΕΤΕΙ δὲ πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας Τιβερίου Καίσαρος, ἡγεμονεύοντος Ποντίου Πειλάτου τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἡρῴδου, Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ τετρααρχοῦντος τῆς Ἰτουραίας καὶ Τραχωνίτιδος χώρας, καὶ Λυσανίου τῆς Ἀβειληνῆς τετρααρχοῦντος, 3.2. ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως Ἅννα καὶ Καιάφα, ἐγένετο ῥῆμα θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν Ζαχαρίου υἱὸν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ. 6.36. Γίνεσθε οἰκτίρμονες καθὼς ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν οἰκτίρμων ἐστίν· 6.45. ὁ ἀγαθὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ θησαυροῦ τῆς καρδίας προφέρει τὸ ἀγαθόν, καὶ ὁ πονηρὸς ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ προφέρει τὸ πονηρόν· ἐκ γὰρ περισσεύματος καρδίας λαλεῖ τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ. 18.20. τὰς ἐντολὰς οἶδας Μὴ μοιχεύσῃς, Μὴ φονεύσῃς, Μὴ κλέψῃς, Μὴ ψευδομαρτυρήσῃς, Τίμα τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ τὴν μητέρα. 22.15. καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐπιθυμίᾳ ἐπεθύμησα τοῦτο τὸ πάσχα φαγεῖν μεθʼ ὑμῶν πρὸ τοῦ με παθεῖν·

1.47. My spirit has rejoiced in God my Savior, 1.48. For he has looked at the humble state of his handmaid. For behold, from now on, all generations will call me blessed. 1.49. For he who is mighty has done great things for me. Holy is his name. 1.50. His mercy is for generations of generations on those who fear him. 1.51. He has shown strength with his arm. He has scattered the proud in the imagination of their heart. 1.52. He has put down princes from their thrones. And has exalted the lowly. 1.53. He has filled the hungry with good things. He has sent the rich away empty. 1.54. He has given help to Israel, his servant, that he might remember mercy, 1.55. As he spoke to our fathers, To Abraham and his seed forever." 2.14. "Glory to God in the highest, On earth peace, good will toward men." 3.1. Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene, 3.2. in the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas, the word of God came to John, the son of Zacharias, in the wilderness. 6.36. Therefore be merciful, Even as your Father is also merciful. 6.45. The good man out of the good treasure of his heart brings out that which is good, and the evil man out of the evil treasure of his heart brings out that which is evil, for out of the abundance of the heart, his mouth speaks. 18.20. You know the commandments: 'Don't commit adultery,' 'Don't murder,' 'Don't steal,' 'Don't give false testimony,' 'Honor your father and your mother.'" 22.15. He said to them, "I have earnestly desired to eat this Passover with you before I suffer,

208. New Testament, Mark, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 80

3.5. καὶ περιβλεψάμενος αὐτοὺς μετʼ ὀργῆς, συνλυπούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ πωρώσει τῆς καρδίας αὐτῶν, λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ Ἔκτεινον τὴν χεῖρά σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινεν, καὶ ἀπεκατεστάθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ.

3.5. When he had looked around at them with anger, being grieved at the hardening of their hearts, he said to the man, "Stretch out your hand." He stretched it out, and his hand was restored as healthy as the other.

209. New Testament, Matthew, 4.8, 5.4, 5.10, 7.6-7.7, 7.12, 10.27, 12.35, 13.13, 19.5-19.6, 19.11-19.12, 26.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, human decision-making for •stoics and stoicism, passions/emotions for •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, gregory of nyssa •stoicism, stoics, only good are free •stoicism/stoics viif •stoics, stoicism •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 109, 543; Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 321; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 307; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 451; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 67, 68, 80; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 87, 88, 334

4.8. Πάλιν παραλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ὁ διάβολος εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν λίαν, καὶ δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, 5.4. μακάριοι οἱ πενθοῦντες, ὅτι αὐτοὶ παρακληθήσονται. 5.10. μακάριοι οἱ δεδιωγμένοι ἕνεκεν δικαιοσύνης, ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 7.6. Μὴ δῶτε τὸ ἅγιον τοῖς κυσίν, μηδὲ βάλητε τοὺς μαργαρίτας ὑμῶν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν χοίρων, μή ποτε καταπατήσουσιν αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν καὶ στραφέντες ῥήξωσιν ὑμᾶς. 7.7. Αἰτεῖτε, καὶ δοθήσεται ὑμῖν· ζητεῖτε, καὶ εὑρήσετε· κρούετε, καὶ ἀνοιγήσεται ὑμῖν. 7.12. Πάντα οὖν ὅσα ἐὰν θέλητε ἵνα ποιῶσιν ὑμῖν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ποιεῖτε αὐτοῖς· οὗτος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ νόμος καὶ οἱ προφῆται. 10.27. ὃ λέγω ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ σκοτίᾳ, εἴπατε ἐν τῷ φωτί· καὶ ὃ εἰς τὸ οὖς ἀκούετε, κηρύξατε ἐπὶ τῶν δωμάτων. 12.35. ὁ ἀγαθὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ θησαυροῦ ἐκβάλλει ἀγαθά, καὶ ὁ πονηρὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ θησαυροῦ ἐκβάλλει πονηρά. 13.13. διὰ τοῦτο ἐν παραβολαῖς αὐτοῖς λαλῶ, ὅτι βλέποντες οὐ βλέπουσιν καὶ ἀκούοντες οὐκ ἀκούουσιν οὐδὲ συνίουσιν· 19.5. καὶ εἶπεν Ἕνεκα τούτου καταλείψει ἄνθρωπος τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ κολληθήσεται τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔσονται οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν; 19.6. ὥστε οὐκέτι εἰσὶν δύο ἀλλὰ σὰρξ μία· ὃ οὖν ὁ θεὸς συνέζευξεν ἄνθρωπος μὴ χωριζέτω. 19.11. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐ πάντες χωροῦσι τὸν λόγον, ἀλλʼ οἷς δέδοται. 19.12. εἰσὶν γὰρ εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς ἐγεννήθησαν οὕτως, καὶ εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνουχίσθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνούχισαν ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν. ὁ δυνάμενος χωρεῖν χωρείτω. 26.38. τότε λέγει αὐτοῖς Περίλυπός ἐστιν ἡ ψυχή μου ἕως θανάτου· μείνατε ὧδε καὶ γρηγορεῖτε μετʼ ἐμοῦ.

4.8. Again, the devil took him to an exceedingly high mountain, and showed him all the kingdoms of the world, and their glory. 5.4. Blessed are those who mourn, For they shall be comforted. 5.10. Blessed are those who have been persecuted for righteousness' sake, For theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. 7.6. "Don't give that which is holy to the dogs, neither throw your pearls before the pigs, lest perhaps they trample them under their feet, and turn and tear you to pieces. 7.7. "Ask, and it will be given you. Seek, and you will find. Knock, and it will be opened for you. 7.12. Therefore whatever you desire for men to do to you, you shall also do to them; for this is the law and the prophets. 10.27. What I tell you in the darkness, speak in the light; and what you hear whispered in the ear, proclaim on the housetops. 12.35. The good man out of his good treasure brings out good things, and the evil man out of his evil treasure brings out evil things. 13.13. Therefore I speak to them in parables, because seeing they don't see, and hearing, they don't hear, neither do they understand. 19.5. and said, 'For this cause a man shall leave his father and mother, and shall join to his wife; and the two shall become one flesh?' 19.6. So that they are no more two, but one flesh. What therefore God has joined together, don't let man tear apart." 19.11. But he said to them, "Not all men can receive this saying, but those to whom it is given. 19.12. For there are eunuchs who were born that way from their mother's womb, and there are eunuchs who were made eunuchs by men; and there are eunuchs who made themselves eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake. He who is able to receive it, let him receive it." 26.38. Then he said to them, "My soul is exceedingly sorrowful, even to death. Stay here, and watch with me."

210. New Testament, Hebrews, 1.1, 5.13-5.14, 11.3, 11.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 91; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 325, 334, 338

1.1. ΠΟΛΥΜΕΡΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΛΥΤΡΟΠΩΣ πάλαι ὁ θεὸς λαλήσας τοῖς πατράσιν ἐν τοῖς προφήταις 5.13. πᾶς γὰρ ὁ μετέχων γάλακτος ἄπειρος λόγου δικαιοσύνης, νήπιος γάρ ἐστιν· 5.14. τελείων δέ ἐστιν ἡ στερεὰ τροφή, τῶν διὰ τὴν ἕξιν τὰ αἰσθητήρια γεγυμνασμένα ἐχόντων πρὸς διάκρισιν καλοῦ τε καὶ κακοῦ. 11.3. Πίστει νοοῦμεν κατηρτίσθαι τοὺς αἰῶνας ῥήματι θεοῦ, εἰς τὸ μὴ ἐκ φαινομένων τὸ βλεπόμενον γεγονέναι. 11.17. Πίστειπροσενήνοχεν Ἀβραὰμ τὸν Ἰσαὰκ πειραζόμενος,καὶ τὸν μονογενῆ προσέφερεν ὁ τὰς ἐπαγγελίας ἀναδεξάμενος, πρὸς ὃν ἐλαλήθη ὅτι

1.1. God, having in the past spoken to the fathers through the prophets at many times and in various ways, 5.13. For everyone who lives on milk is not experienced in the word of righteousness, for he is a baby. 5.14. But solid food is for those who are full grown, who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discern good and evil. 11.3. By faith, we understand that the universe has been framed by the word of God, so that what is seen has not been made out of things which are visible. 11.17. By faith, Abraham, being tested, offered up Isaac. Yes, he who had gladly received the promises was offering up his one and only son;

211. New Testament, Ephesians, 1.10, 1.18-1.19, 3.14-3.15, 4.1-4.6, 4.13, 5.21, 6.1-6.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Albrecht, The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity (2014) 301, 302, 316; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 198, 299, 301, 306; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 109, 325

1.10. εἰς οἰκονομίαν τοῦ πληρώματος τῶν καιρῶν, ἀνακεφαλαιώσασθαι τὰ πάντα ἐν τῷ χριστῷ, τὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς· ἐν αὐτῷ, 1.18. πεφωτισμένους τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τῆς καρδίας [ὑμῶν] εἰς τὸ εἰδέναι ὑμᾶς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἐλπὶς τῆς κλήσεως αὐτοῦ, τίς ὁ πλοῦτος τῆς δόξης τῆς κληρονομίας αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἁγίοις, 1.19. καὶ τί τὸ ὑπερβάλλον μέγεθος τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ εἰς ἡμᾶς τοὺς πιστεύοντας κατὰ τὴν ἐνέργειαν τοῦ κράτους τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτοῦ 3.14. Τούτου χάριν κάμπτω τὰ γόνατά μου πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, 3.15. ἐξ οὗ πᾶσα πατριὰ ἐν οὐρανοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς ὀνομάζεται, 4.1. Παρακαλῶ οὖν ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ ὁ δέσμιος ἐν κυρίῳ ἀξίως περιπατῆσαι τῆς κλήσεως ἧς ἐκλήθητε, 4.2. μετὰ πάσης ταπεινοφροσύνης καὶ πραΰτητος, μετὰ μακροθυμίας, ἀνεχόμενοι ἀλλήλων ἐν ἀγάπῃ, 4.3. σπουδάζοντες τηρεῖν τὴν ἑνότητα τοῦ πνεύματος ἐν τῷ συνδέσμῳ τῆς εἰρήνης· 4.4. ἓν σῶμα καὶ ἓν πνεῦμα, καθὼς [καὶ] ἐκλήθητε ἐν μιᾷ ἐλπίδι τῆς κλήσεως ὑμῶν· 4.5. εἷς κύριος, μία πίστις, ἓν βάπτισμα· εἷς θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ πάντων, 4.6. ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων καὶ διὰ πάντων καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν. 4.13. μέχρι καταντήσωμεν οἱ πάντες εἰς τὴν ἑνότητα τῆς πίστεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιγνώσεως τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰς ἄνδρα τέλειον, εἰς μέτρον ἡλικίας τοῦ πληρώματος τοῦ χριστοῦ, 5.21. ὑποτασσόμενοι ἀλλήλοις ἐν φόβῳ Χριστοῦ. 6.1. Τὰ τέκνα, ὑπακούετε τοῖς γονεῦσιν ὑμῶν [ἐν κυρίῳ], τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν δίκαιον· 6.2. τίμα τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ τὴν μητέρα, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἐντολὴ πρώτη ἐν ἐπαγγελίᾳ, 6.3. ἵνα εὖ σοι γένηται καὶ ἔσῃ μακροχρόνιος ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 6.4. Καὶ οἱ πατέρες, μὴ παροργίζετε τὰ τέκνα ὑμῶν, ἀλλὰ ἐκτρέφετε αὐτὰ ἐν παιδείᾳ καὶ νουθεσία Κυρίου. 6.5. Οἱ δοῦλοι, ὑπακούετε τοῖς κατὰ σάρκα κυρίοις μετὰ φόβου καὶ τρόμου ἐν ἁπλότητι τῆς καρδίας ὑμῶν ὡς τῷ χριστῷ, 6.6. μὴ κατʼ ὀφθαλμοδουλίαν ὡς ἀνθρωπάρεσκοι ἀλλʼ ὡς δοῦλοι Χριστοῦ ποιοῦντες τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, 6.7. ἐκ ψυχῆς μετʼ εὐνοίας δουλεύοντες, ὡς τῷ κυρίῳ καὶ οὐκ ἀνθρώποις, 6.8. εἰδότες ὅτι ἕκαστος, ἐάν τι ποιήσῃ ἀγαθόν, τοῦτο κομίσεται παρὰ κυρίου, εἴτε δοῦλος εἴτε ἐλεύθερος. 6.9. Καὶ οἱ κύριοι, τὰ αὐτὰ ποιεῖτε πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀνιέντες τὴν ἀπειλήν, εἰδότες ὅτι καὶ αὐτῶν καὶ ὑμῶν ὁ κύριός ἐστιν ἐν οὐρανοῖς, καὶ προσωπολημψία οὐκ ἔστιν παρʼ αὐτῷ.

1.10. to an administration of the fullness of the times, to sum up all things in Christ, the things in the heavens, and the things on the earth, in him; 1.18. having the eyes of your hearts enlightened, that you may know what is the hope of his calling, and what are the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints, 1.19. and what is the exceeding greatness of his power toward us who believe, according to that working of the strength of his might 3.14. For this cause, I bow my knees to the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 3.15. from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named, 4.1. I therefore, the prisoner in the Lord, beg you to walk worthily of the calling with which you were called, 4.2. with all lowliness and humility, with longsuffering, bearing with one another in love; 4.3. being eager to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. 4.4. There is one body, and one Spirit, even as you also were called in one hope of your calling; 4.5. one Lord, one faith, one baptism, 4.6. one God and Father of all, who is over all, and through all, and in us all. 4.13. until we all attain to the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, to a full grown man, to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ; 5.21. subjecting yourselves one to another in the fear of Christ. 6.1. Children, obey your parents in the Lord, for this is right. 6.2. "Honor your father and mother," which is the first commandment with a promise: 6.3. "that it may be well with you, and you may live long on the earth." 6.4. You fathers, don't provoke your children to wrath, but nurture them in the discipline and instruction of the Lord. 6.5. Servants, be obedient to those who according to the flesh are your masters, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as to Christ; 6.6. not in the way of service only when eyes are on you, as men-pleasers; but as servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart; 6.7. with good will doing service, as to the Lord, and not to men; 6.8. knowing that whatever good thing each one does, he will receive the same again from the Lord, whether he is bound or free. 6.9. You masters, do the same things to them, and give up threatening, knowing that he who is both their Master and yours is in heaven, and there is no partiality with him.

212. New Testament, Colossians, 2.4, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 3.14, 2.8a, 3.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 334

2.4. Τοῦτο λέγω ἵνα μηδεὶς ὑμᾶς παραλογίζηται ἐν πιθανολογίᾳ.

2.4. Now this I say that no one may delude you with persuasiveness of speech.

213. Plutarch, Against Colotes, 1119c, 1119d, 1120a, 1120b, 1126e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 33

214. New Testament, James, 1.2, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 97

1.2. Πᾶσαν χαρὰν ἡγήσασθε, ἀδελφοί μου, ὅταν πειρασμοῖς περιπέσητε ποικίλοις, 4.2. ἐπιθυμεῖτε, καὶ οὐκ ἔχετε· φονεύετε καὶ ζηλοῦτε, καὶ οὐ δύνασθε ἐπιτυχεῖν· μάχεσθε καὶ πολεμεῖτε. οὐκ ἔχετε διὰ τὸ μὴ αἰτεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς·

1.2. Count it all joy, my brothers, when you fall into various temptations, 4.2. You lust, and don't have. You kill, covet, and can't obtain. You fight and make war. Yet you don't have, because you don't ask.

215. New Testament, Acts, 2.25-2.28, 8.27, 13.17-13.41, 14.6-14.20, 16.16, 17.16-17.34, 19.1-19.41, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 237; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 210, 214, 418; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 284; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 604, 613, 617; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 157, 170, 187; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 25, 26; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 334

2.25. Δαυεὶδ γὰρ λέγει εἰς αὐτόν 2.26. 2.27. 2.28. 8.27. καὶ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύθη, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ Αἰθίοψ εὐνοῦχος δυνάστης Κανδάκης βασιλίσσης Αἰθιόπων, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ πάσης τῆς γάζης αὐτῆς, [ὃς] ἐληλύθει προσκυνήσων εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, 13.17. Ὁ θεὸς τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου Ἰσραὴλ ἐξελέξατο τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν, καὶ τὸν λαὸν ὕψωσεν ἐν τῇ παροικίᾳ ἐν γῇ Αἰγύπτου, καὶ μετὰ βραχίονος ὑψηλοῦ ἐξήγαγεν αὐτοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς, 13.18. καί, ὡς τεσσερακονταετῆ χρόνονἐτροποφόρησεν αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ, 13.19. καθελὼν ἔθνη ἑπτὰ ἐν γῇ Χαναὰν κατεκληρονόμησεν τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν 13.20. ὡς ἔτεσι τετρακοσίοις καὶ πεντήκοντα. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἔδωκεν κριτὰς ἕως Σαμουὴλ προφήτου. κἀκεῖθεν ᾐτήσαντο βασιλέα, 13.21. καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς τὸν Σαοὺλ υἱὸν Κείς, ἄνδρα ἐκ φυλῆς Βενιαμείν, ἔτη τεσσεράκοντα· 13.22. καὶ μεταστήσας αὐτὸν ἤγειρεν τὸν Δαυεὶδ αὐτοῖς εἰς βασιλέα, ᾧ καὶ εἶπεν μαρτυρήσας Εὗρον Δαυεὶδ τὸν τοῦ Ἰεσσαί, [ἄνδρα] κατὰ τὴν καρδίαν μου, ὃς ποιήσει πάντα τὰ θελήματά μου. 13.23. τούτου ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος κατʼ ἐπαγγελίαν ἤγαγεν τῷ Ἰσραὴλ σωτῆρα Ἰησοῦν, 13.24. προκηρύξαντος Ἰωάνου πρὸ προσώπου τῆς εἰσόδου αὐτοῦ βάπτισμα μετανοίας παντὶ τῷ λαῷ Ἰσραήλ. 13.25. ὡς δὲ ἐπλήρου Ἰωάνης τὸν δρόμον, ἔλεγεν Τί ἐμὲ ὑπονοεῖτε εἶναι; οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐγώ· ἀλλʼ ἰδοὺ ἔρχεται μετʼ ἐμὲ οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος τὸ ὑπόδημα τῶν ποδῶν λῦσαι. 13.26. Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, υἱοὶ γένους Ἀβραὰμ καὶ οἱ ἐν ὑμῖν φοβούμενοι τὸν θεόν, ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος τῆς σωτηρίας ταύτης ἐξαπεστάλη. 13.27. οἱ γὰρ κατοικουlt*gtντες ἐν Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτῶν τοῦτον ἀγνοήσαντες καὶ τὰς φωνὰς τῶν προφητῶν τὰς κατὰ πᾶν σάββατον ἀναγινωσκομένας κρίναντες ἐπλήρωσαν, 13.28. καὶ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν θανάτου εὑρόντες ᾐτήσαντο Πειλᾶτον ἀναιρεθῆναι αὐτόν· 13.29. ὡς δὲ ἐτέλεσαν πάντα τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένα, καθελόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ξύλου ἔθηκαν εἰς μνημεῖον. 13.30. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν· 13.31. ὃς ὤφθη ἐπὶ ἡμέρας πλείους τοῖς συναναβᾶσιν αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, οἵτινες [νῦν] εἰσὶ μάρτυρες αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν λαόν. 13.32. καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑμᾶς εὐαγγελιζόμεθα τὴν πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ἐπαγγελίαν γενομένην 13.33. ὅτι ταύτην ὁ θεὸς ἐκπεπλήρωκεν τοῖς τέκνοις ἡμῶν ἀναστήσας Ἰησοῦν, ὡς καὶ ἐν τῷ ψαλμῶ γέγραπται τῷ δευτέρῳ Υἱός μου εἶ σύ, ἐγὼ σήμ ν γεγέννηκά σε. 13.34. ὅτι δὲ ἀνέστησεν αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν μηκέτι μέλλοντα ὑποστρέφειν εἰς διαφθοράν, οὕτως εἴρηκεν ὅτιΔώσω ὑμῖν τὰ ὅσια Δαυεὶδ τὰ πιστά. 13.35. διότι καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ λέγει Οὐ δώσεις τὸν ὅσιόν σου ἰδεῖν διαφθοράν· 13.36. Δαυεὶδ μὲν γ̓ὰρ ἰδίᾳ γενεᾷ ὑπηρετήσας τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλῇ ἐκοιμήθη καὶ προσετέθη πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας αὐτοῦ καὶ εἶδεν διαφθοράν, 13.37. ὃν δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἤγειρεν οὐκ εἶδεν διαφθοράν. 13.38. Γνωστὸν οὖν ἔστω ὑμῖν, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ὅτι διὰ τούτου ὑμῖν ἄφεσις ἁμαρτιῶν καταγγέλλεται, καὶ ἀπὸ πάντων ὧν οὐκ ἠδυνήθητε 13.39. ἐν νόμῳ Μωυσέως δικαιωθῆναι ἐν τούτῳ πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων δικαιοῦται. 13.40. βλέπετε οὖν· μὴ ἐπέλθῃ τὸ εἰρημένον ἐν τοῖς προφήταις 13.41. 14.6. συνιδόντες κατέφυγον εἰς τὰς πόλεις τῆς Λυκαονίας Λύστραν καὶ Δέρβην καὶ τὴν περίχωρον, 14.7. κἀκεῖ εὐαγγελιζόμενοι ἦσαν. 14.8. Καί τις ἀνὴρ ἀδύνατος ἐν Λύστροις τοῖς ποσὶν ἐκάθητο, χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, ὃς οὐδέποτε περιεπάτησεν. 14.9. οὗτος ἤκουεν τοῦ Παύλου λαλοῦντος· ὃς ἀτενίσας αὐτῷ καὶ ἰδὼν ὅτι ἔχει πίστιν τοῦ σωθῆναι εἶπεν μεγάλῃ φωνῇ 14.10. Ἀνάστηθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου ὀρθός· καὶ ἥλατο καὶ περιεπάτει. 14.11. οἵ τε ὄχλοι ἰδόντες ὃ ἐποίησεν Παῦλος ἐπῆραν τὴν φωνὴν αὐτῶν Λυκαονιστὶ λέγοντες Οἱ θεοὶ ὁμοιωθέντες ἀνθρώποις κατέβησαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς, 14.12. ἐκάλουν τε τὸν Βαρνάβαν Δία, τὸν δὲ Παῦλον Ἑρμῆν ἐπειδὴ αὐτὸς ἦν ὁ ἡγούμενος τοῦ λόγου. 14.13. ὅ τε ἱερεὺς τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ὄντος πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ταύρους καὶ στέμματα ἐπὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας ἐνέγκας σὺν τοῖς ὄχλοις ἤθελεν θύειν. 14.14. ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἀπόστολοι Βαρνάβας καὶ Παῦλος, διαρρήξαντες τὰ ἱμάτια ἑαυτῶν ἐξεπήδησαν εἰς τὸν ὄχλον, κράζοντες 14.15. καὶ λέγοντες Ἄνδρες, τί ταῦτα ποιεῖτε; καὶ ἡμεῖς ὁμοιοπαθεῖς ἐσμ ὑμῖν ἄνθρωποι, εὐαγγελιζόμενοι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν ματαίων ἐπιστρέφειν ἐπὶ θεὸν ζῶντα ὃς ἐποίησεν τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς· 14.16. ὃς ἐν ταῖς παρῳχημέναις γενεαῖς εἴασεν πάντα τὰ ἔθνη πορεύεσθαι ταῖς ὁδοῖς αὐτῶν· 14.17. καίτοι οὐκ ἀμάρτυρον αὑτὸν ἀφῆκεν ἀγαθουργῶν, οὐρανόθεν ὑμῖν ὑετοὺς διδοὺς καὶ καιροὺς καρποφόρους, ἐμπιπλῶν τροφῆς καὶ εὐφροσύνης τὰς καρδίας ὑμῶν. 14.18. καὶ ταῦτα λέγοντες μόλις κατέπαυσαν τοὺς ὄχλους τοῦ μὴ θύειν αὐτοῖς. 14.19. Ἐπῆλθαν δὲ ἀπὸ Ἀντιοχείας καὶ Ἰκονίου Ἰουδαῖοι, καὶ πείσαντες τοὺς ὄχλους καὶ λιθάσαντες τὸν Παῦλον ἔσυρον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, νομίζοντες αὐτὸν τεθνηκέναι. 14.20. κυκλωσάντων δὲ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτὸν ἀναστὰς εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τῇ ἐπαύριον ἐξῆλθεν σὺν τῷ Βαρνάβᾳ εἰς Δέρβην. 16.16. Ἐγένετο δὲ πορευομένων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν προσευχὴν παιδίσκην τινὰ ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα πύθωνα ὑπαντῆσαι ἡμῖν, ἥτις ἐργασίαν πολλὴν παρεῖχεν τοῖς κυρίοις 17.16. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐκδεχομένου αὐτοὺς τοῦ Παύλου, παρωξύνετο τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ θεωροῦντος κατείδωλον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν. 17.17. διελέγετο μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς σεβομένοις καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν πρὸς τοὺς παρατυγχάνοντας. 17.18. τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἐπικουρίων καὶ Στωικῶν φιλοσόφων συνέβαλλον αὐτῷ, καί τινες ἔλεγον Τί ἂν θέλοι ὁ σπερμολόγος οὗτος λέγειν; οἱ δέ Ξένων δαιμονίων δοκεῖ καταγγελεὺς εἶναι· 17.19. ὅτι τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ τὴν ἀνάστασιν εὐηγγελίζετο. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄρειον Πάγον ἤγαγον, λέγοντες Δυνάμεθα γνῶναι τίς ἡ καινὴ αὕτη [ἡ] ὑπὸ σοῦ λαλουμένη διδαχή; 17.20. ξενίζοντα γάρ τινα εἰσφέρεις εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς ἡμῶν·βουλόμεθα οὖν γνῶναι τίνα θέλει ταῦτα εἶναι. 17.21. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πάντες καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες ξένοι εἰς οὐδὲν ἕτερον ηὐκαίρουν ἢ λέγειν τι ἢ ἀκούειν τι καινότερον. 17.22. σταθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀρείου Πάγου ἔφη Ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ· 17.23. διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν. 17.24. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ποιήσας τὸν κόσμον καὶ πάντατὰ ἐν αὐτῷ, οὗτος οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὑπάρχων κύριος οὐκ ἐν χειροποιήτοις ναοῖς κατοικεῖ 17.25. οὐδὲ ὑπὸ χειρῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θεραπεύεται προσδεόμενός τινος, αὐτὸςδιδοὺς πᾶσι ζωὴν καὶ πνοὴν καὶ τὰ πάντα· 17.26. ἐποίησέν τε ἐξ ἑνὸς πᾶν ἔθνος ανθρώπων κατοικεῖν ἐπὶ παντὸς προσώπου τῆς γῆς, ὁρίσας προστεταγμένους καιροὺς καὶ τὰς ὁροθεσίας τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, 17.27. ζητεῖν τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἄρα γε ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτὸν καὶ εὕροιεν, καί γε οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ἡμῶν ὑπάρχοντα. 17.28. ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, ὡς καί τινες τῶν καθʼ ὑμᾶς ποιητῶν εἰρήκασιν

2.25. For David says concerning him, 'I saw the Lord always before my face, For he is on my right hand, that I should not be moved. 2.26. Therefore my heart was glad, and my tongue rejoiced. Moreover my flesh also will dwell in hope; 2.27. Because you will not leave my soul in Hades, Neither will you allow your Holy One to see decay. 2.28. You made known to me the ways of life. You will make me full of gladness with your presence.' 8.27. He arose and went. Behold, there was a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of great authority under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure, who had come to Jerusalem to worship. 13.17. The God of this people Israel chose our fathers, and exalted the people when they stayed as aliens in the land of Egypt , and with an uplifted arm, he led them out of it. 13.18. For about the time of forty years he put up with them in the wilderness. 13.19. When he had destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, he gave them their land for an inheritance, for about four hundred fifty years. 13.20. After these things he gave them judges until Samuel the prophet. 13.21. Afterward they asked for a king, and God gave to them Saul the son of Kish, a man of the tribe of Benjamin, for forty years. 13.22. When he had removed him, he raised up David to be their king, to whom he also testified, 'I have found David the son of Jesse, a man after my heart, who will do all my will.' 13.23. From this man's seed, God has brought salvation to Israel according to his promise, 13.24. before his coming, when John had first preached the baptism of repentance to all the people of Israel. 13.25. As John was fulfilling his course, he said, 'What do you suppose that I am? I am not he. But behold, one comes after me the sandals of whose feet I am not worthy to untie.' 13.26. Brothers, children of the stock of Abraham, and those among you who fear God, the word of this salvation is sent out to you. 13.27. For those who dwell in Jerusalem, and their rulers, because they didn't know him, nor the voices of the prophets which are read every Sabbath, fulfilled them by condemning him. 13.28. Though they found no cause for death, they still asked Pilate to have him killed. 13.29. When they had fulfilled all things that were written about him, they took him down from the tree, and laid him in a tomb. 13.30. But God raised him from the dead, 13.31. and he was seen for many days by those who came up with him from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are his witnesses to the people. 13.32. We bring you good news of the promise made to the fathers, 13.33. that God has fulfilled the same to us, their children, in that he raised up Jesus. As it is also written in the second psalm, 'You are my Son. Today I have become your father.' 13.34. "Concerning that he raised him up from the dead, now no more to return to corruption, he has spoken thus: 'I will give you the holy and sure blessings of David.' 13.35. Therefore he says also in another psalm, 'You will not allow your Holy One to see decay.' 13.36. For David, after he had in his own generation served the counsel of God, fell asleep, and was laid with his fathers, and saw decay. 13.37. But he whom God raised up saw no decay. 13.38. Be it known to you therefore, brothers, that through this man is proclaimed to you remission of sins, 13.39. and by him everyone who believes is justified from all things, from which you could not be justified by the law of Moses. 13.40. Beware therefore, lest that come on you which is spoken in the prophets: 13.41. 'Behold, you scoffers, and wonder, and perish; For I work a work in your days, A work which you will in no way believe, if one declares it to you.'" 14.6. they became aware of it, and fled to the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra, Derbe, and the surrounding region. 14.7. There they preached the gospel. 14.8. At Lystra a certain man sat, impotent in his feet, a cripple from his mother's womb, who never had walked. 14.9. He was listening to Paul speaking, who, fastening eyes on him, and seeing that he had faith to be made whole, 14.10. said with a loud voice, "Stand upright on your feet!" He leaped up and walked. 14.11. When the multitude saw what Paul had done, they lifted up their voice, saying in the language of Lycaonia, "The gods have come down to us in the likeness of men!" 14.12. They called Barnabas "Jupiter," and Paul "Mercury," because he was the chief speaker. 14.13. The priest of Jupiter, whose temple was in front of their city, brought oxen and garlands to the gates, and would have made a sacrifice with the multitudes. 14.14. But when the apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard of it, they tore their clothes, and sprang into the multitude, crying out, 14.15. "Men, why are you doing these things? We also are men of like passions with you, and bring you good news, that you should turn from these vain things to the living God, who made the sky and the earth and the sea, and all that is in them; 14.16. who in the generations gone by allowed all the nations to walk in their own ways. 14.17. Yet he didn't leave himself without witness, in that he did good and gave you rains from the sky and fruitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and gladness." 14.18. Even saying these things, they hardly stopped the multitudes from making a sacrifice to them. 14.19. But some Jews from Antioch and Iconium came there, and having persuaded the multitudes, they stoned Paul, and dragged him out of the city, supposing that he was dead. 14.20. But as the disciples stood around him, he rose up, and entered into the city. On the next day he went out with Barnabas to Derbe. 16.16. It happened, as we were going to prayer, that a certain girl having a spirit of divination met us, who brought her masters much gain by fortune telling. 17.16. Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols. 17.17. So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him. 17.18. Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also encountered him. Some said, "What does this babbler want to say?"Others said, "He seems to be advocating foreign demons," because he preached Jesus and the resurrection. 17.19. They took hold of him, and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, "May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by you? 17.20. For you bring certain strange things to our ears. We want to know therefore what these things mean." 17.21. Now all the Athenians and the strangers living there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing. 17.22. Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. 17.23. For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. 17.24. The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, 17.25. neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. 17.26. He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, 17.27. that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. 17.28. 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' 17.29. Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. 17.30. The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, 17.31. because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead." 17.32. Now when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked; but others said, "We want to hear you yet again concerning this." 17.33. Thus Paul went out from among them. 17.34. But certain men joined with him, and believed, among whom also was Dionysius the Areopagite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them. 19.1. It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples. 19.2. He said to them, "Did you receive the Holy Spirit when you believed?"They said to him, "No, we haven't even heard that there is a Holy Spirit." 19.3. He said, "Into what then were you baptized?"They said, "Into John's baptism." 19.4. Paul said, "John indeed baptized with the baptism of repentance, saying to the people that they should believe in the one who would come after him, that is, on Jesus." 19.5. When they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 19.6. When Paul had laid his hands on them, the Holy Spirit came on them, and they spoke with other languages, and prophesied. 19.7. They were about twelve men in all. 19.8. He entered into the synagogue, and spoke boldly for a period of three months, reasoning and persuading about the things concerning the Kingdom of God. 19.9. But when some were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus. 19.10. This continued for two years, so that all those who lived in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks. 19.11. God worked special miracles by the hands of Paul, 19.12. so that even handkerchiefs or aprons were carried away from his body to the sick, and the evil spirits went out. 19.13. But some of the itinerant Jews, exorcists, took on themselves to name over those who had the evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, "We adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preaches." 19.14. There were seven sons of one Sceva, a Jewish chief priest, who did this. 19.15. The evil spirit answered, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but who are you?" 19.16. The man in whom the evil spirit was leaped on them, and overpowered them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that house naked and wounded. 19.17. This became known to all, both Jews and Greeks, who lived at Ephesus. Fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. 19.18. Many also of those who had believed came, confessing, and declaring their deeds. 19.19. Many of those who practiced magical arts brought their books together and burned them in the sight of all. They counted the price of them, and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. 19.20. So the word of the Lord was growing and becoming mighty. 19.21. Now after these things had ended, Paul determined in the spirit, when he had passed through Macedonia and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying, "After I have been there, I must also see Rome." 19.22. Having sent into Macedonia two of those who ministered to him, Timothy and Erastus, he himself stayed in Asia for a while. 19.23. About that time there arose no small stir concerning the Way. 19.24. For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, who made silver shrines of Artemis, brought no little business to the craftsmen, 19.25. whom he gathered together, with the workmen of like occupation, and said, "Sirs, you know that by this business we have our wealth. 19.26. You see and hear, that not at Ephesus alone, but almost throughout all Asia, this Paul has persuaded and turned away many people, saying that they are no gods, that are made with hands. 19.27. Not only is there danger that this our trade come into disrepute, but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis will be counted as nothing, and her majesty destroyed, whom all Asia and the world worships." 19.28. When they heard this they were filled with anger, and cried out, saying, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.29. The whole city was filled with confusion, and they rushed with one accord into the theater, having seized Gaius and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel. 19.30. When Paul wanted to enter in to the people, the disciples didn't allow him. 19.31. Certain also of the Asiarchs, being his friends, sent to him and begged him not to venture into the theater. 19.32. Some therefore cried one thing, and some another, for the assembly was in confusion. Most of them didn't know why they had come together. 19.33. They brought Alexander out of the multitude, the Jews putting him forward. Alexander beckoned with his hand, and would have made a defense to the people. 19.34. But when they perceived that he was a Jew, all with one voice for a time of about two hours cried out, "Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!" 19.35. When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn't know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? 19.36. Seeing then that these things can't be denied, you ought to be quiet, and to do nothing rash. 19.37. For you have brought these men here, who are neither robbers of temples nor blasphemers of your goddess. 19.38. If therefore Demetrius and the craftsmen who are with him have a matter against anyone, the courts are open, and there are proconsuls. Let them press charges against one another. 19.39. But if you seek anything about other matters, it will be settled in the regular assembly. 19.40. For indeed we are in danger of being accused concerning this day's riot, there being no cause. Concerning it, we wouldn't be able to give an account of this commotion." 19.41. When he had thus spoken, he dismissed the assembly. 28.11. After three months, we set sail in a ship of Alexandria which had wintered in the island, whose sign was "The Twin Brothers." 17. , Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where there was a synagogue of the Jews. , Paul, as was his custom, went in to them, and for three Sabbath days reasoned with them from the Scriptures, , explaining and demonstrating that the Christ had to suffer, and to rise again from the dead, and saying, "This Jesus, whom I proclaim to you, is the Christ.", Some of them were persuaded, and joined Paul and Silas, of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and not a few of the chief women. , But the disobedient Jews gathered some wicked men from the marketplace, and gathering a crowd, set the city in an uproar. Assaulting the house of Jason, they sought to bring them out to the people. , When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, , whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!", The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. , When they had taken security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. , The brothers immediately sent Paul and Silas away by night to Beroea. When they arrived, they went into the Jewish synagogue. , Now these were more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of the mind, examining the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so. , Many of them therefore believed; also of the Greek women of honorable estate, and not a few men. , But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed by Paul at Beroea also, they came there likewise, agitating the multitudes. , Then the brothers immediately sent out Paul to go as far as to the sea, and Silas and Timothy still stayed there. , But those who escorted Paul brought him as far as Athens. Receiving a commandment to Silas and Timothy that they should come to him with all speed, they departed. , Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols. , So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him. , Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also encountered him. Some said, "What does this babbler want to say?"Others said, "He seems to be advocating foreign demons," because he preached Jesus and the resurrection. , They took hold of him, and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, "May we know what this new teaching is, which is spoken by you? , For you bring certain strange things to our ears. We want to know therefore what these things mean.", Now all the Athenians and the strangers living there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing. , Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. , For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. , The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, , neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. , He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, , that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. , 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' , Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. , The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, , because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead.", Now when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked; but others said, "We want to hear you yet again concerning this.", Thus Paul went out from among them. , But certain men joined with him, and believed, among whom also was Dionysius the Areopagite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with them.

216. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1.11, 2.3, 2.14-2.17, 2.22-2.23, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism/stoics viif •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 213, 214; Schaaf, Animal Kingdom of Heaven: Anthropozoological Aspects in the Late Antique World (2019) 25; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 334

1.11. εἰς ὃ ἐτέθην ἐγὼ κῆρυξ καὶ ἀπόστολος καὶ διδάσκαλος. 2.3. συνκακοπάθησον ὡς καλὸς στρατιώτης Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ. 2.14. Ταῦτα ὑπο μίμνησκε, διαμαρτυρόμενος ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ, μὴ λογομαχεῖν, ἐπʼ οὐδὲν χρήσιμον, ἐπὶ καταστροφῇ τῶν ἀκουόντων. 2.15. σπούδασον σεαυτὸν δόκιμον παραστῆσαι τῷ θεῷ, ἐργάτην ἀνεπαίσχυντον, ὀρθοτομοῦντα τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας. 2.16. τὰς δὲ βεβήλους κενοφωνιας περιίστασο· ἐπὶ πλεῖον γὰρ προκόψουσιν ἀσεβείας, 2.17. καὶ ὁ λόγος αὐτῶν ὡς γάγγραινα νομὴν ἕξει· ὧν ἐστὶν Ὑμέναιος καὶ Φίλητος, 2.22. τὰς δὲ νεωτερικὰς ἐπιθυμίας φεῦγε, δίωκε δὲ δικαιοσύνην, πίστιν, ἀγάπην, εἰρήνην μετὰ τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων τὸν κύριον ἐκ καθαρᾶς καρδίας. 2.23. τὰς δὲ μωρὰς καὶ ἀπαιδεύτους ζητήσεις παραιτοῦ, εἰδὼς ὅτι γεννῶσι μάχας· 3.9. ἀλλʼ οὐ προκόψουσιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ἡ γὰρ ἄνοια αὐτῶν ἔκδη λος ἔσται πᾶσιν, ὡς καὶ ἡ ἐκείνων ἐγένετο.

1.11. For this, I was appointed as a preacher, an apostle, and a teacher of the Gentiles. 2.3. You therefore must endure hardship, as a good soldier of Christ Jesus. 2.14. Remind them of these things, charging them in the sight of the Lord, that they don't argue about words, to no profit, to the subverting of those who hear. 2.15. Give diligence to present yourself approved by God, a workman who doesn't need to be ashamed, properly handling the Word of Truth. 2.16. But shun empty chatter, for they will proceed further in ungodliness, 2.17. and their word will consume like gangrene, of whom is Hymenaeus and Philetus; 2.22. Flee from youthful lusts; but pursue righteousness, faith, love, and peace with those who call on the Lord out of a pure heart. 2.23. But refuse foolish and ignorant questionings, knowing that they generate strife. 3.9. But they will proceed no further. For their folly will be evident to all men, as theirs also came to be.

217. Ptolemy, Astrological Influences, 1.2 pp. 16-19, 3.2 pp. 228-31, 2.1 pp. 118-19, 1.2 pp. 14-15, 3.1 pp. 224-7, 3.1-2 pp. 222-35, 1.2 pp. 12-13, 1.3 pp. 22-3, 1.3 pp. 20-1, 1.3 pp. 22-31 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 143, 149

218. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 1.9, 1.10, 5.10, 5.9, 3.17, 12.12, 10.15, 6.4, 1.7, 5.1, 4.7, 7.8, 7.9, 3, 5.8, 12.2, 5.7, 2.10, 2.11, 5, 3.18, 2.12, 2.13, 4.18, 5.2, 5.4, 5.6, 4, 1.22, 7.1, 5.11, 7, 6, 2, 1, 12.3, 7.8-11a, 4.16, 7.10, 10.3, 12.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 334

1.9. ἀλλὰ αὐτοὶ ἐν ἑαυτοῖς τὸ ἀπόκριμα τοῦ θανάτου ἐσχήκαμεν, ἵνα μὴ πεποιθότες ὦμεν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς ἀλλʼ ἐπὶτῷ θεῷ τῷ ἐγείροντι τοὺς νεκρούς·

219. New Testament, 2 Peter, 2.5, 2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 213; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 87

2.5. καὶ ἀρχαίου κόσμου οὐκ ἐφείσατο, ἀλλὰ ὄγδοον Νῶε δικαιοσύνης κήρυκα ἐφύλαξεν, κατακλυσμὸν κόσμῳ ἀσεβῶν ἐπάξας, 2.22. συμβέβηκεν αὐτοῖς τὸ τῆς ἀληθοῦς παροιμίαςΚύων ἐπιστρέψας ἐπὶ τὸ ἴδιον ἐξέραμα,καί Ὗς λουσαμένη εἰς κυλισμὸν βορβόρου.

2.5. and didn't spare the ancient world, but preserved Noah with seven others, a preacher of righteousness, when he brought a flood on the world of the ungodly; 2.22. But it has happened to them according to the true proverb, "The dog turns to his own vomit again," and "the sow that had washed to wallowing in the mire."

220. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 1.17, 2.7-2.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 213, 214

1.17. Τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ τῶν αἰώνων, ἀφθάρτῳ, ἀοράτῳ, μόνῳ θεῷ, τιμὴ καὶ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων· ἀμήν. 2.7. εἰς ὃ ἐτέθην ἐγὼ κῆρυξ καὶ ἀπόστολος, — ἀλήθειαν λέγω, οὐ ψεύδομαι, — διδάσκαλος ἐθνῶν ἐν πίστει καὶ ἀληθείᾳ. 2.8. Βούλομαι οὖν προσεύχεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ, ἐπαίροντας ὁσίους χεῖρας χωρὶς ὀργῆς καὶ διαλογισμῶν. 2.9. Ὡσαύτως γυναῖκας ἐν καταστολῇ κοσμίῳ μετὰ αἰδοῦς καὶ σωφροσύνης κοσμεῖν ἑαυτάς, μὴ ἐν πλέγμασιν καὶ χρυσίῳ ἢ μαργαρίταις ἢ ἱματισμῷ πολυτελεῖ,

1.17. Now to the King eternal, immortal, invisible, to God who alone is wise, be honor and glory forever and ever. Amen. 2.7. to which I was appointed a preacher and an apostle (I am telling the truth in Christ, not lying), a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and truth. 2.8. I desire therefore that the men in every place pray, lifting up holy hands without wrath and doubting. 2.9. In the same way, that women also adorn themselves in decent clothing, with modesty and propriety; not just with braided hair, gold, pearls, or expensive clothing;

221. Iulia Balbilla, Epigrams, 790.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 144

222. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 2.19, 4.4, 4.9, 4.17, 5.10, 5.12-5.14, 5.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 8, 13; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 308; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 286; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 142; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 338

2.19. τίς γὰρ ἡμῶν ἐλπὶς ἢ χαρὰ ἢ στέφανος καυχήσεως— ἢ οὐχὶ καὶ ὑμεῖς— ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ; 4.4. εἰδέναι ἕκαστον ὑμῶν τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σκεῦος κτᾶσθαι ἐν ἁγιασμῷ καὶ τιμῇ, 4.9. Περὶ δὲ τῆς φιλαδελφίας οὐ χρείαν ἔχετε γράφειν ὑμῖν, αὐτοὶ γὰρ ὑμεῖς θεοδίδακτοί ἐστε εἰς τὸ ἀγαπᾷν ἀλλήλους· 4.17. ἔπειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα σὺν αὐτοῖς ἁρπαγησόμεθα ἐν νεφέλαις εἰς ἀπάντησιν τοῦ κυρίου εἰς ἀέρα· καὶ οὕτως πάντοτε σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα. 5.10. τοῦ ἀποθανόντος περὶ ἡμῶν ἵνα εἴτε γρηγορῶμεν εἴτε καθεύδωμεν ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ ζήσωμεν. 5.12. Ἐρωτῶμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, εἰδέναι τοὺς κοπιῶντας ἐν ὑμῖν καὶ προϊσταμένους ὑμῶν ἐν κυρίῳ καὶ νουθετοῦντας ὑμᾶς, 5.13. καὶ ἡγεῖσθαι αὐτοὺς ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ ἐν ἀγάπῃ διὰ τὸ ἔργον αὐτῶν. 5.14. εἰρηνεύετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. Παρακαλοῦμεν δὲ ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, νουθετεῖτε τοὺς ἀτάκτους, παραμυθεῖσθε τοὺς ὀλιγοψύχους, ἀντέχεσθε τῶν ἀσθενῶν, μακροθυμεῖτε πρὸς πάντας. 5.21. πάντα [δὲ] δοκιμάζετε, τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε,

2.19. For what is our hope, or joy, or crown of rejoicing? Isn't it even you, before our Lord Jesus at his coming? 4.4. that each one of you know how to possess himself of his own vessel in sanctification and honor, 4.9. But concerning brotherly love, you have no need that one write to you. For you yourselves are taught by God to love one another, 4.17. then we who are alive, who are left, will be caught up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air. So we will be with the Lord forever. 5.10. who died for us, that, whether we wake or sleep, we should live together with him. 5.12. But we beg you, brothers, to know those who labor among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you, 5.13. and to respect and honor them in love for their work's sake. Be at peace among yourselves. 5.14. We exhort you, brothers, admonish the disorderly, encourage the fainthearted, support the weak, be patient toward all. 5.21. Test all things, and hold firmly that which is good.

223. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.19-3.21, 1.20, 1.24, 2, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 3, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.19, 3.20, 4.19, 4.20, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 6.1, 6.2, 7, 8.1, 8.6, 8.7, 9, 9.12, 9.20, 9.21, 10, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.10, 11, 12, 12.3, 12.12, 12.31, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.12, 14, 15, 15.11, 15.14, 15.17, 15.19, 15.23, 15.24, 15.25, 15.26, 15.27, 15.28, 15.39, 15.40, 15.41, 15.42, 15.43, 15.44, 15.45, 15.46, 15.47, 15.48, 15.49, 15.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 97, 325

1.24. αὐτοῖς δὲ τοῖς κλητοῖς, Ἰουδαίοις τε καὶ Ἕλλησιν, Χριστὸν θεοῦ δύναμιν καὶ θεοῦ σοφίαν.

1.24. but to thosewho are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ is the power of God andthe wisdom of God.

224. New Testament, 1 John, 1.8, 2.7, 5.16-5.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 82; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 308

1.8. Ἐὰν εἴπωμεν ὅτι ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ ἔχομεν, ἑαυτοὺς πλανῶμεν καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν ἡμῖν. 2.7. Ἀγαπητοί, οὐκ ἐντολὴν καινὴν γράφω ὑμῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐντολὴν παλαιὰν ἣν εἴχετε ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς· ἡ ἐντολὴ ἡ παλαιά ἐστιν ὁ λόγος ὃν ἠκούσατε. 5.16. Ἐάν τις ἴδῃ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ἁμαρτάνοντα ἁμαρτίαν μὴ πρὸς θάνατον, αἰτήσει, καὶ δώσει αὐτῷ ζωήν, τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν μὴ πρὸς θάνατον. ἔστιν ἁμαρτία πρὸς θάνατον· οὐ περὶ ἐκείνης λέγω ἵνα ἐρωτήσῃ. 5.17. πᾶσα ἀδικία ἁμαρτία ἐστίν, καὶ ἔστιν ἁμαρτία οὐ πρὸς θάνατον.

1.8. If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 2.7. Brothers, I write no new commandment to you, but an old commandment which you had from the beginning. The old commandment is the word which you heard from the beginning. 5.16. If anyone sees his brother sinning a sin not leading to death, he shall ask, and God will give him life for those who sin not leading to death. There is a sin leading to death. I don't say that he should make a request concerning this. 5.17. All unrighteousness is sin, and there is a sin not leading to death.

225. New Testament, Apocalypse, a b c d\n0 1. 1. 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 1

226. New Testament, Galatians, 1.4, 1.15-1.16, 2.15-2.21, 3.11, 3.24, 3.27, 4.19, 4.23, 4.30, 5.1, 5.13, 5.17, 5.19-5.23, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 8, 9, 10, 12, 14; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 238; Roskovec and Hušek, Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts (2021) 185, 190; Trettel, Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14 (2019) 14, 21, 22, 36, 44, 65, 67; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 306; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 22, 334

1.4. τοῦ δόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν ὅπως ἐξέληται ἡμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ αἰῶνος τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος πονηροῦ κατὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν, 1.15. Ὅτε δὲ εὐδόκησεν [ὁ θεὸς] ὁ ἀφορίσας μεἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μουκαὶκαλέσαςδιὰ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1.16. ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ ἵνα εὐαγγελίζωμαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, εὐθέως οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ καὶ αἵματι, 2.15. Ἡμεῖς φύσει Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἐθνῶν ἁμαρτωλοί, 2.16. εἰδότες δὲ ὅτι οὐ δικαιοῦται ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἔργων νόμου ἐὰν μὴ διὰ πίστεως Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιστεύσαμεν, ἵνα δικαιωθῶμεν ἐκ πίστεως Χριστοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων νόμου, ὅτι ἐξ ἔργων νόμουοὐ δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σάρξ. 2.17. εἰ δὲ ζητοῦντες δικαιωθῆναι ἐν Χριστῷ εὑρέθημεν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁμαρτωλοί, ἆρα Χριστὸς ἁμαρτίας διάκονος; μὴ γένοιτο· 2.18. εἰ γὰρ ἃ κατέλυσα ταῦτα πάλιν οἰκοδομῶ, παραβάτην ἐμαυτὸν συνιστάνω. 2.19. ἐγὼ γὰρ διὰ νόμου νόμῳ ἀπέθανον ἵνα θεῷ ζήσω· Χριστῷ συνεσταύρωμαι· 2.20. ζῶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐγώ, ζῇ δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ Χριστός· ὃ δὲ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί, ἐν πίστει ζῶ τῇ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντός με καὶ παραδόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ. 2.21. Οὐκ ἀθετῶ τὴν χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ γὰρ διὰ νόμου δικαιοσύνη, ἄρα Χριστὸς δωρεὰν ἀπέθανεν. 3.11. ὅτι δὲ ἐν νόμῳ οὐδεὶς δικαιοῦται παρὰ τῷ θεῷ δῆλον, ὅτιὉ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται, 3.24. ὥστε ὁ νόμος παιδαγωγὸς ἡμῶν γέγονεν εἰς Χριστόν, ἵνα ἐκ πίστεως δικαιωθῶμεν· 3.27. ὅσοι γὰρ εἰς Χριστὸν ἐβαπτίσθητε, Χριστὸν ἐνεδύσασθε· 4.19. τεκνία μου, οὓς πάλιν ὠδίνω μέχρις οὗ μορφωθῇ Χριστὸς ἐν ὑμῖν· 4.23. ἀλλʼ ὁ [μὲν] ἐκ τῆς παιδίσκης κατὰ σάρκα γεγέννηται, ὁ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἐλευθέρας διʼ ἐπαγγελίας. 4.30. ἀλλὰ τί λέγει ἡ γραφή; Ἔκβαλε τὴν παιδίσκην καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς, οὐ γὰρ μὴ κληρονομήσει ὁ υἱὸς τῆς παιδίσκης μετὰ τοῦ υἱοῦ τῆς ἐλευθέρας. 5.1. Τῇ ἐλευθερίᾳ ἡμᾶς Χριστὸς ἠλευθέρωσεν· στήκετε οὖν καὶ μὴ πάλιν ζυγῷ δουλείας ἐνέχεσθε.— 5.13. μόνον μὴ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν εἰς ἀφορμὴν τῇ σαρκί, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἀγάπης δουλεύετε ἀλλήλοις· 5.17. ἡ γὰρ σὰρξ ἐπιθυμεῖ κατὰ τοῦ πνεύματος, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα κατὰ τῆς σαρκός, ταῦτα γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἀντίκειται, ἵνα μὴ ἃ ἐὰν θέλητε ταῦτα ποιῆτε. 5.19. φανερὰ δέ ἐστιν τὰ ἔργα τῆς σαρκός, ἅτινά ἐστιν πορνεία, ἀκαθαρσία, ἀσέλγεια, 5.20. εἰδωλολατρία, φαρμακία, ἔχθραι, ἔρις, ζῆλος, θυμοί, ἐριθίαι, διχοστασίαι, αἱρέσεις, 5.21. φθόνοι, μέθαι, κῶμοι, καὶ τὰ ὅμοια τούτοις, ἃ προλέγω ὑμῖν καθὼς προεῖπον ὅτι οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα πράσσοντες βασιλείαν θεοῦ οὐ κληρονομήσουσιν. 5.22. ὁ δὲ καρπὸς τοῦ πνεύματός ἐστιν ἀγάπη, χαρά, εἰρήνη, μακροθυμία, χρηστότης, ἀγαθωσύνη, πίστις, 5.23. πραΰτης, ἐγκράτεια· κατὰ τῶν τοιούτων οὐκ ἔστιν νόμος. 6.1. Ἀδελφοί, ἐὰν καὶ προλημφθῇ ἄνθρωπος ἔν τινι παραπτώματι, ὑμεῖς οἱ πνευματικοὶ καταρτίζετε τὸν τοιοῦτον ἐν πνεύματι πραΰτητος, σκοπῶν σεαυτόν, μὴ καὶ σὺ πειρασθῇς.

1.4. who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver us out of this present evil age, according to the will of our God and Father -- 1.15. Butwhen it was the good pleasure of God, who separated me from my mother'swomb, and called me through his grace, 1.16. to reveal his Son in me,that I might preach him among the Gentiles, I didn't immediately conferwith flesh and blood, 2.15. "We, being Jews by nature, and not Gentile sinners, 2.16. yet knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law butthrough the faith of Jesus Christ, even we believed in Christ Jesus,that we might be justified by faith in Christ, and not by the works ofthe law, because no flesh will be justified by the works of the law. 2.17. But if, while we sought to be justified in Christ, we ourselvesalso were found sinners, is Christ a servant of sin? Certainly not! 2.18. For if I build up again those things which I destroyed, I provemyself a law-breaker. 2.19. For I, through the law, died to the law,that I might live to God. 2.20. I have been crucified with Christ, andit is no longer I that live, but Christ living in me. That life which Inow live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me,and gave himself up for me. 2.21. I don't make void the grace of God.For if righteousness is through the law, then Christ died for nothing! 3.11. Now that no man is justified by the law before God isevident, for, "The righteous will live by faith." 3.24. So that the law has become our tutor to bring us toChrist, that we might be justified by faith. 3.27. For as many of you as werebaptized into Christ have put on Christ. 4.19. My little children, of whom I am again in travail untilChrist is formed in you-- 4.23. However, the son by thehandmaid was born according to the flesh, but the son by the free womanwas born through promise. 4.30. However what does the Scripture say? "Throw out the handmaid and herson, for the son of the handmaid will not inherit with the son of thefree woman." 5.1. Stand firm therefore in the liberty by which Christ has madeus free, and don't be entangled again with a yoke of bondage. 5.13. For you, brothers, were called for freedom. Only don't useyour freedom for gain to the flesh, but through love be servants to oneanother. 5.17. For the flesh lusts against the Spirit, and theSpirit against the flesh; and these are contrary to one other, that youmay not do the things that you desire. 5.19. Now the works of the fleshare obvious, which are: adultery, sexual immorality, uncleanness,lustfulness, 5.20. idolatry, sorcery, hatred, strife, jealousies,outbursts of anger, rivalries, divisions, heresies, 5.21. envyings,murders, drunkenness, orgies, and things like these; of which Iforewarn you, even as I also forewarned you, that those who practicesuch things will not inherit the Kingdom of God. 5.22. But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, patience,kindness, goodness, faithfulness, 5.23. gentleness, and self-control.Against such things there is no law. 6.1. Brothers, even if a man is caught in some fault, you who arespiritual must restore such a one in a spirit of gentleness; looking toyourself so that you also aren't tempted.

227. Diogenes of Oenoanda, Fragments, 26, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 44

228. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, 329 (svf 1.262)a, 329 (svf 1.262)b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 18

229. Seneca The Younger, Medea, 900-902 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 270

902. incumbe in iras teque languentem excita

230. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 1.6, 1.17.10, 2.32, 2.32.7-2.32.8, 3.27-3.30, 3.27.4-3.27.5, 3.27.11, 3.28.2, 3.29.1, 3.30.1, 3.30.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism •stoicism, stoics, and astrology Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 129, 134; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 105, 150, 161, 162

1.6. AMONG the other arguments it must be mentioned that a rainbow never is seen greater than a semicircle: the higher the sun is, too, the smaller is the bow. As our countryman Virgil says: And deep drinks The mighty bow, when rain is brewing. But the threat the bow conveys is not the same whatever the quarter it has shown itself in. 2 If it rises toward the south, it will bring a heavy fall. The rain in that quarter, such is its force, cannot be mastered by the strongest midday sun. If it shine toward the west, there will be only a dew or a light rain. If it rise in the east or thereabouts, it prognosticates fine weather. If, however, the bow is the sun's reflection, why does it appear of far larger size than the sun himself? Just because there is a kind of mirror that exhibits objects on a far larger scale than that on which they are presented to it, increasing their form to a portentous magnitude: and in turn there is another kind that reduces the size. And tell me this again, why does an image assume the form of a circle if 3 it does not answer to a circle? You may, perhaps, tell me why the colour of the bow is varied: why its shape is what it is, you will not be able to tell me except by citing some model after which it is formed. Now, other model there is none save that of the sun; when you admit that the rainbow receives its colour from him, it follows that it receives its shape also from him. In short, you and I are agreed that those colours by which its quarter of the heaven is adorned proceed from the sun. But on one point we are not agreed: you say that the colour is real; I maintain that it is only apparent. Whichever it is, real or apparent, it comes from the sun. On your assumption its sudden cessation cannot be explained, seeing that all other bright lights in the sky are dispelled gradually. Its sudden appearance and, at the same time, its sudden extinction make for my contention. 4 For it is a peculiarity of a mirror that the reflection in it is not built up piecemeal, but all at once comes fully into being. Every image in it is destroyed, too, with as great rapidity as it was formed. For to the construction or removal of the images nothing is required but the presentation and withdrawal of the objects. In the rainbow-cloud whose nature is in question, there is no proper substance or material: there is only a sham and a likeness without reality. Will you be convinced that this is so? 5 The proof is, the rainbow will cease if you conceal the sun. Place another cloud, I repeat, in front of the sun, and all the bright hues of the bow are gone. But what is to be said, you may ask, in explanation of the size of the bow which is considerably greater than that of the sun? I have already said that there are certain mirrors that multiply every object they reflect. I may now add that every object much exceeds its natural size when seen through water. Letters, however small and dim, are comparatively large and distinct when seen through a glass globe filled with water. Apples floating in a glass vessel seem more beauti6 ful than they are in reality. The stars appear bigger if seen through a cloud, because our vision is blurred in the moisture, and cannot accurately grasp its object. This will become plain to demonstration if you fill a cup with water and throw a ring into it. While the ring lies right at the bottom its appearance is visible on the surface of the water. 7 Anything, in fact, that is seen through moisture appears far larger than in reality it is. What wonder that the image of the sun, being seen in a moist cloud, should be reproduced on a scale larger than the original, and that for the two reasons indicated? The cloud contains the two elements, one like glass, which can transmit light, and one also of the character of water; at any rate, if it does not just yet contain the actual water, it is now forming it, its nature is already such as can easily be changed into water. 2.32. LIGHTNING portends the future, too. Nor do the signs it gives refer to only one or two events. often a complete series of fate's succeeding decrees is intimated, with proof, too, plain to demonstration, far more distinct than if it were recorded in writing. There are differences of interpretation, however, between our countrymen and the Tuscans, the latter of whom possess consummate skill in the explanation of the meaning of lightning. 2 We think that because clouds collide, therefore lightning is emitted; they hold that clouds collide in order that lightning may be emitted. They refer everything to the will of God: therefore they are strong in their conviction that lightning does not give an indication of the future because it has occurred, but occurs because it is meant to give this indication. Whether the indication is its purpose or its consequence makes no difference in the method of its occurrence. How, then, do they give indication unless they are sent by God? Just in the same way as birds give favourable or unfavourable omens, though they are not moved on their flight for the express purpose of meeting us. God moves them too, it is urged. You imagine He has so little to do that He can attend to trifles of this sort, if you will have Him arrange visions for one, entrails of victims for another. 4 Nevertheless, all those things are managed by Divine agency, not, however, in the sense that the wings of birds are immediately directed by God, or the bowels of cattle arranged by Him in certain forms under the priest's axe. It is in far other way that the roll of fate is unfolded; it sends ahead in all directions intimations of what is to follow, which are in part familiar, in part unknown to us. Everything that happens is a sign of something that is going to happen: mere chance occurrences uncontrolled by any rational principle do not admit of the application of divination. 5 An event that belongs to a series thereby becomes capable of being predicted. But why, then, is the honour conferred upon the eagle of giving omens concerning great events? or a similar function assigned to the raven and a very few other birds, while all the rest give no presage by their notes? The reason simply is that some departments have not yet been brought within the sphere of the art of augury, while some are incapable of ever being brought within it, because our acquaintance with them is too slight. 6 As a matter of fact, there is no living creature whose movement or meeting with us does not foretell something. of course, only some, not all, can be observed. The omen lies in the observation. So it concerns the person who directs his attention to it. But other things as well concern him, though they pass unheeded. For instance, the Chaldaeans confined their observation to the five great planets. But do you suppose that the influence of so many thousands of other bright stars is naught? The 7 essential error of those who pretend to skill in casting the horoscope lies in limiting our destinies to the influence of a few of the stars, while all that float above us in the heavens claim some share in us. Perchance the lower stars exert their force on us more directly; and the same may be true of the stars that by reason of their more frequent movements turn their view upon man in a different way from that in which it is turned upon other living creatures. But even those stars that are either stationary or, from their velocity being the same as that of the world as a whole, seem to be so, are not without sway and dominion over us. 8 Add one other consideration and you have the subject set out with due arrangement of its parts: 2 it is not more easy to ascertain what the power of the stars is than justifiable to doubt that they possess such power. 3.27. THE occasion reminds me of a wider question, When the fated day of deluge comes, after what fashion will the earth for the most part be overwhelmed by the waves? Will it be by the strength of Ocean and the rise of the outer sea against us? Or will the rain descend uninterruptedly, and will summer be cut out of the year while persistent winter bursts its clouds and pours down endless masses of water? Or will earth herself open new 2 reservoirs and shed forth rivers more abundantly? Or will a single cause be insufficient to produce such a catastrophe, and all the methods conspire together, the rains descending and the river floods rising, and the seas hurrying in hot haste from their place all agencies in concert bent upon the one aim, the destruction of the human race? The last is the truth. Nature finds no difficulties in compassing her ends, especially when she hastens to make an end of herself. At the creation of things she economises her efforts, putting forth her energy in small imperceptible increase: for destruction she comes with sudden and irresistible might. 3 How long a time is needed to bring the embryo child to the birth! How great the toil called for in rearing the tender infant! How careful the nurture through which the frail body is at length brought to manhood! But how insignificant the effort needed to undo it all! Cities take centuries to establish: an hour brings their ruin. Ages rear the forest: a moment turns it to ashes. To its stability and vigour this universe of things calls for great and constant protection; quickly and suddenly dissolution comes. 4 Deviation by nature from her established order in the world suffices for the destruction of the race. So when that day of fate comes, many causes will be at work in fulfilling its decrees; and as some, including Fabianus, think, such a change will not come without a shock to the whole universe. In the first instance there will be excessive rainfall, a dull leaden sky with never a glimpse of the sun. The clouds will be unbroken, the gathering moisture will cause thick darkness, and there will be no winds to lick it up. 5 Hence the crops will be diseased, the grain ere it be grown will wither without fruit. All tillage of man's hand will be ruined; marsh grass will spring up over all the plains. Presently the stronger plants feel the strain; their roots are loosened, and the pollard elms fall forward, carrying their vines with them. All shrubs lose their hold on the soil, which has become soft and flabby. Soon the ground is so saturated that it can support neither grain nor fruitful pasture. The stress of famine is felt, and recourse is had to the ancient sustece of berries. The fruit is shaken from ilex and oak, and any other tree that has been able to keep its ground by the support of the clefts of the rocks in the mountains. Roofs are sodden and rickety; the rain has penetrated to the depths, and the foundations sink. 6 The ground is all a marsh. It is vain to seek supports to the tottering houses; every foundation is set on slippery ground, and in the muddy soil nothing is firm. After the storm-clouds have more and more densely massed, and the accumulated snows of centuries have melted, a cataract sweeps down from the lofty mountains carrying before it the woods now insecure in their place, tearing off boulders from their fastenings, and whirling them down in fierce career. It washes off the country houses, and takes down with it flocks of sheep among the debris. The smaller hamlets it carries off as it passes, but at length it leaves its course and rushes in fury upon the larger homesteads. It draws in its career whole cities, inhabitants, and buildings all mixed together: people know not whether to complain of a catastrophe or a shipwreck. So utterly crushed are they and at the same time submerged by its coming. By and by, as it advances, the cataract is swollen by the absorption of other torrents, and in devastating course roams through the whole plain. Finally, it holds universal sway; it has earned a title by the widespread destruction of the world which it carries as its burthen. 8 The rivers, too, originally large, have been so hurried down by the storms that they have left their channels. The Rhone, the Rhine, the Danube, even when confined within their banks, have an impetuous torrent. What, suppose you, are they now that they have overflowed and made themselves new banks, and, cutting through the soil have all wandered from their wonted course? With what headlong rush they roll down! The Rhine overspreads the plains, but the wideness of the space causes no slackening of its energy; it pours its waters in full force over the whole extent as if it were rushing through a gorge. 9 The Danube no longer washes the base, or even the middle, of the mountains; it lashes the very summits, bearing down with it the mountain sides it has flooded, the crags it has overturned, the beetling promontories through whole provinces; it undermines their foundations, and carries them far off from the mainland. And, after all, the river finds no exit for it had closed up every passage against itself but returns in a circuit, and envelops in one vast whirlpool the huge expanse of lands and cities. Meantime the rains continue, the sky becomes still more threatening, and thus, for long, disaster is heaped upon disaster. 10 What was once cloud is now profound night, and that, too, dread and terrible, with gleams of lurid light between. For frequent flashes show, and squalls disturb the sea. Then for the first time, feeling the increase from the rivers, and too narrow to contain itself, the main advances its shores. Its own bounds cannot contain it, and yet the torrents from land prevent its escape, and drive back its waves. Still, the greater part of the torrents detained by their narrow mouth recoil in pools, reducing the fields to the aspect of a continuous lake. Now everything, far as the eye can reach, is a waste of waters. Every hill is hidden in the abyss, everywhere is u fathomless depth of water. Only in the highest mountain tops are there shallows. To these heights men have fled with wives and children, and have driven up their cattle. All intercourse and communication have been cut off among the wretched survivors; for all the lower ground has been filled by the waves. The remts of the human race cling to every lofty peak. Brought to the last shift, they have this one solace, that apprehension has passed into stupor. Astonishment so fills them that there is no room for fear. 12 Even grief finds no place; for it loses its force in one whose wretchedness has passed beyond perception of suffering. So there are only mountain tops that appear like islands above the water, and increase the number of the scattered Cyclades, as that accomplished poet finely says; with an exaltation of language too in keeping with his theme, he exclaims: All was sea; to the sea there was no shore. It is a pity he reduced that burst of genius and his splendid subject to childish twaddle by adding: The wolf has to swim among the sheep, the wave carries tawny lions. There is too little seriousness in making sport in this way when the earth has been swallowed up. 13 He expressed a fine thought and caught a vivid picture of the utter confusion when he said: Through the open plains the rivers wander at their will, The towers totter and sink beneath the flood. That was splendid, if he had not minded what the wolf and the sheep were doing. Could anything, in fact, swim amid such deluge and destruction? Was not every hoof drowned in the same torrent as carried it off? You conceived a worthy image, Ovid, when all the world was overwhelmed, and the sky itself descended upon earth. Keep it up. You will know what it ought to be if you reflect that the whole world was afloat. Now we must return to our discussion. 3.28. THERE is a section of philosophers who hold that while the earth may be greatly harassed by excessive rains, it cannot be overwhelmed by them. By a mighty blow this mighty earth must be smitten. Rain will spoil the crops, hail will knock off the fruit; but the rivers will only be swollen above their banks, and will subside again. Some, again, are satisfied that the cause of the widespread destruction will be derived from the movements of the sea. The great shipwreck of the world cannot, they think, arise from injury by cataract, river, or rain. 2 I am willing to grant that when that day of destruction is at hand, and Heaven is resolved to create a new race of men, the rain will pour down incessantly, and there will be no limit to the floods, the north and other dry winds will cease to blow; the south will bring up in plenty clouds and rain and stream. But hitherto only damage has been inflicted. The crops are laid low, and to the grief of the farmer, All hope of increase is abandoned; the toil of the long year is wasted and vain. But for our purpose the earth must be more than damaged, it must be submerged. In fact, the disasters described are merely the prelude to destruction. After that, the seas swell far beyond their wonted bounds, sending out their waves far above the farthest high-water mark of the most violent tempest. The winds will urge them on from the 3 rear, rolling up huge billows that will break far inland out of sight of the highest shore. In course of time the shore will thus be shifted forward, the deep will be established in a realm that is not its own; the mischief will come nearer, and from its new base the tide will issue still from the deepest recesses of the main. For just like atmosphere and ether, this element, sea, has a large reserve, and in its depth is far more copious than appears to the eye. This reserve, moved by fate, not merely by tides for tides are but the agency of fate raises and drives before it a gulf of vast extent. 4 Then in wondrous wise it rears its crest, and overtops all man's refuges of safety. Nor do the waters find this a hard task, since, if the heights were calculated, it would be found that the sea mounts from an elevation equal to that of earth. The surface of the sea is of uniform level; for the earth itself as a whole is uniformly level. Hollows and plains are everywhere below the general level. But the whole globe is as a matter of fact formed into a regular sphere, while in part of it is the sea, which unites to form the unity of a single ball. But just as when one looks out across a plain, the 5 ground that sinks gradually deceives the eye, so we are not aware of the sea's curvatures, and all that is visible is a plain. But being on a level with the earth, the sea does not require to raise itself to any great height in order to overflow. In order to overtop what is on a level with it, it need make only a slight rise. Besides, the flow of it does not proceed from the shore where it is lower, but from mid ocean where the heap in question stands. 6 Therefore, as the tide at the equinox soon after the conjunction of moon and sun rises to a height greater than at any other time of year; in like manner this one that is sent out to seize upon the earth must exceed in violence the highest of ordinary tides, and bear a far greater volume of water; nor does it begin to ebb until it has swollen above the peaks of the mountains that are its objective. Some localities have at present a tide that runs up inland for a hundred miles in ordinary course harmlessly. It flows up to its normal limit and then ebbs again. 7 But when the time of deluge comes, the tide, freed from all restraint, will set no limit to its advance. In what way? you say. Just in the same way as the great conflagration is destined to take place. Both will take place when God has seen fit to end the old order, and bring in a better. Fire and water are lords of the earth. From these it took its rise, and in these it will find its grave. So when a new creation of the world has been resolved upon by Heaven, the sea will be let loose on us from above; or it may be the raging fire, if another variety of destruction is Heaven's will. 3.29. SOME suppose that in the final catastrophe the earth, too, will be shaken, and through clefts in the ground will uncover sources of fresh rivers which will flow forth from their full source in larger volume. Berosus, the translator of [the records of] Belus, affirms that the whole issue is brought about by the course of the planets. So positive is he on the point that he assigns a definite date both for the conflagration and the deluge. All that the earth inherits will, he assures us, be consigned to flame when the planets, which now move in different orbits, all assemble in Cancer, so arranged in one row that a straight line may pass through their spheres. When the same gathering takes place in Capricorn, then we are in danger of the deluge. Midsummer is at present brought round by the former, midwinter by the latter. They are zodiacal signs of great power 2 seeing that they are the determining influences in the two great changes of the year. I should myself quite admit causes of the kind. The destruction of the world will not be determined by a single reason. But I should like to apply in this connection as well, a principle which we Stoics adopt in regard to a conflagration of the universe. Whether the world is a soul, or a body under the government of nature, like trees and crops, it embraces in its constitution all that it is destined to experience actively or passively from its beginning right on to its end; it resembles a human being, all whose capacities are wrapped up in the embryo before birth. 3 Ere the child has seen the light the principle of beard and grey hairs is innate. Albeit small and hidden, all the features of the whole body and of every succeeding period of life are there. In like manner the creation of the world embraces sun and moon, stars with their successive phases, and the birth of all sentient life; and no less the methods of change in all earthly things. Among the latter is flood, which comes by a law of nature just as winter and summer do. 4 So, that catastrophe will not be produced simply by rain, but rain will contribute: nor by inroads of the sea, but these inroads will contribute: nor by earthquake, but earthquake will contribute. All elements will aid nature, that nature's decrees may be executed. The chief cause of its inundation will be furnished by the earth herself, which, as has been already said, is subject to transmutation, and may dissolve in moisture. 5 Therefore, there will one day come an end to all human life and interests. The elements of the earth must all be dissolved or utterly destroyed in order that they all may be created anew in innocence, and that no remt may be left to tutor men in vice. There will be more moisture then than there ever was before. At present the elements are all carefully adjusted to the parts they have to fulfil. To destroy the equipoise in which the balance stands, there must be some addition to one or other of them. The addition will be to moisture. It has, at present, power to surround, but not to overwhelm the earth. Any addition to it must of necessity overflow into ground that does not now belong to it. So the earth as the weaker is bound to yield to sea which has gathered unnatural strength. So it will begin to rot, then to be loosened and con6 verted into moisture, and to waste away by the continuous drain. Rivers will then issue forth beneath mountains, shaking them to the foundations by their fury; then they will flow on in silence without a breath of air. The soil will everywhere give forth water; the tops of mountains will pour it out, just as disease corrupts what is sound, and an ulcer taints its whole vicinity. The nearer the part is to the soil that is being liquefied, the more quickly will it be washed off, dissolved, and finally carried away. The rock will everywhere gape in fissures, and the fresh supplies of water will leap down into the gulfs, and unite in forming one great sea. There will be no Adriatic any longer, no strait in the Sicilian Sea, no Charybdis, no Scylla. All the fabulous dangers will be swallowed up in the new sea; the existing Ocean which surrounds the fringes of the earth will come into the centre. Nor will this be all. As if this were not enough, winter will seize upon months that are not his, summer will be stopped, the heat of every heavenly body that dries up earth's moisture will be quenched and cease. All these names will be obliterated Caspian and Red Sea, Ambracian and Cretan Gulfs, the Pontus and the Propontis. All distinctions will disappear. All will be mixed up which nature has now arranged in its several parts. Nor will walls and battlements afford protection to any. Temples will not save their worshippers, nor citadels their refugees. The wave will anticipate the fugitives, and sweep them down from their very stronghold. Some enemies will hasten from the west, others from the east. A single day will see the burial of all mankind. All that the long forbearance of fortune has produced, all that has been reared to eminence, all that is famous and all that is beautiful, great thrones, great nations all will descend into the one abyss, will be overthrown in one hour. 3.30. NATURE, as I have said, finds no task hard, and especially one resolved upon from the beginning, to which she does not come of a sudden, but of which long warning has been given. From the world's first morning, when out of shapeless uniformity it assumed this form it wears, nature's decree had fixed the day when all earthly things should be overflowed. Nay, from of old the seas have practised their strength for this purpose, lest at any time destruction as a strange work might be found difficult to compass. Do you not see how the breaker dashes against the beach as if it wished to leave its element? Do you not see how the tide sometimes crosses its bounds and instals the sea in possession 2 of the land? Do you not see how unceasing is the war it wages against its barriers? But what special apprehension need there be of the sea, the place where you see such turmoil, and of the rivers that burst forth in such fury? Where has nature not placed water? She can attack us on all sides the moment she chooses. I can give my own word of honour for it that water meets us as we turn up the soil; every time our avarice sends us down a mine, or any other motive induces us to sink a shaft deep in the earth, the end of the excavation is always a rush of water. 3 Remember, too, that there are huge lakes hidden deep in the earth, great quantities of sea stored up, and many rivers that glide through the unseen depths. On all sides, therefore, will be causes of deluge; for some waters flow in beneath the earth and others flow round it. Though long restrained they will at last prevail, and will join stream to stream and pool to marsh. The sea will fill up the mouth of every fountain, and will open it out to wider extent. 4 Just as the bowels drain the body in the draught, or as the strength goes off into perspiration, so the earth will dissolve, and though other causes are inactive, it will find within itself a flood in which to sink. All the great forces will thus, I should suppose, combine. Nor will destruction tarry. The harmony is assailed and broken when once the world has relaxed aught of its needed care. At once, from all sides, open and hidden, above and beneath, will rush the influx of waters. There is nothing like the letting loose of the sea's 5 full force, for violence and ungovernable fury; it rises in rebellion and spurns every restraint. It will make full use of its permitted liberty; as its nature prompts, what it rends and surrounds it will soon fill up. Just as fire that breaks out at different points will speedily unite the flames and make one grand blaze, so the overflowing seas will join forces in an instant. But the waves will not enjoy their unrestrained liberty for ever. 6 When the destruction of the human race is consummated, and when wild beasts, whose nature men had come to share, have been consigned together to a like fate, the earth will once more drink up the waters. Nature will force the sea to stay its course, and to expend its rage within its wonted bounds. Ocean will be banished from our abodes into his own secret dwelling-place. The ancient order of things will be recalled. Every living creature will be created afresh. 7 The earth will receive a new man ignorant of sin, born under happier stars. But they, too, will retain their innocence only while they are new. Vice quickly creeps in; virtue is difficult to find; she requires ruler and guide. But vice can be acquired even without a tutor.

231. Suetonius, Iulius, 42 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 281

42. Moreover, to keep up the population of the city, depleted as it was by the assignment of eighty thousand citizens to colonies across the sea, he made a law that no citizen older than twenty or younger than forty, who was not detained by service in the army, should be absent from Italy for more than three successive years; that no senator's son should go abroad except as the companion of a magistrate or on his staff; and that those who made a business of grazing should have among their herdsmen at least one-third who were men of free birth. He conferred citizenship on all who practised medicine at Rome, and on all teachers of the liberal arts, to make them more desirous of living in the city and to induce others to resort to it., As to debts, he disappointed those who looked for their cancellation, which was often agitated, but finally decreed that the debtors should satisfy their creditors according to a valuation of their possessions at the price what they had paid for them before the civil war, deducting from the principal whatever interest had been paid in cash or pledged through bankers; an arrangement which wiped out about a fourth part of their indebtedness., He dissolved all guilds, except those of ancient foundation. He increased the penalties for crimes; and inasmuch as the rich involved themselves in guilt with less hesitation because they merely suffered exile, without any loss of property, he punished murderers of freemen by the confiscation of all their goods, as Cicero writes, and others by the loss of one-half.

232. Suetonius, Nero, 42 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 281

233. Suetonius, Tiberius, 69 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, and astrology Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134

69. Although somewhat neglectful of the gods and of religious matters, being addicted to astrology and firmly convinced that everything was in the hands of fate, he was nevertheless immoderately afraid of thunder. Whenever the sky was lowering, he always wore a laurel wreath, because it is said that that kind of leaf is not blasted by lightning.

234. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 281

18. He was the first to establish a regular salary of a hundred thousand sesterces for Latin and Greek teachers of rhetoric, paid from the privy purse. He also presented eminent poets with princely largess and great rewards, and artists, too, such as the restorer of the Venus of Cos and of the Colossus. To a mechanical engineer, who promised to transport some heavy columns to the Capitol at small expense, he gave no mean reward for his invention, but refused to make use of it, saying: "You must let me feed my poor commons."

235. Tacitus, Annals, 6.22, 6.28, 16.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, and astrology •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212, 281; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134

6.22. Sed mihi haec ac talia audienti in incerto iudicium est fatone res mortalium et necessitate immutabili an forte volvantur. quippe sapientissimos veterum quique sectam eorum aemulantur diversos reperies, ac multis insitam opinionem non initia nostri, non finem, non denique homines dis curae; ideo creberrime tristia in bonos, laeta apud deteriores esse. contra alii fatum quidem congruere rebus putant, sed non e vagis stellis, verum apud principia et nexus naturalium causarum; ac tamen electionem vitae nobis relinquunt, quam ubi elegeris, certum imminentium ordinem. neque mala vel bona quae vulgus putet: multos qui conflictari adversis videantur beatos, at plerosque quamquam magnas per opes miserrimos, si illi gravem fortunam constanter tolerent, hi prospera inconsulte utantur. ceterum plurimis mortalium non eximitur quin primo cuiusque ortu ventura destinentur, sed quaedam secus quam dicta sint cadere fallaciis ignara dicentium: ita corrumpi fidem artis cuius clara documenta et antiqua aetas et nostra tulerit. quippe a filio eiusdem Thrasulli praedictum Neronis imperium in tempore memorabitur, ne nunc incepto longius abierim. 6.28. Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside domitibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur. 16.21. Trucidatis tot insignibus viris ad postremum Nero virtutem ipsam excindere concupivit interfecto Thrasea Paeto et Barea Sorano, olim utrisque infensus et accedentibus causis in Thraseam, quod senatu egressus est cum de Agrippina referretur, ut memoravi, quodque Iuvenalium ludicro parum spectabilem operam praebuerat; eaque offensio altius penetrabat, quia idem Thrasea Patavi, unde ortus erat, ludis †cetastis† a Troiano Antenore institutis habitu tragico cecinerat. die quoque quo praetor Antistius ob probra in Neronem composita ad mortem damnabatur, mitiora censuit obtinuitque; et cum deum honores Poppaeae decernuntur sponte absens, funeri non interfuerat. quae oblitterari non sinebat Capito Cossutianus, praeter animum ad flagitia praecipitem iniquus Thraseae quod auctoritate eius concidisset, iuvantis Cilicum legatos dum Capitonem repetundarum interrogant.

6.22. For myself, when I listen to this and similar narratives, my judgement wavers. Is the revolution of human things governed by fate and changeless necessity, or by accident? You will find the wisest of the ancients, and the disciplines attached to their tenets, at complete variance; in many of them a fixed belief that Heaven concerns itself neither with our origins, nor with our ending, nor, in fine, with mankind, and that so adversity continually assails the good, while prosperity dwells among the evil. Others hold, on the contrary, that, though there is certainly a fate in harmony with events, it does not emanate from wandering stars, but must be sought in the principles and processes of natural causation. Still, they leave us free to choose our life: that choice made, however, the order of the future is certain. Nor, they maintain, are evil and good what the crowd imagines: many who appear to be the sport of adverse circumstances are happy; numbers are wholly wretched though in the midst of great possessions â provided only that the former endure the strokes of fortune with firmness, while the latter employ her favours with unwisdom. With most men, however, the faith is ineradicable that the future of an individual is ordained at the moment of his entry into life; but at times a prophecy is falsified by the event, through the dishonesty of the prophet who speaks he knows not what; and thus is debased the credit of an art, of which the most striking evidences have been furnished both in the ancient world and in our own. For the forecast of Nero's reign, made by the son of this very Thrasyllus, shall be related at its fitting place: at present I do not care to stray too far from my theme. < 6.22. For myself, when I listen to this and similar narratives, my judgement wavers. Is the revolution of human things governed by fate and changeless necessity, or by accident? You will find the wisest of the ancients, and the disciplines attached to their tenets, at complete variance; in many of them a fixed belief that Heaven concerns itself neither with our origins, nor with our ending, nor, in fine, with mankind, and that so adversity continually assails the good, while prosperity dwells among the evil. Others hold, on the contrary, that, though there is certainly a fate in harmony with events, it does not emanate from wandering stars, but must be sought in the principles and processes of natural causation. Still, they leave us free to choose our life: that choice made, however, the order of the future is certain. Nor, they maintain, are evil and good what the crowd imagines: many who appear to be the sport of adverse circumstances are happy; numbers are wholly wretched though in the midst of great possessions â provided only that the former endure the strokes of fortune with firmness, while the latter employ her favours with unwisdom. With most men, however, the faith is ineradicable that the future of an individual is ordained at the moment of his entry into life; but at times a prophecy is falsified by the event, through the dishonesty of the prophet who speaks he knows not what; and thus is debased the credit of an art, of which the most striking evidences have been furnished both in the ancient world and in our own. For the forecast of Nero's reign, made by the son of this very Thrasyllus, shall be related at its fitting place: at present I do not care to stray too far from my theme. 6.28. In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of 1461 years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For â so the tale is told â when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. â The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. < 16.21. After the slaughter of so many of the noble, Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus. To both he was hostile from of old, and against Thrasea there were additional motives; for he had walked out of the senate, as I have mentioned, during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been conspicuous â a grievance which went the deeper that in Patavium, his native place, the same Thrasea had sung in tragic costume at the . . . Games instituted by the Trojan Antenor. Again, on the day when sentence of death was all but passed on the praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he proposed, and carried, a milder penalty; and, after deliberately absenting himself from the vote of divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her funeral. These memories were kept from fading by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito for extortion, had cost him the verdict. < 16.21. After the slaughter of so many of the noble, Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus. To both he was hostile from of old, and against Thrasea there were additional motives; for he had walked out of the senate, as I have mentioned, during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been conspicuous â a grievance which went the deeper that in Patavium, his native place, the same Thrasea had sung in tragic costume at the . . . Games instituted by the Trojan Antenor. Again, on the day when sentence of death was all but passed on the praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he proposed, and carried, a milder penalty; and, after deliberately absenting himself from the vote of divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her funeral. These memories were kept from fading by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito for extortion, had cost him the verdict.

236. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 363d, 364a, 364b, 364c, 364d, 364e, 365c, 365d, 365e, 367c, 367d, 367e, 41 (367e) (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 390

237. Theon of Smyrna, Aspects of Mathematics Useful For The Reading of Plato, 15.16-15.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, philosophy, on divisions of Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666

238. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, 1035a, 1038, 1040b, 1040c, 1048e, 1049a, 1049b, 1049d, 1049e, 1050d, 1051e, 1052a, 1057e, 1061e, 1050c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 96

239. Cebes of Thebes, Cebetis Tabula, 7.3, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.4-11.1, 11.1, 11.2, 21.1, 21.2, 21.3, 23.2, 23.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 94

240. Aristobulus Milesius, Fragments, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 139

241. Plutarch, Whether Land Or Sea Animals Are More Clever, 964c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, cosmology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 164

964c. have left no path, either broad or narrow, by which any may slip in. Autobulus. This, my friend, has been spoken "from the heart." We certainly must not allow philosophers, as though they were women in difficult labour, to put about their necks a charm for speedy delivery so that they may bring justice to birth for us easily and without hard labour. For they themselves do not concede to Epicurus, for the sake of the highest considerations, a thing so small and trifling as the slightest deviation of a single atom â which would permit the stars and living creatures to slip in by chance and would preserve from destruction the principle of free will. But, seeing that they bid him demonstrate whatever is not obvious or take as his starting-point something that is obvious, how are they in any position to make this statement about animals a basis of their own account of justice, when it is neither generally accepted nor otherwise demonstrated by them?

242. Plutarch, How To Tell A Flatterer From A Friend, 59d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, long-windedness Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 283

243. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 1.7.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, long and sedley •stoicism, stoics, pneuma Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 212

244. Plutarch, Greek And Roman Parallel Stories, 1092d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, cosmology of •stoicism, stoics, theology of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 118

245. Plutarch, Moralia, 1040b, 1040c, 1049a, 1049b, 1049d, 1049e, 1050c, 1050d, 875e, 875d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 66

246. Plutarch, Fragments, 179 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 67

247. Plutarch, Fragments, 157 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 188

248. Plutarch, On Tranquility of Mind, 476e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 95

249. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 12.27-12.35, 30.29-30.44, 32.53, 76.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 19; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 22, 26; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 42, 43, 139

12.27. Now concerning the nature of the gods in general, and especially that of the ruler of the universe, first and foremost an idea regarding him and a conception of him common to the whole human race, to the Greeks and to the barbarians alike, a conception that is inevitable and innate in every creature endowed with reason, arising in the course of nature without the aid of human teacher and free from the deceit of any expounding priest, has made its way, and it rendered manifest God's kinship with man and furnished many evidences of the truth, which did not suffer the earliest and most ancient men to doze and grow indifferent to them; < 12.28. for inasmuch as these earlier men were not living dispersed far away from the divine being or beyond his borders apart by themselves, but had grown up in his company and had remained close to him in every way, they could not for any length of time continue to be unintelligent beings, especially since they had received from him intelligence and the capacity for reason, illumined as they were on every side by the divine and magnificent glories of heaven and the stars of sun and moon, by night and day encountering varied and dissimilar experiences, seeing wondrous sights and hearing manifold voices of winds and forest and rivers and sea, of animals tame and wild; while they themselves uttered a most pleasing and clear sound, and taking delight in the proud and intelligent quality of the human voice, attached symbols to the objects that reached their senses, so as to be able to name and designate everything perceived, < 12.32. So experiencing all these things and afterwards taking note of them, men could not help admiring and loving the divinity, also because they observed the seasons and saw that it is for our preservation that they come with perfect regularity and avoidance of excess in either direction, and yet further, because they enjoyed this god-given superiority over the other animals of being able to reason and reflect about the gods. < 12.33. So it is very much the same as if anyone were to place a man, a Greek or a barbarian, in some mystic shrine of extraordinary beauty and size to be initiated, where he would see many mystic sights and hear many mystic voices, where light and darkness would appear to him alternately, and a thousand other things would occur; and further, if it should be just as in the rite called enthronement, where the inducting priests are wont to seat the novices and then dance round and round them â pray, is it likely that the man in this situation would be no whit moved in his mind and would not suspect that all which was taking place was the result of a more than wise intention and preparation, even if he belonged to the most remote and nameless barbarians and had no guide and interpreter at his side â provided, of course, that he had the mind of a human being? < 12.34. Or rather, is this not impossible? impossible too that the whole human race, which is receiving the complete and truly perfect initiation, not in a little building erected by the Athenians for the reception of a small company, but in this universe, a varied and cunningly wrought creation, in which countless marvels appear at every moment, and where, furthermore, the rites are being performed, not by human beings who are of no higher order than the initiates themselves, but by immortal gods who are initiating mortal men, and night and day both in sunlight and under the stars are â if we may dare to use the term â literally dancing around them forever â is it possible to suppose, I repeat, that of all these things his senses told him nothing, or that he gained no faintest inkling of them, and especially when the leader of the choir was in charge of the whole spectacle and directing the entire heaven and universe, even as a skilful pilot commands a ship that has been perfectly furnished and lacks nothing? < 30.33. "Now all, so the man continued, do not enjoy the merrymaking and banqueting in the same way, but each according to his own nature. The dissolute and intemperate neither see nor hear anything, but bend over and eat, like pigs in a sty, and then nod in sleep. Again, some of them are not satisfied with what is near, but reach out their hands for the things that are farther away, as, for example, people living inland want fish and take trouble to get it; <

250. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 8.7, 9.3, 9.16, 9.45, 17.115, 31.11, 35.245, 41.2, 42.1, 47.1, 47.10-47.11, 59.513, 63.9-63.10, 66.18, 71.27, 73.14, 81.2, 85.41, 87.19, 89.1, 90.3-90.4, 90.7, 90.25, 90.27-90.28, 90.34-90.46, 94.21, 94.29, 94.37-94.40, 95.4, 95.36-95.37, 99.36, 99.45, 107.11, 116.7, 117.13, 117.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 176; Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 3, 93; Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 272; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 217, 242, 270; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 24, 157; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 25, 139; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 585; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 127; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 119, 120; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 299, 301

8.7. But I must stop, and pay my customary contribution, to balance this letter. The payment shall not be made from my own property; for I am still conning Epicurus.[5] I read to-day, in his works, the following sentence: "If you would enjoy real freedom, you must be the slave of Philosophy." The man who submits and surrenders himself to her is not kept waiting; he is emancipated[6] on the spot. For the very service of Philosophy is freedom. 9.3. There is this difference between ourselves and the other school:[3] our ideal wise man feels his troubles, but overcomes them; their wise man does not even feel them. But we and they alike hold this idea, – that the wise man is self-sufficient. Nevertheless, he desires friends, neighbours, and associates, no matter how much he is sufficient unto himself. 9.16. People may say: "But what sort of existence will the wise man have, if he be left friendless when thrown into prison, or when stranded in some foreign nation, or when delayed on a long voyage, or when cast upon a lonely shore?" His life will be like that of Jupiter, who, amid the dissolution of the world, when the gods are confounded together and Nature rests for a space from her work, can retire into himself and give himself over to his own thoughts.[10] In some such way as this the sage will act; he will retreat into himself, and live with himself. 31.11. What we have to seek for, then, is that which does not each day pass more and more under the control of some power which cannot be withstood.[8] And what is this? It is the soul, – but the soul that is upright, good, and great. What else could you call such a soul than a god dwelling as a guest in a human body? A soul like this may descend into a Roman knight just as well as into a freedman's son or a slave. For what is a Roman knight, or a freedman's son, or a slave? They are mere titles, born of ambition or of wrong. One may leap to heaven from the very slums. Only rise And mould thyself to kinship with thy God.[9] This moulding will not be done in gold or silver; an image that is to be in the likeness of God cannot be fashioned of such materials; remember that the gods, when they were kind unto men,[10] were moulded in clay. Farewell. 41.2. This is what I mean, Lucilius: a holy spirit indwells within us, one who marks our good and bad deeds, and is our guardian. As we treat this spirit, so are we treated by it. Indeed, no man can be good without the help of God. Can one rise superior to fortune unless God helps him to rise? He it is that gives noble and upright counsel. In each good man A god doth dwell, but what god know we not.[1] 42.1. Has that friend of yours already made you believe that he is a good man? And yet it is impossible in so short a time for one either to become good or be known as such.[1] Do you know what kind of man I now mean when I speak of "a good man"? I mean one of the second grade, like your friend. For one of the first class perhaps springs into existence, like the phoenix, only once in five hundred years. And it is not surprising, either, that greatness develops only at long intervals; Fortune often brings into being commonplace powers, which are born to please the mob; but she holds up for our approval that which is extraordinary by the very fact that she makes it rare. 47.1. I am glad to learn, through those who come from you, that you live on friendly terms with your slaves. This befits a sensible and well-educated man like yourself. "They are slaves," people declare.[1] Nay, rather they are men. "Slaves!" No, comrades. "Slaves!" No, they are unpretentious friends. "Slaves!" No, they are our fellow-slaves, if one reflects that Fortune has equal rights over slaves and free men alike. 47.10. Kindly remember that he whom you call your slave sprang from the same stock, is smiled upon by the same skies, and on equal terms with yourself breathes, lives, and dies. It is just as possible for you to see in him a free-born man as for him to see in you a slave. As a result of the massacres in Marius's[4] day, many a man of distinguished birth, who was taking the first steps toward senatorial rank by service in the army, was humbled by fortune, one becoming a shepherd, another a caretaker of a country cottage. Despise, then, if you dare, those to whose estate you may at any time descend, even when you are despising them. 71.27. I do not withdraw the wise man from the category of man, nor do I deny to him the sense of pain as though he were a rock that has no feelings at all. I remember that he is made up of two parts: the one part is irrational, – it is this that may be bitten, burned, or hurt; the other part is rational, – it is this which holds resolutely to opinions, is courageous, and unconquerable. In the latter is situated man's Supreme Good. Before this is completely attained, the mind wavers in uncertainty; only when it is fully achieved is the mind fixed and steady. 71.27. I do not withdraw the wise man from the category of man, nor do I deny to him the sense of pain as though he were a rock that has no feelings at all. I remember that he is made up of two parts: the one part is irrational, – it is this that may be bitten, burned, or hurt; the other part is rational, – it is this which holds resolutely to opinions, is courageous, and unconquerable.[16] In the latter is situated man's Supreme Good. Before this is completely attained, the mind wavers in uncertainty; only when it is fully achieved is the mind fixed and steady. 73.14. Jupiter possesses all things, but he has surely given over the possession of them to others; the only use of them which belongs to him is this: he is the cause of their use to all men. The wise man surveys and scorns all the possessions of others as calmly as does Jupiter, and regards himself with the greater esteem because, while Jupiter cannot make use of them, he, the wise man, does not wish to do so. 73.14. Jupiter possesses all things, but he has surely given over the possession of them to others; the only use of them which belongs to him is this: he is the cause of their use to all men. The wise man surveys and scorns all the possessions of others as calmly as does Jupiter, and regards himself with the greater esteem because, while Jupiter cannot make use of them, he, the wise man, does not wish to do so. 73.14. But to pass these questions by: either these so-called goods are not goods, or else man is more fortunate than God, because God has no enjoyment of the things which are given to us.[8] For lust pertains not to God, nor do elegant banquets, nor wealth, nor any of the things that allure mankind and lead him on through the influence of degrading pleasure. Therefore, it is, either not incredible that there are goods which God does not possess, or else the very fact that God does not possess them is in itself a proof that these things are not goods. 89.1. LXXXIX. On the Parts of Philosophy It is a useful fact that you wish to know, one which is essential to him who hastens after wisdom – namely, the parts of philosophy and the division of its huge bulk into separate members. For by studying the parts we can be brought more easily to understand the whole. I only wish that philosophy might come before our eyes in all her unity, just as the whole expanse of the firmament is spread out for us to gaze upon! It would be a sight closely resembling that of the firmament. For then surely philosophy would ravish all mortals with love for her; we should abandon all those things which, in our ignorance of what is great, we believe to be great. Inasmuch, however, as this cannot fall to our lot, we must view philosophy just as men gaze upon the secrets of the firmament. 90.4. But the first men and those who sprang from them, still unspoiled, followed nature, having one man as both their leader and their law, entrusting themselves to the control of one better than themselves. For nature has the habit of subjecting the weaker to the stronger. Even among the dumb animals those which are either biggest or fiercest hold sway. It is no weakling bull that leads the herd; it is one that has beaten the other males by his might and his muscle. In the case of elephants, the tallest goes first; among men, the best is regarded as the highest. That is why it was to the mind that a ruler was assigned; and for that reason the greatest happiness rested with those peoples among whom a man could not be the more powerful unless he were the better. For that man can safely accomplish what he will who thinks he can do nothing except what he ought to do. 90.4. But the first men and those who sprang from them, still unspoiled, followed nature, having one man as both their leader and their law, entrusting themselves to the control of one better than themselves. For nature has the habit of subjecting the weaker to the stronger. Even among the dumb animals those which are either biggest or fiercest hold sway. It is no weakling bull that leads the herd; it is one that has beaten the other males by his might and his muscle. In the case of elephants, the tallest goes first; among men, the best is regarded as the highest. That is why it was to the mind that a ruler was assigned; and for that reason the greatest happiness rested with those peoples among whom a man could not be the more powerful unless he were the better. For that man can safely accomplish what he will who thinks he can do nothing except what he ought to do. 90.4. Therefore, nothing ought to be unexpected by us. Our minds should be sent forward in advance to meet all problems, and we should conside r, not what is wont to happen, but what can happen. For what is there in existence that Fortune, when she has so willed, does not drag down from the very height of its prosperity? And what is there that she does not the more violently assail the more brilliantly it shines? What is laborious or difficult for her? 90.4. What more can one desire who possesses all honourable things? For if dishonourable things can contribute to the best estate, then there will be the possibility of a happy life under conditions which do not include an honourable life. And what is more base or foolish than to connect the good of a rational soul with things irrational? 90.7. Up to this point I agree with Posidonius; but that philosophy discovered the arts of which life makes use in its daily round I refuse to admit. Nor will I ascribe to it an artisan's glory. Posidonius says: "When men were scattered over the earth, protected by eaves or by the dug-out shelter of a cliff or by the trunk of a hollow tree, it was philosophy that taught them to build houses." But I, for my part, do not hold that philosophy devised these shrewdly-contrived dwellings of ours which rise story upon story, where city crowds against city, any more than that she invented the fish-preserves, which are enclosed for the purpose of saving men's gluttony from having to run the risk of storms, and in order that, no matter how wildly the sea is raging, luxury may have its safe harbours in which to fatten fancy breeds of fish. 90.7. Up to this point I agree with Posidonius; but that philosophy discovered the arts of which life makes use in its daily round[6] I refuse to admit, nor will I ascribe to it an artisan's glory. Posidonius says: "When men were scattered over the earth, protected by caves or by the dug-out shelter of a cliff or by the trunk of a hollow tree, it was philosophy that taught them to build houses." But I, for my part, do not hold that philosophy devised these shrewdly-contrived dwellings of ours which rise story upon story, where city crowds against city, any more than that she invented the fish-preserves, which are enclosed for the purpose of saving men's gluttony from having to run the risk of storms, and in order that, no matter how wildly the sea is raging, luxury may have its safe harbours in which to fatten fancy breeds of fish. 90.7. Nothing, whether public or private, is stable; the destinies of men, no less than those of cities, are in a whirl. Amid the greatest calm terror arises, and though no external agencies stir up commotion, yet evils burst forth from sources whence they were least expected. Thrones which have stood the shock of civil and foreign wars crash to the ground though no one sets them tottering. How few the states which have carried their good fortune through to the end! We should therefore reflect upon all contingencies, and should fortify our minds against the evils which may possibly come. 90.7. why, therefore, do you hesitate to say that all is well with a man just because all is well with his appetite? And do you rate, I will not say among heroes, but among men, the person whose Supreme Good is a matter of flavours and colours and sounds? Nay, let him withdraw from the ranks of this, the noblest class of living beings, second only to the gods; let him herd with the dumb brutes – an animal whose delight is in fodder! 90.25. "But," says Posidonius, "the wise man did indeed discover all these things; they were, however, too petty for him to deal with himself and so he entrusted them to his meaner assistants." Not so; these early inventions were thought out by no other class of men than those who have them in charge to-day. We know that certain devices have come to light only within our own memory – such as the use of windows which admit the clear light through transparent tiles, and such as the vaulted baths, with pipes let into their walls for the purpose of diffusing the heat which maintains an even temperature in their lowest as well as in their highest spaces. Why need I mention the marble with which our temples and our private houses are resplendent? Or the rounded and polished masses of stone by means of which we erect colonnades and buildings roomy enough for nations? Or our signs for whole words, which enable us to take down a speech, however rapidly uttered, matching speed of tongue by speed of hand? All this sort of thing has been devised by the lowest grade of slaves. 90.25. But, says Posidonius, "the wise man did indeed discover all these things; they were, however, too petty for him to deal with himself and so he entrusted them to his meaner assistants." Not so; these early inventions were thought out by no other class of men than those who have them in charge to-day. We know that certain devices have come to light only within our own memory – such as the use of windows which admit the clear light through transparent tiles,[16] and such as the vaulted baths, with pipes let into their walls for the purpose of diffusing the heat which maintains an even temperature in their lowest as well as in their highest spaces. Why need I mention the marble with which our temples and our private houses are resplendent? Or the rounded and polished masses of stone by means of which we erect colonnades and buildings roomy enough for nations? Or our signs[17] for whole words, which enable us to take down a speech, however rapidly uttered, matching speed of tongue by speed of hand? All this sort of thing has been devised by the lowest grade of slaves. 90.25. Now what is the chief thing in virtue? It is the quality of not needing a single day beyond the present, and of not reckoning up the days that are ours; in the slightest possible moment of time virtue completes an eternity of good. These goods seem to us incredible and transcending man's nature; for we measure its grandeur by the standard of our own weakness, and we call our vices by the name of virtue. Furthermore, does it not seem just as incredible that any man in the midst of extreme suffering should say, "I am happy"? And yet this utterance was heard in the very factory of pleasure, when Epicurus said:[11] "To-day and one other day have been the happiest of all!" although in the one case he was tortured by strangury, and in the other by the incurable pain of an ulcerated stomach. 90.28. She shows us what things are evil and what things are seemingly evil; she strips our minds of vain illusion. She bestows upon us a greatness which is substantial, but she represses the greatness which is inflated, and showy but filled with emptiness; and she does not permit us to be ignorant of the difference between what is great and what is but swollen; nay, she delivers to us the knowledge of the whole of nature and of her own nature. She discloses to us what the gods are and of what sort they are; what are the nether gods, the household deities, and the protecting spirits; what are the souls which have been endowed with lasting life and have been admitted to the second class of divinities, where is their abode and what their activities, powers, and will. Such are wisdom's rites of initiation, by means of which is unlocked, not a village shrine, but the vast temple of all the gods – the universe itself, whose true apparitions and true aspects she offers to the gaze of our minds. For the vision of our eyes is too dull for sights so great. 90.28. She shows us what things are evil and what things are seemingly evil; she strips our minds of vain illusion. She bestows upon us a greatness which is substantial, but she represses the greatness which is inflated, and showy but filled with emptiness; and she does not permit us to be ignorant of the difference between what is great and what is but swollen; nay, she delivers to us the knowledge of the whole of nature and of her own nature. She discloses to us what the gods are and of what sort they are; what are the nether gods, the household deities, and the protecting spirits; what are the souls which have been endowed with lasting life and have been admitted to the second class of divinities,[18] where is their abode and what their activities, powers, and will. Such are wisdom's rites of initiation, by means of which is unlocked, not a village shrine, but the vast temple of all the gods – the universe itself, whose true apparitions and true aspects she offers to the gaze of our minds. For the vision of our eyes is too dull for sights so great. 90.28. But it is our vices that bring us to despair; for the second class of rational being, man, is of an inferior order, – a guardian, as it were, who is too unstable to hold fast to what is best, his judgment still wavering and uncertain. He may require the faculties of sight and hearing, good health, a bodily exterior that is not loathsome, and, besides, greater length of days conjoined with an unimpaired constitution. 90.35. I am not speaking of that philosophy which has placed the citizen outside his country and the gods outside the universe, and which has bestowed virtue upon pleasure, but rather of that philosophy which counts nothing good except what is honourable, – one which cannot be cajoled by the gifts either of man or fortune, one whose value is that it cannot be bought for any value. That this philosophy existed in such a rude age, when the arts and crafts were still unknown and when useful things could only be learned by use, – this I refuse to believe. 90.35. I am not speaking of that philosophy which has placed the citizen outside his country and the gods outside the universe, and which has bestowed virtue upon pleasure,[24] but rather of that philosophy which counts nothing good except what is honourable, – one which cannot be cajoled by the gifts either of man or of fortune, one whose value is that it cannot be bought for any value. That this philosophy existed in such a rude age, when the arts and crafts were still unknown and when useful things could only be learned by use, – this I refuse to believe. 90.35. Nay even when it is among the living, the soul fears nothing that may happen to the body after death; for though such things may have been threats, they were not enough to terrify the soul previous to the moment of death. It says: "I am not frightened by the executioner's hook,[15] nor by the revolting mutilation of the corpse which is exposed to the scorn of those who would witness the spectacle. I ask no man to perform the last rites for me; I entrust my remains to none. Nature has made provision that none shall go unburied. Time will lay away one whom cruelty has cast forth." Those were eloquent words which Maecenas uttered: I want no tomb; for Nature doth provide For outcast bodies burial.[16] You would imagine that this was the saying of a man of strict principles. He was indeed a man of noble and robust native gifts, but in prosperity he impaired these gifts by laxness.[17] Farewell. 90.36. Next there came the fortune-favoured period when the bounties of nature lay open to all, for men's indiscriminate use, before avarice and luxury had broken the bonds which held mortals together, and they, abandoning their communal existence, had separated and turned to plunder. The men of the second age were not wise men, even though they did what wise men should do. 90.36. Next there came the fortune-favoured period when the bounties of nature lay open to all, for men's indiscriminate use, before avarice and luxury had broken the bonds which held mortals together, and they, abandoning their communal existence, had separated and turned to plunder. The men of the second age were not wise men, even though they did what wise men should do.[25] 90.43. What else but joy could it be to wander among the marvels which dotted the heavens far and wide? But you of the present day shudder at every sound your houses make, and as you sit among your frescoes the slightest creak makes you shrink in terror. They had no houses as big as cities. The air, the breezes blowing free through the open spaces, the flitting shade of crag or tree, springs crystal-clear and streams not spoiled by man's work, whether by water-pipe or by any confinement of the channel, but running at will, and meadows beautiful without the use of art, – amid such scenes were their rude homes, adorned with rustic hand. Such a dwelling was in accordance with nature; therein it was a joy to live, fearing neither the dwelling itself nor for its safety. In these days, however, our houses constitute a large portion of our dread. 90.43. What else but joy could it be to wander among the marvels which dotted the heavens far and wide? But you of the present day shudder at every sound your houses make, and as you sit among your frescoes the slightest creak makes you shrink in terror. They had no houses as big as cities. The air, the breezes blowing free through the open spaces, the flitting shade of crag or tree, springs crystal-clear and streams not spoiled by man's work, whether by water-pipe[27] or by any confinement of the channel, but running at will, and meadows beautiful without the use of art, – amid such scenes were their rude homes, adorned with rustic hand. Such a dwelling was in accordance with nature; therein it was a joy to live, fearing neither the dwelling itself nor for its safety. In these days, however, our houses constitute a large portion of our dread. 90.44. But no matter how excellent and guileless was the life of the men of that age, they were not wise men; for that title is reserved for the highest achievement. Still, I would not deny that they were men of lofty spirit and – I may use the phrase – fresh from the gods. For there is no doubt that the world produced a better progeny before it was yet worn out. However, not all were endowed with mental faculties of highest perfection, though in all cases their native powers were more sturdy than ours and more fitted for toil. For nature does not bestow virtue; it is an art to become good. 90.44. But no matter how excellent and guileless was the life of the men of that age, they were not wise men; for that title is reserved for the highest achievement. Still, I would not deny that they were men of lofty spirit and – I may use the phrase – fresh from the gods. For there is no doubt that the world produced a better progeny before it was yet worn out. However, not all were endowed with mental faculties of highest perfection, though in all cases their native powers were more sturdy than ours and more fitted for toil. For nature does not bestow virtue; it is an art to become good. 90.46. What, then, is the conclusion of the matter? It was by reason of their ignorance of things that the men of those days were innocent; and it makes a great deal of difference whether one wills not to sin or has not the knowledge to sin. Justice was unknown to them, unknown prudence, unknown also self-control and bravery; but their rude life possessed certain qualities akin to all these virtues. Virtue is not vouchsafed to a soul unless that soul has been trained and taught, and by unremitting practice brought to perfection. For the attainment of this boon, but not in the possession of it, were we born; and even in the best of men, before you refine them by instruction, there is but the stuff of virtue, not virtue itself. Farewell. 90.46. What, then, is the conclusion of the matter? It was by reason of their ignorance of things that the men of those days were innocent; and it makes a great deal of difference whether one wills not to sin or has not the knowledge to sin.[28] Justice was unknown to them, unknown prudence, unknown also self-control and bravery; but their rude life possessed certain qualities akin to all these virtues. Virtue is not vouchsafed to a soul unless that soul has been trained and taught, and by unremitting practice brought to perfection. For the attainment of this boon, but not in the possession of it, were we born; and even in the best of men, before you refine them by instruction, there is but the stuff of virtue, not virtue itself. Farewell. Tellus in longas est patefacta vias! Cf. § 46, summing up the message of Seneca's letter. Serraco veniente abies, atque altera pinum Plaustra vehunt, nutant alte populoque mitur. Compare also the "towering tenements" of § 94.21. "But," comes the reply, "error is the source of sin; precepts do not remove error, nor do they rout our false opinions on the subject of Good and Evil." I admit that precepts alone are not effective in overthrowing the mind's mistaken beliefs; but they do not on that account fail to be of service when they accompany other measures also. In the first place, they refresh the memory; in the second place, when sorted into their proper classes, the matters which showed themselves in a jumbled mass when considered as a whole, can be considered in this with greater care. According to our opponents theory, you might even say that consolation, and exhortation were superfluous. Yet they are not superfluous; neither, therefore, is counsel. 94.21. But, comes the reply, "error is the source of sin;[8] precepts do not remove error, nor do they rout our false opinions on the subject of Good and Evil." I admit that precepts alone are not effective in overthrowing the mind's mistaken beliefs; but they do not on that account fail to be of service when they accompany other measures also. In the first place, they refresh the memory; in the second place, when sorted into their proper classes, the matters which showed themselves in a jumbled mass when considered as a whole, can be considered in this with greater care. According to our opponents[9] theory, you might even say that consolation, and exhortation were superfluous. Yet they are not superfluous; neither, therefore, is counsel. 94.21. They keep just as late hours, and drink just as much liquor; they challenge men in wrestling and carousing; they are no less given to vomiting from distended stomachs and to thus discharging all their wine again; nor are they behind the men in gnawing ice, as a relief to their fevered digestions. And they even match the men in their passions, although they were created to feel love passively (may the gods and goddesses confound them!). They devise the most impossible varieties of unchastity, and in the company of men they play the part of men. What wonder, then, that we can trip up the statement of the greatest and most skilled physician, when so many women are gouty and bald! Because of their vices, women have ceased to deserve the privileges of their sex; they have put off their womanly nature and are therefore condemned to suffer the diseases of men. 94.29. The soul carries within itself the seed of everything that is honourable, and this seed is stirred to growth by advice, as a spark that is fanned by a gentle breeze develops its natural fire. Virtue is aroused by a touch, a shock. Moreover, there are certain things which, though in the mind, yet are not ready to hand but begin to function easily as soon as they are put into words. Certain things lie scattered about in various places, and it is impossible for the unpractised mind to arrange them in order. Therefore, we should bring them into unity, and join them, so that they may be more powerful and more of an uplift to the soul. 94.29. The soul carries within itself the seed of everything that is honourable, and this seed is stirred to growth by advice, as a spark that is fanned by a gentle breeze develops its natural fire. Virtue is aroused by a touch, a shock. Moreover, there are certain things which, though in the mind, yet are not ready to hand but begin to function easily as soon as they are put into words. Certain things lie scattered about in various places, and it is impossible for the unpractised mind to arrange them in order. Therefore, we should bring them into unity, and join them, so that they may be more powerful and more of an uplift to the soul. 94.29. And as the food itself is complicated, so the resulting diseases are complex, unaccountable, manifold, variegated; medicine has begun to campaign against them in many ways and by many rules of treatment. Now I declare to you that the same statement applies to philosophy. It was once more simple because men's sins were on a smaller scale, and could be cured with but slight trouble; in the face, however, of all this moral topsy-turvy men must leave no remedy untried. And would that this pest might so at last be overcome! 94.37. "Still," it is objected, "laws do not always make us do what we ought to do; and what else are laws than precepts mingled with threats?" Now first of all, the laws do not persuade just because they threaten; precepts, however, instead of coercing, correct men by pleading. Again, laws frighten one out of communicating crime, while precepts urge a man on to his duty. Besides, the laws also are of assistance towards good conduct, at any rate if they instruct as well as command. 94.37. Still, it is objected, "laws do not always make us do what we ought to do; and what else are laws than precepts mingled with threats?" Now first of all, the laws do not persuade just because they threaten; precepts, however, instead of coercing, correct men by pleading. Again, laws frighten one out of communicating crime, while precepts urge a man on to his duty. Besides, the laws also are of assistance towards good conduct, at any rate if they instruct as well as command. 94.37. Now, as the former sort, who are inclined towards the good, can be raised to the heights more quickly: so the weaker spirits will be assisted and freed from their evil opinions if we entrust to them the accepted principles of philosophy; and you may understand how essential these principles are in the following way. Certain things sink into us, rendering us sluggish in some ways, and hasty in others. These two qualities, the one of recklessness and the other of sloth, cannot be respectively checked or roused unless we remove their causes, which are mistaken admiration and mistaken fear. As long as we are obsessed by such feelings, you may say to us: "You owe this duty to your father, this to your children, this to your friends, this to your guests"; but greed will always hold us back, no matter how we try. A man may know that he should fight for his country, but fear will dissuade him. A man may know that he should sweat forth his last drop of energy on behalf of his friends, but luxury will forbid. A man may know that keeping a mistress is the worst kind of insult to his wife, but lust will drive him in the opposite direction. 94.39. "But," it is said, "they are not of avail in every case." Well neither is philosophy; and yet philosophy is not on that account ineffectual and useless in the training of the soul. Furthermore, is not philosophy the Law of Life? Grant, if we will, that the laws do not avail; it does not necessarily follow that advice also should not avail. On this ground, you ought to say that consolation does not avail, and warning, and exhortation, and scolding, and praising; since they are all varieties of advice. It is by such methods that we arrive at a perfect condition of mind. 94.39. But, it is said, "they are not of avail in every case." Well neither is philosophy; and yet philosophy is not on that account ineffectual and useless in the training of the soul. Furthermore, is not philosophy the Law of Life? Grant, if we will, that the laws do not avail; it does not necessarily follow that advice also should not avail. On this ground, you ought to say that consolation does not avail, and warning, and exhortation, and scolding, and praising; since they are all varieties of advice. It is by such methods that we arrive at a perfect condition of mind. 94.39. Suppose that a man is acting as he should; he cannot keep it up continuously or consistently, since he will not know the reason for so acting. Some of his conduct will result rightly because of luck or practice; but there will be in his hand no rule by which he may regulate his acts, and which he may trust to tell him whether that which he has done is right. One who is good through mere chance will not give promise of retaining such a character for ever. 94.40. Nothing is more successful in bringing honourable influences to bear upon the mind, or in straightening out the wavering spirit that is prone to evil, than association with good men. For the frequent seeing, the frequent hearing of them little by little sinks into the heart and acquires the force of precepts. We are indeed uplifted merely by meeting wise men; and one can be helped by a great man even when he is silent. 94.40. Nothing is more successful in bringing honourable influences to bear upon the mind, or in straightening out the wavering spirit that is prone to evil, than association with good men.[18] For the frequent seeing, the frequent hearing of them little by little sinks into the heart and acquires the force of precepts. We are indeed uplifted merely by meeting wise men; and one can be helped by a great man even when he is silent. 94.40. Furthermore, precepts will perhaps help you to do what should be done; but they will not help you to do it in the proper way; and if they do not help you to this end, they do not conduct you to virtue. I grant you that, if warned, a man will do what he should; but that is not enough, since the credit lies, not in the actual deed, but in the way it is done. 95.4. But I must stop this preamble and approach the problem under consideration. Men say: "The happy life consists in upright conduct; precepts guide one to upright conduct; therefore precepts are sufficient for attaining the happy life." But they do not always guide us to upright conduct; this occurs only when the will is receptive; and sometimes they are applied in vain, when wrong opinions obsess the soul. 95.36. "But what, then," people say, "have not certain persons won their way to excellence without complicated training? Have they not made great progress by obeying bare precepts alone?" Very true; but their temperaments were propitious, and they snatched salvation as it were by the way. For just as the immortal gods did not learn virtue having been born with virtue complete, and containing in their nature the essence of goodness – even so certain men are fitted with unusual qualities and reach without a long apprenticeship that which is ordinarily a matter of teaching, welcoming honourable things as soon as they hear them. Hence come the choice minds which seize quickly upon virtue, or else produce it from within themselves. But your dull, sluggish fellow, who is hampered by his evil habits, must have this soul-rust incessantly rubbed off. 95.37. Now, as the former sort, who are inclined towards the good, can be raised to the heights more quickly: so the weaker spirits will be assisted and freed from their evil opinions if we entrust to them the accepted principles of philosophy; and you may understand how essential these principles are in the following way. Certain things sink into us, rendering us sluggish in some ways, and hasty in others. These two qualities, the one of recklessness and the other of sloth, cannot be respectively checked or roused unless we remove their causes, which are mistaken admiration and mistaken fear. As long as we are obsessed by such feelings, you may say to us: "You owe this duty to your father, this to your children, this to your friends, this to your guests"; but greed will always hold us back, no matter how we try. A man may know that he should fight for his country, but fear will dissuade him. A man may know that he should sweat forth his last drop of energy on behalf of his friends, but luxury will forbid. A man may know that keeping a mistress is the worst kind of insult to his wife, but lust will drive him in the opposite direction. 107.11. Lead me, O Master of the lofty heavens, My Father, whithersoever thou shalt wish. I shall not falter, but obey with speed. And though I would not, I shall go, and suffer, In sin and sorrow what I might have done In noble virtue. Aye, the willing soul Fate leads, but the unwilling drags along.[2] 117.13. There are, it is said, "certain natural classes of bodies; we say: 'This is a man,' 'this is a horse.' Then there attend on the bodily natures certain movements of the mind which declare something about the body. And these have a certain essential quality which is sundered from body; for example: 'I see Cato walking.' The senses indicate this, and the mind believes it. What I see, is body, and upon this I concentrate my eyes and my mind. Again, I say: 'Cato walks.' What I say," they continue, "is not body; it is a certain declarative fact concerning body – called variously an 'utterance,' a 'declaration,' a 'statement.' Thus, when we say 'wisdom,' we mean something pertaining to body; when we say 'he is wise,' we are speaking concerning body. And it makes considerable difference whether you mention the person directly, or speak concerning the person."

251. Seneca The Younger, De Providentia (Dialogorum Liber I), 5.7, 02-Apr (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134

252. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 1.6.19 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 126

253. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, 10, 1064e, 1075a, 1075b, 1075c, 1075e, 1078e, 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková, Grace and the Will According to Augustine (2012) 321

254. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, and astrology Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134

255. Plutarch, On The Face Which Appears In The Orb of The Moon, 923a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics, and astrology •stoicism, stoics, logic of Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 130

256. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.20.1-3.20.2, 3.23.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 299

257. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 9.1, 18.12, 19.2-19.4, 24.3, 35.5, 41.3, 45.4-45.8, 48.5-48.6, 49.2, 51.3-51.5, 55.1-55.2, 56.1, 60.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 212, 213, 214, 215, 216

9.1. Διὸ ὑπακούσωμεν τῇ μεγαλοπρεπεῖ καὶ ἐνδόξῳ βουλήσει αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἱκέται γενόμενοι τοῦ ἐλέους καὶ τῆς χρηστότητος αὐτοῦ προσπέσωμεν καὶ ἐπιστρέψωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς οἰκτιρμοὺς αὐτοῦ, ἀπολιπόντες τὴν ματαιοπονίαν τήν τε ἔριν καὶ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἄγον ζῆλος. 19.3. ἴδωμεν αὐτὸν κατὰ διάνοιαν καὶ ἐμβλέψωμεν τοῖς ὄμμασιν τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς τὸ μακρόθυμον αὐτοῦ βούλημα: νοήσωμεν, πῶς ἀόργητος ὑπάρχει πρὸς πᾶσαν τὴν κτίσιν αὐτοῦ. 35.5. πῶς δὲ ἔσται τοῦτο, ἀγαπητοί; ἐὰν ἐστηριγμενη ᾖ ἡ διάνοια ἡμῶν πιστῶς πρὸς τὸν θεόν, ἐὰν ἐκζητῶμεν τὰ εὐάρεστα καὶ εὐπρόσδεκτα αὐτῷ, ἐὰν ἐπιτελέσωμεν τὰ ἀνήκοντα τῇ ἀμώμῳ βουλήσει αὐτοῦ, Cf. Rom. I, 29-32 καὶ ἀκολουθήσωμεν τῇ ὁδῷ τῆς ἀληθείας, ἀπορρίψαντες ἀφ̓ ἑαυτῶν πᾶσαν ἀδικίαν καὶ πονηρίαν, πλεονεξίαν, ἔρεις, κακοηθείας τε καὶ δόλους, ψιθυρισμούς τε καὶ καταλαλιάς, θεοστυγίαν, ὑπερηφανίαν τε καὶ ἀλαζονείαν, κενοδοξίαν τε καὶ ἀφιλοξενίαν. The text is doulbtful: \ reads filoceni/an, shich is impossible, CS read a)filoceni/an, but L has inhumilitatem, shich Knopf believes to represent an original filodoci/an. 45.4. ἐδιώχθησαν δίκαιοι, ἀλλ̓ ὑπὸ ἀνόμων: ἐφυλακίσθησαν, ἀλλ̓ ὑπὸ ἀνοσίων: ἐλιθάσθησαν ὑπὸ παρανόμων: ἀπεκτάνθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν μιαρὸν καὶ ἄδικον ζῆλον ἀνειληφότων. 45.5. ταῦτα πάσχοντες Dan. 6, 16 εὐκλεῶς ἤνεγκαν. 45.6. τί γὰρ εἴπωμεν, ἀδελφοί; Δανιὴλ ὑπὸ τῶν φοβουμένων τὸν θεὸν ἐβλήθη εἰς Dan. 5, 19 ff λάκκον λεόντων; 45.7. ἢ Ἀνανίας καὶ Ἀζαρίας καὶ Μισαὴλ ὑπὸ τῶν θρησκευόντων τὴν μεγαλοπρεπῆ καὶ ἔνδοξον θρησκείαν τοῦ ὑψίστου κατείρχθησαν εἰς κάμινον πυρός; μηθαμῶς τοῦτο γένοιτο. τίνες οὖν οἱ ταῦτα δράσαντες; οἱ στυγητοὶ καὶ πάσης κακίας πλήρεις εἰς τοσοῦτο ἐξήρισαν θυμοῦ, ὥστε τοὺς ἐν ὁσίᾳ καὶ ἀμώμῳ προθέσει δουλεύοντας τῷ θεῷ εἰς αἰκίαν περιβαλεῖν, μὴ εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ ὕψιστος ὑπέρμαχος καὶ ὑπερασπιστής ἐστιν τῶν ἐν καθαρᾷ συνειδήσει λατρευόντων τῷ παναρέτῳ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ: ᾧ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. ἀμήν. 48.5. ἤτω τις πιστός, ἤτω δυνατὸς γνῶσιν ἐξειπεῖν, ἤτω σοφὸς ἐν διακρίσει λόγων, ἤτω ἁγνὸς Clement tsice #3uotes this passage sith gorgo/s (energetic) instead of a(gno/s before e)n e)/rgois, but the second time he adds h)/tw a(gno/s as sell. ἐν ἔργοις. 48.6. τοσούτῳ γὰρ μᾶλλον ταπεινοφρονεῖν ὀφείλει, ὅσῳ δοκεῖ μᾶλλον μείζων εἶναι, καὶ ζητεῖν τὸ κοινωφελὲς πᾶσιν, καὶ μὴ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ. 51.3. καλὸν γὰρ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐξομολογεῖσθαι περὶ τῶν παραπτωμάτων ἢ σκληρῦναι τὴν καρδίαν αὐτοῦ, Num. 16 καθὼς ἐσκληρύνθη ἡ καρδία τῶν στασιαζόντων πρὸς τὸν θεράποντα τοῦ θεοῦ Μωϋσῆν, ὧν τὸ κρίμα Num. 16, 83 Ps. 49, 14 πρόδηλον ἐγενήθη, 51.4. κατέβησαν γὰρ εἰς ᾅδου ζῶντες, καὶ θάνατος ποιμανεῖ αὐτούς. 51.5. Φαραὼ καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἡγούμενοι Exod. 14, 23 Αἰγύπτου, τά τε ἅρματα καὶ οἱ ἀνάβαται αὐτῶν οὐ δἰ ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν ἐβυθίσθησαν εἰς θάλασσαν ἐρυθρὰν καὶ ἀπώλοντο, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ σκληρυνθῆναι αὐτῶν τὰς ἀσυνέτους καρδίας μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὰ σημεῖα καὶ τὰ τέρατα ἐν γῇ Αἰγύπτου διὰ τοῦ θεράποντος τοῦ θεοῦ Μωῦσέως. 55.1. Ἵνα δὲ καὶ ὑποδείγματα ἐθνῶν ἐνέγκωμεν. πολλοὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἡγούμενοι, λοιμικοῦ τινος ἐνστάντος καιροῦ, χρησμοδοτηθέντες παρέδωκαν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς θάνατον, ἵνα ῥύσωνται διὰ τοῦ ἑαυτῶν αἵματος τοὺς πολίτας: πολλοὶ ἐξεχώρησαν ἰδίων πόλεων, ἵνα μὴ στασιάζωσιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον. 55.2. ἐπιστάμεθα πολλοὺς ἐν ἡμῖν παραδεδωκότας ἑαυτοὺς εἰς δεσμά, ὅπως ἑτέρους λυτρώσονται: πολλοὶ ἑαυτοὺς παρέδωκαν εἰς δουλείαν. καὶ λαβόντες τὰς τιμὰς αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἐψώμισαν.

258. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 2.17.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, philosophy, on divisions of Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666

259. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.1.1, 1.3.6-1.3.7, 1.8.4, 1.8.9, 2.1.3-2.1.4, 2.2.1-2.2.2, 2.4.1-2.4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, condemned by horace •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 277; Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 124, 125

260. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, 414e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 421

414e. Their presence and power wise men are ever telling us we must look for in Nature and in Matter, where it is manifested, the originating influence being reserved for the Deity, as is right. Certainly it is foolish and childish in the extreme to imagine that the god himself after the manner of ventriloquists (who used to be called 'Eurycleis,' but now 'Pythones') enters into the bodies of his prophets and prompts their utterances, employing their mouths and voices as instruments. For if he allows himself to become entangled in men's needs, he is prodigal with his majesty and he does not observe the dignity and greatness of his preeminence.""You are right," said Cleombrotus; "but since it is hard to apprehend

261. Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, 35.75 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 64

262. Vettius Valens, Anthologies, 317.19 pingree (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 142

263. Lucian, The Carousal, Or The Lapiths, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 19

9. At the one opposite the ladies, Eucritus had the first place, with Aristaenetus next him. Then a doubt arose whether the next was Zenothemis the Stoic's, in virtue of his years, or Hermon the Epicurean's, who is priest of the TwinGods, and also of the noblest blood in the land. Zenothemis found the solution. 'Aristaenetus,' he said, 'if you place me below this Epicurean (I need not use worse language thanthat), I at once leave the room'; and calling his servant he made as if to depart. 'Have your way, Zenothemis,' said Hermon, 'though, whatever your contempt for Epicurus, etiquette would have suggested your giving way to my priesthood, if I had no other claims.' 'Priest and Epicurean! that is a good joke,' retorted Zenothemis, and took the place, with Hermon next him, however. Then came Cleodemus the Peripatetic, Ion with the bridegroom, myself, Diphilus and his pupil Zeno, thenDionysodorus the rhetorician and Histiaeus the literary man.

264. Lucian, Nigrinus, 22-Mar, 24-May, 31-Mar, 37, 5, 38 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 248

38. Fr. These are fearful and wonderful words; nay, they are divine. All that you said of ambrosia and lotus is true; I little knew how sumptuous had been your feast. I have listened to you with strange emotion, and now that you have ceased, I feel oppressed, nay, in your own language, ‘sore stricken.’ This need not surprise you. A person who has been bitten by a mad dog not only goes mad himself, you know, but communicates his madness to anyone whom he bites whilst he is in that state, so that the infection may be carried on by this means through a long succession of persons.Luc. Ah, then you confess to a tenderness?Fr. I do; and beg that you will think upon some medicine for both our wounded breasts.Luc. We must take a hint from Telephus.Fr. What is that?Luc. We want a hair of the dog that bit us.

265. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.16 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 281

4.16. To Valerius Paulinus: Rejoice, rejoice, rejoice, on my account, on your own, and on that of the public. The student still has his meed of recompense. Just recently, when I had to speak in the Court of the Hundred, I could find no way in except by crossing the tribunal and passing through the judges, all the other places were so crowded and thronged. Moreover, a certain young man of fashion who had his tunic torn to pieces — as often happens in a crowd — kept his ground for seven long hours with only his toga thrown round him. For my speech lasted all that time; and though it cost me a great effort, the results were more than worth it. Let us therefore prosecute our studies, and not allow the idleness of other people to be an excuse for laziness on our part. We can still find an audience and readers, provided only that our compositions are worth hearing, and worth the paper they are written on. Farewell. 4.16. To Valerius Paulinus. Rejoice, rejoice, rejoice, on my account, on your own, and on that of the public. The profession of oratory is still held in honour. Just recently, when I had to speak in the court of the centumviri, I could find no way in except by crossing the tribunal and passing through the judges, all the other places were so crowded and thronged. Moreover, a certain young man of fashion who had his tunic torn to pieces - as often happens in a crowd - kept his ground for seven long hours with only his toga thrown round him. For my speech lasted all that time; and though it cost me a great effort, the results were more than worth it. Let us therefore prosecute our studies, and not allow the idleness of other people to be an excuse for laziness on our part. We can still find an audience and readers, provided only that our compositions are worth hearing, and worth the paper they are written on. Farewell.

266. Lucian, The Passing of Peregrinus, 44-45 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 54

45. So much for Alexander. I myself, not so long ago, saw Proteus with some irritant rubbed on his eyes to purge them of rheum. Evidently we are to infer that there is no admission for blear eyes in the kingdom of Aeacus. 'Twas as if a man on the way to be crucified were to concern himself about a sprained finger. Think if Democritus had seen all this! How would he have taken it? The laughing philosopher might have done justice to Proteus. I doubt, indeed, whether he ever had such a good excuse for his mirth. Be that as it may, you, my friend, shall have your laugh; especially when you hear Proteus's name mentioned with admiration.END 45. So much for Alexander. I myself, not so long ago, saw Proteus with some irritant rubbed on his eyes to purge them of rheum. Evidently we are to infer that there is no admission for blear eyes in the kingdom of Aeacus. ’Twas as if a man on the way to be crucified were to concern himself about a sprained finger. Think if Democritus had seen all this! How would he have taken it? The laughing philosopher might have done justice to Proteus. I doubt, indeed, whether he ever had such a good excuse for his mirth.Be that as it may, you, my friend, shall have your laugh; especially when you hear Proteus's name mentioned with admiration.F.80:1 The allusion to Dionysus is unexplained. The Greek requires a fiery death, not the fiery birth, for which see Dionysus and Semele in Notes.85:1 See Herodes Atticus in Notes.

267. Lucian, Menippus, Or Descent Into Hades, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, philosophical ideal Found in books: Yona, Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire (2018) 209

268. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 2.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 304

2.17. And on the sixth day, God having made the quadrupeds, and wild beasts, and the land reptiles, pronounced no blessing upon them, reserving His blessing for man, whom He was about to create on the sixth day. The quadrupeds, too, and wild beasts, were made for a type of some men, who neither know nor worship God, but mind earthly things, and repent not. For those who turn from their iniquities and live righteously, in spirit fly upwards like birds, and mind the things that are above, and are well-pleasing to the will of God. But those who do not know nor worship God, are like birds which have wings, but cannot fly nor soar to the high things of God. Thus, too, though such persons are called men, yet being pressed down with sins, they mind grovelling and earthly things. And the animals are named wild beasts [θηρία], from their being hunted [θηρεύεσθαι], not as if they had been made evil or venomous from the first - for nothing was made evil by God, but all things good, yea, very good - but the sin in which man was concerned brought evil upon them. For when man transgressed, they also transgressed with him. For as, if the master of the house himself acts rightly, the domestics also of necessity conduct themselves well; but if the master sins, the servants also sin with him; so in like manner it came to pass, that in the case of man's sin, he being master, all that was subject to him sinned with him. When, therefore, man again shall have made his way back to his natural condition, and no longer does evil, those also shall be restored to their original gentleness.

269. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, 2.7.11-2.7.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 144

270. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 248

11. HERMOTIMUS: Well, I have no time to argue it, Lycinus; I must not be late for lecture, lest in the end I find myself left behind. LYCINUS: Don't be afraid, my duteous one; today is a holiday; I can save you the rest of your walk. HERMOTIMUS: What do you mean? LYCINUS: You will not find him just now, if the notice is to be trusted; there was a tablet over the door announcing in large print, No meeting this day. I hear he dined yesterday with the great Eucrates, who was keeping his daughter's birthday. He talked a good deal of philosophy over the wine, and lost his temper a little with Euthydemus the Peripatetic; they were debating the old Peripatetic objections to the Stoa. His long vocal exertions (for it was midnight before they broke up) gave him a bad headache, with violent perspiration. I fancy he had also drunk a little too much, toasts being the order of the day, and eaten more than an old man should. When he got home, he was very ill, they said, just managed to check and lock up carefully the slices of meat which he had conveyed to his servant at table, and then, giving orders that he was not at home, went to sleep, and has not waked since. I overheard Midas his man telling this to some of his pupils; there were a number of them coming away. 11. Her . Well, I have no time to argue it, Lycinus; I must not be late for lecture, lest in the end I find myself left behind.Ly . Don't be afraid, my duteous one; today is a holiday; I can save you the rest of your walk.Her . What do you mean?Ly . You will not find him just now, if the notice is to be trusted; there was a tablet over the door announcing in large print, No meeting this day. I hear he dined yesterday with the great Eucrates, who was keeping his daughter's birthday. He talked a good deal of philosophy over the wine, and lost his temper a little with Euthydemus the Peripatetic; they were debating the old Peripatetic objections to the Porch. His long vocal exertions (for it was midnight before they broke up) gave him a bad headache, with violent perspiration. I fancy he had also drunk a little too much, toasts being the order of the day, and eaten more than an old man should. When he got home, he was very ill, they said, just managed to check and lock up carefully the slices of meat which he had conveyed to his servant at table, and then, giving orders that he was not at home, went to sleep, and has not waked since. I overheard Midas his man telling this to some of his pupils; there were a number of them coming away.

271. Lucian, The Runaways, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 248

19. that inspired philosopher's community of women. I will not tire you with a description of their drunken orgies; observe, however, that these are the men who preach against drunkenness and adultery and avarice and lewdness. Could any contrast be greater than that presented by their words and their deeds? They speak their detestation of flattery: a Gnathonides and a Struthias are less fulsome than they. They bid men tell the truth: yet their own tongues cannot move but to utter lies. To hear them, you would say they were at war with pleasure, and Epicurus their bitterest foe: yet nothing do they do but for pleasure's sake. Querulous, irritable, passionate as cradled babes, they are a derision to the beholder; the veriest trifle serves to move their ire, to bring the purple to their cheeks, ungoverned fury to their eyes, foam — call it rather venom — to their lips. Preserve me from their turbid rantings! 19. I will not tire you with a description of their drunken orgies; observe, however, that these are the men who preach against drunkenness and adultery and avarice and lewdness. Could any contrast be greater than that presented by their words and their deeds? They speak their detestation of flattery: a Gnathonides and a Struthias are less fulsome than they. They bid men tell the truth: yet their own tongues cannot move but to utter lies. To hear them, you would say they were at war with pleasure, and Epicurus their bitterest foe: yet nothing do they do but for pleasure's sake. Querulous, irritable, passionate as cradled babes, they are a derision to the beholder; the veriest trifle serves to move their ire, to bring the purple to their cheeks, ungoverned fury to their eyes, foam–call it rather venom–to their lips.

272. Lucian, Sacrifices, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 141

273. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.21.3, 1.24-1.26, 6.29, 6.37, 7.11, 7.29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics / stoicism •stoics/stoicism •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Iribarren and Koning, Hesiod and the Beginnings of Greek Philosophy (2022) 67; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 256, 295; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 34, 283; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 144

6.29. The quaternion, then, advocated by Valentinus, is a source of the everlasting nature having roots; and Sophia (is the power) from whom the animal and material creation has derived its present condition. But Sophia is called Spirit, and the Demiurge Soul, and the Devil the ruler of this world, and Beelzebub the (ruler) of demons. These are the statements which they put forward. But further, in addition to these, rendering, as I have previously mentioned, their entire system of doctrine (akin to the) arithmetical (art), (they determine) that the thirty Aeons within the Pleroma have again, in addition to these, projected other Aeons, according to the (numerical) proportion (adopted by the Pythagoreans), in order that the Pleroma might be formed into an aggregate, according to a perfect number. For how the Pythagoreans divided (the celestial sphere) into twelve and thirty and sixty parts, and how they have minute parts of diminutive portions, has been made evident. In this manner these (followers of Valentinus) subdivide the parts within the Pleroma. Now likewise the parts in the Ogdoad have been subdivided, and there has been projected Sophia, which is, according to them, mother of all living creatures, and the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma, (who is) the Logos, (and other Aeons,) who are celestial angels that have their citizenship in Jerusalem which is above, which is in heaven. For this Jerusalem is Sophia, she (that is) outside (the Pleroma), and her spouse is the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma. And the Demiurge projected souls; for this (Sophia) is the essence of souls. This (Demiurge), according to them, is Abraham, and these (souls) the children of Abraham. From the material and divilish essence the Demiurge fashioned bodies for the souls. This is what has been declared: And God formed man, taking clay from the earth, and breathed upon his face the breath of life, and man was made into a living soul. Genesis 2:7 This, according to them, is the inner man, the natural (man), residing in the material body: Now a material (man) is perishable, incomplete, (and) formed out of the devilish essence. And this is the material man, as it were, according to them an inn, or domicile, at one time of soul only, at another time of soul and demons, at another time of soul and Logoi. And these are the Logoi that have been dispersed from above, from the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma and (from) Sophia, into this world. And they dwell in an earthly body, with a soul, when demons do not take up their abode with that soul. This, he says, is what has been written in Scripture: On this account I bend my knees to the God and Father and Lord of our Lord Jesus Christ, that God would grant you to have Christ dwelling in the inner man, Ephesians 3:14-18 - that is, the natural (man), not the corporeal (one), - that you may be able to understand what is the depth, which is the Father of the universe, and what is the breadth, which is Staurus, the limit of the Pleroma, or what is the length, that is, the Pleroma of the Aeons. Wherefore, he says, the natural man receives not the things of the Spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him; 1 Corinthians 2:14 but folly, he says, is the power of the Demiurge, for he was foolish and devoid of understanding, and imagined himself to be fabricating the world. He was, however, ignorant that Sophia, the Mother, the Ogdoad, was really the cause of all the operations performed by him who had no consciousness in reference to the creation of the world. 6.37. For also the blessed presbyter Irenaeus, having approached the subject of a refutation in a more unconstrained spirit, has explained such washings and redemptions, stating more in the way of a rough digest what are their practices. (And it appears that some of the Marcosians,) on meeting with (Irenaeus' work), deny that they have so received (the secret word just alluded to), but they have learned that always they should deny. Wherefore our anxiety has been more accurately to investigate, and to discover minutely what are the (instructions) which they deliver in the case of the first bath, styling it by some such name; and in the case of the second, which they denominate Redemption. But not even has this secret of theirs escaped (our scrutiny). For these opinions, however, we consent to pardon Valentinus and his school. But Marcus, imitating his teacher, himself also feigns a vision, imagining that in this way he would be magnified. For Valentinus likewise alleges that he had seen an infant child lately born; and questioning (this child), he proceeded to inquire who it might be. And (the child) replied, saying that he himself is the Logos, and then subjoined a sort of tragic legend; and out of this (Valentinus) wishes the heresy attempted by him to consist. Marcus, making a similar attempt with this (heretic), asserts that the Tetrad came to him in the form of a woman - since the world could not bear, he says, the male (form) of this Tetrad, and that she revealed herself who she was, and explained to this (Marcus) alone the generation of the universe, which she never had revealed to any, either of gods or of men, expressing herself after this mode: When first the self-existent Father, He who is inconceivable and without substance, He who is neither male nor female, willed that His own ineffability should become realized in something spoken, and that His invisibility should become realized in form, He opened His mouth, and sent forth similar to Himself a Logos. And this (Logos) stood by Him, and showed unto Him who he was, viz., that he himself had been manifested as a (realization in) form of the Invisible One. And the pronunciation of the name was of the following description. He was accustomed to utter the first word of the name itself, which was Arche, and the syllable of this was (composed) of four letters. Then he subjoined the second (syllable), and this was also (composed) of four letters. Next he uttered the third (syllable), which was (composed) of ten letters; and he uttered the fourth (syllable), and this was (composed) of twelve letters. Then ensued the pronunciation of the entire name, (composed) of thirty letters, but of four syllables. And each of the elements had its own peculiar letters, and its own peculiar form, and its own peculiar pronunciation, as well as figures and images. And not one of these was there that beholds the form of that (letter) of which this was an element. And of course none of them could know the pronunciation of the (letter) next to this, but (only) as he himself pronounces it, (and that in such a way) as that, in pronouncing the whole (word), he supposed that he was uttering the entire (name). For each of these (elements), being part of the entire (name), he denominates (according to) its own peculiar sound, as if the whole (of the word). And he does not intermit sounding until he arrived at the last letter of the last element, and uttered it in a single articulation. Then he said, that the restoration of the entire ensued when all the (elements), coming down into the one letter, sounded one and the same pronunciation, and an image of the pronunciation he supposed to exist when we simultaneously utter the word Amen. And that these sounds are those which gave form to the insubstantial and unbegotten Aeon, and that those forms are what the Lord declared to be angels- the (forms) that uninterruptedly behold the face of the Father.

274. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.22, 2.19.100.3, 3.3.18.1, 3.3.18.2, 6.1, 6.4, 6.3, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 2.21, 6.2, 2.20, 1.5.32.4, 2.18.92.3, 2.18.92.1, 1.29.181.5, 1.18.90.1, 1.17.87.3, 1.14.59.3, 1.5.32.3, 1.1.10.2, 2.19, 1.8.41.2, 7.16.96.4, 7.16.96.3, 7.16.96.2, 7.16.96.1, 6.2.18, 6.2.17, 6.2.16, 6.2.15, 5.8.53, 5.8.52, 5.4.19, 1.26.169.4, 1.11.50, 1.10.49, 1.10.48, 1.10.47, 1.10.46, 1.1.18.4, 5.14.97.7, 5.1.10.3, 4.26.165.4, 4.26.165.3, 1.22.150.4, 1.19.96, 5.14.140.2, 1.19.95, 2.8.37.1, 5.14.89.7, 1.15.72.4, 6.7.55.3, 6.7.55.4, 7.16.97.4, 8.1.2.5, 8.9.28.5, 6.8, 6.9, 5.11.67, 5.1.9.4, 5.5.29, 1.1.2.3, 5.5.31, 5.7.41, 5.7.42, 5.7.43, 1.1.13.1, 1.1.15.2, 2.14.60.3, 4.1.3.1, 5.7.41.1, 5.11.70, 5.11.71, 7.4.27.6, 5.9.57.3, 5.11.70.7, 5.11.71.1, 5.11.71.2, 5.11.71.3, 5.5.28, 5.11.71.4, 5.5.27, 5.4.24.1, 6.11.88.3, 6.15.124.6, 6.15.124.5, 5.8.44.5, 5.5.31.3, 5.4.21.4, 5.4.21, 5.4.20, 1.16.74.2, 5.4.24, 2.23.147.2, 5.11.71.5, 5.11.71.7, 5.14.99.3, 5.8.50.1, 5.8.47.1, 5.8.46.5, 5.8.46.4, 5.8.46.3, 5.8.46.2, 5.6.38.4, 5.6.37.1, 5.6.36.3, 1.1.11, 1.1.3, 1.1.2, 5.6.35.7, 5.6.35.6, 5.6.34.6, 5.14.100.6, 5.11.71.6, 5.14.102.2, 5.14.108, 5.11.71.8, 5.11.71.9, 5.11.71.10, 5.11.71.11, 5.11.71.12, 6.15.129.4, 7.2.6.1, 1.1.2.2, 5.6.34.4, 5.6.34.5, 1.1.15.1, 5.14.139.1, 5.14.133.1, 5.14.115.4, 5.14.107, 5.1.9.3, 2.5.20.2, 7.3.20.7, 6.15.126.2, 5.9.56.2, 5.9.56, 5.2.18, 5.2.17, 5.2.16, 5.2.15, 2.15.70.5, 1.2.21, 5.2.14, 5.3.17.6, 5.5.27.7, 5.5.29.3, 5.14.108.4, 5.14.123.1, 1.27.174.3, 6.15.124, 6.15.125, 6.15.127, 6.15.128, 6.15.128.1, 1.1, 1.3, 6.3.28, 2.12.54, 2.6.25, 2.1.1, 1.23.156, 1.21, 1.8.42.1, 1.9, 1.8, 1.7, 1.6, 1.5, 1.4, 1.2, 5.5.30, 1.6.30, 1.6.31, 1.26.167, 2.7.35, 2.18.81, 7.2.5.5, 7.2.5.6, 1.5.28, 2.2.6.1, 5.1.8.7, 5.3.16.1, 4.17.109.2, 5.9.58.1, 5.3.16.2, 5.3.16.3, 5.3.16.4, 5.3.16.5, 5.6.38.7, 5.11.72.2, 5.11.72.3, 5.12.82.1, 5.13.87, 5.13.88, 1.5.31.3, 1.23.152.3, 2.11.51.4, 4.25.161.3, 5.1.8.5, 5.1.8.6, 4.25.157, 4.25.156, 2.11.51.5, 2.2.5.4, 4.25.155, 1.28.176.1, 1.28.176.2, 1.2.20.2, 6.11.95.1, 7.1.4.3, 1.20.99.3, 2.19.99.3, 2.19.100, 2.19.101, 6.7.58.1, 6.15.129.2, 4.3.9.2, 1.6.33.6, 1.6.33.5, 1.1.11.2, 1.28.176.3, 5.14.100.4, 5.14.114.1, 5.14.114.2, 5.14.114.3, 5.14.114.4, 6.18.165.5, 7.2.5.4, 1.1.7.2, 1.1.7.3, 1.1.11.1, 1.1.15.3, 1.1.15.4, 1.5.31, 2.18.78, 6.11.95, 7.3.17, 7.11.60, 7.11.61, 7.11.62, 7.11.63, 7.11.64, 7.11.65, 7.11.66, 7.11.67, 7.11.68, 1.23.153.2, 1.1.13.5, 1.1.13.4, 1.1.13.3, 1.1.13.2, 2.12.55, 1.11.52, 5.5.31.5, 5.7.42.3, 5.8.44.2, 5.8.44.3, 5.8.44.4, 5.8.45.4, 5.8.55.4, 3.1.1, 1.4.27, 6.10.80.2, 6.10.80.3, 6.10.82.1, 6.10.82.2, 6.10.82.3, 6.10.82.4, 6.10.82.5, 6.6.44.3, 6.5.41.7, 6.5.41.6, 5.8.55.3, 5.8.55.2, 5.8.55.1, 5.8.54, 2.6.28, 2.11.51.2, 2.11.51.1, 4.25.162.5, 4.13.90, 2.8, 5.14.89.2, 5.14.89.3, 5.14.89.4, 5.14.90.1, 1.20.97, 1.20.98, 2.3.10, 2.4, 2.4.13, 2.4.14, 2.6.26, 7.15.91.8, 2.21.129.4, 7.15.91.7, 7.16.93.2, 5.104.4, 5.104.1, 5.104.2, 5.104.3, 5.14.123.2, 5.14.124.1, 5.78.5, 5.78.4, 5.14.133.2, 5.14.127.2, 5.14.126.5, 5.14.123.2-124.1, 7.12.71.3, 3.9.64.1, 2.7.34.2, 15.11.74.5, 15.11.74.4, 15.11.71.5, 15.11.71.4, 15.11.71.3, 15.11.71.2, 1.19.94.2, 8.3.7.5, 8.1.2.4, 7.16.95.9, 6.8.64.6, 6.8.64.5, 15.14.134.3, 15.14.133.9, 15.14.133.8, 15.14.133.7, 15.14.94.5, 15.14.94.4, 15.13.88.2, 15.13.87.4, 15.13.87.2ff., 1.19.94.7, 1.19.94.6, 1.19.94.5, 1.19.94.4, 1.19.94.3, 1.19.94.1, 1.29.182.1, 1.22.150.2, 1.22.150.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 97

275. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 47 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 152

47. ridiculous. Coming across Epicurus's Accepted Maxims, the most admirable of his books, as you know, with its terse presentment of his wise conclusions, he brought it into the middle of the market-place, there burned it on a fig-wood fire for the sins of its author, and cast its ashes into the sea. He issued an oracle on the occasion: The dotard's maxims to the flames be given. The fellow had no conception of the blessings conferred by that book upon its readers, of the peace, tranquillity, and independence of mind it produces, of the protection it gives against terrors, phantoms, and marvels, vain hopes and inordinate desires, of the judgement and candour that it fosters, or of its true purging of the spirit, not with torches and squills and such rubbish, but with right reason, truth, and frankness. Perhaps the greatest example of our rogue's audacity is what 47. In this connexion, Alexander once made himself supremely ridiculous. Coming across Epicurus’s Accepted Maxims, the most admirable of his books, as you know, with its terse presentment of his wise conclusions, he brought it into the middle of the market place, there burned it on a fig wood fire for the sins of its author, and cast its ashes into the sea. He issued an oracle on the occasion:The dotard’s maxims to the flames be given.The fellow had no conception of the blessings conferred by that book upon its readers, of the peace, tranquillity, and independence of mind it produces, of the protection it gives against terrors, phantoms, and marvels, vain hopes and inordinate desires, of the judgement and candour that it fosters, or of its true purging of the spirit, not with torches and squills and such rubbish, but with right reason, truth, and frankness.

276. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 18.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 82

277. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 1, 1.4, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 3.1-4.6, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.7, 5, 6, 6.1, 7, 7.1, 8, 9, 11, 67, 69, 70, 93, 102.4, 105.1, 127, 141.1, 142.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

1.4. Ναί, ἔφην, οὕτω καὶ ἡμεῖς δεδοξάκαμεν. Ἀλλ᾿ οἱ πλεῖστοι οὐδὲ τούτου πεφροντίκασιν. εἴτε εἶς εἴτε καὶ πλείους εἰσὶ θεοί, καὶ εἴτε προνοοῦσιν ἡμῶν ἑκάστου εἴτε καὶ οὕ, ὡς μηδὲν πρὸς εὐ[fol. 51]δαιμονίαν τῆς γνώσεως ταύτης συντελούσης· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐπιχειροῦσι πείθειν ὡς τοῦ μὲν σύμπαντος καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν γενῶν καὶ εἰδῶν ἐπιμελεῖται θεός, ἐμοῦ δὲ καὶ σοῦ οὐκ ἔτι καὶ τοῦ καθ᾿ ἕκαστα, ἐπεὶ οὐδ᾿ ἂν ηὐχόμεθα αὐτῷ δι᾿ ὅλης νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας.

278. Justin, Second Apology, 2.15-2.20, 3.1, 5.2, 8.1, 12.1, 12.5, 13.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 54; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 265, 421, 423; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 94, 95

279. Justin, First Apology, 1.3, 1.5, 6.1, 8.4, 12.3, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 12.10, 13.1.2, 14.3, 19.5, 22.3, 23.2, 25.1, 28.2.3, 39.3.4, 57.2, 66.4, 02-Apr, 14, 18, 20, 21, 29, 3, 309, 32, 33, 420, 43, 44, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 64, 9, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 54; Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 264, 265, 275, 286, 323, 417, 418, 423; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 94

5. Why, then, should this be? In our case, who pledge ourselves to do no wickedness, nor to hold these atheistic opinions, you do not examine the charges made against us; but, yielding to unreasoning passion, and to the instigation of evil demons, you punish us without consideration or judgment. For the truth shall be spoken; since of old these evil demons, effecting apparitions of themselves, both defiled women and corrupted boys, and showed such fearful sights to men, that those who did not use their reason in judging of the actions that were done, were struck with terror; and being carried away by fear, and not knowing that these were demons, they called them gods, and gave to each the name which each of the demons chose for himself. And when Socrates endeavoured, by true reason and examination, to bring these things to light, and deliver men from the demons, then the demons themselves, by means of men who rejoiced in iniquity, compassed his death, as an atheist and a profane person, on the charge that he was introducing new divinities; and in our case they display a similar activity. For not only among the Greeks did reason (Logos) prevail to condemn these things through Socrates, but also among the Barbarians were they condemned by Reason (or the Word, the Logos) Himself, who took shape, and became man, and was called Jesus Christ; and in obedience to Him, we not only deny that they who did such things as these are gods, but assert that they are wicked and impious demons, whose actions will not bear comparison with those even of men desirous of virtue.

280. Clemens Alexandrinus, Adumbrationes, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 308

281. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.6-1.7, 1.6.3, 1.12-1.13, 1.25, 1.27, 2.1.2, 2.3.1, 2.13.10, 2.15.3, 2.28.1-2.28.3, 2.29.3, 3.20.1-3.20.2, 3.23.4, 3.24.2, 4.15.1, 4.16.4, 4.37-4.39, 4.39.2-4.39.3, 5.2.3, 5.3.1, 7.38, 9.6, 10.19-10.20, 10.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 220

3.24.2. Alienated thus from the truth, they do deservedly wallow in all error, tossed to and fro by it, thinking differently in regard to the same things at different times, and never attaining to a well- grounded knowledge, being more anxious to be sophists of words than disciples of the truth. For they have not been founded upon the one rock, but upon the sand, which has in itself a multitude of stones. Wherefore they also imagine many gods, and they always have the excuse of searching [after truth] (for they are blind), but never succeed in finding it. For they blaspheme the Creator, Him who is truly God, who also furnishes power to find [the truth]; imagining that they have discovered another god beyond God, or another Pleroma, or another dispensation. Wherefore also the light which is from God does not illumine them, because they have dishonoured and despised God, holding Him of small account, because, through His love and infinite benignity, He has come within reach of human knowledge (knowledge, however, not with regard to His greatness, or with regard to His essence--for that has no man measured or handled--but after this sort: that we should know that He who made, and formed, and breathed in them the breath of life, and nourishes us by means of the creation, establishing all things by His Word, and binding them together by His Wisdom--this is He who is the only true God); but they dream of a non-existent being above Him, that they may be regarded as having found out the great God, whom nobody, [they hold,] can recognise holding communication with the human race, or as directing mundane matters: that is to say, they find out the god of Epicurus, who does nothing either for himself or others; that is, he exercises no providence at all.

282. Irenaeus, Demonstration of The Apostolic Teaching, 3b, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 82

283. Philostratus The Athenian, On Heroes, 208-214, 207 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 319

284. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 6.19, 8.7.8 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, athens Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 324; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 604

6.19. “ἐρώτα,” ἔφασαν “ἕπεται γάρ που ἐρωτήσει λόγος.” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “περὶ θεῶν” εἶπεν “ὑμᾶς ἐρήσομαι πρῶτον, τί μαθόντες ἄτοπα καὶ γελοῖα θεῶν εἴδη παραδεδώκατε τοῖς δεῦρο ἀνθρώποις πλὴν ὀλίγων: ὀλίγων γάρ; πάνυ μέντοι ὀλίγων, ἃ σοφῶς καὶ θεοειδῶς ἵδρυται, τὰ λοιπὰ δ' ὑμῶν ἱερὰ ζῴων ἀλόγων καὶ ἀδόξων τιμαὶ μᾶλλον ἢ θεῶν φαίνονται.” δυσχεράνας δὲ ὁ Θεσπεσίων “τὰ δὲ παρ' ὑμῖν” εἶπεν “ἀγάλματα πῶς ἱδρῦσθαι φήσεις;” “ὥς γε” ἔφη “κάλλιστόν τε καὶ θεοφιλέστατον δημιουργεῖν θεούς.” “τὸν Δία που λέγεις” εἶπε “τὸν ἐν τῇ ̓Ολυμπίᾳ καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Αθηνᾶς ἕδος καὶ τὸ τῆς Κνιδίας τε καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Αργείας καὶ ὁπόσα ὧδε καλὰ καὶ μεστὰ ὥρας.” “οὐ μόνον” ἔφη “ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθάπαξ τὴν μὲν παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαλματοποιίαν ἅπτεσθαί φημι τοῦ προσήκοντος, ὑμᾶς δὲ καταγελᾶν τοῦ θείου μᾶλλον ἢ νομίζειν αὐτό.” “οἱ Φειδίαι δὲ” εἶπε:“καὶ οἱ Πραξιτέλεις μῶν ἀνελθόντες ἐς οὐρανὸν καὶ ἀπομαξάμενοι τὰ τῶν θεῶν εἴδη τέχνην αὐτὰ ἐποιοῦντο, ἢ ἕτερόν τι ἦν, ὃ ἐφίστη αὐτοὺς τῷ πλάττειν;” “ἕτερον” ἔφη “καὶ μεστόν γε σοφίας πρᾶγμα.” “ποῖον;” εἶπεν “οὐ γὰρ ἄν τι παρὰ τὴν μίμησιν εἴποις.” “φαντασία” ἔφη “ταῦτα εἰργάσατο σοφωτέρα μιμήσεως δημιουργός: μίμησις μὲν γὰρ δημιουργήσει, ὃ εἶδεν, φαντασία δὲ καὶ ὃ μὴ εἶδεν, ὑποθήσεται γὰρ αὐτὸ πρὸς τὴν ἀναφορὰν τοῦ ὄντος, καὶ μίμησιν μὲν πολλάκις ἐκκρούει ἔκπληξις, φαντασίαν δὲ οὐδέν, χωρεῖ γὰρ ἀνέκπληκτος πρὸς ὃ αὐτὴ ὑπέθετο. δεῖ δέ που Διὸς μὲν ἐνθυμηθέντα εἶδος ὁρᾶν αὐτὸν ξὺν οὐρανῷ καὶ ὥραις καὶ ἄστροις, ὥσπερ ὁ Φειδίας τότε ὥρμησεν, ̓Αθηνᾶν δὲ δημιουργήσειν μέλλοντα στρατόπεδα ἐννοεῖν καὶ μῆτιν καὶ τέχνας καὶ ὡς Διὸς αὐτοῦ ἀνέθορεν. εἰ δὲ ἱέρακα ἢ γλαῦκα ἢ λύκον ἢ κύνα ἐργασάμενος ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ φέροις ἀντὶ ̔Ερμοῦ τε καὶ ̓Αθηνᾶς καὶ ̓Απόλλωνος, τὰ μὲν θηρία καὶ τὰ ὄρνεα ζηλωτὰ δόξει τῶν εἰκόνων, οἱ δὲ θεοὶ παραπολὺ τῆς αὑτῶν δόξης ἑστήξουσιν.” “ἔοικας” εἶπεν “ἀβασανίστως ἐξετάζειν τὰ ἡμέτερα: σοφὸν γάρ, εἴπερ τι Αἰγυπτίων, καὶ τὸ μὴ θρασύνεσθαι ἐς τὰ τῶν θεῶν εἴδη, ξυμβολικὰ δὲ αὐτὰ ποιεῖσθαι καὶ ὑπονοούμενα, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ σεμνότερα οὕτω φαίνοιτο.” γελάσας οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ὦ ἄνθρωποι,” ἔφη “μεγάλα ὑμῖν ἀπολέλαυται τῆς Αἰγυπτίων τε καὶ Αἰθιόπων σοφίας, εἰ σεμνότερον ὑμῶν καὶ θεοειδέστερον κύων δόξει καὶ ἶβις καὶ τράγος, ταῦτα γὰρ Θεσπεσίωνος ἀκούω τοῦ σοφοῦ. σεμνὸν δὲ δὴ ἢ ἔμφοβον τί ἐν τούτοις; τοὺς γὰρ ἐπιόρκους καὶ τοὺς ἱεροσύλους καὶ τὰ βωμολόχα ἔθνη καταφρονεῖν τῶν τοιούτων ἱερῶν εἰκὸς μᾶλλον ἢ δεδιέναι αὐτά, εἰ δὲ σεμνότερα ταῦτα ὑπονοούμενα, πολλῷ σεμνότερον ἂν ἔπραττον οἱ θεοὶ κατ' Αἴγυπτον, εἰ μὴ ἵδρυτό τι αὐτῶν ἄγαλμα, ἀλλ' ἕτερον τρόπον σοφώτερόν τε καὶ ἀπορρητότερον τῇ θεολογίᾳ ἐχρῆσθε: ἦν γάρ που νεὼς μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐξοικοδομῆσαι καὶ βωμοὺς ὁρίζειν καὶ ἃ χρὴ θύειν καὶ ἃ μὴ χρὴ καὶ ὁπηνίκα καὶ ἐφ' ὅσον καὶ ὅ τι λέγοντας ἢ δρῶντας, ἄγαλμα δὲ μὴ ἐσφέρειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ εἴδη τῶν θεῶν καταλείπειν τοῖς τὰ ἱερὰ ἐσφοιτῶσιν, ἀναγράφει γάρ τι ἡ γνώμη καὶ ἀνατυποῦται δημιουργίας κρεῖττον, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἀφῄρησθε τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τὸ ὁρᾶσθαι καλῶς καὶ τὸ ὑπονοεῖσθαι.” πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Θεσπεσίων, “ἐγένετό τις” ἔφη “Σωκράτης ̓Αθηναῖος ἀνόητος, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, γέρων, ὃς τὸν κύνα καὶ τὸν χῆνα καὶ τὴν πλάτανον θεούς τε ἡγεῖτο καὶ ὤμνυ.” “οὐκ ἀνόητος,” εἶπεν “ἀλλὰ θεῖος καὶ ἀτεχνῶς σοφός, ὤμνυ γὰρ ταῦτα οὐχ' ὡς θεούς, ἀλλ' ἵνα μὴ θεοὺς ὀμνύοι.”

6.19. Ask, they said, for you know question comes first and argument follows on it. It is about the gods that I would like to ask you a question first, namely, what induced you to impart, as your tradition, to the people of this country forms of the gods that are absurd and grotesque in all but a few cases? In a few cases, do I say? I would rather say that in very few are the gods' images fashioned in a wise and god-like manner, for the mass of your shrines seem to have been erected in honor rather of irrational and ignoble animals than of gods. Thespesion, resenting these remarks, said: And your own images in Greece, how are they fashioned? In the way, he replied, in which it is best and most reverent to construct images of the gods. I suppose you allude, said the other, to the statue of Zeus in Olympia, and to the image of Athena and to that of the Cnidian goddess and to that of the Argive goddess and to other images equally beautiful and full of charm? Not only to these, replied Apollonius, but without exception I maintain, that whereas in other lands statuary has scrupulously observed decency and fitness, you rather make ridicule of the gods than really believe in them. Your artists, then, like Phidias, said the other, and like Praxiteles, went up, I suppose, to heaven and took a copy of the forms of the gods, and then reproduced these by their art or was there any other influence which presided over and guided their molding? There was, said Apollonius, and an influence pregt with wisdom and genius. What was that? said the other, for I do not think you can adduce any except imitation. Imagination, said Apollonius, wrought these works, a wiser and subtler artist by far than imitation; for imitation can only create as its handiwork what it has seen, but imagination equally what it has not seen; for it will conceive of its ideal with reference to the reality, and imitation is often baffled by terror, but imagination by nothing; for it marches undismayed to the goal which it has itself laid down. When you entertain a notion of Zeus you must, I suppose, envisage him along with heaven and seasons and stars, as Phidias in his day endeavoured to do, and if you would fashion an image of Athena you must imagine in your mind armies and cunning, and handicrafts, and how she leapt out of Zeus himself. But if you make a hawk or an owl or a wolf or a dog, and put it in your temples instead of Hermes or Athena or Apollo, your animals and your birds may be esteemed and of much price as likenesses, but the gods will be very much lowered in their dignity. I think, said the other, that you criticize our religion very superficially; for if the Egyptians have any wisdom, they show it by their deep respect and reverence in the representation of the gods, and by the circumstance that they fashion their forms as symbols of a profound inner meaning, so as to enhance their solemnity and august character. Apollonius thereon merely laughed and said: My good friends, you have indeed greatly profited by the wisdom of Egypt and Ethiopia, if your dog and your ibis and your goat seem particularly august and god-like, for this is what I learn from Thespesion the sage.But what is there that is august or awe-inspiring in these images? Is it not likely that perjurers and temple-thieves and all the rabble of low jesters will despise such holy objects rather than dread them; and if they are to be held for the hidden meanings which they convey, surely the gods in Egypt would have met with much greater reverence, if no images of them had ever been set up at all, and if you had planned your theology along other lines wiser and more mysterious. For I imagine you might have built temples for them, and have fixed the altars and laid down rules about what to sacrifice and what not, and when and on what scale, and with what liturgies and rites, without introducing any image at all, but leaving it to those who frequented the temples to imagine the images of the gods; for the mind can more or less delineate and figure them to itself better than can any artist; but you have denied to the gods the privilege of beauty both of the outer eye and of an inner suggestion. Thespesion replied and said: There was a certain Athenian, called Socrates, a foolish old man like ourselves, who thought that the dog and the goose and the plane tree were gods and used to swear by them. He was not foolish, said Apollonius, but a divine and unfeignedly wise man; for he did not swear by these objects on the understanding that they were gods, but to save himself from swearing by the gods. 8.7.8. Let me now, my prince, take the accusation which concerns Ephesus, since the salvation of that city was gained; and let the Egyptian be my judge, according as it best suits his accusation. For this is the sort of thing the accusation is. Let us suppose that among the Scythians or Celts, who live along the river Ister and Rhine, a city has been founded every whit as important as Ephesus in Ionia. Here you have a sally-port of barbarians, who refuse to be subject to yourself; let us then suppose that it was about to be destroyed by a pestilence, and that Apollonius found a remedy and averted it. I imagine that a wise man would be able to defend himself even against such a charge as that, unless indeed the sovereign desires to get rid of his adversaries, not by use of arms, but by plague; for I pray, my prince, that no city may ever be wholly wiped out, either to please yourself or to please me, nor may I ever behold in temples a disease to which those who lie sick should succumb in them. But granted that we are not interested in the affairs of barbarians, and need not restore them to health, since they are our bitter enemies, and not at peace with our race; yet who would desire to deprive Ephesus of her salvation, a city which took the basis of its race from the purest Attic source, and which grew in size beyond all other cities of Ionia and Lydia, and stretched herself out to the sea outgrowing the land on which she is built, and is filled with studious people, both philosophers and rhetoricians, thanks to whom the city owes her strength, not to her cavalry, but to the tens of thousands of her inhabitants in whom she encourages wisdom? And do you think that there is any wise man who would decline to do his best in behalf of such a city, when he reflects that Democritus once liberated the people of Abdera from pestilence, and when he bears in mind the story of Sophocles of Athens, who is said to have charmed the winds when they were blowing unseasonably, and who has heard how Empedocles stayed a cloud in its course when it would have burst over the heads of the people of Acragas?

285. Atticus, Fragments, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoic, stoics, stoicism Found in books: Zachhuber, Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine (2022) 38

286. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 4.2, 7.2, 16.1, 23.3-23.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics and stoicism, athenagoras on •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 205; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 261

8. As regards, then, the doctrine that there was from the beginning one God, the Maker of this universe, consider it in this wise, that you may be acquainted with the argumentative grounds also of our faith. If there were from the beginning two or more gods, they were either in one and the same place, or each of them separately in his own. In one and the same place they could not be. For, if they are gods, they are not alike; but because they are uncreated they are unlike: for created things are like their patterns; but the uncreated are unlike, being neither produced from any one, nor formed after the pattern of any one. Hand and eye and foot are parts of one body, making up together one man: is God in this sense one? And indeed Socrates was compounded and divided into parts, just because he was created and perishable; but God is uncreated, and, impassible, and indivisible - does not, therefore, consist of parts. But if, on the contrary, each of them exists separately, since He that made the world is above the things created, and about the things He has made and set in order, where can the other or the rest be? For if the world, being made spherical, is confined within the circles of heaven, and the Creator of the world is above the things created, managing that by His providential care of these, what place is there for the second god, or for the other gods? For he is not in the world, because it belongs to the other; nor about the world, for God the Maker of the world is above it. But if he is neither in the world nor about the world (for all that surrounds it is occupied by this one ), where is he? Is he above the world and [the first] God? In another world, or about another? But if he is in another or about another, then he is not about us, for he does not govern the world; nor is his power great, for he exists in a circumscribed space. But if he is neither in another world (for all things are filled by the other), nor about another (for all things are occupied by the other), he clearly does not exist at all, for there is no place in which he can be. Or what does he do, seeing there is another to whom the world belongs, and he is above the Maker of the world, and yet is neither in the world nor about the world? Is there, then, some other place where he can stand? But God, and what belongs to God, are above him. And what, too, shall be the place, seeing that the other fills the regions which are above the world? Perhaps he exerts a providential care? [By no means.] And yet, unless he does so, he has done nothing. If, then, he neither does anything nor exercises providential care, and if there is not another place in which he is, then this Being of whom we speak is the one God from the beginning, and the sole Maker of the world. 8. As regards, then, the doctrine that there was from the beginning one God, the Maker of this universe, consider it in this wise, that you may be acquainted with the argumentative grounds also of our faith. If there were from the beginning two or more gods, they were either in one and the same place, or each of them separately in his own. In one and the same place they could not be. For, if they are gods, they are not alike; but because they are uncreated they are unlike: for created things are like their patterns; but the uncreated are unlike, being neither produced from any one, nor formed after the pattern of any one. Hand and eye and foot are parts of one body, making up together one man: is God in this sense one? And indeed Socrates was compounded and divided into parts, just because he was created and perishable; but God is uncreated, and, impassible, and indivisible — does not, therefore, consist of parts. But if, on the contrary, each of them exists separately, since He that made the world is above the things created, and about the things He has made and set in order, where can the other or the rest be? For if the world, being made spherical, is confined within the circles of heaven, and the Creator of the world is above the things created, managing that by His providential care of these, what place is there for the second god, or for the other gods? For he is not in the world, because it belongs to the other; nor about the world, for God the Maker of the world is above it. But if he is neither in the world nor about the world (for all that surrounds it is occupied by this one ), where is he? Is he above the world and [the first] God? In another world, or about another? But if he is in another or about another, then he is not about us, for he does not govern the world; nor is his power great, for he exists in a circumscribed space. But if he is neither in another world (for all things are filled by the other), nor about another (for all things are occupied by the other), he clearly does not exist at all, for there is no place in which he can be. Or what does he do, seeing there is another to whom the world belongs, and he is above the Maker of the world, and yet is neither in the world nor about the world? Is there, then, some other place where he can stand? But God, and what belongs to God, are above him. And what, too, shall be the place, seeing that the other fills the regions which are above the world? Perhaps he exerts a providential care? [By no means.] And yet, unless he does so, he has done nothing. If, then, he neither does anything nor exercises providential care, and if there is not another place in which he is, then this Being of whom we speak is the one God from the beginning, and the sole Maker of the world.

287. Athenagoras, The Resurrection of The Dead, 1.3, 14.1-14.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 19; Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 291

1.3. τῶν ἀληθῶν οἱ τοιοῦτοι κατέλιπον ἀσυκοφάντητον, οὐ τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, οὐ τὴν γνῶσιν, οὐ τὴν ἐνέργειαν, οὐ τὰ τούτοις ἐφεξῆς καθ᾿ εἱρμὸν ἑπόμενα καὶ τὸν τῆς εὐσεβείας ἡμῖν ὑπογράφοντα λόγον. Ἀλλ᾿ οἱ μὲν πάντη καὶ καθάπαξ ἀπογινώσκουσι τὴν περὶ τούτων ἀλήθειαν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν αὐτοῖς διαστρέφουσιν, οἱ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐμφανῶν

288. Lucian, On Mourning, 8.7, 1.9, 9.14, 3.6, pr.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 65

289. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, 49.317, 49.318, 49.319, 49.320, 49.321, 49.322, 49.323, 49.324, 49.325, 49.326, 49.327, 49.360, 49.361, 49.362, 49.363, 272.34, 272.35, 272.36, 280.15, 280.19, 280.20, 280.21, 280.22, 280.23, 280.24, 284.22, 284.23, 284.24, 104, 109, 13, 277a41, 280, 280-281a, 281a, 368, 45, 192 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 21, 25, 34, 139

290. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 1.17.6, 2.3, 2.12-2.14, 3.4.3, 4.3, 4.4.1-4.4.4, 4.5, 4.23, 4.36, 7.9, 7.64, 7.67, 9.28, 9.39, 9.41, 10.6, 10.36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, and astrology •stoics and stoicism, death, contemplation of •stoicism, stoics, cosmology of •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 54; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 134, 157, 217; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 20, 25, 27; deSilva, Ephesians (2022) 198

291. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 256, 33, 40-41, 6-7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 255, 256, 415; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 161, 283

292. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

293. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

294. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 1.7.6, 2.12-2.23, 2.25.1, 6.67.2, 7.74.4-7.74.5, 7.74.7, 10.98.4, 95.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif •stoicism, stoics •stoicism, stoics, ps.-orpheus, urfassung •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 286; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 61; Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 80, 94, 95, 97, 280, 281

2.12. And the formula of the Eleusinian mysteries is as follows: "I fasted; I drank the draught; I took from the chest; having done my task, I placed in the basket, and from the basket into the chest." Beautiful sights indeed, and fit for a goddess! Yes, such rites are meet for night and torch fires, and for the "great-hearted" — I should rather say empty-headed — people of the Erechtheidae, with the rest of the Greeks as well, "whom after death there await such things as they little expect." Against whom does Heracleitus of Ephesus utter this prophecy? Against "night-roamers, magicians, Bacchants, Lenaean revellers and devotees of the mysteries." These are the people whom he threatens with the penalties that follow death; for these he prophesies the fire. "For in unholy fashion are they initiated into mysteries customary among men." 2.13. The mysteries, then, are mere custom and vain opinion, and it is a deceit of the serpent that men worship when, with spurious piety, they turn toward these sacred initiations that are really profanities, and solemn rites that are without sanctity. Consider, too, the contents of the mystic chests; for I must strip bare their holy things and utter the unspeakable. Are they not sesame cakes, pyramid and spherical cakes, cakes with many navels, also balls of salt and a serpent, the mystic sign of Dionysus Bassareus? Are they not also pomegranates, fig branches, fennel stalks, ivy leaves, round cakes and poppies? These are their holy things? In addition, there are the unutterable symbols of Ge Themis, marjoram, a lamp, a sword, and a woman's comb, which is a euphemistic expression used for a woman's secret parts. What manifest shamelessness! Formerly night, which drew a veil over the pleasures of temperate men, was a time for silence. But now, when night is for those who are being initiated a temptation to licentiousness, talk abounds, and the torch-fires convict unbridled passions. Quench the fire, thou priest. Shrink from the flaming brands, torchbearer. The light convicts your Iacchus. Suffer night to hide the mysteries. Let the orgies be honoured by darkness. The fire is not acting a part; to convict and to punish is its duty [i.e. the fire of God]. 2.14. These are the mysteries of the atheists. And I am right in branding as atheists men who are ignorant of the true God, but shamelessly worship a child being torn to pieces by Titans, a poor grief-stricken woman, and parts of the body which, from a sense of shame, are truly to sacred to speak of. It is a twofold atheism in which they are entangled; first, the atheism of being ignorant of God (since they do not recognize the true God); and then this second error, of believing in the existence of beings that have no existence, and calling by the name of gods those who are not really gods, — nay more, who do not even exist, but have only got the name. No doubt this is also the reason why the Apostle convicts us, when he says, "And ye were strangers from the covets of the promise, being without hope and atheists in the world." 2.15. Blessings be upon the Scythian king, whoever he was. When a countryman of his own was imitating among the Scythians the rite of the Mother of the Gods as practiced at Cyzicus, by beating a drum and clanging a cymbal, and by having images of the goddess suspended from his neck after the manner of a priest of Cybele (menagyrtes), this king slew him with an arrow [Herodotus 4.76], on the ground that the man, having been deprived of his own virility in Greece, was now communicating the effeminate disease to his fellow Scythians. All this — for I must not in the least conceal what I think — makes me amazed how the term atheist has been applied to Euhemerus of Acragas, Nicanor of Cyprus, Diagoras and Hippo of Melos, with that Cyrenian named Theodorus and a good many others besides, men who lived sensible lives and discerned more acutely, I imagine, than the rest of mankind the error connected with these gods. Even if they did not perceive the truth itself, they at least suspected the error; and this suspicion is a living spark of wisdom, and no small one, which grows up like a seed into truth. One of them [Xenophanes] thus directs the Egyptians: "If you believe they are gods, do not lament them, nor beat the breast; but if you mourn for them, no longer consider these beings to be gods." Another, having taken hold of a Heracles made from a log of wood — he happened, likely enough, to be cooking something at home — said: "Come, Heracles, now is your time to undertake this thirteenth labour for me, as you did the twelve for Eurystheus, and prepare Diagoras his dish!" Then he put him into the fire like a log. 2.16. It appears then that atheism and daemon-worship are the extreme points of stupidity, from which we must earnestly endeavour to keep ourselves apart. Do you not see Moses, the sacred interpreter of the truth, ordering that no eunuch or mutilated man shall enter the assembly, nor the son of a harlot? By the first two expressions he refers in a figure to the atheistic manner of life, which has been deprived of divine power and fruitfulness; by the third and last, to the man who lays claim to many gods, falsely so called, in place of the only real God; just as the son of a harlot lays claim to many fathers, through ignorance of his true father. But there was of old implanted in man a certain fellowship with heaven, which, through darkened through ignorance, yet at times leaps suddenly out of the darkness and shines forth. Take for instance the well-known lines in which someone has said, "See thou this boundless firmament on high, whose arms enfold the earth in soft embrace?" [Euripides, Frag. 935] and these, "O stay of earth, that hast thy seat above, who'er thou art, by guessing scarce discerned; [Euripides, Trojan Women 884] and all the other similar things which the sons of the poets sing. 2.17. But opinions that are mistaken and deviate from the right — deadly opinions, in very truth — turned aside man, the heavenly plant, from a heavenly manner of life, and stretched him upon earth, by inducing him to give heed to things formed out of earth. Some men were deceived from the first about the spectacle of the heavens. Trusting solely to sight, they gazed at the movements of the heavenly bodies, and in wonder deified them, giving them the name of gods from their running motion [derived from Plato, Cratylus 397]. Hence they worshipped the sun, as Indians do, and the moon, as Phrygians do. Others, when gathering the cultivated fruits of plants that spring from the earth, called the corn Demeter, as the Athenians, and the vine Dionysus, as the Thebans. Others, after reflecting upon the punishments of evil-doing, make gods out of their experiences of retribution, worshipping the very calamities. This is the source from which the Erinyes and Eumenides, goddess of expiation and vengeance, as well as the Alastors, have been fashioned by the poets of the stage. Even certain of the philosophers themselves, following the men of poetry, came to represent as deities the types of your emotions, such as Fear, Love, Joy, Hope; just as, of course, Epimenides did of old, when he set up altars in Athens to Insolence and Shamelessness. Some gods arise from the mere circumstances of life deified in men's eyes and fashioned in bodily form; such are the Athenian deities, Right (Dike), the Spinner (Clotho), the Giver of lots (Lachesis), the Inflexible One (Atropus), Destiny (Heimarmene), Growth (Auxo) and Abundance (Thallo). There is a sixth way of introducing deception and of procuring gods, according to which men reckon them to be twelve in number, of whose genealogy Hesiod sings his own story, and Homer, too, has much to say about them. Finally (for these ways of error are seven in all), there remains that which arises from the divine beneficence shown towards men; for, since men did not understand it was God who benefited them, they invented certain saviours, the Twin Brothers (Dioscuri), Heracles averter of evils, and Asclepius the doctor. 2.18. These then are the slippery and harmful paths which lead away from the truth, dragging man down from heaven and overturning him into the pit. But I wish to display to you at close quarters the gods themselves, showing what their characters are, and whether they really exist; in order that at last you may cease from error and run back again to heaven. "For we too were once children of wrath, as also the rest; but God being rich in mercy, through His great love wherewith He loved us, when we were already dead in trespasses, made us alive together with Christ." For the Word is living, and he who has been buried with Christ is exhalted together with God. They who are still unbelieving are called "children of wrath," since they are being reared for wrath. We, one the contrary, are no longer creatures of wrath, for we have been torn away from error and are hastening toward the truth. Thus we who were once sons of lawlessness have now become sons of God thanks to the love of the Word for man. But you are they whom even your own poet, Empedocles of Acragas, points to in these lines: "So then, by grievous miseries distraught, ye ne'er shall rest your mind from painful woes." [Empedocles, Frag. 145] 2.19. Now the most part of the stories about your gods are legends and fictions. But as many as are held to be real events are the records of base men who led dissolute lives: "Be ye in price and madness walk; ye left the true, straight path, and chose the way through thorns and stakes. Why err, ye mortals? Cease, vain men! Forsake the dark night, and cleave unto the light." [Sibylline Oracles, Preface 23]. This is what the prophetic and poetic Sibyl enjoins on us. And truth, too, does the same, when she strips these dreadful and terrifying masks from the crowd of gods, and adduces certain similarities of name to prove the absurdity of your rash opinions. 2.20. For example, there are some who record three gods of the name Zeus: one in Arcadia, the son of Aether, the other two being sons of Cronus, the one in Crete, the other again in Arcadia. Some assume five Athenas: the daughter of Hephaestus, who is the Athenian; the daughter of Neilus, who is the Egyptian a third, the daughter of Cronus, who is the discoverer of war; a fourth, the daughter of Zeus, to whom the Messenians give the title Coryphassia after her mother. Above all, there is the child of Pallas and Titanis daughter of Oceanus. This is the one who impiously slaughtered her father and is arrayed in the paternal skin, as though it were a fleece. Further, with regard to Apollo, Aristotle enumerates, first, the son of Hephaestus and Athena [i.e. Erichthonius] (which puts an end to Athena's virginity); secondly, the son of Cyrbas in Crete; thirdly, the son of Zeus; and fourthly, the Arcadian, the son of Silenus, called among the Arcadians Nomius. In addition to these he reckons the Libyan, the son of Ammon; and Didymus the grammarian adds a sixth, the son of Magnes. And how many Apollos are there at the present time? A countless host, all mortal and perishable men, who have been called by similar names to the deities we have just mentioned. And what if I were to tell you of the many gods named Asclepius, or of every Hermes that is enumerated, or of every Hephaestus that occurs in your mythology? But the lands they dwelt in, the arts they practiced, the records of their lives, yes, and their very tombs, prove conclusively that they were men. 2.21. There is for example Ares, who is honoured so far as that is possible, the poets — "Ares, thou plague of men, bloodguilty one, stormer of cities;" [Il 5.31] 2.22. this fickle and implacable god was, according to Epicharmus, a Spartan. But Sophocles knows him for a Thracian, others for an Arcadian. This is the god of whom Homer says that he was bound in chains for a space of thirteen months: "Such was the lot of Ares, when Otus and strong Ephialtes, sons of Aloeus, seized him, and chained his limbs in strong fetters; and in a dungeon of brass for thirteen months he lay captive." [Il 5.385] Blessing be upon the Carians, who sacrifice dogs to him! May Scythians never cease offering asses, as Apollodorus says they do, and Callimachus too, in the following verse: "In northern lands ass-sacrifice rise when Phoebus first appears." [Callimachus, Frag. 187] Elsewhere the same writer says: "Rich sacrifice of asses Phoebus loves." [Callimachus, Frag 188] Hephaestus, whom Zeus cast out of Olympus, "from the threshold of heaven," [Il 1.591] fell to earth in Lemnos and worked as a smith. He was lame in both feet, "but his slender legs moved quickly under him." [Il. 18.411] You have not only a smith among the gods, but a doctor as well. The doctor was fond of money, and his name was Asclepius. I will quote your own poet, Pindar the Boeotian: "Gold was his ruin; it shone in his hands, splendid reward for a deed of skill; Lo! from the arm of Zeus on high darted the gleaming bolt for ill; snatched from the man his new-found breath, whelmed the god in a mortal's death." [Pind. Pythian 3.97] And Euripides says: "'Twas due to Zeus; he slew Asclepius, my son, — with lightning flame that pierced his heart." [Eurip., Alcestis 3] 2.23. This god, then, killed by the thunderbolt, lies on the frontier of Cynosuris. But Philochorus says that in Tenos Poseidon was honoured as a doctor. He adds that Sicily was placed upon Cronus, and there he lies buried. Both Patrocles of Thurium and the younger Sophocles relate the story of the Twin Brothers (Dioscuri) in some of their tragedies. These Brothers were simply two men, subject to death, if Homer's authority is sufficient for the statement, "they ere now by life-giving earth were enfolded, there in far Lacedemon, the well-loved land of their fathers."

295. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Supplement To On The Soul (Mantissa), 112.5-113.24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 27

296. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Fate, 172.9, 181.10, 182.22, 183.17, 196.24-197.3, 203.10, 203.11, 203.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

297. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 1.142-1.143, 5.4-5.5, 5.13, 5.43-5.48, 5.50-5.105, 6.66, 7.16, 7.166-7.189, 7.217-7.226, 7.327-7.334, 8.7, 8.56, 8.275-8.276, 8.284-8.285, 8.310-8.314, 8.336, 8.347, 9.13-9.14, 9.28, 9.49, 9.58, 9.60, 9.108, 9.137-9.181, 10.155, 10.197, 11.168-11.215 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 106; Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 243, 249, 252; Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 31; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 25, 50, 51, 64, 65, 78, 116, 117, 120, 121, 146, 147, 169, 210, 241, 245, 251; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 4, 140, 159, 164; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 202

298. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.205.4, 1.227-1.230, 2.38-2.42 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •subsistence in stoicism/stoics/stoic •stoics and stoicism •stoics/stoicism, and law of nature •stoics/stoicism, and the sage Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 23, 26; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 164; d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 249

299. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Mixture, 223.25-223.36, 226.24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 27; Potter Suh and Holladay, Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays (2021) 212

300. Aelian, Fragments, 42a, 89, 39 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 152

301. Galen, On The Art of Healing, 1.5 (x 40, 12-16 k.) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 173

302. Galen, On The Doctrines of Hippocrates And Plato, 3.8.9, 3.8.10, 3.8.11, 3.8.12, 3.8.13, 3.8.14, 3.8.15, 3.8.8, 3.8.16, 3.8.18, 3.8.19, 3.8.17, 161n., 3.3.22, 3.3.21, 8.4.21.24, 8.4.21.23, 2.2.13, 2.2.11, 2.2.10, 2.2.9, 2.2.5, 2.5.9, 2.5.10, 2.5.11, 2.5.12, 2.5.13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 207

303. Galen, The Passions of The Soul, 3, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 92

304. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Commentary On Aristotle'S Prior Analytics I, 180, 25-31, 33-6, 181 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan

305. Galen, On The Preservation of Health, 6.138.6-6.138.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Cairns et al, Emotions through Time: From Antiquity to Byzantium 353

306. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.2, 4.1.3, 7.2.11, 7.13, 13.6.3, 13.17.1, 13.26.4, 17.2, 17.8, 17.13, 17.13.10, 18.2, 19.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism •stoics/stoicism •stoics and stoicism •stoics and stoicism, philosophy, on divisions of Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 666; KÃ¶nig, Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture (2012) 28; Pezzini and Taylor,Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World (2019)" 82, 100, 101; Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 105, 269

1.2. The apt use made by Herodes Atticus, the ex-consul, in reply to an arrogant and boastful young fellow, a student of philosophy in appearance only, of the passage in which Epictetus the Stoic humorously set apart the true Stoic from the mob of prating triflers who called themselves Stoics. While we were students at Athens, Herodes Atticus, a man of consular rank and of true Grecian eloquence, often invited me to his country houses near that city, in company with the honourable Servilianus and several others of our countrymen who had withdrawn from Rome to Greece in quest of culture. And there at that time, while we were with him at the villa called Cephisia, both in the heat of summer and under the burning autumnal sun, we protected ourselves against the trying temperature by the shade of its spacious groves, its long, soft promenades, the cool location of the house, its elegant baths with their abundance of sparkling water, and the charm of the villa as a while, which was everywhere melodious with plashing waters and tuneful birds. There was with us there at the time a young student of philosophy, of the Stoic school according to his own account, but intolerably loquacious and presuming. In the course of the conversations which are commonly carried on at table after dinner, this fellow often used to prate unseasonably, absurdly, and at immoderate length, on the principles of philosophy, maintaining that compared with himself all the Greek-speaking authorities, all wearers of the toga, and the Latin race in general were ignorant boors. As he spoke, he rattled off unfamiliar terms, the catchwords of syllogisms and dialectic tricks, declaring that no one but he could unravel the "master," the "resting," and the "heap" arguments, and other riddles of the kind. Furthermore, as to ethics, the nature of the human intellect, and the origin of the virtues with their duties and limits, or on the other hand the ills caused by disease and sin, and the wasting and destruction of the soul, he stoutly maintained that absolutely no one else had investigated, understood and mastered all these more thoroughly than himself. Further, he believed that torture, bodily pain and deadly peril could neither injure nor detract from the happy state and condition of life which, in his opinion, he had attained, and that no sorrow could even cloud the serenity of the Stoic's face and expression. Once when he was puffing out these empty boasts, and already all, weary of his prating, were thoroughly disgusted and longing for an end, Herodes, speaking in Greek as was his general custom, said: "Allow me, mightiest of philosophers, since we, whom you call laymen, cannot answer you, to read from a book of Epictetus, greatest of Stoics, what he thought and said about such big talk as that of yours." And he bade them bring the first volume of the Discourses of Epictetus, arranged by Arrian, in which that venerable old man with just severity rebukes those young men who, though calling themselves Stoics, showed neither virtue nor honest industry, but merely babbled of trifling propositions and of the fruits of their study of such elements as are taught to children. Then, when the book was brought, there was read the passage which I have appended, in which Epictetus with equal severity and humour set apart and separated from the true and genuine Stoic, who was beyond question without restraint or constraint, unembarrassed, free, prosperous and happy, that other mob of triflers who styled themselves Stoics, and casting the black soot of their verbiage before the eyes of their hearers, laid false claim to the name of the holiest of sects: "'Speak to me of good and evil.' — Listen: The wind, bearing me from Ilium, drove me to the Cicones. "of all existing things some are good, some evil, and some indifferent. Now the good things are virtues and what partakes of them, the evil are vice and what partakes of vice, and the indifferent lie between these: wealth, health, life, death, pleasure, pain. — 10 'How do you know this?' — Hellanicus says so in his Egyptian History. For what difference does it make whether you say that, or that it was Diogenes in his Ethics or Chrysippus or Cleanthes? Have you then investigated any of these matters and formed an opinion of your own? Let me see how you are accustomed to act in a storm at sea. Do you recall this classification when the sail cracks and you cry aloud? If some idle fellow should stand beside you and say: 'Tell me, for Heaven's sake, what you told me before. It isn't a vice to suffer shipwreck, is it? It doesn't partake of vice, does it?' Would you not hurl a stick of wood at him and cry: 'What have we to do with you, fellow? We perish and you come and crack jokes.' But if Caesar should summon you to answer an accusation . . ." On hearing these words, that most arrogant of youths was mute, just as if the whole diatribe had been pronounced, not by Epictetus against others, but against himself by Herodes. 7.13. On the brief topics discussed at the table of the philosopher Taurus and called Sympoticae, or Table Talk. This custom was practised and observed at Athens by those who were on intimate terms with the philosopher Taurus. when he invited us to his home, in order that we might not come wholly tax-free, as the saying is, and without a contribution, we brought to the simple meal, not dainty foods, but ingenious topics for discussion. Accordingly, each one of us came with a question which he had thought up and prepared, and when the eating ended, conversation began. The questions, however, were neither weighty nor serious, but certain neat but trifling ἐνθυμημάτια, or problems, which would pique a mind enlivened with wine; for instance, the examples of a playful subtlety which I shall quote. The question was asked, when a dying man died — when he was already in the grasp of death, or while he still lived? And when did a rising man rise — when he was already standing, or while he was still seated? And when did one who was learning an art become an artist — when he already was one, or when he was still learning. For whichever answer you make, your statement will be absurd and laughable, and it will seem much more absurd, if you say that it is in either case, or in neither. But when some declared that all these questions were pointless and idle sophisms, Taurus said: "Do not despise such problems, as if they were mere trifling amusements. The most earnest of philosophers have seriously debated this question. Some have thought that the term 'die' was properly used, and that the moment of death came, while life still remained; others have left no life in that moment, but have claimed for death all that period which is termed 'dying." Also in regard to other similar problems they have argued for different times and maintained opposite opinions. But our master Plato," said he, "assigned that time neither to life nor to death, and took the same position in every discussion of similar questions. For he saw that the alternatives were mutually contrary, that one of the two opposites could not be maintained while the other existed, and that the question arose from the juxtaposition of two opposing extremes, namely life and death. Therefore he himself devised, and gave a name to, a new period of time, lying on the boundary between the two, which he called in appropriate and exact language ἡ ἐξαίφνης φύσις, or 'the moment of sudden separation.' And this very term, as I have given it," said he, "you will find used by him in the dialogue entitled Parmenides." of such a kind were our "contributions" at Taurus' house, and such were, as he himself used to put it, the τραγημάτια or "sweetmeats" of our desserts. 17.8. In conversation at the table of the philosopher Taurus questions of this kind were proposed and discussed: "why oil congeals often and readily, wine seldom, vinegar hardly ever," and "that the waters of rivers and springs freeze, while the sea does not." THE philosopher Taurus at Athens usually entertained us at dinner at the time of day when evening had already come on; for there that is the time for dining. The entire basis and foundation of the meal usually consisted of one pot of Egyptian beans, to which were added gourds cut in small pieces. One day when this dish had been brought and placed upon the table, and we were ready and awaiting the meal, Taurus ordered a slave-boy to pour some oil into the pot. The slave was a boy of Attic birth, at most eight years old, overflowing with the merry wit characteristic of his race and his time of life. He brought an empty Samian flask, from oversight, as he said, supposing there was oil in it, turned it up and, as he usually did, passed it with his hand over all parts of the pot; but no oil came out. The boy, in anger, looked savagely at the flask, shook it violently, and again turned it over the pot; and when we were all quietly and furtively laughing at his actions, he said in Greek, and excellent Attic Greek at that: "Don't laugh; there's oil in it; but don't you know how cold it was this morning; it's congealed." "You rascal," said Taurus with a laugh, "run and fetch some oil." But when the boy had gone out to buy oil, Taurus, not at all put out by the delay, said: "The pot needs oil, and, as I see, is intolerably hot; let us withhold our hands and meanwhile, since the slave has just told us that oil is in the habit of congealing, let us consider why oil congeals often and readily, but wine rarely." And he looked at me and bade me give my opinion. Then I replied that I inferred that wine congealed less quickly because it had in it certain seeds of heat and was naturally more fiery, and that was why Homer called it αἴθοψ, and not, as some supposed, on account of its colour. "It is indeed," says Taurus, "as you say. For it is well known that wine, when we drink it, warms the body. But oil is equally calorific and has no less power of warming the body. Besides, if those things which are warmer are frozen with greater difficulty, it follows that those which are colder freeze more readily. But vinegar is the most cooling of all things and yet it never freezes. Is the reason then for the quicker freezing of oil to be found in its lightness? For those things seem to congeal more readily which are lighter and smoother." Taurus says besides that it is also worth inquiring why the waters of rivers and streams freeze, while all the sea is incapable of freezing. "Although Herodotus," said he, "the writer of history, contrary to the opinion of almost all who have investigated these matters, writes that the Bosphoric sea, which is called Cimmerian, and all that part of the sea which is termed Scythian, is bound fast by the cold and brought to a standstill." While Taurus was thus speaking, the boy had returned, the pot had cooled off, and the time had come to eat and hold our peace. 18.2. What kind of questions we used to discuss when spending the Saturnalia at Athens; and some amusing sophistries and enigmas WE used to spend the Saturnalia at Athens very merrily yet temperately, not "relaxing our minds," as the saying is — for, as Musonius asserts, to relax the mind is like losing it — but diverting our minds a little and relieving them by the delights of pleasant and improving conversation. Accordingly, a number of us Romans who had come to Greece, and who attended the same lectures and devoted ourselves to the same teachers, met at the same dinner-table. Then the one who was giving the entertainment in his turn, offered as a prize for solving a problem the work of some old Greek or Roman writer and a crown woven from laurel, and put to us as many questions as there were guests present. But when he had put them all, the question which each was to discuss and the order of speaking were determined by lot. Then, when a question was correctly answered, the reward was a crown and a prize; if it was not correctly answered, it was passed on to the next in the allotment, and this process was repeated throughout the circle. If no one could answer a particular question, the crown was dedicated to the god in whose honour the festival was held. Now the questions that were proposed were of this kind: an obscure saying of some early poet, amusing rather than perplexing; some point in ancient history; the correction of some tenet of philosophy which was commonly misinterpreted, the solution of some sophistical catch, the investigation of a rare and unusual word, or of an obscure use of the tense of a verb of plain meaning. And I recollect that once seven questions were put, the first of which was an explanation of these verses in the Saturae of Quintus Ennius, in which one word is very neatly used in many different senses. They run as follows: Who tries with craft another to deceive, Deceives himself, if he says he's deceived Whom he'd deceive. For if whom you'd deceive Perceives that he's deceived, the deceiver 'tis Who is deceived, if 'other's not deceived. The second question was how it ought to be understood and interpreted that Plato in the State which he planned in his books said κοινὰς τὰς γυναῖκας, that is, declared that women "should be common property," and that the rewards of the bravest men and the greatest warriors should be the kisses of boys and maidens. In the third place this was asked, in what words the fallacy of the following catches consisted and how they could be made out and explained: "What you have not lost, that you have. You have not lost horns; therefore you have horns." Also another catch: "What I am, that you are not. I am a man; therefore you are not a man." Then it was inquired what was the solution of this sophistry: "When I lie and admit that I lie, do I lie or speak the truth?" Afterwards this question was put, why the patricians are in the habit of entertaining one another on the Megalensia, and the plebeians on the Cerealia. Next came this question: "What one of the early poets used the verb verant, in the sense of 'they speak the truth '?" The sixth question was, what kind of plant the "asphodel" was, which Hesiod mentioned in the following lines: O fools! who know not how much half exceeds the whole, Or that the asphodel and mallow make fine food. And also what Hesiod meant when he said that the half was more than the whole. The last of all the questions was this: of what tense the verbs scripserim, legerim and venerim are, perfect or future, or both. When these questions had been put in the order that I have mentioned, and had been discussed and explained by the several guests on whom the lots fell, we were all presented with crowns and books, except for the one question about the verb verant. For at the time no one remembered that the word was used by Quintus Ennius in the thirteenth book of his Annals in the following line: Do seers speak truth (verant), predicting life's extent? Therefore the crown for this question was presented to Saturn, the god of that festival.

307. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 1.4.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics/stoicism Found in books: Williams and Vol, Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher (2022) 105

308. Tertullian, Apology, 14, 25, 46 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 428

46. We have sufficiently met, as I think, the accusation of the various crimes on the ground of which these fierce demands are made for Christian blood. We have made a full exhibition of our case; and we have shown you how we are able to prove that our statement is correct, from the trustworthiness, I mean, and antiquity of our sacred writings, and from the confession likewise of the powers of spiritual wickedness themselves. Who will venture to undertake our refutation; not with skill of words, but, as we have managed our demonstration, on the basis of reality? But while the truth we hold is made clear to all, unbelief meanwhile, at the very time it is convinced of the worth of Christianity, which has now become well known for its benefits as well as from the intercourse of life, takes up the notion that it is not really a thing divine, but rather a kind of philosophy. These are the very things, it says, the philosophers counsel and profess - innocence, justice, patience, sobriety, chastity. Why, then, are we not permitted an equal liberty and impunity for our doctrines as they have, with whom, in respect of what we teach, we are compared? Or why are not they, as so like us, not pressed to the same offices, for declining which our lives are imperilled? For who compels a philosopher to sacrifice or take an oath, or put out useless lamps at midday? Nay, they openly overthrow your gods, and in their writings they attack your superstitions; and you applaud them for it. Many of them even, with your countece, bark out against your rulers, and are rewarded with statues and salaries, instead of being given to the wild beasts. And very right it should be so. For they are called philosophers, not Christians. This name of philosopher has no power to put demons to the rout. Why are they not able to do that too? Since philosophers count demons inferior to gods. Socrates used to say, If the demon grant permission. Yet he, too, though in denying the existence of your divinities he had a glimpse of the truth, at his dying ordered a cock to be sacrificed to Æsculapius, I believe in honour of his father, for Apollo pronounced Socrates the wisest of men. Thoughtless Apollo! Testifying to the wisdom of the man who denied the existence of his race. In proportion to the enmity the truth awakens, you give offense by faithfully standing by it; but the man who corrupts and makes a mere pretence of it precisely on this ground gains favour with its persecutors. The truth which philosophers, these mockers and corrupters of it, with hostile ends merely affect to hold, and in doing so deprave, caring for nought but glory, Christians both intensely and intimately long for and maintain in its integrity, as those who have a real concern about their salvation. So that we are like each other neither in our knowledge nor our ways, as you imagine. For what certain information did Thales, the first of natural philosophers, give in reply to the inquiry of Crœsus regarding Deity, the delay for further thought so often proving in vain? There is not a Christian workman but finds out God, and manifests Him, and hence assigns to Him all those attributes which go to constitute a divine being, though Plato affirms that it is far from easy to discover the Maker of the universe; and when He is found, it is difficult to make Him known to all. But if we challenge you to comparison in the virtue of chastity, I turn to a part of the sentence passed by the Athenians against Socrates, who was pronounced a corrupter of youth. The Christian confines himself to the female sex. I have read also how the harlot Phryne kindled in Diogenes the fires of lust, and how a certain Speusippus, of Plato's school, perished in the adulterous act. The Christian husband has nothing to do with any but his own wife. Democritus, in putting out his eyes, because he could not look on women without lusting after them, and was pained if his passion was not satisfied, owns plainly, by the punishment he inflicts, his incontinence. But a Christian with grace-healed eyes is sightless in this matter; he is mentally blind against the assaults of passion. If I maintain our superior modesty of behaviour, there at once occurs to me Diogenes with filth-covered feet trampling on the proud couches of Plato, under the influence of another pride: the Christian does not even play the proud man to the pauper. If sobriety of spirit be the virtue in debate, why, there are Pythagoras at Thurii, and Zeno at Priene, ambitious of the supreme power: the Christian does not aspire to the dileship. If equanimity be the contention, you have Lycurgus choosing death by self-starvation, because the Lacons had made some emendation of his laws: the Christian, even when he is condemned, gives thanks. If the comparison be made in regard to trustworthiness, Anaxagoras denied the deposit of his enemies: the Christian is noted for his fidelity even among those who are not of his religion. If the matter of sincerity is to be brought to trial, Aristotle basely thrust his friend Hermias from his place: the Christian does no harm even to his foe. With equal baseness does Aristotle play the sycophant to Alexander, instead of exercising to keep him in the right way, and Plato allows himself to be bought by Dionysius for his belly's sake. Aristippus in the purple, with all his great show of gravity, gives way to extravagance; and Hippias is put to death laying plots against the state: no Christian ever attempted such a thing in behalf of his brethren, even when persecution was scattering them abroad with every atrocity. But it will be said that some of us, too, depart from the rules of our discipline. In that case, however, we count them no longer Christians; but the philosophers who do such things retain still the name and the honour of wisdom. So, then, where is there any likeness between the Christian and the philosopher? Between the disciple of Greece and of heaven? Between the man whose object is fame, and whose object is life? Between the talker and the doer? Between the man who builds up and the man who pulls down? Between the friend and the foe of error? Between one who corrupts the truth, and one who restores and teaches it? Between its chief and its custodier?

309. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 1.5.21-1.5.22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 92, 94, 97, 98, 102

310. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 19.4, 25.1-25.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 275, 281, 286, 325

19. But do you, who have not the perception of these things, be instructed by us who know them: though you do profess to despise death, and to be sufficient of yourselves for everything. But this is a discipline in which your philosophers are so greatly deficient, that some of them receive from the king of the Romans 600 aurei yearly, for no useful service they perform, but that they may not even wear a long beard without being paid for it! Crescens, who made his nest in the great city, surpassed all men in unnatural love (παιδεραστία), and was strongly addicted to the love of money. Yet this man, who professed to despise death, was so afraid of death, that he endeavoured to inflict on Justin, and indeed on me, the punishment of death, as being an evil, because by proclaiming the truth he convicted the philosophers of being gluttons and cheats. But whom of the philosophers, save you only, was he accustomed to inveigh against? If you say, in agreement with our tenets, that death is not to be dreaded, do not court death from an insane love of fame among men, like Anaxagoras, but become despisers of death by reason of the knowledge of God. The construction of the world is excellent, but the life men live in it is bad; and we may see those greeted with applause as in a solemn assembly who know not God. For what is divination? And why are you deceived by it? It is a minister to you of worldly lusts. You wish to make war, and you take Apollo as a counsellor of slaughter. You want to carry off a maiden by force, and you select a divinity to be your accomplice. You are ill by your own fault; and, as Agamemnon wished for ten councillors, so you wish to have gods with you. Some woman by drinking water gets into a frenzy, and loses her senses by the fumes of frankincense, and you say that she has the gift of prophecy. Apollo was a prognosticator and a teacher of soothsayers: in the matter of Daphne he deceived himself. An oak, forsooth, is oracular, and birds utter presages! And so you are inferior to animals and plants! It would surely be a fine thing for you to become a divining rod, or to assume the wings of a bird! He who makes you fond of money also foretells your getting rich; he who excites to seditions and wars also predicts victory in war. If you are superior to the passions, you will despise all worldly things. Do not abhor us who have made this attainment, but, repudiating the demons, follow the one God. All things John 1:3 were made by Him, and without Him not one thing was made. If there is poison in natural productions, this has supervened through our sinfulness. I am able to show the perfect truth of these things; only do you hearken, and he who believes will understand.

311. Tertullian, On The Soul, 7.3, 30.1, 47.1-47.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 220; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 408

312. Alcinous, Handbook of Platonism, 1, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Frede and Laks, Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath (2001) 36

313. Clement of Alexandria, Extracts From The Prophets, 56.2-56.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 109

314. Tertullian, On The Crown, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 214

15. Keep for God His own property untainted; He will crown it if He choose. Nay, then, He does even choose. He calls us to it. To him who conquers He says, I will give a crown of life. Be you, too, faithful unto death, and fight you, too, the good fight, whose crown the apostle 2 Timothy 4:8 feels so justly confident has been laid up for him. The angel Revelation 6:2 also, as he goes forth on a white horse, conquering and to conquer, receives a crown of victory; and another Revelation 10:1 is adorned with an encircling rainbow (as it were in its fair colors)- a celestial meadow. In like manner, the elders sit crowned around, crowned too with a crown of gold, and the Son of Man Himself flashes out above the clouds. If such are the appearances in the vision of the seer, of what sort will be the realities in the actual manifestation? Look at those crowns. Inhale those odours. Why condemn you to a little chaplet, or a twisted headband, the brow which has been destined for a diadem? For Christ Jesus has made us even kings to God and His Father. What have you in common with the flower which is to die? You have a flower in the Branch of Jesse, upon which the grace of the Divine Spirit in all its fullness rested - a flower undefiled, unfading, everlasting, by choosing which the good soldier, too, has got promotion in the heavenly ranks. Blush, you fellow-soldiers of his, henceforth not to be condemned even by him, but by some soldier of Mithras, who, at his initiation in the gloomy cavern, in the camp, it may well be said, of darkness, when at the sword's point a crown is presented to him, as though in mimicry of martyrdom, and thereupon put upon his head, is admonished to resist and cast it off, and, if you like, transfer it to his shoulder, saying that Mithras is his crown. And thenceforth he is never crowned; and he has that for a mark to show who he is, if anywhere he be subjected to trial in respect of his religion; and he is at once believed to be a soldier of Mithras if he throws the crown away - if he say that in his god he has his crown. Let us take note of the devices of the devil, who is wont to ape some of God's things with no other design than, by the faithfulness of his servants, to put us to shame, and to condemn us. <

315. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 1.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 324

1.10. Pour out now all your venom; fling against this name of ours all your shafts of calumny: I shall stay no longer to refute them; but they shall by and by be blunted, when we come to explain our entire discipline. I shall content myself now indeed with plucking these shafts out of our own body, and hurling them back on yourselves. The same wounds which you have inflicted on us by your charges I shall show to be imprinted on yourselves, that you may fall by your own swords and javelins. Now, first, when you direct against us the general charge of divorcing ourselves from the institutions of our forefathers, consider again and again whether you are not yourselves open to that accusation in common with us. For when I look through your life and customs, lo, what do I discover but the old order of things corrupted, nay, destroyed by you? of the laws I have already said, that you are daily supplanting them with novel decrees and statutes. As to everything else in your manner of life, how great are the changes you have made from your ancestors - in your style, your dress, your equipage, your very food, and even in your speech; for the old-fashioned you banish, as if it were offensive to you! Everywhere, in your public pursuits and private duties, antiquity is repealed; all the authority of your forefathers your own authority has superseded. To be sure, you are for ever praising old customs; but this is only to your greater discredit, for you nevertheless persistently reject them. How great must your perverseness have been, to have bestowed approbation on your ancestors' institutions, which were too inefficient to be lasting, all the while that you were rejecting the very objects of your approbation! But even that very heir-loom of your forefathers, which you seem to guard and defend with greatest fidelity, in which you actually find your strongest grounds for impeaching us as violators of the law, and from which your hatred of the Christian name derives all its life - I mean the worship of the gods - I shall prove to be undergoing ruin and contempt from yourselves no less than (from us) - unless it be that there is no reason for our being regarded as despisers of the gods like yourselves, on the ground that nobody despises what he knows has absolutely no existence. What certainly exists can be despised. That which is nothing, suffers nothing. From those, therefore, to whom it is an existing thing, must necessarily proceed the suffering which affects it. All the heavier, then, is the accusation which burdens you who believe that there are gods and (at the same time) despise them, who worship and also reject them, who honour and also assail them. One may also gather the same conclusion from this consideration, above all: since you worship various gods, some one and some another, you of course despise those which you do not worship. A preference for the one is not possible without slighting the other, and no choice can be made without a rejection. He who selects some one out of many, has already slighted the other which he does not select. But it is impossible that so many and so great gods can be worshipped by all. Then you must have exercised your contempt (in this matter) even at the beginning, since indeed you were not then afraid of so ordering things, that all the gods could not become objects of worship to all. For those very wise and prudent ancestors of yours, whose institutions you know not how to repeal, especially in respect of your gods, are themselves found to have been impious. I am much mistaken, if they did not sometimes decree that no general should dedicate a temple, which he may have vowed in battle, before the senate gave its sanction; as in the case of Marcus Æmilius, who had made a vow to the god Alburnus. Now is it not confessedly the greatest impiety, nay, the greatest insult, to place the honour of the Deity at the will and pleasure of human judgment, so that there cannot be a god except the senate permit him? Many times have the censors destroyed (a god) without consulting the people. Father Bacchus, with all his ritual, was certainly by the consuls, on the senate's authority, cast not only out of the city, but out of all Italy; while Varro informs us that Serapis also, and Isis, and Arpocrates, and Anubis, were excluded from the Capitol, and that their altars which the senate had thrown down were only restored by the popular violence. The Consul Gabinius, however, on the first day of the ensuing January, although he gave a tardy consent to some sacrifices, in deference to the crowd which assembled, because he had failed to decide about Serapis and Isis, yet held the judgment of the senate to be more potent than the clamour of the multitude, and forbade the altars to be built. Here, then, you have among your own forefathers, if not the name, at all events the procedure, of the Christians, which despises the gods. If, however, you were even innocent of the charge of treason against them in the honour you pay them, I still find that you have made a consistent advance in superstition as well as impiety. For how much more irreligious are you found to be! There are your household gods, the Lares and the Penates, which you possess by a family consecration: you even tread them profanely under foot, you and your domestics, by hawking and pawning them for your wants or your whims. Such insolent sacrilege might be excusable, if it were not practised against your humbler deities; as it is, the case is only the more insolent. There is, however, some consolation for your private household gods under these affronts, that you treat your public deities with still greater indignity and insolence. First of all, you advertise them for auction, submit them to public sale, knock them down to the highest bidder, when you every five years bring them to the hammer among your revenues. For this purpose you frequent the temple of Serapis or the Capitol, hold your sales there, conclude your contracts, as if they were markets, with the well-known voice of the crier, (and) the self-same levy of the qu stor. Now lands become cheaper when burdened with tribute, and men by the capitation tax diminish in value (these are the well-known marks of slavery). But the gods, the more tribute they pay, become more holy; or rather, the more holy they are, the more tribute do they pay. Their majesty is converted into an article of traffic; men drive a business with their religion; the sanctity of the gods is beggared with sales and contracts. You make merchandise of the ground of your temples, of the approach to your altars, of your offerings, of your sacrifices. You sell the whole divinity (of your gods). You will not permit their gratuitous worship. The auctioneers necessitate more repairs than the priests. It was not enough that you had insolently made a profit of your gods, if we would test the amount of your contempt; and you are not content to have withheld honour from them, you must also depreciate the little you do render to them by some indignity or other. What, indeed, do you do by way of honouring your gods, which you do not equally offer to your dead? You build temples for the gods, you erect temples also to the dead; you build altars for the gods, you build them also for the dead; you inscribe the same superscription over both; you sketch out the same lineaments for their statues- as best suits their genius, or profession, or age; you make an old man of Saturn, a beardless youth of Apollo; you form a virgin from Diana; in Mars you consecrate a soldier, a blacksmith in Vulcan. No wonder, therefore, if you slay the same victims and burn the same odours for your dead as you do for your gods. What excuse can be found for that insolence which classes the dead of whatever sort as equal with the gods? Even to your princes there are assigned the services of priests and sacred ceremonies, and chariots, and cars, and the honours of the solisternia and the lectisternia, holidays and games. Rightly enough, since heaven is open to them; still it is none the less contumelious to the gods: in the first place, because it could not possibly be decent that other beings should be numbered with them, even if it has been given to them to become divine after their birth; in the second place, because the witness who beheld the man caught up into heaven would not forswear himself so freely and palpably before the people, if it were not for the contempt felt about the objects sworn to both by himself and those who allow the perjury. For these feel of themselves, that what is sworn to is nothing; and more than that, they go so far as to fee the witness, because he had the courage to publicly despise the avengers of perjury. Now, as to that, who among you is pure of the charge of perjury? By this time, indeed, there is an end to all danger in swearing by the gods, since the oath by C sar carries with it more influential scruples, which very circumstance indeed tends to the degradation of your gods; for those who perjure themselves when swearing by C sar are more readily punished than those who violate an oath to a Jupiter. But, of the two kindred feelings of contempt and derision, contempt is the more honourable, having a certain glory in its arrogance; for it sometimes proceeds from confidence, or the security of consciousness, or a natural loftiness of mind. Derision, however, is a more wanton feeling, and so far it points more directly to a carping insolence. Now only consider what great deriders of your gods you show yourselves to be! I say nothing of your indulgence of this feeling during your sacrificial acts, how you offer for your victims the poorest and most emaciated creatures; or else of the sound and healthy animals only the portions which are useless for food, such as the heads and hoofs, or the plucked feathers and hair, and whatever at home you would have thrown away. I pass over whatever may seem to the taste of the vulgar and profane to have constituted the religion of your forefathers; but then the most learned and serious classes (for seriousness and wisdom to some extent profess to be derived from learning) are always, in fact, the most irreverent towards your gods; and if their learning ever halts, it is only to make up for the remissness by a more shameful invention of follies and falsehoods about their gods. I will begin with that enthusiastic fondness which you show for him from whom every depraved writer gets his dreams, to whom you ascribe as much honour as you derogate from your gods, by magnifying him who has made such sport of them. I mean Homer by this description. He it is, in my opinion, who has treated the majesty of the Divine Being on the low level of human condition, imbuing the gods with the falls and the passions of men; who has pitted them against each other with varying success, like pairs of gladiators: he wounds Venus with an arrow from a human hand; he keeps Mars a prisoner in chains for thirteen months, with the prospect of perishing; he parades Jupiter as suffering a like indignity from a crowd of celestial (rebels;) or he draws from him tears for Sarpedon; or he represents him wantoning with Juno in the most disgraceful way, advocating his incestuous passion for her by a description and enumeration of his various amours. Since then, which of the poets has not, on the authority of their great prince, calumniated the gods, by either betraying truth or feigning falsehood? Have the dramatists also, whether in tragedy or comedy, refrained from making the gods the authors of the calamities and retributions (of their plays)? I say nothing of your philosophers, whom a certain inspiration of truth itself elevates against the gods, and secures from all fear in their proud severity and stern discipline. Take, for example, Socrates. In contempt of your gods, he swears by an oak, and a dog, and a goat. Now, although he was condemned to die for this very reason, the Athenians afterwards repented of that condemnation, and even put to death his accusers. By this conduct of theirs the testimony of Socrates is replaced at its full value, and I am enabled to meet you with this retort, that in his case you have approbation bestowed on that which is now-a-days reprobated in us. But besides this instance there is Diogenes, who, I know not to what extent, made sport of Hercules; while Varro, that Diogenes of the Roman cut, introduces to our view some three hundred Joves, or, as they ought to be called, Jupiters, (and all) without heads. Your other wanton wits likewise minister to your pleasures by disgracing the gods. Examine carefully the sacrilegious beauties of your Lentuli and Hostii; now, is it the players or your gods who become the objects of your mirth in their tricks and jokes? Then, again, with what pleasure do you take up the literature of the stage, which describes all the foul conduct of the gods! Their majesty is defiled in your presence in some unchaste body. The mask of some deity, at your will, covers some infamous paltry head. The Sun mourns for the death of his son by a lightning-flash amid your rude rejoicing. Cybele sighs for a shepherd who disdains her, without raising a blush on your cheek; and you quietly endure songs which celebrate the gallantries of Jove. You are, of course, possessed of a more religious spirit in the show of your gladiators, when your gods dance, with equal zest, over the spilling of human blood, (and) over those filthy penalties which are at once their proof and plot for executing your criminals, or else (when) your criminals are punished personating the gods themselves. We have often witnessed in a mutilated criminal your god of Pessinum, Attis; a wretch burnt alive has personated Hercules. We have laughed at the sport of your mid-day game of the gods, when Father Pluto, Jove's own brother, drags away, hammer in hand, the remains of the gladiators; when Mercury, with his winged cap and heated wand, tests with his cautery whether the bodies were really lifeless, or only feigning death. Who now can investigate every particular of this sort although so destructive of the honour of the Divine Being, and so humiliating to His majesty? They all, indeed, have their origin in a contempt (of the gods), on the part both of those who practise these personations, as well as of those who are susceptible of being so represented. I hardly know, therefore, whether your gods have more reason to complain of yourselves or of us. After despising them on the one hand, you flatter them on the other; if you fail in any duty towards them, you appease them with a fee; in short, you allow yourselves to act towards them in any way you please. We, however, live in a consistent and entire aversion to them.

316. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 547a, 438a (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 75

317. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts From Theodotus, 7.3, 7.5, 8.1-8.2, 8.4, 17.1, 19.1-19.5, 26.1, 32.2, 47.1-47.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 280, 281

318. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 1.25, 5.19 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 34

5.19. I am accustomed in my prescription against all heresies, to fix my compendious criterion (of truth) in the testimony of time; claiming priority therein as our rule, and alleging lateness to be the characteristic of every heresy. This shall now be proved even by the apostle, when he says: For the hope which is laid up for you in heaven, whereof you heard before in the word of the truth of the gospel; which has come unto you, as it is unto all the world. Colossians 1:5-6 For if, even at that time, the tradition of the gospel had spread everywhere, how much more now! Now, if it is our gospel which has spread everywhere, rather than any heretical gospel, much less Marcion's, which only dates from the reign of Antoninus, then ours will be the gospel of the apostles. But should Marcion's gospel succeed in filling the whole world, it would not even in that case be entitled to the character of apostolic. For this quality, it will be evident, can only belong to that gospel which was the first to fill the world; in other words, to the gospel of that God who of old declared this of its promulgation: Their sound is gone out through all the earth, and their words to the end of the world. He calls Christ the image of the invisible God. Colossians 1:15 We in like manner say that the Father of Christ is invisible, for we know that it was the Son who was seen in ancient times (whenever any appearance was vouchsafed to men in the name of God) as the image of (the Father) Himself. He must not be regarded, however, as making any difference between a visible and an invisible God; because long before he wrote this we find a description of our God to this effect: No man can see the Lord, and live. Exodus 33:20 If Christ is not the first-begotten before every creature, as that Word of God by whom all things were made, and without whom nothing was made; John 1:3 if all things were not in Him created, whether in heaven or on earth, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones or dominions, or principalities, or powers; if all things were not created by Him and for Him (for these truths Marcion ought not to allow concerning Him), then the apostle could not have so positively laid it down, that He is before all. For how is He before all, if He is not before all things? How, again, is He before all things, if He is not the first-born of every creature - if He is not the Word of the Creator? Now how will he be proved to have been before all things, who appeared after all things? Who can tell whether he had a prior existence, when he has found no proof that he had any existence at all? In what way also could it have pleased (the Father) that in Him should all fullness dwell? Colossians 1:19 For, to begin with, what fullness is that which is not comprised of the constituents which Marcion has removed from it - even those that were created in Christ, whether in heaven or on earth, whether angels or men? Which is not made of the things that are visible and invisible? Which consists not of thrones and dominions and principalities and powers? If, on the other hand, our false apostles and Judaizing gospellers have introduced all these things out of their own stores, and Marcion has applied them to constitute the fullness of his own god, (this hypothesis, absurd though it be, alone would justify him;) for how, on any other supposition, could the rival and the destroyer of the Creator have been willing that His fullness should dwell in his Christ? To whom, again, does He reconcile all things by Himself, making peace by the blood of His cross, Colossians 1:20 but to Him whom those very things had altogether offended, against whom they had rebelled by transgression, (but) to whom they had at last returned? Conciliated they might have been to a strange god; but reconciled they could not possibly have been to any other than their own God. Accordingly, ourselves who were sometime alienated and enemies in our mind by wicked works Colossians 1:21 does He reconcile to the Creator, against whom we had committed offense - worshipping the creature to the prejudice of the Creator. As, however, he says elsewhere, Ephesians 1:23 that the Church is the body of Christ, so here also (the apostle) declares that he fills up that which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in his flesh for His body's sake, which is the Church. Colossians 1:24 But you must not on this account suppose that on every mention of His body the term is only a metaphor, instead of meaning real flesh. For he says above that we are reconciled in His body through death; Colossians 1:22 meaning, of course, that He died in that body wherein death was possible through the flesh: (therefore he adds,) not through the Church (per ecclesiam), but expressly for the sake of the Church (proper ecclesiam), exchanging body for body - one of flesh for a spiritual one. When, again, he warns them to beware of subtle words and philosophy, as being a vain deceit, such as is after the rudiments of the world (not understanding thereby the mundane fabric of sky and earth, but worldly learning, and the tradition of men, subtle in their speech and their philosophy), Colossians 2:8 it would be tedious, and the proper subject of a separate work, to show how in this sentence (of the apostle's) all heresies are condemned, on the ground of their consisting of the resources of subtle speech and the rules of philosophy. But (once for all) let Marcion know that the principle term of his creed comes from the school of Epicurus, implying that the Lord is stupid and indifferent; wherefore he refuses to say that He is an object to be feared. Moreover, from the porch of the Stoics he brings out matter, and places it on a par with the Divine Creator. He also denies the resurrection of the flesh - a truth which none of the schools of philosophy agreed together to hold. But how remote is our (Catholic) verity from the artifices of this heretic, when it dreads to arouse the anger of God, and firmly believes that He produced all things out of nothing, and promises to us a restoration from the grave of the same flesh (that died) and holds without a blush that Christ was born of the virgin's womb! At this, philosophers, and heretics, and the very heathen, laugh and jeer. For God has chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise 1 Corinthians 1:27 - that God, no doubt, who in reference to this very dispensation of His threatened long before that He would destroy the wisdom of the wise. Thanks to this simplicity of truth, so opposed to the subtlety and vain deceit of philosophy, we cannot possibly have any relish for such perverse opinions. Then, if God quickens us together with Christ, forgiving us our trespasses, Colossians 2:13 we cannot suppose that sins are forgiven by Him against whom, as having been all along unknown, they could not have been committed. Now tell me, Marcion, what is your opinion of the apostle's language, when he says, Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of a holy day, or of the new moon, or of the sabbath, which is a shadow of things to come, but the body is of Christ? Colossians 2:16-17 We do not now treat of the law, further than (to remark) that the apostle here teaches clearly how it has been abolished, even by passing from shadow to substance - that is, from figurative types to the reality, which is Christ. The shadow, therefore, is His to whom belongs the body also; in other words, the law is His, and so is Christ. If you separate the law and Christ, assigning one to one god and the other to another, it is the same as if you were to attempt to separate the shadow from the body of which it is the shadow. Manifestly Christ has relation to the law, if the body has to its shadow. But when he blames those who alleged visions of angels as their authority for saying that men must abstain from meats - you must not touch, you must not taste - in a voluntary humility, (at the same time) vainly puffed up in the fleshly mind, and not holding the Head, (the apostle) does not in these terms attack the law or Moses, as if it was at the suggestion of superstitious angels that he had enacted his prohibition of sundry aliments. For Moses had evidently received the law from God. When, therefore, he speaks of their following the commandments and doctrines of men, Colossians 2:22 he refers to the conduct of those persons who held not the Head, even Him in whom all things are gathered together; for they are all recalled to Christ, and concentrated in Him as their initiating principle - even the meats and drinks which were indifferent in their nature. All the rest of his precepts, as we have shown sufficiently, when treating of them as they occurred in another epistle, emanated from the Creator, who, while predicting that old things were to pass away, and that He would make all things new, commanded men to break up fresh ground for themselves, and thereby taught them even then to put off the old man and put on the new.

319. Tertullian, Against The Valentinians, 7.4, 14.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism, stoics Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 34

320. Origen, Homilies On Exodus, 9.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 101

321. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Recognitiones (E Pseudocaesario), 2.54 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 218

322. Origen, Homilies On Numbers, 10.3 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, stoicism, stoicising Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 287

323. Methodius of Olympus, Symposium, 2.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

324. Origen, Against Celsus, 4.39, 7.63, 6.74, 6.50, 6.47, 6.9, 4.83, 4.62, 8.1, 7.45, 4.47, pref. 4, 1.14, 1.16, 1.17, 1.32, 1.40, 4.4, 3.80, 3.35, 3.22, 3.1, 2.1, 8.52, 7.46, 15.37, 4.14, 3.40, 1.4, 3.72, 1.24, 4.68, 4.12, 5.2, 8.45, 5.59, 5.60, 5.61, 5.65, 5.64, 5.63, 5.62, 7.42 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 86

4.39. But as Celsus makes a jest also of the serpent, as counteracting the injunctions given by God to the man, taking the narrative to be an old wife's fable, and has purposely neither mentioned the paradise of God, nor stated that God is said to have planted it in Eden towards the east, and that there afterwards sprang up from the earth every tree that was beautiful to the sight, and good for food, and the tree of life in the midst of the paradise, and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, and the other statements which follow, which might of themselves lead a candid reader to see that all these things had not inappropriately an allegorical meaning, let us contrast with this the words of Socrates regarding Eros in the Symposium of Plato, and which are put in the mouth of Socrates as being more appropriate than what was said regarding him by all the others at the Symposium. The words of Plato are as follow: When Aphrodite was born, the gods held a banquet, and there was present, along with the others, Porus the son of Metis. And after they had dined, Penia came to beg for something (seeing there was an entertainment), and she stood at the gate. Porus meantime, having become intoxicated with the nectar (for there was then no wine), went into the garden of Zeus, and, being heavy with liquor, lay down to sleep. Penia accordingly formed a secret plot, with a view of freeing herself from her condition of poverty, to get a child by Porus, and accordingly lay down beside him, and became pregt with Eros. And on this account Eros has become the follower and attendant of Aphrodite, having been begotten on her birthday feast, and being at the same time by nature a lover of the beautiful, because Aphrodite too is beautiful. Seeing, then, that Eros is the son of Porus and Penia, the following is his condition. In the first place, he is always poor, and far from being delicate and beautiful, as most persons imagine; but is withered, and sunburnt, and unshod, and without a home, sleeping always upon the ground, and without a covering; lying in the open air beside gates, and on public roads; possessing the nature of his mother, and dwelling continually with indigence. But, on the other hand, in conformity with the character of his father, he is given to plotting against the beautiful and the good, being courageous, and hasty, and vehement; a keen hunter, perpetually devising contrivances; both much given to forethought, and also fertile in resources; acting like a philosopher throughout the whole of his life; a terrible sorcerer, and dealer in drugs, and a sophist as well; neither immortal by nature nor yet mortal, but on the same day, at one time he flourishes and lives when he has plenty, and again at another time dies, and once more is recalled to life through possessing the nature of his father. But the supplies furnished to him are always gradually disappearing, so that he is never at any time in want, nor yet rich; and, on the other hand, he occupies an intermediate position between wisdom and ignorance. Now, if those who read these words were to imitate the malignity of Celsus - which be it far from Christians to do!- they would ridicule the myth, and would turn this great Plato into a subject of jest; but if, on investigating in a philosophic spirit what is conveyed in the dress of a myth, they should be able to discover the meaning of Plato, (they will admire) the manner in which he was able to conceal, on account of the multitude, in the form of this myth, the great ideas which presented themselves to him, and to speak in a befitting manner to those who know how to ascertain from the myths the true meaning of him who wove them together. Now I have brought forward this myth occurring in the writings of Plato, because of the mention in it of the garden of Zeus, which appears to bear some resemblance to the paradise of God, and of the comparison between Penia and the serpent, and the plot against Porus by Penia, which may be compared with the plot of the serpent against the man. It is not very clear, indeed, whether Plato fell in with these stories by chance, or whether, as some think, meeting during his visit to Egypt with certain individuals who philosophized on the Jewish mysteries, and learning some things from them, he may have preserved a few of their ideas, and thrown others aside, being careful not to offend the Greeks by a complete adoption of all the points of the philosophy of the Jews, who were in bad repute with the multitude, on account of the foreign character of their laws and their peculiar polity. The present, however, is not the proper time for explaining either the myth of Plato, or the story of the serpent and the paradise of God, and all that is related to have taken place in it, as in our exposition of the book of Genesis we have especially occupied ourselves as we best could with these matters.

325. Origen, Homiliae In Genesim (In Catenis), 1.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 105

326. Origen, Homilies On Leviticus, 5.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoicism/stoics viif Found in books: Černušková, Kovacs and Plátová, Clement’s Biblical Exegesis: Proceedings of the Second Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (2016) 104

327. Origen, Dialogue With Heraclides, 24.18-27.8, 24.23 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 348

328. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 13.9, 13.16, ser. 59 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pedersen, Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos (2004) 348

13.9. Now we must think that the devil has the power of death - not of that which is common and indifferent, in accordance with which those who are compacted of soul and body die, when their soul is separated from the body - but of that death which is contrary to and the enemy of Him who said, I am the Life, John 14:6 in accordance with which the soul that sins, it shall die. Ezekiel 18:4 But that it was not God who

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database