| 1. Septuagint, Genesis, 3 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24, 28, 46, 91, 100, 102, 105, 106, 108, 116, 134, 142, 190, 196, 211, 213, 285, 286, 303, 319, 365, 366, 367, 368 |
| 2. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 5.14, 5.90 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 3. Homer, Odyssey, 1.119, 3.420, 7.201, 10.517, 13.297-13.299, 14.465, 15.403-15.404, 22.16 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta and spartans, character of…reflected by necessity •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 210; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 266; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 207, 263 |
4. Homer, Iliad, 2.461, 3.182-3.190, 6.192-6.195, 11.115, 12.310-12.328, 13.431-13.432, 16.29-16.32, 17.49, 19.92, 20.131, 21.363, 22.327 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta, spartans •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 210; Finkelberg (2019), Homer and Early Greek Epic: Collected Essays, 137; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 61; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 27, 46, 224 | 2.461. / wild geese or cranes or long-necked swans on the Asian mead by the streams of Caystrius, fly this way and that, glorying in their strength of wing, and with loud cries settle ever onwards, and the mead resoundeth; even so their many tribes poured forth from ships and huts 3.182. / And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.183. / And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.184. / And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.185. / and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.186. / and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.187. / and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.188. / and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.189. / and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.190. / Howbeit not even they were as many as are the bright-eyed Achaeans. 6.192. / for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.193. / for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.194. / for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. But when the king now knew that he was the valiant offspring of a god, he kept him there, and offered him his own daughter, and gave to him the half of all his kingly honour; moreover the Lycians meted out for him a demesne pre-eminent above all, 6.195. / a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 11.115. / and hath come to their lair, and taketh from them their tender life,—and the mother, though she chance to be very near, cannot succour them, for on herself too cometh dread trembling, and swiftly she darteth through the thick brush and the woodland, hasting and sweating before the onset of the mighty beast; 12.310. / Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.311. / Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.312. / Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.313. / Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.314. / Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.315. / Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.316. / Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.317. / Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.318. / Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.319. / Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.320. / and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.321. / and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.322. / and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.323. / and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.324. / and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.325. / nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.326. / nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.327. / nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.328. / nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 13.431. / whom her father and queenly mother heartily loved in their hall, for that she excelled all maidens of her years in comeliness, and in handiwork, and in wisdom; wherefore the best man in wide Troy had taken her to wife—this Alcathous did Poseidon subdue beneath Idomeneus, 13.432. / whom her father and queenly mother heartily loved in their hall, for that she excelled all maidens of her years in comeliness, and in handiwork, and in wisdom; wherefore the best man in wide Troy had taken her to wife—this Alcathous did Poseidon subdue beneath Idomeneus, 16.29. / Smitten is the son of Tydeus, mighty Diomedes, wounded with spear-thrust is Odysseus, famed for his spear, and Agamemnon, and smitten, too, is Eurypylus with an arrow in the thigh. About these the leeches, skilled in many simples, are busied, seeking to heal their wounds; but with thee may no man deal, Achilles. 16.30. / Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 16.31. / Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 16.32. / Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 17.49. / but its point was bent back in the stout shield. Then in turn did Atreus' son, Menelaus, rush upon him with his spear, and made prayer to father Zeus; and as he gave back, stabbed him at the base of the throat, and put his weight into the thrust, trusting in his heavy hand; and clean out through the tender neck passed the point. 19.92. / But what could I do? It is God that bringeth all things to their issue. Eldest daughter of Zeus is Ate that blindeth all—a power fraught with bane; delicate are her feet, for it is not upon the ground that she fareth, but she walketh over the heads of men, bringing men to harm, and this one or that she ensnareth. 20.131. / he shall have dread hereafter when some god shall come against him in battle; for hard are the gods to look upon when they appear in manifest presence. Then Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, answered her:Hera, be not thou wroth beyond what is wise; thou needest not at all. I verily were not fain to make gods chash 21.363. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 22.327. / where destruction of life cometh most speedily; even there, as he rushed upon him, goodly Achilles let drive with his spear; and clean out through the tender neck went the point. Howbeit the ashen spear, heavy with bronze, clave not the windpipe, to the end that he might yet make answer and speak unto his foe. Then fell he in the dust, |
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5. Hesiod, Theogony, 1011, 1013-1016, 3, 1012 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76 | 1012. Hephaestus, who transcended everyone |
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6. Hesiod, Works And Days, 354, 367, 39, 393-404, 408, 519, 366 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 34 | 366. Near wicked neighbours. Measure carefully |
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7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 42.1-42.6, 49.1-49.6, 51.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 306| 42.1. "הֵן עַבְדִּי אֶתְמָךְ־בּוֹ בְּחִירִי רָצְתָה נַפְשִׁי נָתַתִּי רוּחִי עָלָיו מִשְׁפָּט לַגּוֹיִם יוֹצִיא׃", 42.1. "שִׁירוּ לַיהוָה שִׁיר חָדָשׁ תְּהִלָּתוֹ מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ יוֹרְדֵי הַיָּם וּמְלֹאוֹ אִיִּים וְיֹשְׁבֵיהֶם׃", 42.2. "ראית [רָאוֹת] רַבּוֹת וְלֹא תִשְׁמֹר פָּקוֹחַ אָזְנַיִם וְלֹא יִשְׁמָע׃", 42.2. "לֹא יִצְעַק וְלֹא יִשָּׂא וְלֹא־יַשְׁמִיעַ בַּחוּץ קוֹלוֹ׃", 42.3. "קָנֶה רָצוּץ לֹא יִשְׁבּוֹר וּפִשְׁתָּה כֵהָה לֹא יְכַבֶּנָּה לֶאֱמֶת יוֹצִיא מִשְׁפָּט׃", 42.4. "לֹא יִכְהֶה וְלֹא יָרוּץ עַד־יָשִׂים בָּאָרֶץ מִשְׁפָּט וּלְתוֹרָתוֹ אִיִּים יְיַחֵילוּ׃", 42.5. "כֹּה־אָמַר הָאֵל יְהוָה בּוֹרֵא הַשָּׁמַיִם וְנוֹטֵיהֶם רֹקַע הָאָרֶץ וְצֶאֱצָאֶיהָ נֹתֵן נְשָׁמָה לָעָם עָלֶיהָ וְרוּחַ לַהֹלְכִים בָּהּ׃", 42.6. "אֲנִי יְהוָה קְרָאתִיךָ בְצֶדֶק וְאַחְזֵק בְּיָדֶךָ וְאֶצָּרְךָ וְאֶתֶּנְךָ לִבְרִית עָם לְאוֹר גּוֹיִם׃", 49.1. "לֹא יִרְעָבוּ וְלֹא יִצְמָאוּ וְלֹא־יַכֵּם שָׁרָב וָשָׁמֶשׁ כִּי־מְרַחֲמָם יְנַהֲגֵם וְעַל־מַבּוּעֵי מַיִם יְנַהֲלֵם׃", 49.1. "שִׁמְעוּ אִיִּים אֵלַי וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ לְאֻמִּים מֵרָחוֹק יְהוָה מִבֶּטֶן קְרָאָנִי מִמְּעֵי אִמִּי הִזְכִּיר שְׁמִי׃", 49.2. "עוֹד יֹאמְרוּ בְאָזְנַיִךְ בְּנֵי שִׁכֻּלָיִךְ צַר־לִי הַמָּקוֹם גְּשָׁה־לִּי וְאֵשֵׁבָה׃", 49.2. "וַיָּשֶׂם פִּי כְּחֶרֶב חַדָּה בְּצֵל יָדוֹ הֶחְבִּיאָנִי וַיְשִׂימֵנִי לְחֵץ בָּרוּר בְּאַשְׁפָּתוֹ הִסְתִּירָנִי׃", 49.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר לִי עַבְדִּי־אָתָּה יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר־בְּךָ אֶתְפָּאָר׃", 49.4. "וַאֲנִי אָמַרְתִּי לְרִיק יָגַעְתִּי לְתֹהוּ וְהֶבֶל כֹּחִי כִלֵּיתִי אָכֵן מִשְׁפָּטִי אֶת־יְהוָה וּפְעֻלָּתִי אֶת־אֱלֹהָי׃", 49.5. "וְעַתָּה אָמַר יְהוָה יֹצְרִי מִבֶּטֶן לְעֶבֶד לוֹ לְשׁוֹבֵב יַעֲקֹב אֵלָיו וְיִשְׂרָאֵל לא [לוֹ] יֵאָסֵף וְאֶכָּבֵד בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה וֵאלֹהַי הָיָה עֻזִּי׃", 49.6. "וַיֹּאמֶר נָקֵל מִהְיוֹתְךָ לִי עֶבֶד לְהָקִים אֶת־שִׁבְטֵי יַעֲקֹב ונצירי [וּנְצוּרֵי] יִשְׂרָאֵל לְהָשִׁיב וּנְתַתִּיךָ לְאוֹר גּוֹיִם לִהְיוֹת יְשׁוּעָתִי עַד־קְצֵה הָאָרֶץ׃", 51.4. "הַקְשִׁיבוּ אֵלַי עַמִּי וּלְאוּמִּי אֵלַי הַאֲזִינוּ כִּי תוֹרָה מֵאִתִּי תֵצֵא וּמִשְׁפָּטִי לְאוֹר עַמִּים אַרְגִּיעַ׃", | 42.1. "Behold My servant, whom I uphold; Mine elect, in whom My soul delighteth; I have put My spirit upon him, He shall make the right to go forth to the nations.", 42.2. "He shall not cry, nor lift up, Nor cause his voice to be heard in the street.", 42.3. "A bruised reed shall he not break, And the dimly burning wick shall he not quench; He shall make the right to go forth according to the truth.", 42.4. "He shall not fail nor be crushed, Till he have set the right in the earth; And the isles shall wait for his teaching.", 42.5. "Thus saith God the LORD, He that created the heavens, and stretched them forth, He that spread forth the earth and that which cometh out of it, He that giveth breath unto the people upon it, And spirit to them that walk therein:", 42.6. "I the LORD have called thee in righteousness, And have taken hold of thy hand, And kept thee, and set thee for a covet of the people, For a light of the nations;", 49.1. "Listen, O isles, unto me, And hearken, ye peoples, from far: The LORD hath called me from the womb, From the bowels of my mother hath He made mention of my name;", 49.2. "And He hath made my mouth like a sharp sword, In the shadow of His hand hath He hid me; And He hath made me a polished shaft, In His quiver hath He concealed me;", 49.3. "And He said unto me: ‘Thou art My servant, Israel, in whom I will be glorified.’", 49.4. "But I said: ‘I have laboured in vain, I have spent my strength for nought and vanity; Yet surely my right is with the LORD, And my recompense with my God.’", 49.5. "And now saith the LORD That formed me from the womb to be His servant, To bring Jacob back to Him, And that Israel be gathered unto Him— For I am honourable in the eyes of the LORD, And my God is become my strength—", 49.6. "Yea, He saith: ‘It is too light a thing that thou shouldest be My servant To raise up the tribes of Jacob, And to restore the offspring of Israel; I will also give thee for a light of the nations, That My salvation may be unto the end of the earth.’", 51.4. "Attend unto Me, O My people, And give ear unto Me, O My nation; For instruction shall go forth from Me, And My right on a sudden for a light of the peoples.", |
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8. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 3.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 305| 3.7. "וַיֵּלֶךְ וַיִּשְׁלַח אֶל־יְהוֹשָׁפָט מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה לֵאמֹר מֶלֶךְ מוֹאָב פָּשַׁע בִּי הֲתֵלֵךְ אִתִּי אֶל־מוֹאָב לַמִּלְחָמָה וַיֹּאמֶר אֶעֱלֶה כָּמוֹנִי כָמוֹךָ כְּעַמִּי כְעַמֶּךָ כְּסוּסַי כְּסוּסֶיךָ׃", | 3.7. "And he went and sent to Jehoshaphat the king of Judah, saying: ‘The king of Moab hath rebelled against me; wilt thou go with me against Moab to battle?’ And he said: ‘I will go up; I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses as thy horses.’", |
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9. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 22.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 305| 22.4. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־יְהוֹשָׁפָט הֲתֵלֵךְ אִתִּי לַמִּלְחָמָה רָמֹת גִּלְעָד וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוֹשָׁפָט אֶל־מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל כָּמוֹנִי כָמוֹךָ כְּעַמִּי כְעַמֶּךָ כְּסוּסַי כְּסוּסֶיךָ׃", 22.4. "וַיִּשְׁכַּב אַחְאָב עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּמְלֹךְ אֲחַזְיָהוּ בְנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", | 22.4. "And he said unto Jehoshaphat: ‘Wilt thou go with me to battle to Ramoth-gilead?’ And Jehoshaphat said to the king of Israel: ‘I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses as thy horses.’", |
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| 10. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 2.287 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 11. Archilochus, Fragments, 113/188 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 12. Alcman, Poems, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 135 |
| 13. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 112 |
| 14. Tyrtaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 115 |
| 15. Anaximander, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 200 |
| 16. Thales, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 203 |
| 17. Solon, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 61 |
| 18. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 135 |
| 19. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 135; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 46, 112 |
| 20. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 112 |
21. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10-14, 148-149, 15, 150-154, 16, 162-169, 17, 170-172, 179, 18, 180-189, 19, 190-197, 2, 20, 208-210, 227, 3, 307-369, 371-396, 4, 419-421, 458, 477-479, 490-499, 5, 500-524, 6, 67-69, 7, 70-73, 778-786, 8-9, 976-987, 370 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 116| 370. ἁμετέραις ἐφόδοις μελανείμοσιν, ὀρχη- | 370. at our attack in black robes and the vindictive dance of our feet. Chorus |
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| 22. Ibycus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69 |
| 23. Pherecydes of Syros, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 24. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 3.61-3.62, 4.138, 4.143, 4.254-4.259, 5.60 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 139; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 25, 192, 207 |
| 25. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.10-1.13, 5.24, 9.83, 13.6 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 109, 120; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 23, 207 |
| 26. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 5.14 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22 |
| 27. Pindar, Fragments, 169 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 16 |
| 28. Aeschylus, Persians, 249-252, 815, 563 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 278 |
| 29. Ibycus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69 |
| 30. Theognis, Elegies, 2.1341 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 48 |
31. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 192 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28| 192. γυναικόφωνος ἁπαλὸς εὐπρεπὴς ἰδεῖν. | |
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32. Aristophanes, Wasps, 380 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 313, 341| 380. δήσας σαυτὸν καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐμπλησάμενος Διοπείθους. | |
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| 33. Euripides, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 116 |
| 34. Euripides, Bacchae, 154, 234-238, 233 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 91 |
35. Euripides, Helen, 424 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28| 424. χλιδάς τε πόντος ἥρπας': ἐν δ' ἄντρου μυχοῖς | |
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| 36. Euripides, Ion, 26 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 37. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 74, 1286 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 38. Euripides, Orestes, 10-21, 5-9, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 23 |
| 39. Pherecydes of Athens, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 40. Lysias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 197 |
| 41. Lysias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 197 |
| 42. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 344-348, 343 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526 |
43. Euripides, Rhesus, 399-406, 408-412, 960, 407 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 113 | 407. And made thee mighty, I and this right hand; |
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| 44. Isaeus, Orations, 3.76-3.79, 8.18-8.19, 8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta/spartans, marriage ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526, 531 |
| 45. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 403-408 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 16 |
46. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 54; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327 | 4.76. But as regards foreign customs, the Scythians (like others) very much shun practising those of any other country, and particularly of Hellas, as was proved in the case of Anacharsis and also of Scyles. ,For when Anacharsis was coming back to the Scythian country after having seen much of the world in his travels and given many examples of his wisdom, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in at Cyzicus; ,where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great ceremony, he vowed to this same Mother that if he returned to his own country safe and sound he would sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes doing, and establish a nightly rite of worship. ,So when he came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country called Woodland (which is beside the Race of Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of timber); hidden there, Anacharsis celebrated the goddess' ritual with exactness, carrying a small drum and hanging images about himself. ,Then some Scythian saw him doing this and told the king, Saulius; who, coming to the place himself and seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an arrow at him and killed him. And now the Scythians, if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no knowledge of him; this is because he left his country for Hellas and followed the customs of strangers. ,But according to what I heard from Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was an uncle of Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then let him know he was slain by his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. |
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| 47. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 112 |
48. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1420-1434, 320, 574, 676-737, 675 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 341| 675. Μοῦσα χορῶν ἱερῶν: ἐπίβηθι καὶ ἔλθ' ἐπὶ τέρψιν ἀοιδᾶς ἐμᾶς, | |
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49. Euripides, Andromache, 2, 147 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28| 147. κόσμον μὲν ἀμφὶ κρατὶ χρυσέας χλιδῆς | |
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| 50. Isocrates, Orations, 4.1-4.2, 4.18, 4.20, 4.56-4.57, 4.61-4.63, 4.67, 4.144, 4.156, 9.57, 16.28, 18.61, 18.65 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 141; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 85, 159, 171, 187, 192, 196; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 278, 345, 346 |
51. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.54, 4.4.4-4.4.5, 6.2.9-6.2.11, 7.3.7-7.3.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 262; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 150, 189, 207| 4.4.4. ἐκ δὲ τούτου ἐπυνθάνετο ἤδη αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσην ὁδὸν διήλασαν καὶ εἰ οἰκοῖτο ἡ χώρα. οἱ δʼ ἔλεγον ὅτι καὶ πολλὴν διελάσειαν καὶ πᾶσα οἰκοῖτο καὶ μεστὴ εἴη καὶ οἰῶν καὶ αἰγῶν καὶ βοῶν καὶ ἵππων καὶ σίτου καὶ πάντων ἀγαθῶν. 4.4.5. δυοῖν ἄν, ἔφη, ἐπιμελητέον ἡμῖν εἴη, ὅπως τε κρείττους ἐσόμεθα τῶν ταῦτα ἐχόντων καὶ ὅπως αὐτοὶ μενοῦσιν· οἰκουμένη μὲν γὰρ χώρα πολλοῦ ἄξιον κτῆμα· ἐρήμη δʼ ἀνθρώπων οὖσα ἐρήμη καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν γίγνεται. 6.2.9. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὕτω διακειμένων ἦλθον οἱ Ἰνδοὶ ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων οὓς ἐπεπόμφει Κῦρος ἐπὶ κατασκοπήν, καὶ ἔλεγον ὅτι Κροῖσος μὲν ἡγεμὼν καὶ στρατηγὸς πάντων ᾑρημένος εἴη τῶν πολεμίων, δεδογμένον δʼ εἴη πᾶσι τοῖς συμμάχοις βασιλεῦσι πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει ἕκαστον παρεῖναι, χρήματα δὲ εἰσφέρειν πάμπολλα, ταῦτα δὲ τελεῖν καὶ μισθουμένους οὓς δύναιντο καὶ δωρουμένους οἷς δέοι, 6.2.10. ἤδη δὲ καὶ μεμισθωμένους εἶναι πολλοὺς μὲν Θρᾳκῶν μαχαιροφόρους, Αἰγυπτίους δὲ προσπλεῖν, καὶ ἀριθμὸν ἔλεγον εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας σὺν ἀσπίσι ποδήρεσι καὶ δόρασι μεγάλοις, οἷάπερ καὶ νῦν ἔχουσι, καὶ κοπίσι· προσέτι δὲ καὶ Κυπρίων στράτευμα· παρεῖναι δʼ ἤδη Κίλικας πάντας καὶ Φρύγας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ Λυκάονας καὶ Παφλαγόνας καὶ Καππαδόκας καὶ Ἀραβίους καὶ Φοίνικας καὶ σὺν τῷ Βαβυλῶνος ἄρχοντι τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους, καὶ Ἴωνας δὲ καὶ Αἰολέας καὶ σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ἐποικοῦντας σὺν Κροίσῳ ἠναγκάσθαι ἕπεσθαι, πεπομφέναι δὲ Κροῖσον καὶ εἰς Λακεδαίμονα περὶ συμμαχίας· 6.2.11. συλλέγεσθαι δὲ τὸ στράτευμα ἀμφὶ τὸν Πακτωλὸν ποταμόν, προϊέναι δὲ μέλλειν αὐτοὺς εἰς Θύμβραρα, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ὁ σύλλογος τῶν ὑπὸ βασιλέα βαρβάρων τῶν κάτω Συρίας , καὶ ἀγορὰν πᾶσι παρηγγέλθαι ἐνταῦθα κομίζειν· σχεδὸν δὲ τούτοις ταὐτὰ ἔλεγον καὶ οἱ αἰχμάλωτοι· ἐπεμελεῖτο γὰρ καὶ τούτου ὁ Κῦρος ὅπως ἁλίσκοιντο παρʼ ὧν ἔμελλε πεύσεσθαί τι· ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ δούλοις ἐοικότας κατασκόπους ὡς αὐτομόλους· 7.3.7. Γαδάταν δὲ καὶ Γωβρύαν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι δύναιντο λαβόντας καλὸν κόσμημα ἀνδρὶ φίλῳ καὶ ἀγαθῷ τετελευτηκότι μεταδιώκειν· καὶ ὅστις εἶχε τὰς ἑπομένας ἀγέλας, καὶ βοῦς καὶ ἵππους εἶπε τούτῳ καὶ ἅμα πρόβατα πολλὰ ἐλαύνειν ὅποι ἂν αὐτὸν πυνθάνηται ὄντα, ὡς ἐπισφαγείη τῷ Ἀβραδάτᾳ. 7.3.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἶδε τὴν γυναῖκα χαμαὶ καθημένην καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν κείμενον, ἐδάκρυσέ τε ἐπὶ τῷ πάθει καὶ εἶπε· φεῦ, ὦ ἀγαθὴ καὶ πιστὴ ψυχή, οἴχῃ δὴ ἀπολιπὼν ἡμᾶς; καὶ ἅμα ἐδεξιοῦτο αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ χεὶρ τοῦ νεκροῦ ἐπηκολούθησεν· ἀπεκέκοπτο γὰρ κοπίδι ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. 7.3.9. ὁ δὲ ἰδὼν πολὺ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἤλγησε· καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ ἀνωδύρατο καὶ δεξαμένη δὴ παρὰ τοῦ Κύρου ἐφίλησέ τε τὴν χεῖρα καὶ πάλιν ὡς οἷόν τʼ ἦν προσήρμοσε, καὶ εἶπε· 7.3.10. καὶ τἆλλά τοι, ὦ Κῦρε, οὕτως ἔχει· ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ σε ὁρᾶν; καὶ ταῦτα, ἔφη, οἶδʼ ὅτι διʼ ἐμὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἔπαθεν, ἴσως δὲ καὶ διὰ σέ, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐδὲν ἧττον. ἐγώ τε γὰρ ἡ μώρα πολλὰ διεκελευόμην αὐτῷ οὕτω ποιεῖν, ὅπως σοι φίλος ἄξιος γενήσοιτο· αὐτός τε οἶδʼ ὅτι οὗτος οὐ τοῦτο ἐνενόει ὅ τι πείσοιτο, ἀλλὰ τί ἄν σοι ποιήσας χαρίσαιτο. καὶ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμέμπτως τετελεύτηκεν, ἐγὼ δʼ ἡ παρακελευομένη ζῶσα παρακάθημαι. 7.3.11. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος χρόνον μέν τινα σιωπῇ κατεδάκρυσεν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐφθέγξατο· ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν δή, ὦ γύναι, ἔχει τὸ κάλλιστον τέλος· νικῶν γὰρ τετελεύτηκε· σὺ δὲ λαβοῦσα τοῖσδε ἐπικόσμει αὐτὸν τοῖς παρʼ ἐμοῦ· παρῆν δὲ ὁ Γωβρύας καὶ ὁ Γαδάτας πολὺν καὶ καλὸν κόσμον φέροντες· ἔπειτα δʼ, ἔφη, ἴσθι ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ ἄλλα ἄτιμος ἔσται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ μνῆμα πολλοὶ χώσουσιν ἀξίως ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπισφαγήσεται αὐτῷ ὅσα εἰκὸς ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ. 7.3.12. καὶ σὺ δʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ ἔρημος ἔσῃ, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ σε καὶ σωφροσύνης ἕνεκα καὶ πάσης ἀρετῆς καὶ τἆλλα τιμήσω καὶ συστήσω ὅστις ἀποκομιεῖ σε ὅποι ἂν αὐτὴ ἐθέλῃς· μόνον, ἔφη, δήλωσον πρὸς ἐμὲ πρὸς ὅντινα χρῄζεις κομισθῆναι. 7.3.13. καὶ ἡ Πάνθεια εἶπεν· ἀλλὰ θάρρει, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐ μή σε κρύψω πρὸς ὅντινα βούλομαι ἀφικέσθαι. 7.3.14. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπῄει, κατοικτίρων τήν τε γυναῖκα οἵου ἀνδρὸς στέροιτο καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα οἵαν γυναῖκα καταλιπὼν οὐκέτʼ ὄψοιτο. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοὺς μὲν εὐνούχους ἐκέλευσεν ἀποστῆναι, ἕως ἄν, ἔφη, τόνδʼ ἐγὼ ὀδύρωμαι ὡς βούλομαι· τῇ δὲ τροφῷ εἶπε παραμένειν, καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτῇ, ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ, περικαλύψαι αὐτήν τε καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς πολλὰ ἱκετεύουσα μὴ ποιεῖν τοῦτο, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν ἥνυτε καὶ χαλεπαίνουσαν ἑώρα, ἐκάθητο κλαίουσα. ἡ δὲ ἀκινάκην πάλαι παρεσκευασμένον σπασαμένη σφάττει ἑαυτὴν καὶ ἐπιθεῖσα ἐπὶ τὰ στέρνα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῆς κεφαλὴν ἀπέθνῃσκεν. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς ἀνωλοφύρατό τε καὶ περιεκάλυπτεν ἄμφω ὥσπερ ἡ Πάνθεια ἐπέστειλεν. 7.3.15. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ᾔσθετο τὸ ἔργον τῆς γυναικός, ἐκπλαγεὶς ἵεται, εἴ τι δύναιτο βοηθῆσαι. οἱ δὲ εὐνοῦχοι ἰδόντες τὸ γεγενημένον, τρεῖς ὄντες σπασάμενοι κἀκεῖνοι τοὺς ἀκινάκας ἀποσφάττονται οὗπερ ἔταξεν αὐτοὺς ἑστηκότες. καὶ νῦν τὸ μνῆμα μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τῶν εὐνούχων κεχῶσθαι λέγεται· καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ ἄνω στήλῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιγεγράφθαι φασὶ τὰ ὀνόματα, Σύρια γράμματα, κάτω δὲ εἶναι τρεῖς λέγουσι στήλας καὶ ἐπιγεγράφθαι σκηπτούχων . 7.3.16. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ἐπλησίασε τῷ πάθει ἀγασθείς τε τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ κατολοφυράμενος ἀπῄει· καὶ τούτων μὲν ᾗ εἰκὸς ἐπεμελήθη ὡς τύχοιεν πάντων τῶν καλῶν, καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ὑπερμέγεθες ἐχώσθη, ὥς φασιν. | 4.4.4. Then he enquired of them further how far they had ridden and whether the country was inhabited. And they replied, first, that they had ridden a long way, and second, that all the country was inhabited and that it was full of sheep and goats, cattle and horses, grain and all sorts of produce. 4.4.5. There are two things, said he, that it were What to do with these prisoners well for us to look out for: that we make ourselves masters of those who own this property, and that they stay where they are. For an inhabited country is a very valuable possession, but a land destitute of people becomes likewise destitute of produce. 6.2.9. 6.2.10. 6.2.11. The prisoners also told practically the same story as the Indian spies; for this was another thing that Cyrus always looked out for—that prisoners should be taken, from whom he was likely to gain some intelligence. And he used also to send out spies disguised as slaves to pretend that they were deserters from him. 7.3.7. 7.3.8. And when he saw the lady sitting upon the Panthea mourns over her dead ground and the corpse lying there, he wept over his loss and said: Alas, O brave and faithful soul, hast thou then gone and left us? And with the words he clasped his hand, and the dead man’s hand came away in his grasp; for the wrist had been severed by a sabre in the hands of an Egyptian. 7.3.9. 7.3.10. 7.3.11. For some time Cyrus wept in silence and then Cyrus tries to comfort her he said aloud: Well, lady, he indeed has met the fairest of ends, for he has died in the very hour of victory; but do you accept these gifts from me —for Gobryas and Gadatas had come with many beautiful ornaments— and deck him with them. And then, let me assure you that in other ways also he shall not want for honours, but many hands shall rear to him a monument worthy of us, and sacrifice shall be made over it, such as will befit a man so valiant. 7.3.12. And you, he continued, shall not be left friendless, but on account of your goodness and all your worth, I shall show you all honour; and besides, I will commend to you some one to escort you to the place where you yourself desire to go. Only let me know to whom you wish to be conducted. 7.3.13. Ah, Cyrus , Panthea answered, do not fear; I shall never hide from you who it is to whom I wish to go. 7.3.14. When he had said this, Cyrus went away, his heart full of pity for the woman, as he thought what a husband she had lost, and for the man, that he must leave such a wife and never see her more. The lady then desired the eunuchs to retire, until, she said, I have bewailed my husband here, as I desire. But her nurse she told to stay with her, Panthea’s death and she charged her to cover her and her husband, when she, too, was dead, with the same cloak. The nurse, however, pleaded earnestly with her not to do so; but when her prayers proved of no avail and she saw her mistress becoming angered, she sat down and burst into tears. Panthea then drew out a dagger, with which she had provided herself long before, and plunged it into her heart, and laying her head upon her husband’s bosom she breathed her last. Then the nurse wailed aloud and covered them both, even as Panthea had directed. 7.3.15. And now even to this day, it is said, the monument Their monument of the eunuchs is still standing; and they say that the names of the husband and wife are inscribed in Assyrian letters upon the slab above; and below, it is said, are three slabs with the inscription the mace-bearers. Staff-bearers—apparently court officials, bearing a staff of office; mentioned again 8.1.38; 8.3.15; Anab. 1.6.11. 7.3.16. And when Cyrus drew near to the place of sorrow he marvelled at the woman; and having made lament over her, he went his way. He also took care that they should find all due honours, and the monument reared over them was, as they say, exceeding great. |
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| 52. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1.9, 1.1.16, 1.2.6-1.2.9, 1.3.8-1.3.13, 1.4.1-1.4.7, 1.4.13-1.4.16, 1.4.20, 2.4.33, 3.1.8, 3.2.19, 3.3.1-3.3.4, 3.3.8, 3.4.2-3.4.29, 4.1.3, 4.1.38, 4.3.11, 4.5.7, 4.7.2, 4.7.5, 4.8.1-4.8.9, 4.8.12, 5.1.31, 5.4.62-5.4.66, 6.3.6, 6.5.22-6.5.49, 7.1.34 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203 |
53. Aristophanes, Clouds, 1450, 206-212, 214-217, 830, 213 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218| 213. οἶδ': ὑπὸ γὰρ ἡμῶν παρετάθη καὶ Περικλέους. | |
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54. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.7-1.2.8, 1.7.18, 3.2.12, 4.5.3-4.5.4, 5.3.4-5.3.13, 5.4.33-5.4.34, 5.7.35, 6.4.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 302, 304; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 166; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 224, 265, 327, 345| 1.2.7. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας εἴκοσιν εἰς Κελαινάς, τῆς Φρυγίας πόλιν οἰκουμένην, μεγάλην καὶ εὐδαίμονα. ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας ἀγρίων θηρίων πλήρης, ἃ ἐκεῖνος ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου, ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους. διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. 1.2.8. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον· τοῦ δὲ Μαρσύου τὸ εὖρός ἐστιν εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε ποδῶν. ἐνταῦθα λέγεται Ἀπόλλων ἐκδεῖραι Μαρσύαν νικήσας ἐρίζοντά οἱ περὶ σοφίας, καὶ τὸ δέρμα κρεμάσαι ἐν τῷ ἄντρῳ ὅθεν αἱ πηγαί· διὰ δὲ τοῦτο ὁ ποταμὸς καλεῖται Μαρσύας. 1.7.18. ἐνταῦθα Κῦρος Σιλανὸν καλέσας τὸν Ἀμπρακιώτην μάντιν ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ δαρεικοὺς τρισχιλίους, ὅτι τῇ ἑνδεκάτῃ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης ἡμέρᾳ πρότερον θυόμενος εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὅτι βασιλεὺς οὐ μαχεῖται δέκα ἡμερῶν, Κῦρος δʼ εἶπεν· οὐκ ἄρα ἔτι μαχεῖται, εἰ ἐν ταύταις οὐ μαχεῖται ταῖς ἡμέραις· ἐὰν δʼ ἀληθεύσῃς, ὑπισχνοῦμαί σοι δέκα τάλαντα. τοῦτο τὸ χρυσίον τότε ἀπέδωκεν, ἐπεὶ παρῆλθον αἱ δέκα ἡμέραι. 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. 4.5.3. ἐλέγοντο δʼ οὐδὲ πηγαὶ πρόσω εἶναι. ἐντεῦθεν ἐπορεύοντο διὰ χιόνος πολλῆς καὶ πεδίου σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας πεντεκαίδεκα . ὁ δὲ τρίτος ἐγένετο χαλεπὸς καὶ ἄνεμος βορρᾶς ἐναντίος ἔπνει παντάπασιν ἀποκαίων πάντα καὶ πηγνὺς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. 4.5.4. ἔνθα δὴ τῶν μάντεών τις εἶπε σφαγιάσασθαι τῷ ἀνέμῳ, καὶ σφαγιάζεται· καὶ πᾶσι δὴ περιφανῶς ἔδοξεν λῆξαι τὸ χαλεπὸν τοῦ πνεύματος. ἦν δὲ τῆς χιόνος τὸ βάθος ὀργυιά· ὥστε καὶ τῶν ὑποζυγίων καὶ τῶν ἀνδραπόδων πολλὰ ἀπώλετο καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὡς τριάκοντα. 5.3.4. ἐνταῦθα καὶ διαλαμβάνουσι τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀργύριον γενόμενον. καὶ τὴν δεκάτην, ἣν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐξεῖλον καὶ τῇ Ἐφεσίᾳ Ἀρτέμιδι, διέλαβον οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὸ μέρος ἕκαστος φυλάττειν τοῖς θεοῖς· ἀντὶ δὲ Χειρισόφου Νέων ὁ Ἀσιναῖος ἔλαβε. 5.3.5. Ξενοφῶν οὖν τὸ μὲν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀνάθημα ποιησάμενος ἀνατίθησιν εἰς τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων θησαυρὸν καὶ ἐπέγραψε τό τε αὑτοῦ ὄνομα καὶ τὸ Προξένου, ὃς σὺν Κλεάρχῳ ἀπέθανεν· ξένος γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ. 5.3.6. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς Ἐφεσίας, ὅτʼ ἀπῄει σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν εἰς Βοιωτοὺς ὁδόν, καταλείπει παρὰ Μεγαβύζῳ τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεωκόρῳ, ὅτι αὐτὸς κινδυνεύσων ἐδόκει ἰέναι, καὶ ἐπέστειλεν, ἢν μὲν αὐτὸς σωθῇ, αὑτῷ ἀποδοῦναι· ἢν δέ τι πάθῃ, ἀναθεῖναι ποιησάμενον τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὅ τι οἴοιτο χαριεῖσθαι τῇ θεῷ. 5.3.7. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἔφευγεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν, κατοικοῦντος ἤδη αὐτοῦ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκισθέντος παρὰ τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν ἀφικνεῖται Μεγάβυζος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν θεωρήσων καὶ ἀποδίδωσι τὴν παρακαταθήκην αὐτῷ. Ξενοφῶν δὲ λαβὼν χωρίον ὠνεῖται τῇ θεῷ ὅπου ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεός. 5.3.8. ἔτυχε δὲ διαρρέων διὰ τοῦ χωρίου ποταμὸς Σελινοῦς. καὶ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δὲ παρὰ τὸν τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεὼν Σελινοῦς ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ. καὶ ἰχθύες τε ἐν ἀμφοτέροις ἔνεισι καὶ κόγχαι· ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι χωρίῳ καὶ θῆραι πάντων ὁπόσα ἐστὶν ἀγρευόμενα θηρία. 5.3.9. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ βωμὸν καὶ ναὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀργυρίου, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν δὲ ἀεὶ δεκατεύων τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ ὡραῖα θυσίαν ἐποίει τῇ θεῷ, καὶ πάντες οἱ πολῖται καὶ οἱ πρόσχωροι ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες μετεῖχον τῆς ἑορτῆς. παρεῖχε δὲ ἡ θεὸς τοῖς σκηνοῦσιν ἄλφιτα, ἄρτους, οἶνον, τραγήματα, καὶ τῶν θυομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς νομῆς λάχος, καὶ τῶν θηρευομένων δέ. 5.3.10. καὶ γὰρ θήραν ἐποιοῦντο εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν οἵ τε Ξενοφῶντος παῖδες καὶ οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, οἱ δὲ βουλόμενοι καὶ ἄνδρες ξυνεθήρων· καὶ ἡλίσκετο τὰ μὲν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱεροῦ χώρου, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Φολόης, σύες καὶ δορκάδες καὶ ἔλαφοι. 5.3.11. ἔστι δὲ ἡ χώρα ᾗ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν πορεύονται ὡς εἴκοσι στάδιοι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ Διὸς ἱεροῦ. ἔνι δʼ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χώρῳ καὶ λειμὼν καὶ ὄρη δένδρων μεστά, ἱκανὰ σῦς καὶ αἶγας καὶ βοῦς τρέφειν καὶ ἵππους, ὥστε καὶ τὰ τῶν εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν ἰόντων ὑποζύγια εὐωχεῖσθαι. 5.3.12. περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν ναὸν ἄλσος ἡμέρων δένδρων ἐφυτεύθη ὅσα ἐστὶ τρωκτὰ ὡραῖα. ὁ δὲ ναὸς ὡς μικρὸς μεγάλῳ τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ εἴκασται, καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἔοικεν ὡς κυπαρίττινον χρυσῷ ὄντι τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ. 5.3.13. καὶ στήλη ἕστηκε παρὰ τὸν ναὸν γράμματα ἔχουσα· ἱερὸς ὁ χῶρος τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος. τὸν ἔχοντα καὶ καρπούμενον τὴν μὲν δεκάτην καταθύειν ἑκάστου ἔτους. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ περιττοῦ τὸν ναὸν ἐπισκευάζειν. ἂν δὲ τις μὴ ποιῇ ταῦτα τῇ θεῷ μελήσει. 5.4.33. ἐζήτουν δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἑταίραις ἃς ἦγον οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐμφανῶς ξυγγίγνεσθαι· νόμος γὰρ ἦν οὗτός σφισι. λευκοὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες. 5.4.34. τούτους ἔλεγον οἱ στρατευσάμενοι βαρβαρωτάτους διελθεῖν καὶ πλεῖστον τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν νόμων κεχωρισμένους. ἔν τε γὰρ ὄχλῳ ὄντες ἐποίουν ἅπερ ἂν ἄνθρωποι ἐν ἐρημίᾳ ποιήσειαν, μόνοι τε ὄντες ὅμοια ἔπραττον ἅπερ ἂν μετʼ ἄλλων ὄντες, διελέγοντό τε αὑτοῖς καὶ ἐγέλων ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ ὠρχοῦντο ἐφιστάμενοι ὅπου τύχοιεν, ὥσπερ ἄλλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενοι. 5.7.35. παραινοῦντος δὲ Ξενοφῶντος καὶ τῶν μάντεων συμβουλευόντων ἔδοξε καθῆραι τὸ στράτευμα. καὶ ἐγένετο καθαρμός. 6.4.13. ἐκ τούτου ἐθύοντο οἱ στρατηγοί, μάντις δὲ παρῆν Ἀρηξίων Ἀρκάς· ὁ δὲ Σιλανὸς ὁ Ἀμπρακιώτης ἤδη ἀπεδεδράκει πλοῖον μισθωσάμενος ἐξ Ἡρακλείας. θυομένοις δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀφόδῳ οὐκ ἐγίγνετο τὰ ἱερά. | 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. 4.5.3. and report was that the sources of the river were not far distant. From there they marched over a plain and through deep snow three stages, thirteen parasangs. The third stage proved a hard one, with the north wind, which blew full in their faces, absolutely blasting everything and freezing the men. 4.5.4. Then it was that one of the soothsayers bade them offer sacrifice to the wind, and sacrifice was offered; and it seemed quite clear to everybody that the violence of the wind abated. But the depth of the snow was a fathom, so that many of the baggage animals and slaves perished, and about thirty of the soldiers. 5.3.4. First I went to war with the Thracians, and for the sake of Greece I inflicted punishment upon them with your aid, driving them out of the Chersonese when they wanted to deprive the Greeks who dwelt there of their land. Then when Cyru s’ summons came, I took you with me and set out, in order that, if he had need of me, I might give him aid in return for the benefits I had received from him. 5.3.4. There, also, they divided the money received from the sale of the booty. And the tithe, which they set apart for Apollo and for Artemis of the Ephesians, was distributed among the generals, each taking his portion to keep safely for the gods; and the portion that fell to Cheirisophus was given to Neon the Asinaean. 5.3.5. But you now do not wish to continue the march with me; so it seems that I must either desert you and continue to enjoy Cyru s’ friendship, or prove false to him and remain with you. Whether I shall be doing what is right, I know not, but at any rate I shall choose you and with you shall suffer whatever I must. And never shall any man say that I, after leading Greeks into the land of the barbarians, betrayed the Greeks and chose the friendship of the barbarians; 5.3.5. As for Xenophon, he caused a votive offering to be made out of Apollo’s share of his portion and dedicated it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi , inscribing upon it his own name and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus; Xen. Anab. 2.5 . for Proxenus was his friend. Xen. Anab. 3.1.4-10 . 5.3.6. nay, since you do not care to obey me, I shall follow with you and suffer whatever I must. For I consider that you are to me both fatherland and friends and allies; with you I think I shall be honoured wherever I may be, bereft of you I do not think I shall be able either to aid a friend or to ward off a foe. Be sure, therefore, that wherever you go, I shall go also. 5.3.6. The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia , In 394 B.C., ending in the hard-fought battle of Coronea , at which Xenophon was present. cp. Xen. Hell. 4.2.1-8 , Xen. Hell. 4.3.1-21 . in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.7. Such were his words. And the soldiers—not only his own men, but the rest also—when they heard that he said he would not go on to the King’s capital, commended him; and more than two thousand of the troops under Xenias and Pasion took their arms and their baggage train and encamped with Clearchus. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon’s exile Which was probably due to his taking part in the expedition of Cyrus . cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 . and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia , where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo’s oracle appointed. 5.3.8. But Cyrus , perplexed and distressed by this situation, sent repeatedly for Clearchus. Clearchus refused to go to him, but without the knowledge of the soldiers he sent a messenger and told him not to be discouraged, because, he said, this matter would be settled in the right way. He directed Cyrus , however, to keep on sending for him, though he himself, he said, would refuse to go. 5.3.8. As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus ; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. 5.3.9. After this Clearchus gathered together his own soldiers, those who had come over to him, and any others who wanted to be present, and spoke as follows: Fellow-soldiers, it is clear that the relation of Cyrus to us is precisely the same as ours to him; that is, we are no longer his soldiers, since we decline to follow him, and likewise he is no longer our paymaster. 5.3.9. Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple with the sacred money, and from that time forth he would every year take the tithe of the products of the land in their season and offer sacrifice to the goddess, all the citizens and the men and women of the neighbourhood taking part in the festival. And the goddess would provide for the banqueters barley meal and loaves of bread, wine and sweetmeats, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred herd as well as of the victims taken in the chase. 5.3.10. I know, however, that he considers himself wronged by us. Therefore, although he keeps sending for me, I decline to go, chiefly, it is true, from a feeling of shame, because I am conscious that I have proved utterly false to him, but, besides that, from fear that he may seize me and inflict punishment upon me for the wrongs he thinks he has suffered at my hands. 5.3.10. For Xenophon’s sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition at the time of the festival, and any grown men who so wished would join them; and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholoe—boars and gazelles and stags. 5.3.11. In my opinion, therefore, it is no time for us to be sleeping or unconcerned about ourselves; we should rather be considering what course we ought to follow under the present circumstances. And so long as we remain here we must consider, I think, how we can remain most safely; or, again, if we count it best to depart at once, how we are to depart most safely and how we shall secure provisions—for without provisions neither general nor private is of any use. 5.3.11. The place is situated on the road which leads from Lacedaemon to Olympia , and is about twenty stadia from the temple of Zeus at Olympia . Within the sacred precinct there is meadowland and treecovered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses, so that even the draught animals which bring people to the festival have their feast also. 5.3.12. And remember that while this Cyrus is a valuable friend when he is your friend, he is a most dangerous foe when he is your enemy; furthermore, he has an armament—infantry and cavalry and fleet—which we all alike see and know about; for I take it that our camp is not very far away from him. It is time, then, to propose whatever plan any one of you deems best. With these words he ceased speaking. 5.3.12. Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is like the one at Ephesus , although small as compared with great, and the image of the goddess, although cypress wood as compared with gold, is like the Ephesian image. 5.3.13. Thereupon various speakers arose, some of their own accord to express the opinions they held, but others at the instigation of Clearchus to make clear the difficulty of either remaining or departing without the consent of Cyrus . 5.3.13. Beside the temple stands a tablet with this inscription: The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it and enjoys its fruits must offer the tithe every year in sacrifice, and from the remainder must keep the temple in repair. If any one leaves these things undone, the goddess will look to it. 5.4.33. These Mossynoecians wanted also to have intercourse openly with the women who accompanied the Greeks, for that was their own fashion. And all of them were white, the men and the women alike. 5.4.34. They were set down by the Greeks who served through the expedition, as the most uncivilized people whose country they traversed, the furthest removed from Greek customs. For they habitually did in public the things that other people would do only in private, and when they were alone they would behave just as if they were in the company of others, talking to themselves, laughing at themselves, and dancing in whatever spot they chanced to be, as though they were giving an exhibition to others. 6.4.13. Thereupon the generals proceeded to sacrifice, the soothsayer who was present being Arexion the Arcadian; for Silanus the Ambraciot had by this time stolen away, cp. Xen. Anab. 5.6.18 , 34. on a vessel which he hired at Heracleia. When they sacrificed, however, with a view to their departure, the victims would not prove favourable, |
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55. Plato, Parmenides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 326| 162e. ἄν πῃ ἔτι κινοῖτο; πῶς γάρ; τό γε μὴν ἀκίνητον ἀνάγκη ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τὸ δὲ ἡσυχάζον ἑστάναι. ἀνάγκη. τὸ ἓν ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐκ ὂν ἕστηκέ τε καὶ κινεῖται. ἔοικεν. καὶ μὴν εἴπερ γε κινεῖται, μεγάλη ἀνάγκη αὐτῷ ἀλλοιοῦσθαι· | 162e. nor turns in the same spot, nor changes its place, can it still move in any way? No how can it? But surely that which is without motion must keep still, and that which keeps still must be at rest. Yes, it must. Then the non-existent one is both at rest and in motion. So it appears. Ceph. And if it is in motion, it certainly must change in its nature; |
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| 56. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 266 |
57. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2, 1.2, 1.2.1, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5.1, 1.5, 1.6, 1.6.1, 1.6.2, 1.6.3, 1.6.4, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9.1, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13.6, 1.13, 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 1.17, 1.18.1, 1.23.5, 1.23.6, 1.23.4, 1.23, 1.33.3, 1.44.1, 1.70.2, 1.70.3, 1.70.4, 1.70.7, 1.71.4, 1.73.1, 1.73.2, 1.73.3, 1.73, 1.73.61, 1.73.60, 1.73.59, 1.73.58, 1.73.57, 1.73.56, 1.73.63, 1.73.62, 1.73.74, 1.73.72, 1.73.71, 1.73.70, 1.73.69, 1.73.68, 1.73.67, 1.73.66, 1.73.65, 1.73.64, 1.73.73, 1.73.32, 1.73.33, 1.73.34, 1.73.35, 1.73.36, 1.73.37, 1.73.38, 1.73.39, 1.73.40, 1.73.41, 1.73.42, 1.73.43, 1.73.44, 1.73.45, 1.73.46, 1.73.47, 1.73.48, 1.73.49, 1.73.50, 1.73.31, 1.73.30, 1.73.27, 1.73.28, 1.73.29, 1.73.4, 1.73.5, 1.73.6, 1.73.7, 1.73.8, 1.73.9, 1.73.10, 1.73.11, 1.73.12, 1.73.13, 1.73.51, 1.73.14, 1.73.15, 1.73.16, 1.73.17, 1.73.18, 1.73.19, 1.73.20, 1.73.21, 1.73.22, 1.73.23, 1.73.24, 1.73.25, 1.73.26, 1.73.52, 1.73.53, 1.73.54, 1.73.55, 1.74, 1.75.3, 1.75, 1.75.2, 1.76.2, 1.76.3, 1.76, 1.77, 1.78.4, 1.78, 1.79, 1.81.6, 1.82.1, 1.84.3, 1.84.4, 1.85.2, 1.87.3, 1.87.2, 1.87, 1.88, 1.88.1, 1.89.2, 1.94, 1.95, 1.95.7, 1.95.3, 1.95.4, 1.95.5, 1.95.6, 1.95-96.1, 1.96.2, 1.102, 1.107.4, 1.107.6-108.1, 1.112.3, 1.118, 1.118.3, 1.121.3, 1.122.1, 1.124.2, 1.125.2, 1.125.1, 1.126.6, 1.126.5, 1.126.4, 1.126.3, 1.128, 1.128.31, 1.128.32, 1.128.33, 1.128.39, 1.128.34, 1.128.36, 1.128.37, 1.128.38, 1.128.35, 1.128.29, 1.128.28, 1.128.27, 1.128.26, 1.128.25, 1.128.24, 1.128.23, 1.128.22, 1.128.21, 1.128.20, 1.128.19, 1.128.18, 1.128.17, 1.128.16, 1.128.15, 1.128.14, 1.128.13, 1.128.30, 1.128.12, 1.128.40, 1.128.3, 1.128.4, 1.128.5, 1.128.6, 1.128.7, 1.128.8, 1.128.9, 1.128.10, 1.128.11, 1.128.41, 1.128.43, 1.128.102, 1.128.101, 1.128.100, 1.128.99, 1.128.98, 1.128.97, 1.128.96, 1.128.95, 1.128.113, 1.128.112, 1.128.111, 1.128.110, 1.128.109, 1.128.108, 1.128.107, 1.128.94, 1.128.106, 1.128.105, 1.128.104, 1.128.103, 1.128.42, 1.128.93, 1.128.91, 1.128.64, 1.128.63, 1.128.62, 1.128.61, 1.128.60, 1.128.59, 1.128.58, 1.128.57, 1.128.56, 1.128.55, 1.128.54, 1.128.53, 1.128.52, 1.128.51, 1.128.50, 1.128.49, 1.128.48, 1.128.47, 1.128.46, 1.128.45, 1.128.44, 1.128.65, 1.128.66, 1.128.67, 1.128.68, 1.128.90, 1.128.89, 1.128.88, 1.128.87, 1.128.86, 1.128.85, 1.128.84, 1.128.83, 1.128.82, 1.128.81, 1.128.92, 1.128.80, 1.128.78, 1.128.77, 1.128.76, 1.128.75, 1.128.74, 1.128.73, 1.128.72, 1.128.71, 1.128.70, 1.128.69, 1.128.79, 1.128.118, 1.128.119, 1.128.120, 1.128.121, 1.128.122, 1.128.123, 1.128.124, 1.128.125, 1.128.126, 1.128.127, 1.128.128, 1.128.129, 1.128.130, 1.128.131, 1.128.132, 1.128.133, 1.128.117, 1.128.116, 1.128.114, 1.128.115, 1.129, 1.130, 1.131, 1.132, 1.133, 1.134, 1.135, 1.139.2, 1.139.1, 1.140.4, 1.141.1, 1.144.3, 1.144.2, 1.145, 2.1, 2.8.3, 2.9.4, 2.12, 2.15.4, 2.37.1, 2.38.1-42.4, 2.42.4, 2.43.6, 2.43.5, 2.43.2, 2.51.5, 2.59.3, 2.60.1, 2.60, 2.61, 2.62, 2.63.2, 2.63, 2.64, 2.65.1, 2.67.4, 2.67, 2.75, 2.76, 2.77, 2.80.5, 3.10.2, 3.10.3, 3.10.4, 3.36.4, 3.36.2, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39.5, 3.39, 3.40, 3.42.1, 3.43.4, 3.44.2, 3.45.6, 3.45.5, 3.49.1, 3.75.2, 3.91.2, 3.91.3, 3.91.1, 3.104.3, 3.104.2, 3.115.4, 4.14.3, 4.17.4, 4.17.3, 4.18.3, 4.18, 4.20, 4.22.3, 4.26.5, 4.27, 4.28, 4.29, 4.40.1, 4.41.3, 4.41.4, 4.50.1, 4.50.2, 4.55.4, 4.55.3, 4.55.1, 4.60.2, 4.61.5, 4.65.3, 4.65.4, 4.109.4, 5.14.3, 5.14.2, 5.25.3, 5.32.1, 5.43.2, 5.43.3, 5.61.2, 5.70, 5.84.2, 5.84, 5.84.3, 5.85, 5.86, 5.87, 5.88, 5.89, 5.90, 5.91, 5.92, 5.93, 5.94, 5.95, 5.96, 5.97, 5.98, 5.99, 5.100, 5.101, 5.102, 5.103.2, 5.103.1, 5.103, 5.104, 5.105.2, 5.105, 5.106, 5.107, 5.108, 5.109, 5.110, 5.111, 5.112, 5.113, 5.114, 5.115, 5.116, 6.1.1, 6.3.1, 6.6.1, 6.8.4, 6.9.3, 6.10.5, 6.11.2, 6.12.2, 6.13.1, 6.15.2, 6.15, 6.15.3, 6.15.4, 6.16, 6.18.2, 6.18.3, 6.18.7, 6.24.3, 6.27, 6.28, 6.29, 6.30.2, 6.31.6, 6.31.4, 6.33.5, 6.46.2, 6.53, 6.54.3, 6.54.1, 6.54.2, 6.54.6, 6.54.5, 6.56.1, 6.59.3, 6.60, 6.61, 6.76.3, 6.82.1, 6.83.1, 6.83.4, 6.89, 6.92, 6.93.1, 6.93.2, 6.105.1, 7.18.2, 7.18.3, 7.28.4, 7.29, 7.42.1, 7.50.4, 7.57.1, 7.71, 7.80.2, 7.85.1, 8.2.4, 8.5.5, 8.5, 8.12, 8.16, 8.18, 8.24.4, 8.37, 8.40.2, 8.45, 8.46.3, 8.46.1, 8.46, 8.46.2, 8.47, 8.48, 8.49, 8.56, 8.58.2, 8.81.2, 8.81, 8.82, 8.88-89.1, 8.96.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 16; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 190| 6.18.2. τήν τε ἀρχὴν οὕτως ἐκτησάμεθα καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ὅσοι δὴ ἄλλοι ἦρξαν, παραγιγνόμενοι προθύμως τοῖς αἰεὶ ἢ βαρβάροις ἢ Ἕλλησιν ἐπικαλουμένοις, ἐπεὶ εἴ γε ἡσυχάζοιεν πάντες ἢ φυλοκρινοῖεν οἷς χρεὼν βοηθεῖν, βραχὺ ἄν τι προσκτώμενοι αὐτῇ περὶ αὐτῆς ἂν ταύτης μᾶλλον κινδυνεύοιμεν. τὸν γὰρ προύχοντα οὐ μόνον ἐπιόντα τις ἀμύνεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπως μὴ ἔπεισι προκαταλαμβάνει. | 6.18.2. It is thus that empire has been won, both by us and by all others that have held it, by a constant readiness to support all, whether barbarians or Hellenes, that invite assistance; since if all were to keep quiet or to pick and choose whom they ought to assist, we should make but few new conquests, and should imperil those we have already won. Men do not rest content with parrying the attacks of a superior, but often strike the first blow to prevent the attack being made. |
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| 58. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 346 |
59. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.2.41-1.2.42, 1.5.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 16, 207| 1.2.41. εἰπέ μοι, φάναι, ὦ Περίκλεις, ἔχοις ἄν με διδάξαι τί ἐστι νόμος; πάντως δήπου, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα. δίδαξον δὴ πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, φάναι τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην· ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούων τινῶν ἐπαινουμένων, ὅτι νόμιμοι ἄνδρες εἰσίν, οἶμαι μὴ ἂν δικαίως τούτου τυχεῖν τοῦ ἐπαίνου τὸν μὴ εἰδότα τί ἐστι νόμος. 1.2.42. ἀλλʼ οὐδέν τι χαλεποῦ πράγματος ἐπιθυμεῖς, ὦ Ἀλκιβιάδη, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα, βουλόμενος γνῶναι τί ἐστι νόμος· πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι νόμοι εἰσίν, οὓς τὸ πλῆθος συνελθὸν καὶ δοκιμάσαν ἔγραψε, φράζον ἅ τε δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. πότερον δὲ τἀγαθὰ νομίσαν δεῖν ποιεῖν ἢ τὰ κακά; τἀγαθὰ νὴ Δία, φάναι, ὦ μειράκιον, τὰ δὲ κακὰ οὔ. 1.5.4. ἐν συνουσίᾳ δὲ τίς ἂν ἡσθείη τῷ τοιούτῳ, ὃν εἰδείη τῷ ὄψῳ τε καὶ τῷ οἴνῳ χαίροντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τὰς πόρνας ἀγαπῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἑταίρους; ἆρά γε οὐ χρὴ πάντα ἄνδρα, ἡγησάμενον τὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀρετῆς εἶναι κρηπῖδα, ταύτην πρῶτον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ κατασκευάσασθαι; | 1.2.41. Tell me, Pericles, he said, can you teach me what a law is? Certainly, he replied. Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is. 1.2.42. Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done. Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil? Good, of course, young man, — not evil. 1.5.4. In social intercourse what pleasure could you find in such a man, knowing that he prefers your sauces and your wines to your friends, and likes the women Employed to entertain the guests at the banquet. better than the company? Should not every man hold self-control to be the foundation of all virtue, and first lay this foundation firmly in his soul? |
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| 60. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 190 |
| 61. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 199 |
62. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 85 | 465d. ignoble and not deserving of mention. Even a blind man can see these, he said. |
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| 63. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 391-402 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327 |
| 64. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 887-888 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
| 65. Sophocles, Fragments, 942.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28 |
66. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 171| 220d. γὰρ θέρος τότε γʼ ἦν—χαμεύνια ἐξενεγκάμενοι ἅμα μὲν ἐν τῷ ψύχει καθηῦδον, ἅμα δʼ ἐφύλαττον αὐτὸν εἰ καὶ τὴν νύκτα ἑστήξοι. ὁ δὲ εἱστήκει μέχρι ἕως ἐγένετο καὶ ἥλιος ἀνέσχεν· ἔπειτα ᾤχετʼ ἀπιὼν προσευξάμενος τῷ ἡλίῳ. εἰ δὲ βούλεσθε ἐν ταῖς μάχαις—τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ δίκαιόν γε αὐτῷ ἀποδοῦναι—ὅτε γὰρ ἡ μάχη ἦν ἐξ ἧς ἐμοὶ καὶ τἀριστεῖα ἔδοσαν οἱ στρατηγοί, οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἐμὲ ἔσωσεν | 220d. this time it was summer—brought out their mattresses and rugs and took their sleep in the cool; thus they waited to see if he would go on standing all night too. He stood till dawn came and the sun rose; then walked away, after offering a prayer to the Sun. |
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| 67. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 326 |
68. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53| 21b. ἤδη τῶν ἐνενήκοντα ἐτῶν, ἐγὼ δέ πῃ μάλιστα δεκέτης· ἡ δὲ Κουρεῶτις ἡμῖν οὖσα ἐτύγχανεν Ἀπατουρίων. τὸ δὴ τῆς ἑορτῆς σύνηθες ἑκάστοτε καὶ τότε συνέβη τοῖς παισίν· ἆθλα γὰρ ἡμῖν οἱ πατέρες ἔθεσαν ῥαψῳδίας. πολλῶν μὲν οὖν δὴ καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέχθη ποιητῶν ποιήματα, ἅτε δὲ νέα κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὄντα τὰ Σόλωνος πολλοὶ τῶν παίδων ᾔσαμεν. εἶπεν οὖν τις τῶν φρατέρων, εἴτε δὴ δοκοῦν αὐτῷ τότε εἴτε καὶ χάριν τινὰ τῷ Κριτίᾳ φέρων, δοκεῖν οἱ τά τε | 21b. Critias was already close upon ninety years of age, while I was somewhere about ten; and it chanced to be that day of the Apaturia which is called Cureotis. The ceremony for boys which was always customary at the feast was held also on that occasion, our fathers arranging contests in recitation. So while many poems of many poets were declaimed, since the poems of Solon were at that time new, many of us children chanted them. And one of our fellow tribesmen—whether he really thought so at the time or whether he was paying a compliment |
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| 69. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 190 |
| 70. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.4-4.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 239, 327 |
| 71. Xenophon, Hiero, 5.3, 6.4-6.5, 6.11, 10.3-10.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 100 |
72. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 265| 625b. τὴν πορείαν, ποιήσασθαι. πάντως δʼ ἥ γε ἐκ Κνωσοῦ ὁδὸς εἰς τὸ τοῦ Διὸς ἄντρον καὶ ἱερόν, ὡς ἀκούομεν, ἱκανή, καὶ ἀνάπαυλαι κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, ὡς εἰκός, πνίγους ὄντος τὰ νῦν, ἐν τοῖς ὑψηλοῖς δένδρεσίν εἰσι σκιαραί, καὶ ταῖς ἡλικίαις πρέπον ἂν ἡμῶν εἴη τὸ διαναπαύεσθαι πυκνὰ ἐν αὐταῖς, λόγοις τε ἀλλήλους παραμυθουμένους τὴν ὁδὸν ἅπασαν οὕτω μετὰ ῥᾳστώνης διαπερᾶναι. ΚΛ. καὶ μὴν ἔστιν γε, ὦ ξένε, προϊόντι κυπαρίττων τε | 625b. to the cave and temple of Zeus is a long one, and we are sure to find, in this sultry weather, shady resting-places among the high trees along the road: in them we can rest ofttimes, as befits our age, beguiling the time with discourse, and thus complete our journey in comfort. Clin. True, Stranger; and as one proceeds further one finds in the groves cypress-trees of wonderful height and beauty, |
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| 73. Plato, Hipparchus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 165 |
| 74. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 2.2-2.9, 4.5-4.6, 8.1-8.5, 13.2, 13.11, 15.2-15.6, 15.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 529; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 16, 28, 29 |
75. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 16| 484b. ἐξέλαμψεν τὸ τῆς φύσεως δίκαιον. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ Πίνδαρος ἅπερ ἐγὼ λέγω ἐνδείκνυσθαι ἐν τῷ ᾁσματι ἐν ᾧ λέγει ὅτι— νόμος ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων· Pind. fr. 169 οὗτος δὲ δή, φησίν,— ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί· τεκμαίρομαι ἔργοισιν Ἡρακλέος, ἐπεὶ—ἀπριάτας— Pind. fr. 169 λέγει οὕτω πως—τὸ γὰρ ᾆσμα οὐκ ἐπίσταμαι—λέγει δʼ ὅτι οὔτε πριάμενος οὔτε δόντος τοῦ Γηρυόνου ἠλάσατο τὰς βοῦς, | 484b. dawns the full light of natural justice. And it seems to me that Pindar adds his evidence to what I say, in the ode where he says— Law the sovereign of all, Mortals and immortals, Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) which, so he continues,— Carries all with highest hand, Justifying the utmost force: in proof I take The deeds of Hercules , for unpurchased Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) —the words are something like that—I do not know the poem well—but it tells how he drove off the cow |
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76. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 85| 36d. αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι—τί οὖν εἰμι ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦτος ὤν; ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι· καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον ὅτι ἂν πρέποι ἐμοί. τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ δεομένῳ ἄγειν σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅτι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως ὡς τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ γε μᾶλλον ἢ εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ συνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει νενίκηκεν Ὀλυμπίασιν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ | 36d. Some good thing, men of Athens , if I must propose something truly in accordance with my deserts; and the good thing should be such as is fitting for me. Now what is fitting for a poor man who is your benefactor, and who needs leisure to exhort you? There is nothing, men of Athens , so fitting as that such a man be given his meals in the prytaneum. That is much more appropriate for me than for any of you who has won a race at the Olympic games with a pair of horses or a four-in-hand. For he makes you seem to be happy, whereas I make you happy in reality; |
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77. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 100-125, 504-506, 515-516, 518-539, 61-62, 628-629, 63, 630-639, 64, 640-649, 65, 650-659, 66, 660-664, 67-99, 517 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 36| 517. ἀλλ' ἀνδράρια μοχθηρά, παρακεκομμένα, | |
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78. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 418 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28| 418. ἅθ' ἁπαλὸν ὄν: τοῦτ' οὖν σὺ τῆς μεσημβρίας | |
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| 79. Antiphon, Orations, 6.45 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25 |
80. Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, 1362, 168-177, 478, 178 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218| 178. ἀνὴρ μέγιστος. εἰπέ μοι καὶ πῶς ἐγὼ | |
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81. Aristophanes, Birds, 1021-1054, 1634, 1687, 1706-1759, 176, 1760-1765, 177-186, 668, 988, 175 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218| 175. βλέψον κάτω. καὶ δὴ βλέπω. βλέπε νῦν ἄνω. | |
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82. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 901-905, 900 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 28| 900. μὴ φθόνει ταῖσιν νέαισι. | |
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| 83. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 17 |
| 84. Ephorus, Fragments, 149 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 285 |
| 85. Philochorus, Fragments, 64 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 82 |
| 86. Aristotle, Respiration, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 251 |
| 87. Ephorus, Fragments, 149 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 285 |
| 88. Dinarchus, Or., 1.14 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 193 |
| 89. Aristotle, Sense And Sensibilia, 2.23.12 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 52, 53 |
| 90. Duris of Samos, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342 |
| 91. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 5.1-5.3, 6.4, 7.3-7.4, 8.1, 8.3, 8.5, 9.1, 12.1, 12.3, 14.3-14.4, 16.2, 16.10, 20.1-20.4, 21.5, 22.1, 22.5, 23.2, 23.5, 25.4, 28.5, 35.2, 41.2, 42.3, 47.1, 58.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 115; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 530; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 242, 265, 278, 319; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 17, 48, 51, 53, 58, 61, 82, 111, 116, 141, 143, 154 |
| 92. Theophrastus, Fragments, 549 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 211 |
| 93. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 196, 197 |
| 94. Anaximander Iunior, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 200 |
| 95. Timaeus of Tauromenium, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 190 |
| 96. Aeschines, Letters, 2.75-2.76, 3.143, 3.182-3.187, 3.187.1, 3.243 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 125; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 196, 197, 198; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 344; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 154 |
97. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1207, 1206 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 49| 1206. ὅπου σε πεισθεὶς Ὠγύγου σπαρτὸς λεὼς | |
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| 98. Aristotle, Fragments, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 251 |
| 99. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 57 |
| 100. Ephorus Iunior, Fragments, 149 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 285 |
101. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.15, 1.23-1.233, 1.603, 1.608, 1.653-1.654, 1.819, 1.850-1.852, 1.869-1.870, 1.936-1.1152, 3.404-3.407, 3.427-3.429, 4.176, 4.279-4.281, 4.477-4.478, 4.700-4.717, 4.1743-4.1745, 4.1749-4.1754, 4.1757-4.1764 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 40, 84, 128, 135, 139, 146, 152, 153, 172, 192, 197; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 327| 1.15. αἶψα δὲ τόνγʼ ἐσιδὼν ἐφράσσατο, καί οἱ ἄεθλον 1.23. πρῶτά νυν Ὀρφῆος μνησώμεθα, τόν ῥά ποτʼ αὐτὴ 1.24. Καλλιόπη Θρήικι φατίζεται εὐνηθεῖσα 1.25. Οἰάγρῳ σκοπιῆς Πιμπληίδος ἄγχι τεκέσθαι 1.26. αὐτὰρ τόνγʼ ἐνέπουσιν ἀτειρέας οὔρεσι πέτρας 1.27. θέλξαι ἀοιδάων ἐνοπῇ ποταμῶν τε ῥέεθρα. 1.28. φηγοὶ δʼ ἀγριάδες, κείνης ἔτι σήματα μολπῆς, 1.29. ἀκτῆς Θρηικίης Ζώνης ἔπι τηλεθόωσαι 1.30. ἑξείης στιχόωσιν ἐπήτριμοι, ἃς ὅγʼ ἐπιπρὸ 1.31. θελγομένας φόρμιγγι κατήγαγε Πιερίηθεν. 1.32. Ὀρφέα μὲν δὴ τοῖον ἑῶν ἐπαρωγὸν ἀέθλων 1.33. Αἰσονίδης Χείρωνος ἐφημοσύνῃσι πιθήσας 1.34. δέξατο, Πιερίῃ Βιστωνίδι κοιρανέοντα. 1.35. ἤλυθε δʼ Ἀστερίων αὐτοσχεδόν, ὅν ῥα Κομήτης 1.36. γείνατο δινήεντος ἐφʼ ὕδασιν Ἀπιδανοῖο, 1.37. Πειρεσιὰς ὄρεος Φυλληίου ἀγχόθι ναίων, 1.38. ἔνθα μὲν Ἀπιδανός τε μέγας καὶ δῖος Ἐνιπεὺς 1.39. ἄμφω συμφορέονται, ἀπόπροθεν εἰς ἓν ἰόντες. 1.40. Λάρισαν δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσι λιπὼν Πολύφημος ἵκανεν 1.41. Εἰλατίδης, ὃς πρὶν μὲν ἐρισθενέων Λαπιθάων, 1.42. ὁππότε Κενταύροις Λαπίθαι ἐπὶ θωρήσσοντο, 1.43. ὁπλότερος πολέμιζε· τότʼ αὖ βαρύθεσκέ οἱ ἤδη 1.44. γυῖα, μένεν δʼ ἔτι θυμὸς ἀρήιος, ὡς τὸ πάρος περ. 1.45. οὐδὲ μὲν Ἴφικλος Φυλάκῃ ἔνι δηρὸν ἔλειπτο, 1.46. μήτρως Αἰσονίδαο· κασιγνήτην γὰρ ὄπυιεν 1.47. Αἴσων Ἀλκιμέδην Φυλακηίδα· τῆς μιν ἀνώγει 1.48. πηοσύνη καὶ κῆδος ἐνικρινθῆναι ὁμίλῳ. 1.49. οὐδὲ Φεραῖς Ἄδμητος ἐυρρήνεσσιν ἀνάσσων 1.50. μίμνεν ὑπὸ σκοπιὴν ὄρεος Χαλκωδονίοιο. 1.51. οὐδʼ Ἀλόπῃ μίμνον πολυλήιοι Ἑρμείαο 1.52. υἱέες εὖ δεδαῶτε δόλους, Ἔρυτος καὶ Ἐχίων, 1.53. τοῖσι δʼ ἐπὶ τρίτατος γνωτὸς κίε νισσομένοισιν 1.54. Αἰθαλίδης· καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐπʼ Ἀμφρυσσοῖο ῥοῇσιν 1.55. Μυρμιδόνος κούρη Φθιὰς τέκεν Εὐπολέμεια· 1.56. τὼ δʼ αὖτʼ ἐκγεγάτην Μενετηίδος Ἀντιανείρης. 1.57. ἤλυθε δʼ ἀφνειὴν προλιπὼν Γυρτῶνα Κόρωνος 1.58. Καινεΐδης, ἐσθλὸς μέν, ἑοῦ δʼ οὐ πατρὸς ἀμείνων. 1.59. Καινέα γὰρ ζῶόν περ ἔτι κλείουσιν ἀοιδοὶ 1.60. Κενταύροισιν ὀλέσθαι, ὅτε σφέας οἶος ἀπʼ ἄλλων 1.61. ἤλασʼ ἀριστήων· οἱ δʼ ἔμπαλιν ὁρμηθέντες 1.62. οὔτε μιν ἐγκλῖναι προτέρω σθένον, οὔτε δαΐξαι· 1.63. ἀλλʼ ἄρρηκτος ἄκαμπτος ἐδύσετο νειόθι γαίης, 1.64. θεινόμενος στιβαρῇσι καταΐγδην ἐλάτῃσιν. 1.65. ἤλυθε δʼ αὖ Μόψος Τιταρήσιος, ὃν περὶ πάντων 1.66. Λητοΐδης ἐδίδαξε θεοπροπίας οἰωνῶν· 1.67. ἠδὲ καὶ Εὐρυδάμας Κτιμένου πάις· ἄγχι δὲ λίμνης 1.68. Ξυνιάδος Κτιμένην Δολοπηίδα ναιετάασκεν. 1.69. καὶ μὴν Ἄκτωρ υἷα Μενοίτιον ἐξ Ὀπόεντος 1.70. ὦρσεν, ἀριστήεσσι σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὄφρα νέοιτο. 1.71. εἵπετο δʼ Εὐρυτίων τε καὶ ἀλκήεις Ἐρυβώτης, 1.72. υἷες ὁ μὲν Τελέοντος, ὁ δʼ Ἴρου Ἀκτορίδαο· 1.73. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν Τελέοντος ἐυκλειὴς Ἐρυβώτης, 1.74. Ἴρου δʼ Εὐρυτίων. σὺν καὶ τρίτος ἦεν Ὀιλεύς, 1.75. ἔξοχος ἠνορέην καὶ ἐπαΐξαι μετόπισθεν 1.76. εὖ δεδαὼς δῄοισιν, ὅτε κλίνωσι φάλαγγας. 1.77. αὐτὰρ ἀπʼ Εὐβοίης Κάνθος κίε, τόν ῥα Κάνηθος 1.78. πέμπεν Ἀβαντιάδης λελιημένον· οὐ μὲν ἔμελλεν 1.79. νοστήσειν Κήρινθον ὑπότροπος. αισα γὰρ ἦεν 1.80. αὐτὸν ὁμῶς Μόψον τε δαήμονα μαντοσυνάων 1.81. πλαγχθέντας Λιβύης ἐνὶ πείρασι δῃωθῆναι, 1.82. ὡς οὐκ ἀνθρώποισι κακὸν μήκιστον ἐπαυρεῖν, 1.83. ὁππότε κἀκείνους Λιβύῃ ἔνι ταρχύσαντο, 1.84. τόσσον ἑκὰς Κόλχων, ὅσσον τέ περ ἠελίοιο 1.85. μεσσηγὺς δύσιές τε καὶ ἀντολαὶ εἰσορόωνται. 1.86. τῷ δʼ ἄρʼ ἐπὶ Κλυτίος τε καὶ Ἴφιτος ἠγερέθοντο, 1.87. Οἰχαλίης ἐπίουροι, ἀπηνέος Εὐρύτου υἷες, 1.88. Εὐρύτου, ᾧ πόρε τόξον Ἑκηβόλος· οὐδʼ ἀπόνητο 1.89. δωτίνης· αὐτῷ γὰρ ἑκὼν ἐρίδηνε δοτῆρι. 1.90. τοῖσι δʼ ἐπʼ Αἰακίδαι μετεκίαθον· οὐ μὲν ἅμʼ ἄμφω, 1.91. οὐδʼ ὁμόθεν· νόσφιν γὰρ ἀλευάμενοι κατένασθεν 1.92. Αἰγίνης, ὅτε Φῶκον ἀδελφεὸν ἐξενάριξαν 1.93. ἀφραδίῃ. Τελαμὼν μὲν ἐν Ἀτθίδι νάσσατο νήσῳ· 1.94. Πηλεὺς δὲ Φθίῃ ἐνὶ δώματα ναῖε λιασθείς. 1.95. τοῖς δʼ ἐπὶ Κεκροπίηθεν ἀρήιος ἤλυθε Βούτης, 1.96. παῖς ἀγαθοῦ Τελέοντος, ἐυμμελίης τε Φάληρος. 1.97. Ἄλκων μιν προέηκε πατὴρ ἑός· οὐ μὲν ἔτʼ ἄλλους 1.98. γήραος υἷας ἔχεν βιότοιό τε κηδεμονῆας. 1.99. ἀλλά ἑ τηλύγετόν περ ὁμῶς καὶ μοῦνον ἐόντα 1.100. πέμπεν, ἵνα θρασέεσσι μεταπρέποι ἡρώεσσιν. 1.101. Θησέα δʼ, ὃς περὶ πάντας Ἐρεχθεΐδας ἐκέκαστο, 1.102. Ταιναρίην ἀίδηλος ὑπὸ χθόνα δεσμὸς ἔρυκεν, 1.103. Πειρίθῳ ἑσπόμενον κοινὴν ὁδόν· ἦ τέ κεν ἄμφω 1.104. ῥηίτερον καμάτοιο τέλος πάντεσσιν ἔθεντο. 1.105. Τῖφυς δʼ Ἁγνιάδης Σιφαέα κάλλιπε δῆμον 1.106. Θεσπιέων, ἐσθλὸς μὲν ὀρινόμενον προδαῆναι 1.107. κῦμʼ ἁλὸς εὐρείης, ἐσθλὸς δʼ ἀνέμοιο θυέλλας 1.108. καὶ πλόον ἠελίῳ τε καὶ ἀστέρι τεκμήρασθαι. 1.109. αὐτή μιν Τριτωνὶς ἀριστήων ἐς ὅμιλον 1.110. ὦρσεν Ἀθηναίη, μετὰ δʼ ἤλυθεν ἐλδομένοισιν. 1.111. αὐτὴ γὰρ καὶ νῆα θοὴν κάμε· σὺν δέ οἱ Ἄργος 1.112. τεῦξεν Ἀρεστορίδης κείνης ὑποθημοσύνῃσιν. 1.113. τῶ καὶ πασάων προφερεστάτη ἔπλετο νηῶν, 1.114. ὅσσαι ὑπʼ εἰρεσίῃσιν ἐπειρήσαντο θαλάσσης. 1.115. Φλίας δʼ αὖτʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν Ἀραιθυρέηθεν ἵκανεν, 1.116. ἔνθʼ ἀφνειὸς ἔναιε Διωνύσοιο ἕκητι, 1.117. πατρὸς ἑοῦ, πηγῇσιν ἐφέστιος Ἀσωποῖο. 1.118. Ἀργόθεν αὖ Ταλαὸς καὶ Ἀρήιος, υἷε Βίαντος, 1.119. ἤλυθον ἴφθιμός τε Λεώδοκος, οὓς τέκε Πηρὼ 1.120. Νηληίς· τῆς δʼ ἀμφὶ δύην ἐμόγησε βαρεῖαν 1.121. Αἰολίδης σταθμοῖσιν ἐν Ἰφίκλοιο Μελάμπους. 1.122. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδὲ βίην κρατερόφρονος Ἡρακλῆος 1.123. πευθόμεθʼ Αἰσονίδαο λιλαιομένου ἀθερίξαι. 1.124. ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ ἄιε βάξιν ἀγειρομένων ἡρώων, 1.125. νεῖον ἀπʼ Ἀρκαδίης Λυρκήιον Ἄργος ἀμείψας 1.126. τὴν ὁδόν, ᾗ ζωὸν φέρε κάπριον, ὅς ῥʼ ἐνὶ βήσσῃς 1.127. φέρβετο Λαμπείης, Ἐρυμάνθιον ἂμ μέγα τῖφος, 1.128. τὸν μὲν ἐνὶ πρώτῃσι Μυκηναίων ἀγορῇσιν 1.129. δεσμοῖς ἰλλόμενον μεγάλων ἀπεθήκατο νώτων· 1.130. αὐτὸς δʼ ᾗ ἰότητι παρὲκ νόον Εὐρυσθῆος 1.131. ὡρμήθη· σὺν καί οἱ Ὕλας κίεν, ἐσθλὸς ὀπάων, 1.132. πρωθήβης, ἰῶν τε φορεὺς φύλακός τε βιοῖο. 1.133. τῷ δʼ ἐπὶ δὴ θείοιο κίεν Δαναοῖο γενέθλη, 1.134. Ναύπλιος. ἦ γὰρ ἔην Κλυτονήου Ναυβολίδαο· 1.135. Ναύβολος αὖ Λέρνου· Λέρνον γε μὲν ἴδμεν ἐόντα 1.136. Προίτου Ναυπλιάδαο· Ποσειδάωνι δὲ κούρη. 1.137. πρίν ποτʼ Ἀμυμώνη Δαναῒς τέκεν εὐνηθεῖσα 1.138. Ναύπλιον, ὃς περὶ πάντας ἐκαίνυτο ναυτιλίῃσιν. 1.139. Ἴδμων δʼ ὑστάτιος μετεκίαθεν, ὅσσοι ἔναιον 1.140. Ἄργος, ἐπεὶ δεδαὼς τὸν ἑὸν μόρον οἰωνοῖσιν 1.141. ἤιε, μή οἱ δῆμος ἐυκλείης ἀγάσαιτο. 1.142. οὐ μὲν ὅγʼ ἦεν Ἄβαντος ἐτήτυμον, ἀλλά μιν αὐτὸς 1.143. γείνατο κυδαλίμοις ἐναρίθμιον Αἰολίδῃσιν 1.144. Λητοΐδης· αὐτὸς δὲ θεοπροπίας ἐδίδαξεν 1.145. οἰωνούς τʼ ἀλέγειν ἠδʼ ἔμπυρα σήματʼ ἰδέσθαι. 1.146. καὶ μὴν Αἰτωλὶς κρατερὸν Πολυδεύκεα Λήδη 1.147. Κάστορά τʼ ὠκυπόδων ὦρσεν δεδαημένον ἵππων 1.148. Σπάρτηθεν· τοὺς δʼ ἥγε δόμοις ἔνι Τυνδαρέοιο 1.149. τηλυγέτους ὠδῖνι μιῇ τέκεν· οὐδʼ ἀπίθησεν 1.150. νισσομένοις· Ζηνὸς γὰρ ἐπάξια μήδετο λέκτρων. 1.151. οἵ τʼ Ἀφαρητιάδαι Λυγκεὺς καὶ ὑπέρβιος Ἴδας 1.152. Ἀρήνηθεν ἔβαν, μεγάλῃ περιθαρσέες ἀλκῇ 1.153. ἀμφότεροι· Λυγκεὺς δὲ καὶ ὀξυτάτοις ἐκέκαστο 1.154. ὄμμασιν, εἰ ἐτεόν γε πέλει κλέος, ἀνέρα κεῖνον 1.155. ῥηιδίως καὶ νέρθε κατὰ χθονὸς αὐγάζεσθαι. 1.156. σὺν δὲ Περικλύμενος Νηλήιος ὦρτο νέεσθαι, 1.157. πρεσβύτατος παίδων, ὅσσοι Πύλῳ ἐξεγένοντο 1.158. Νηλῆος θείοιο· Ποσειδάων δέ οἱ ἀλκὴν 1.159. δῶκεν ἀπειρεσίην ἠδʼ ὅττι κεν ἀρήσαιτο 1.160. μαρνάμενος, τὸ πέλεσθαι ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ πολέμοιο. 1.161. καὶ μὴν Ἀμφιδάμας Κηφεύς τʼ ἴσαν Ἀρκαδίηθεν, 1.162. οἳ Τεγέην καὶ κλῆρον Ἀφειδάντειον ἔναιον, 1.163. υἷε δύω Ἀλεοῦ· τρίτατός γε μὲν ἕσπετʼ ἰοῦσιν 1.164. Ἀγκαῖος, τὸν μέν ῥα πατὴρ Λυκόοργος ἔπεμπεν, 1.165. τῶν ἄμφω γνωτὸς προγενέστερος. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν ἤδη 1.166. γηράσκοντʼ Ἀλεὸν λίπετʼ ἂμ πόλιν ὄφρα κομίζοι, 1.167. παῖδα δʼ ἑὸν σφετέροισι κασιγνήτοισιν ὄπασσεν. 1.168. βῆ δʼ ὅγε Μαιναλίης ἄρκτου δέρος, ἀμφίτομόν τε 1.169. δεξιτερῇ πάλλων πέλεκυν μέγαν. ἔντεα γάρ οἱ 1.170. πατροπάτωρ Ἀλεὸς μυχάτῃ ἐνέκρυψε καλιῇ, 1.171. αἴ κέν πως ἔτι καὶ τὸν ἐρητύσειε νέεσθαι. 1.172. βῆ δὲ καὶ Αὐγείης, ὃν δὴ φάτις Ἠελίοιο 1.173. ἔμμεναι· Ἠλείοισι δʼ ὅγʼ ἀνδράσιν ἐμβασίλευεν, 1.174. ὄλβῳ κυδιόων· μέγα δʼ ἵετο Κολχίδα γαῖαν 1.175. αὐτόν??τʼ Αἰήτην ἰδέειν σημάντορα Κόλχων. 1.176. Ἀστέριος δὲ καὶ Ἀμφίων Ὑπερασίου υἷες 1.177. Πελλήνης ἀφίκανον Ἀχαιίδος, ἥν ποτε Πέλλης 1.178. πατροπάτωρ ἐπόλισσεν ἐπʼ ὀφρύσιν Αἰγιαλοῖο. 1.179. Ταίναρον αὖτʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσι λιπὼν Εὔφημος ἵκανεν, 1.180. τόν ῥα Ποσειδάωνι ποδωκηέστατον ἄλλων 1.181. Εὐρώπη Υιτυοῖο μεγασθενέος τέκε κούρη. 1.182. κεῖνος ἀνὴρ καὶ πόντου ἐπὶ γλαυκοῖο θέεσκεν 1.183. οἴδματος, οὐδὲ θοοὺς βάπτεν πόδας, ἀλλʼ ὅσον ἄκροις 1.184. ἴχνεσι τεγγόμενος διερῇ πεφόρητο κελεύθῳ. 1.185. καὶ δʼ ἄλλω δύο παῖδε Ποσειδάωνος ἵκοντο· 1.186. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν πτολίεθρον ἀγαυοῦ Μιλήτοιο 1.187. νοσφισθεὶς Ἐργῖνος, ὁ δʼ Ἰμβρασίης ἕδος Ἥρης, 1.188. παρθενίην, Ἀγκαῖος ὑπέρβιος· ἴστορε δʼ ἄμφω 1.189. ἠμὲν ναυτιλίης ἠδʼ ἄρεος εὐχετόωντο. 1.190. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἀφορμηθεὶς Καλυδῶνος 1.191. ἀλκήεις Μελέαγρος ἀνήλυθε, Λαοκόων τε, 1.192. Λαοκόων Οἰνῆος ἀδελφεός, οὐ μὲν ἰῆς γε 1.193. μητέρος· ἀλλά ἑ θῆσσα γυνὴ τέκε· τὸν μὲν ἄρʼ Οἰνεὺς 1.194. ἤδη γηραλέον κοσμήτορα παιδὸς ἴαλλεν· 1.195. ὧδʼ ἔτι κουρίζων περιθαρσέα δῦνεν ὅμιλον 1.196. ἡρώων. τοῦ δʼ οὔτινʼ ὑπέρτερον ἄλλον ὀίω, 1.197. νόσφιν γʼ Ἡρακλῆος, ἐπελθέμεν, εἴ κʼ ἔτι μοῦνον 1.198. αὖθι μένων λυκάβαντα μετετράφη Αἰτωλοῖσιν. 1.199. καὶ μήν οἱ μήτρως αὐτὴν ὁδόν, εὖ μὲν ἄκοντι, 1.200. εὖ δὲ καὶ ἐν σταδίῃ δεδαημένος ἀντιφέρεσθαι, 1.201. Θεστιάδης Ἴφικλος ἐφωμάρτησε κιόντι. 1.202. σὺν δὲ Παλαιμόνιος Λέρνου πάις Ὠλενίοιο, 1.203. Λέρνου ἐπίκλησιν, γενεήν γε μὲν Ἡφαίστοιο· 1.204. τούνεκʼ ἔην πόδα σιφλός· ἀτὰρ δέμας οὔ κέ τις ἔτλη 1.205. ἠνορέην τʼ ὀνόσασθαι, ὃ καὶ μεταρίθμιος ἦεν 1.206. πᾶσιν ἀριστήεσσιν, Ἰήσονι κῦδος ἀέξων. 1.207. ἐκ δʼ ἄρα Φωκήων κίεν Ἴφιτος Ὀρνυτίδαο 1.208. Ναυβόλου ἐκγεγαώς· ξεῖνος δέ οἱ ἔσκε πάροιθεν, 1.209. ἦμος ἔβη Πυθώδε θεοπροπίας ἐρεείνων 1.210. ναυτιλίης· τόθι γάρ μιν ἑοῖς ὑπέδεκτο δόμοισιν. 1.211. Ζήτης αὖ Κάλαΐς τε Βορήιοι υἷες ἵκοντο, 1.212. οὕς ποτʼ Ἐρεχθηὶς Βορέῃ τέκεν Ὠρείθυια 1.213. ἐσχατιῇ Θρῄκης δυσχειμέρου· ἔνθʼ ἄρα τήνγε 1.214. Θρηίκιος Βορέης ἀνερέψατο Κεκροπίηθεν 1.215. Ἰλισσοῦ προπάροιθε χορῷ ἔνι δινεύουσαν. 1.216. καί μιν ἄγων ἕκαθεν, Σαρπηδονίην ὅθι πέτρην 1.217. κλείουσιν, ποταμοῖο παρὰ ῥόον Ἐργίνοιο, 1.218. λυγαίοις ἐδάμασσε περὶ νεφέεσσι καλύψας. 1.219. τὼ μὲν ἐπʼ ἀκροτάτοισι ποδῶν ἑκάτερθεν ἐρεμνὰς 1.220. σεῖον ἀειρομένω πτέρυγας, μέγα θάμβος ἰδέσθαι, 1.221. χρυσείαις φολίδεσσι διαυγέας· ἀμφὶ δὲ νώτοις 1.222. κράατος ἐξ ὑπάτοιο καὶ αὐχένος ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα 1.223. κυάνεαι δονέοντο μετὰ πνοιῇσιν ἔθειραι. 1.224. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ αὐτοῖο πάις μενέαινεν Ἄκαστος 1.225. ἰφθίμου Πελίαο δόμοις ἔνι πατρὸς ἑῆος 1.226. μιμνάζειν, Ἄργος τε θεᾶς ὑποεργὸς Ἀθήνης· 1.227. ἀλλʼ ἄρα καὶ τὼ μέλλον ἐνικρινθῆναι ὁμίλῳ. 1.228. τόσσοι ἄρʼ Αἰσονίδῃ συμμήστορες ἠγερέθοντο. 1.229. τοὺς μὲν ἀριστῆας Μινύας περιναιετάοντες 1.230. κίκλησκον μάλα πάντας, ἐπεὶ Μινύαο θυγατρῶν 1.231. οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ ἄριστοι ἀφʼ αἵματος εὐχετόωντο 1.232. ἔμμεναι· ὧς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν Ἰήσονα γείνατο μήτηρ 1.233. Ἀλκιμέδη, Κλυμένης Μινυηίδος ἐκγεγαυῖα. 1.603. ὅσσον ἐς ἔνδιόν κεν ἐύστολος ὁλκὰς ἀνύσσαι, 1.608. εἰρεσίῃ κραναὴν Σιντηίδα Λῆμνον ἵκοντο. 1.653. Λημνιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἀνὰ πτόλιν ἷζον ἰοῦσαι 1.654. εἰς ἀγορήν· αὐτὴ γὰρ ἐπέφραδεν Ὑψιπύλεια. 1.819. ἔν τε χοροῖς ἀγορῇ τε καὶ εἰλαπίνῃσι μέλοντο· 1.850. ῥηιδίως. Κύπρις γὰρ ἐπὶ γλυκὺν ἵμερον ὦρσεν 1.851. Ἡφαίστοιο χάριν πολυμήτιος, ὄφρα κεν αὖτις 1.852. ναίηται μετόπισθεν ἀκήρατος ἀνδράσι Λῆμνος. 1.869. οὐ μὰν εὐκλειεῖς γε σὺν ὀθνείῃσι γυναιξὶν 1.870. ἐσσόμεθʼ ὧδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν ἐελμένοι· οὐδέ τι κῶας 1.936. ἔστι δέ τις αἰπεῖα Προποντίδος ἔνδοθι νῆσος 1.937. τυτθὸν ἀπὸ Φρυγίης πολυληίου ἠπείροιο 1.938. εἰς ἅλα κεκλιμένη, ὅσσον τʼ ἐπιμύρεται ἰσθμὸς 1.939. χέρσῳ ἐπιπρηνὴς καταειμένος· ἐν δέ οἱ ἀκταὶ 1.940. ἀμφίδυμοι, κεῖνται δʼ ὑπὲρ ὕδατος Λἰσήποιο. 1.941. Λ̓́ρκτων μιν καλέουσιν ὄρος περιναιετάοντες· 1.942. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑβρισταί τε καὶ ἄγριοι ἐνναίουσιν 1.943. Γηγενέες, μέγα θαῦμα περικτιόνεσσιν ἰδέσθαι. 1.944. ἓξ γὰρ ἑκάστῳ χεῖρες ὑπέρβιοι ἠερέθονται, 1.945. αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ στιβαρῶν ὤμων δύο, ταὶ δʼ ὑπένερθεν 1.946. τέσσαρες αἰνοτάτῃσιν ἐπὶ πλευρῇς ἀραρυῖαι. 1.947. ἰσθμὸν δʼ αὖ πεδίον τε Δολίονες ἀμφενέμοντο 1.948. ἀνέρες· ἐν δʼ ἥρως Λἰνήιος υἱὸς ἄνασσεν 1.949. Κύζικος, ὃν κούρη δίου τέκεν Εὐσώροιο 1.950. Αἰνήτη. τοὺς δʼ οὔτι καὶ ἔκπαγλοί περ ἐόντες 1.951. Γηγενέες σίνοντο, Ποσειδάωνος ἀρωγῇ· 1.952. τοῦ γὰρ ἔσαν τὰ πρῶτα Δολίονες ἐκγεγαῶτες. 1.953. ἔνθʼ Ἀργὼ προύτυψεν ἐπειγομένη ἀνέμοισιν 1.954. Θρηικίοις, Καλὸς δὲ λιμὴν ὑπέδεκτο θέουσαν. 1.955. κεῖσε καὶ εὐναίης ὀλίγον λίθον ἐκλύσαντες 1.956. Τίφυος ἐννεσίῃσιν ὑπὸ κρήνῃ ἐλίποντο, 1.957. κρήνῃ ὑπʼ Ἀρτακίῃ· ἕτερον δʼ ἔλον, ὅστις ἀρήρει, 1.958. βριθύν· ἀτὰρ κεῖνόν γε θεοπροπίαις Ἑκάτοιο 1.959. Νηλεΐδαι μετόπισθεν Ἰάονες ἱδρύσαντο 1.960. ἱερόν, ἣ θέμις ἦεν, Ἰησονίης ἐν Ἀθήνης. 1.961. τοὺς δʼ ἄμυδις φιλότητι Δολίονες ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς 1.962. Κύζικος ἀντήσαντες ὅτε στόλον ἠδὲ γενέθλην 1.963. ἔκλυον, οἵτινες εἶεν, ἐυξείνως ἀρέσαντο, 1.964. καί σφεας εἰρεσίῃ πέπιθον προτέρωσε κιόντας 1.965. ἄστεος ἐν λιμένι πρυμνήσια νηὸς ἀνάψαι, 1.966. ἔνθʼ οἵγʼ Ἐκβασίῳ βωμὸν θέσαν Ἀπόλλωνι 1.967. εἱσάμενοι παρὰ θῖνα, θυηπολίης τʼ ἐμελοντο. 1.968. δῶκεν δʼ αὐτὸς ἄναξ λαρὸν μέθυ δευουένοισιν 1.969. μῆλά θʼ ὁμοῦ· δὴ γάρ οἱ ἔην φάτις, εὖτʼ ἂν ἵκωνται 1.970. ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖος στόλος, αὐτίκα τόνγε 1.971. μείλιχον ἀντιάαν, μηδὲ πτολέμοιο μέλεσθαι. 1.972. ἶσόν που κἀκείνῳ ἐπισταχύεσκον ἴουλοι, 1.973. οὐδέ νύ πω παίδεσσιν ἀγαλλόμενος μεμόρητο· 1.974. ἀλλʼ ἔτι οἱ κατὰ δώματʼ ἀκήρατος ἦεν ἄκοιτις 1.975. ὠδίνων, Μέροπος Περκωσίου ἐκγεγαυῖα, 1.976. Κλείτη ἐυπλόκαμος, τὴν μὲν νέον ἐξέτι πατρὸς 1.977. θεσπεσίοις ἕδνοισιν ἀνήγαγεν ἀντιπέρηθεν. 1.978. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧς θάλαμόν τε λιπὼν καὶ δέμνια νύμφης 1.979. τοῖς μέτα δαῖτʼ ἀλέγυνε, βάλεν δʼ ἀπὸ δείματα θυμοῦ. 1.980. ἀλλήλους δʼ ἐρέεινον ἀμοιβαδίς· ἤτοι ὁ μέν σφεων 1.981. πεύθετο ναυτιλίης ἄνυσιν, Πελίαό τʼ ἐφετμάς· 1.982. οἱ δὲ περικτιόνων πόλιας καὶ κόλπον ἅπαντα 1.983. εὐρείης πεύθοντο Προποντίδος· οὐ μὲν ἐπιπρὸ 1.984. ἠείδει καταλέξαι ἐελδομένοισι δαῆναι. 1.985. ἠοῖ δʼ εἰσανέβαν μέγα Δίνδυμον, ὄφρα καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.986. θηήσαιντο πόρους κείνης ἁλός· ἐκ δʼ ἄρα τοίγε 1.987. νῆα Χυτοῦ λιμένος προτέρω ἐξήλασαν ὅρμον· 1.988. ἥδε δʼ Ἰησονίη πέφαται ὁδός, ἥνπερ ἔβησαν. 1.989. Γηγενέες δʼ ἑτέρωθεν ἀπʼ οὔρεος ἀίξαντες 1.990. φράξαν ἀπειρεσίοιο Χυτοῦ στόμα νειόθι πέτρῃς 1.991. πόντιον, οἷά τε θῆρα λοχώμενοι ἔνδον ἐόντα. 1.992. ἀλλὰ γὰρ αὖθι λέλειπτο σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὁπλοτέροισιν 1.993. Ἡρακλέης, ὃς δή σφι παλίντονον αἶψα τανύσσας 1.994. τόξον ἐπασσυτέρους πέλασε χθονί· τοὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.995. πέτρας ἀμφιρρῶγας ἀερτάζοντες ἔβαλλον. 1.996. δὴ γάρ που κἀκεῖνα θεὰ τρέφεν αἰνὰ πέλωρα 1.997. Ἥρη, Ζηνὸς ἄκοιτις, ἀέθλιον Ἡρακλῆι. 1.998. σὺν δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι δῆθεν ὑπότροποι ἀντιόωντες, 1.999. πρίν περ ἀνελθέμεναι σκοπιήν, ἥπτοντο φόνοιο 1.1000. γηγενέων ἥρωες ἀρήιοι, ἠμὲν ὀιστοῖς 1.1001. ἠδὲ καὶ ἐγχείῃσι δεδεγμένοι, εἰσόκε πάντας 1.1002. ἀντιβίην ἀσπερχὲς ὀρινομένους ἐδάιξαν. 1.1003. ὡς δʼ ὅτε δούρατα μακρὰ νέον πελέκεσσι τυπέντα 1.1004. ὑλοτόμοι στοιχηδὸν ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι βάλωσιν, 1.1005. ὄφρα νοτισθέντα κρατεροὺς ἀνεχοίατο γόμφους· 1.1006. ὧς οἱ ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ λιμένος πολιοῖο τέταντο 1.1007. ἑξείης, ἄλλοι μὲν ἐς ἁλμυρὸν ἀθρόοι ὕδωρ 1.1008. δύπτοντες κεφαλὰς καὶ στήθεα, γυῖα δʼ ὕπερθεν 1.1009. χέρσῳ τεινάμενοι· τοὶ δʼ ἔμπαλιν, αἰγιαλοῖο 1.1010. κράατα μὲν ψαμάθοισι, πόδας δʼ εἰς βένθος ἔρειδον, 1.1011. ἄμφω ἅμʼ οἰωνοῖσι καὶ ἰχθύσι κύρμα γενέσθαι. 1.1012. ἥρωες δʼ, ὅτε δή σφιν ἀταρβὴς ἔπλετʼ ἄεθλος, 1.1013. δὴ τότε πείσματα νηὸς ἐπὶ πνοιῇς ἀνέμοιο 1.1014. λυσάμενοι προτέρωσε διὲξ ἁλὸς οἶδμα νέοντο. 1.1015. ἡ δʼ ἔθεεν λαίφεσσι πανήμερος· οὐ μὲν ἰούσης 1.1016. νυκτὸς ἔτι ῥιπὴ μένεν ἔμπεδον, ἀλλὰ θύελλαι 1.1017. ἀντίαι ἁρπάγδην ὀπίσω φέρον, ὄφρʼ ἐπέλασσαν 1.1018. αὖτις ἐυξείνοισι Δολίοσιν ἐκ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔβησαν 1.1019. αὐτονυχί· ἱερὴ δὲ φατίζεται ἥδʼ ἔτι πέτρη, 1.1020. ᾗ πέρι πείσματα νηὸς ἐπεσσύμενοι ἐβάλοντο. 1.1021. οὐδέ τις αὐτὴν νῆσον ἐπιφραδέως ἐνόησεν 1.1022. ἔμμεναι· οὐδʼ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ Δολίονες ἂψ ἀνιόντας 1.1023. ἥρωας νημερτὲς ἐπήισαν· ἀλλά που ἀνδρῶν 1.1024. Μακριέων εἴσαντο Πελασγικὸν ἄρεα κέλσαι. 1.1025. τῶ καὶ τεύχεα δύντες ἐπὶ σφίσι χεῖρας ἄειραν. 1.1026. σὺν δʼ ἔλασαν μελίας τε καὶ ἀσπίδας ἀλλήλοισιν 1.1027. ὀξείῃ ἴκελοι ῥιπῇ πυρός, ἥ τʼ ἐνὶ θάμνοις 1.1028. αὐαλέοισι πεσοῦσα κορύσσεται· ἐν δὲ κυδοιμὸς 1.1029. δεινός τε ζαμενής τε Δολιονίῳ πέσε δήμῳ. 1.1030. οὐδʼ ὅγε δηιοτῆτος ὑπὲρ μόρον αὖτις ἔμελλεν 1.1031. οἴκαδε νυμφιδίους θαλάμους καὶ λέκτρον ἱκέσθαι. 1.1032. ἀλλά μιν Λἰσονίδης τετραμμένον ἰθὺς ἑοῖο 1.1033. πλῆξεν ἐπαΐξας στῆθος μέσον, ἀμφὶ δὲ δουρὶ 1.1034. ὀστέον ἐρραίσθη· ὁ δʼ ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἐλυσθεὶς 1.1035. μοῖραν ἀνέπλησεν. τὴν γὰρ θέμις οὔποτʼ ἀλύξαι 1.1036. θνητοῖσιν· πάντῃ δὲ περὶ μέγα πέπταται ἕρκος. 1.1037. ὧς τὸν ὀιόμενόν που ἀδευκέος ἔκτοθεν ἄτης 1.1038. εἶναι ἀριστήων αὐτῇ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ πέδησεν 1.1039. μαρνάμενον κείνοισι· πολεῖς δʼ ἐπαρηγόνες ἄλλοι 1.1040. ἔκταθεν· Ἡρακλέης μὲν ἐνήρατο Τηλεκλῆα 1.1041. ἠδὲ Μεγαβρόντην· Σφόδριν δʼ ἐνάριξεν Ἄκαστος· 1.1042. Πηλεὺς δὲ Ζέλυν εἷλεν ἀρηίθοόν τε Γέφυρον. 1.1043. αὐτὰρ ἐυμμελίης Τελαμὼν Βασιλῆα κατέκτα. 1.1044. Ἴδας δʼ αὖ Προμέα, Κλυτίος δʼ Ὑάκινθον ἔπεφνεν, 1.1045. Τυνδαρίδαι δʼ ἄμφω Μεγαλοσσάκεα Φλογίον τε. 1.1046. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἕλεν θρασὺν Ἰτυμονῆα 1.1047. ἠδὲ καὶ Ἀρτακέα, πρόμον ἀνδρῶν· οὓς ἔτι πάντας 1.1048. ἐνναέται τιμαῖς ἡρωίσι κυδαίνουσιν. 1.1049. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι εἴξαντες ὑπέτρεσαν, ἠύτε κίρκους 1.1050. ὠκυπέτας ἀγεληδὸν ὑποτρέσσωσι πέλειαι. 1.1051. ἐς δὲ πύλας ὁμάδῳ πέσον ἀθρόοι· αἶψα δʼ ἀυτῆς 1.1052. πλῆτο πόλις στονόεντος ὑποτροπίῃ πολέμοιο. 1.1053. ἠῶθεν δʼ ὀλοὴν καὶ ἀμήχανον εἰσενόησαν 1.1054. ἀμπλακίην ἄμφω· στυγερὸν δʼ ἄχος εἷλεν ἰδόντας 1.1055. ἥρωας Μινύας Αἰνήιον υἷα πάροιθεν 1.1056. Κύζικον ἐν κονίῃσι καὶ αἵματι πεπτηῶτα. 1.1057. ἤματα δὲ τρία πάντα γόων, τίλλοντό τε χαίτας 1.1058. αὐτοὶ ὁμῶς λαοί τε Δολίονες. αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα 1.1059. τρὶς περὶ χαλκείοις σὺν τεύχεσι δινηθέντες 1.1060. τύμβῳ ἐνεκτερέιξαν, ἐπειρήσαντό τʼ ἀέθλων, 1.1061. ἣ θέμις, ἂμ πεδίον λειμώνιον, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ 1.1062. ἀγκέχυται τόδε σῆμα καὶ ὀψιγόνοισιν ἰδέσθαι. 1.1063. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ ἄλοχος Κλείτη φθιμένοιο λέλειπτο 1.1064. οὗ πόσιος μετόπισθε· κακῷ δʼ ἐπὶ κύντερον ἄλλο 1.1065. ἤνυσεν, ἁψαμένη βρόχον αὐχένι. τὴν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ 1.1066. νύμφαι ἀποφθιμένην ἀλσηίδες ὠδύραντο· 1.1067. καί οἱ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ὅσα δάκρυα χεῦαν ἔραζε, 1.1068. πάντα τάγε κρήνην τεῦξαν θεαί, ἣν καλέουσιν 1.1069. Κλείτην, δυστήνοιο περικλεὲς οὔνομα νύμφης. 1.1070. αἰνότατον δὴ κεῖνο Δολιονίῃσι γυναιξὶν 1.1071. ἀνδράσι τʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἦμαρ ἐπήλυθεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν 1.1072. ἔτλη τις πάσσασθαι ἐδητύος, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν 1.1073. ἐξ ἀχέων ἔργοιο μυληφάτου ἐμνώοντο· 1.1074. ἀλλʼ αὔτως ἄφλεκτα διαζώεσκον ἔδοντες. 1.1075. ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν, εὖτʼ ἄν σφιν ἐτήσια χύτλα χέωνται 1.1076. Κύζικον ἐνναίοντες Ἰάονες, ἔμπεδον αἰεὶ 1.1077. πανδήμοιο μύλης πελάνους ἐπαλετρεύουσιν. 1.1078. ἐκ δὲ τόθεν τρηχεῖαι ἀνηέρθησαν ἄελλαι 1.1079. ἤμαθʼ ὁμοῦ νύκτας τε δυώδεκα, τοὺς δὲ καταῦθι 1.1080. ναυτίλλεσθαι ἔρυκον. ἐπιπλομένῃ δʼ ἐνὶ νυκτὶ 1.1081. ὧλλοι μέν ῥα πάρος δεδμημένοι εὐνάζοντο 1.1082. ὕπνῳ ἀριστῆες πύματον λάχος· αὐτὰρ Ἄκαστος 1.1083. Μόψος τʼ Ἀμπυκίδης ἀδινὰ κνώσσοντας ἔρυντο. 1.1084. ἡ δʼ ἄρʼ ὑπὲρ ξανθοῖο καρήατος Αἰσονίδαο 1.1085. πωτᾶτʼ ἀλκυονὶς λιγυρῇ ὀπὶ θεσπίζουσα 1.1086. λῆξιν ὀρινομένων ἀνέμων· συνέηκε δὲ Μόψος 1.1087. ἀκταίης ὄρνιθος ἐναίσιμον ὄσσαν ἀκούσας. 1.1088. καὶ τὴν μὲν θεὸς αὖτις ἀπέτραπεν, ἷζε δʼ ὕπερθεν 1.1089. νηίου ἀφλάστοιο μετήορος ἀίξασα. 1.1090. τὸν δʼ ὅγε κεκλιμένον μαλακοῖς ἐνὶ κώεσιν οἰῶν. 1.1091. κινήσας ἀνέγειρε παρασχεδόν, ὧδέ τʼ ἔειπεν· 1.1092. ‘Αἰσονίδη, χρειώ σε τόδʼ ἱερὸν εἰσανιόντα 1.1093. Δινδύμου ὀκριόεντος ἐύθρονον ἱλάξασθαι 1.1094. μητέρα συμπάντων μακάρων· λήξουσι δʼ ἄελλαι 1.1095. ζαχρηεῖς· τοίην γὰρ ἐγὼ νέον ὄσσαν ἄκουσα 1.1096. ἀλκυόνος ἁλίης, ἥ τε κνώσσοντος ὕπερθεν 1.1097. σεῖο πέριξ τὰ ἕκαστα πιφαυσκομένη πεπότηται. 1.1098. ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἄνεμοί τε θάλασσά τε νειόθι τε χθὼν 1.1099. πᾶσα πεπείρανται νιφόεν θʼ ἕδος Οὐλύμποιο· 1.1100. καί οἱ, ὅτʼ ἐξ ὀρέων μέγαν οὐρανὸν εἰσαναβαίνῃ, 1.1101. Ζεὺς αὐτὸς Κρονίδης ὑποχάζεται. ὧς δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι 1.1102. ἀθάνατοι μάκαρες δεινὴν θεὸν ἀμφιέπουσιν.’ 1.1103. ὧς φάτο· τῷ δʼ ἀσπαστὸν ἔπος γένετʼ εἰσαΐοντι. 1.1104. ὤρνυτο δʼ ἐξ εὐνῆς κεχαρημένος· ὦρσε δʼ ἑταίρους 1.1105. πάντας ἐπισπέρχων, καί τέ σφισιν ἐγρομένοισιν 1.1106. Ἀμπυκίδεω Μόψοιο θεοπροπίας ἀγόρευεν. 1.1107. αἶψα δὲ κουρότεροι μὲν ἀπὸ σταθμῶν ἐλάσαντες 1.1108. ἔνθεν ἐς αἰπεινὴν ἄναγον βόας οὔρεος ἄκρην. 1.1109. οἱ δʼ ἄρα λυσάμενοι Ἱερῆς ἐκ πείσματα πέτρης 1.1110. ἤρεσαν ἐς λιμένα Θρηίκιον· ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ 1.1111. βαῖνον, παυροτέρους ἑτάρων ἐν νηὶ λιπόντες. 1.1112. τοῖσι δὲ Μακριάδες σκοπιαὶ καὶ πᾶσα περαίη 1.1113. Θρηικίης ἐνὶ χερσὶν ἑαῖς προυφαίνετʼ ἰδέσθαι· 1.1114. φαίνετο δʼ ἠερόεν στόμα Βοσπόρου ἠδὲ κολῶναι 1.1115. Μυσίαι· ἐκ δʼ ἑτέρης ποταμοῦ ῥόος Αἰσήποιο 1.1116. ἄστυ τε καὶ πεδίον Νηπήιον Ἀδρηστείης. 1.1117. ἔσκε δέ τι στιβαρὸν στύπος ἀμπέλου ἔντροφον ὕλῃ, 1.1118. πρόχνυ γεράνδρυον· τὸ μὲν ἔκταμον, ὄφρα πέλοιτο 1.1119. δαίμονος οὐρείης ἱερὸν βρέτας· ἔξεσε δʼ Ἄργος 1.1120. εὐκόσμως, καὶ δή μιν ἐπʼ ὀκριόεντι κολωνῷ 1.1121. ἵδρυσαν φηγοῖσιν ἐπηρεφὲς ἀκροτάτῃσιν, 1.1122. αἵ ῥά τε πασάων πανυπέρταται ἐρρίζωνται. 1.1123. βωμὸν δʼ αὖ χέραδος παρενήνεον· ἀμφὶ δὲ φύλλοις 1.1124. στεψάμενοι δρυΐνοισι θυηπολίης ἐμέλοντο 1.1125. μητέρα Δινδυμίην πολυπότνιαν ἀγκαλέοντες, 1.1126. ἐνναέτιν Φρυγίης, Τιτίην θʼ ἅμα Κύλληνόν τε, 1.1127. οἳ μοῦνοι πολέων μοιρηγέται ἠδὲ πάρεδροι 1.1128. μητέρος Ἰδαίης κεκλήαται, ὅσσοι ἔασιν 1.1129. δάκτυλοι Ἰδαῖοι Κρηταιέες, οὕς ποτε νύμφη 1.1130. Ἀγχιάλη Δικταῖον ἀνὰ σπέος ἀμφοτέρῃσιν 1.1131. δραξαμένη γαίης Οἰαξίδος ἐβλάστησεν. 1.1132. πολλὰ δὲ τήνγε λιτῇσιν ἀποστρέψαι ἐριώλας 1.1133. Λἰσονίδης γουνάζετʼ ἐπιλλείβων ἱεροῖσιν 1.1134. αἰθομένοις· ἄμυδις δὲ νέοι Ὀρφῆος ἀνωγῇ 1.1135. σκαίροντες βηταρμὸν ἐνόπλιον ὠρχήσαντο, 1.1136. καὶ σάκεα ξιφέεσσιν ἐπέκτυπον, ὥς κεν ἰωὴ 1.1137. δύσφημος πλάζοιτο διʼ ἠέρος, ἣν ἔτι λαοὶ 1.1138. κηδείῃ βασιλῆος ἀνέστενον. ἔνθεν ἐσαιεὶ 1.1139. ῥόμβῳ καὶ τυπάνῳ Ῥείην Φρύγες ἱλάσκονται. 1.1140. ἡ δέ που εὐαγέεσσιν ἐπὶ φρένα θῆκε θυηλαῖς 1.1141. ἀνταίη δαίμων· τὰ δʼ ἐοικότα σήματʼ ἔγεντο. 1.1142. δένδρεα μὲν καρπὸν χέον ἄσπετον, ἀμφὶ δὲ ποσσὶν 1.1143. αὐτομάτη φύε γαῖα τερείνης ἄνθεα ποίης. 1.1144. θῆρες δʼ εἰλυούς τε κατὰ ξυλόχους τε λιπόντες 1.1145. οὐρῇσιν σαίνοντες ἐπήλυθον. ἡ δὲ καὶ ἄλλο 1.1146. θῆκε τέρας· ἐπεὶ οὔτι παροίτερον ὕδατι νᾶεν 1.1147. Δίνδυμον· ἀλλά σφιν τότʼ ἀνέβραχε διψάδος αὔτως 1.1148. ἐκ κορυφῆς ἄλληκτον· Ἰησονίην δʼ ἐνέπουσιν 1.1149. κεῖνο ποτὸν κρήνην περιναιέται ἄνδρες ὀπίσσω. 1.1150. καὶ τότε μὲν δαῖτʼ ἀμφὶ θεᾶς θέσαν οὔρεσιν Ἄρκτων, 1.1151. μέλποντες Ῥείην πολυπότνιαν· αὐτὰρ ἐς ἠὼ 1.1152. ληξάντων ἀνέμων νῆσον λίπον εἰρεσίῃσιν. 3.404. δώσω τοι χρύσειον ἄγειν δέρος, αἴ κʼ ἐθέλῃσθα, 3.405. πειρηθείς. ἐσθλοῖς γὰρ ἐπʼ ἀνδράσιν οὔτι μεγαίρω, 3.406. ὡς αὐτοὶ μυθεῖσθε τὸν Ἑλλάδι κοιρανέοντα. 3.407. πεῖρα δέ τοι μένεός τε καὶ ἀλκῆς ἔσσετʼ ἄεθλος, 3.427. ‘Αἰήτη, μάλα τοί με δίκῃ περιπολλὸν ἐέργεις. 3.428. τῶ καὶ ἐγὼ τὸν ἄεθλον ὑπερφίαλόν περ ἐόντα 3.429. τλήσομαι, εἰ καί μοι θανέειν μόρος. οὐ γὰρ ἔτʼ ἄλλο 4.176. τόσσον ἔην πάντῃ χρύσεον ἐφύπερθεν ἄωτον. 4.279. οἳ δή τοι γραπτῦς πατέρων ἕθεν εἰρύονται, 4.280. κύρβιας, οἷς ἔνι πᾶσαι ὁδοὶ καὶ πείρατʼ ἔασιν 4.281. ὑγρῆς τε τραφερῆς τε πέριξ ἐπινισσομένοισιν. 4.477. ἥρως δʼ Αἰσονίδης ἐξάργματα τάμνε θανόντος, 4.478. τρὶς δʼ ἀπέλειξε φόνου, τρὶς δʼ ἐξ ἄγος ἔπτυσʼ ὀδόντων, 4.700. τῶ καὶ ὀπιζομένη Ζηνὸς θέμιν Ἱκεσίοιο, 4.701. ὃς μέγα μὲν κοτέει, μέγα δʼ ἀνδροφόνοισιν ἀρήγει, 4.702. ῥέζε θυηπολίην, οἵῃ τʼ ἀπολυμαίνονται 4.703. νηλειεῖς ἱκέται, ὅτʼ ἐφέστιοι ἀντιόωσιν. 4.704. πρῶτα μὲν ἀτρέπτοιο λυτήριον ἥγε φόνοιο 4.705. τειναμένη καθύπερθε συὸς τέκος, ἧς ἔτι μαζοὶ 4.706. πλήμμυρον λοχίης ἐκ νηδύος, αἵματι χεῖρας 4.707. τέγγεν, ἐπιτμήγουσα δέρην· αὖτις δὲ καὶ ἄλλοις 4.708. μείλισσεν χύτλοισι, καθάρσιον ἀγκαλέουσα 4.709. Ζῆνα, παλαμναίων τιμήορον ἱκεσιάων. 4.710. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀθρόα πάντα δόμων ἐκ λύματʼ ἔνεικαν 4.711. νηιάδες πρόπολοι, ταί οἱ πόρσυνον ἕκαστα. 4.712. ἡ δʼ εἴσω πελάνους μείλικτρά τε νηφαλίῃσιν 4.713. καῖεν ἐπʼ εὐχωλῇσι παρέστιος, ὄφρα χόλοιο 4.714. σμερδαλέας παύσειεν Ἐρινύας, ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς 4.715. εὐμειδής τε πέλοιτο καὶ ἤπιος ἀμφοτέροισιν, 4.716. εἴτʼ οὖν ὀθνείῳ μεμιασμένοι αἵματι χεῖρας, 4.717. εἴτε καὶ ἐμφύλῳ προσκηδέες ἀντιόωσιν. 4.1743. ἀλλά με Νηρῆος παρακάτθεο παρθενικῇσιν 4.1744. ἂμ πέλαγος ναίειν Ἀνάφης σχεδόν· εἶμι δʼ ἐς αὐγὰς 4.1745. ἠελίου μετόπισθε, τεοῖς νεπόδεσσιν ἑτοίμη.’ 4.1749. ‘ὦ πέπον, ἦ μέγα δή δε καὶ ἀγλαὸν ἔμμορε κῦδος. 4.1750. βώλακα γὰρ τεύξουσι θεοὶ πόντονδε βαλόντι 4.1751. νῆσον, ἵνʼ ὁπλότεροι παίδων δέθεν ἐννάσσονται 4.1752. παῖδες· ἐπεὶ Τρίτων ξεινήιον ἐγγυάλιξεν 4.1753. τήνδε τοι ἠπείροιο Λιβυστίδος. οὔ νύ τις ἄλλος 4.1754. ἀθανάτων, ἢ κεῖνος, ὅ μιν πόρεν ἀντιβολήσας.’ 4.1757. ἧκεν ὑποβρυχίην. τῆς δʼ ἔκτοθι νῆσος ἀέρθη 4.1758. καλλίστη, παίδων ἱερὴ τροφὸς Εὐφήμοιο, 4.1759. οἳ πρὶν μέν ποτε δὴ Σιντηίδα Λῆμνον ἔναιον, 4.1760. Λήμνου τʼ ἐξελαθέντες ὑπʼ ἀνδράσι Τυρσηνοῖσιν 4.1761. Σπάρτην εἰσαφίκανον ἐφέστιοι· ἐκ δὲ λιπόντας 4.1762. Σπάρτην Αὐτεσίωνος ἐὺς πάις ἤγαγε Θήρας 4.1763. καλλίστην ἐπὶ νῆσον, ἀμείψατο δʼ οὔνομα Θήρης 4.1764. ἐξ ἕθεν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν μετόπιν γένετʼ Εὐφήμοιο. | |
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| 102. Phylarchus of Athens, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 213 |
| 103. Cato, Marcus Porcius, Origines, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 51 |
104. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.34-2.41, 12.6-12.18, 12.20-12.23, 14.16-14.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 179; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 304, 305 | 2.34. But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day." 2.35. Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36. But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places, 2.37. for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly." 2.38. So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons. 2.39. When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41. So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 12.6. "Jonathan the high priest, the senate of the nation, the priests, and the rest of the Jewish people to their brethren the Spartans, greeting. 12.7. Already in time past a letter was sent to Onias the high priest from Arius, who was king among you, stating that you are our brethren, as the appended copy shows. 12.8. Onias welcomed the envoy with honor, and received the letter, which contained a clear declaration of alliance and friendship. 12.9. Therefore, though we have no need of these things, since we have as encouragement the holy books which are in our hands, 12.10. we have undertaken to send to renew our brotherhood and friendship with you, so that we may not become estranged from you, for considerable time has passed since you sent your letter to us. 12.11. We therefore remember you constantly on every occasion, both in our feasts and on other appropriate days, at the sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brethren. 12.12. And we rejoice in your glory. 12.13. But as for ourselves, many afflictions and many wars have encircled us; the kings round about us have waged war against us. 12.14. We were unwilling to annoy you and our other allies and friends with these wars, 12.15. for we have the help which comes from Heaven for our aid; and we were delivered from our enemies and our enemies were humbled. 12.16. We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them. 12.17. We have commanded them to go also to you and greet you and deliver to you this letter from us concerning the renewal of our brotherhood. 12.18. And now please send us a reply to this." 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22. And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23. we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." 14.16. It was heard in Rome, and as far away as Sparta, that Jonathan had died, and they were deeply grieved. 14.17. When they heard that Simon his brother had become high priest in his place, and that he was ruling over the country and the cities in it, 14.18. they wrote to him on bronze tablets to renew with him the friendship and alliance which they had established with Judas and Jonathan his brothers. 14.19. And these were read before the assembly in Jerusalem. 14.20. This is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent: "The rulers and the city of the Spartans to Simon the high priest and to the elders and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people, our brethren, greeting. 14.21. The envoys who were sent to our people have told us about your glory and honor, and we rejoiced at their coming. 14.22. And what they said we have recorded in our public decrees, as follows, `Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, envoys of the Jews, have come to us to renew their friendship with us. 14.23. It has pleased our people to receive these men with honor and to put a copy of their words in the public archives, so that the people of the Spartans may have a record of them. And they have sent a copy of this to Simon the high priest." |
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105. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 5.6-5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 304 | 5.6. But Jason kept relentlessly slaughtering his fellow citizens, not realizing that success at the cost of one's kindred is the greatest misfortune, but imagining that he was setting up trophies of victory over enemies and not over fellow countrymen.' 5.7. He did not gain control of the government, however; and in the end got only disgrace from his conspiracy, and fled again into the country of the Ammonites.' 5.8. Finally he met a miserable end. Accused before Aretas the ruler of the Arabs, fleeing from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as a rebel against the laws, and abhorred as the executioner of his country and his fellow citizens, he was cast ashore in Egypt;' 5.9. and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.' 5.10. He who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers." |
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| 106. Polybius, Histories, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76 |
| 107. Cicero, On Laws, 1.2.5-3.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 277 |
108. Cicero, Republic, 2.13, 2.34-2.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75, 76| 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.34. Sed hoc loco primum videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Fuisse enim quendam ferunt Demaratum Corinthium et honore et auctoritate et fortunis facile civitatis suae principem; qui cum Corinthiorum tyrannum Cypselum ferre non potuisset, fugisse cum magna pecunia dicitur ac se contulisse Tarquinios, in urbem Etruriae florentissimam. Cumque audiret dominationem Cypseli confirmari, defugit patriam vir liber ac fortis et adscitus est civis a Tarquiniensibus atque in ea civitate domicilium et sedes collocavit. Ubi cum de matre familias Tarquiniensi duo filios procreavisset, omnibus eos artibus ad Graecorum disciplinam eru diit 2.35. facile in civitatem receptus esset, propter humanitatem atque doctrinam Anco regi familiaris est factus usque eo, ut consiliorum omnium particeps et socius paene regni putaretur. Erat in eo praeterea summa comitas, summa in omnis civis opis, auxilii, defensionis, largiendi etiam benignitas. Itaque mortuo Marcio cunctis populi suffragiis rex est creatus L. Tarquinius; sic enim suum nomen ex Graeco nomine inflexerat, ut in omni genere huius populi consuetudinem videretur imitatus. Isque ut de suo imperio legem tulit, principio duplicavit illum pristinum patrum numerum et antiquos patres maiorum gentium appellavit, quos priores sententiam rogabat, a se adscitos minorum. | |
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| 109. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75 |
110. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 2.14, 2.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 530| 2.14. Dolorem existimo maxumum malorum omnium. Etiamne maius quam dedecus? decus X corr. K 2 R c V c Non audeo id dicere equidem, equidem Ha. quidem (id quidem dicere We. ) et me pudet tam cito de sententia esse deiectum. Magis esset esse X corr. K 2 R c? V c ) pudendum, si in sententia permaneres. quid enim minus est dignum minus est indignum K 1 minus te dignum V (te in r. V c ) quam tibi peius quicquam videri dedecore flagitio turpitudine? quae ut effugias, quis est non modo recusandus, sed non ultro adpetendus app. KV 2? subeundus excipiendus dolor? Ita prorsus existimo. non ultro ... 287,1 existimo Char. GL. I 211,24 (sed sub. et exc. d. est) non om. V 1 add. 2 quare ne sit sane sane om. K summum malum dolor, malum certe est. Videsne igitur, quantum breviter admonitus de doloris terrore deieceris? deiceris V 1 deieceris K sed alt. e del. 2 2.34. Cretum quidem leges, Cretum legs Char. GL. 124, 12 quas sive Iuppiter sive Minos add. s mino s R (ss. al. m.) sanxit de Iovis quidem sententia, ut poëtae ferunt, itemque Lycurgi Lygurgi X laboribus erudiunt iuventutem, vedo currendo, esuriendo sitiendo, algendo aestuando. Spartae spartiatae V 2 vero pueri ad aram sic verberibus accipiuntur, ut multus e visceribus sanguis exeat, Trag. inc. 209 exeat V non numquam etiam, ut, cum ibi essem, audiebam, ad necem; quorum non non in r. V c uno X modo nemo exclamavit umquam, sed ne ingemuit quidem. quid ergo? hoc pueri possunt, viri non poterunt? et mos valet, ratio non valebit? | |
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111. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 6.317-6.381 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 125| 6.317. E quibus unus ait: “Lyciae quoque fertilis agris 6.318. non impune deam veteres sprevere coloni. 6.319. Res obscura quidem est ignobilitate virorum, 6.320. mira tamen. Vidi praesens stagnumque locumque 6.321. prodigio notum. Nam me iam grandior aevo 6.322. impatiensque viae genitor deducere lectos 6.323. iusserat inde boves gentisque illius eunti 6.324. ipse ducem dederat. Cum quo dum pascua lustro, 6.325. ecce lacu medio sacrorum nigra favilla 6.326. ara vetus stabat tremulis circumdata cannis. 6.327. Restitit et pavido “faveas mihi” murmure dixit 6.328. dux meus; et simili “faveas” ego murmure dixi. 6.329. Naiadum Faunine foret tamen ara rogabam 6.330. indigenaeve dei, cum talia rettulit hospes: 6.331. “Non hac, o iuvenis, montanum numen in ara est: 6.332. illa suam vocat hanc, cui quondam regia coniunx 6.333. orbem interdixit, quam vix erratica Delos 6.334. orantem accepit, tum cum levis insula nabat. 6.335. Illic incumbens cum Palladis arbore palmae 6.336. edidit invita geminos Latona noverca. 6.337. Hinc quoque Iunonem fugisse puerpera fertur 6.338. inque suo portasse sinu, duo numina, natos. 6.339. Iamque Chimaeriferae, cum sol gravis ureret arva, 6.340. finibus in Lyciae longo dea fessa labore 6.341. sidereo siccata sitim conlegit ab aestu, 6.342. uberaque ebiberant avidi lactantia nati. 6.343. Forte lacum mediocris aquae prospexit in imis 6.344. vallibus; agrestes illic fruticosa legebant 6.345. vimina cum iuncis gratamque paludibus ulvam. 6.346. Accessit positoque genu Titania terram 6.347. pressit, ut hauriret gelidos potura liquores. 6.348. Rustica turba vetat. Dea sic adfata vetantes: 6.349. “Quid prohibetis aquis? usus communis aquarum est. 6.350. Nec solem proprium natura nec aera fecit 6.351. nec tenues undas: ad publica munera veni. 6.352. Quae tamen ut detis, supplex peto. Non ego nostros 6.353. abluere hic artus lassataque membra parabam, 6.354. sed relevare sitim. Caret os umore loquentis 6.355. et fauces arent, vixque est via vocis in illis. 6.356. Haustus aquae mihi nectar erit, vitamque fatebor 6.357. accepisse simul: vitam dederitis in unda. 6.358. Hi quoque vos moveant, qui nostro bracchia tendunt 6.359. parva sinu:” et casu tendebant bracchia nati. 6.360. Quem non blanda deae potuissent verba movere? 6.361. Hi tamen orantem perstant prohibere minasque, 6.362. ni procul abscedat, conviciaque insuper addunt. 6.363. Nec satis est, ipsos etiam pedibusque manuque 6.364. turbavere lacus imoque e gurgite mollem 6.365. huc illuc limum saltu movere maligno. 6.366. Distulit ira sitim: neque enim iam filia Coei 6.367. supplicat indignis nec dicere sustinet ultra 6.368. verba minora dea, tollensque ad sidera palmas 6.369. “aeternum stagno” dixit “vivatis in isto.” 6.370. Eveniunt optata deae: iuvat esse sub undis 6.371. et modo tota cava submergere membra palude, 6.372. nunc proferre caput, summo modo gurgite nare, 6.373. saepe super ripam stagni consistere, saepe 6.374. in gelidos resilire lacus. Sed nunc quoque turpes 6.375. litibus exercent linguas pulsoque pudore, 6.376. quamvis sint sub aqua, sub aqua maledicere temptant. 6.377. Vox quoque iam rauca est, inflataque colla tumescunt, 6.378. ipsaque dilatant patulos convicia rictus. 6.379. Terga caput tangunt, colla intercepta videntur, 6.380. spina viret, venter, pars maxima corporis, albet, 6.381. limosoque novae saliunt in gurgite ranae.”” | |
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| 112. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 72 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 303 |
113. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 73, 75-76, 74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 36 | 74. And in the land of the barbarians, in which the same men are authorities both as to words and actions, there are very numerous companies of virtuous and honourable men celebrated. Among the Persians there is the body of the Magi, who, investigating the works of nature for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the truth, do at their leisure become initiated themselves and initiate others in the divine virtues by very clear explanations. And among the Indians there is the class of the gymnosophists, who, in addition to natural philosophy, take great pains in the study of moral science likewise, and thus make their whole existence a sort of lesson in virtue. XII. |
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| 114. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.3.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 277 |
| 115. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 3.10.3-3.10.7, 3.14, 7.14-7.28, 7.80 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 277 |
| 116. Ovid, Tristia, 5.1.43-5.1.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 63 |
117. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 128 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 36 | 128. These things, and more still are said in a philosophical spirit about the number seven, on account of which it has received the highest honours, in the highest nature. And it is honoured by those of the highest reputation among both Greeks and barbarians, who devote themselves to mathematical sciences. It was also greatly honoured by Moses, a man much attached to excellence of all sorts, who described its beauty on the most holy pillars of the law, and wrote it in the hearts of all those who were subject to him, commanding them at the end of each period of six days to keep the seventh holy; abstaining from all other works which are done in the seeking after and providing the means of life, devoting that day to the single object of philosophizing with a view to the improvement of their morals, and the examination of their consciences: for conscience being seated in the soul as a judge, is not afraid to reprove men, sometimes employing pretty vehement threats; at other times by milder admonitions, using threats in regard to matters where men appear to be disobedient, of deliberate purpose, and admonitions when their offences seem involuntary, through want of foresight, in order to prevent their hereafter offending in a similar manner. XLIV. |
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118. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 90-97 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 36 | 97. For the eye of the living God does not need any other light to enable him to perceive things, but being himself archetypal light he pours forth innumerable rays, not one of which is capable of being comprehended by the outward sense, but they are all only intelligible to the intellect; in consequence of which God alone uses them who is only comprehensible to the intellect, and nothing that has any portion in creation uses them at all; for that which has been created is perceptible to the outward senses, but that nature which is only perceptible to the intellect cannot be comprehended by the outward sense. XXIX. 97. and there is an account of events recorded in the history of the creation of the world, comprising a sufficient relation of the cause of this ordice; for the sacred historian says, that the world was created in six days, and that on the seventh day God desisted from his works, and began to contemplate what he had so beautifully created; |
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119. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 267 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 36 | 267. Moreover, the greater part of the irrational animals enjoy excellent health, and are as far as possible entirely exempt from disease. And also in any competition in respect of beauty, some things which are even destitute of vitality, appear to me to surpass the elegance of either men or women ; as, for instance, images, and statues, and pictures, and in a word all the works of either the pictorial or plastic art which arrive at excellence in either branch, and which are the objects of study and desire both to Greeks and barbarians, who erect them in the most conspicuous places for the ornament of their cities. XLVI. |
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| 120. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 746, 745 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 63 |
121. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.21, 2.23.1, 4.57-4.58, 4.68.1-4.68.2, 7.12.2, 7.12.8, 8.18, 8.29-8.30, 10.4.3, 11.44, 11.46, 11.46.4-11.46.5, 11.68.7, 11.87.4, 12.4.5, 12.9.5-12.9.6, 12.10.3-12.10.4, 13.69.1, 13.74.3-13.74.4, 14.2.1, 14.26.4, 14.79-14.80, 14.82.2, 14.83.5-14.83.7, 14.84.4, 14.91.2-14.91.3, 15.31.3, 15.33.4, 15.36.5, 15.54.2, 15.62-15.66, 17.77, 17.104, 17.108, 19.17.2-19.17.3, 20.104.4-20.104.5, 34.33.1-34.33.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203 | 15.62. 1. In the Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians dispatched Polytropus as general to Arcadia with a thousand citizen hoplites and five hundred Argive and Boeotian refugees. He reached the Arcadian Orchomenus and guarded it closely since it was on friendly terms with Sparta.,2. Lycomedes of Mantineia, general of the Arcadians, with five thousand men styled the élite, came to Orchomenus. As the Lacedaemonians led forth their army from the city a great battle ensued in which the Lacedaemonian general was killed and two hundred others, while the rest were driven into the city.,3. The Arcadians, in spite of their victory, felt a prudent respect for the strength of Sparta and believed that they would not be able by themselves to cope with the Lacedaemonians. Accordingly, associating Argives and Eleians with themselves, they first sent envoys to Athens requesting them to join in an alliance against the Spartans, but as no one heeded them, they sent an embassy to the Thebans and persuaded them to join an alliance against the Lacedaemonians.,4. Immediately, then, the Boeotians led out their army, taking some Locrians and Phocians along as allies. Now these men advanced against the Peloponnese under the boeotarchs Epameinondas and Pelopidas, for the other boeotarchs had willingly relinquished the command to these in recognition of their shrewdness in the art of war and their courage.,5. When they reached Arcadia, the Arcadians, Eleians, Argives, and all the other allies joined them in full force. And when more than fifty thousand had gathered, their leaders sitting in council decided to march upon Sparta itself and lay waste all Laconia. |
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122. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248| 1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, | 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, |
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123. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.437-2.438 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 63| 2.437. Luxuriant animi rebus plerumque secundis, 2.438. rend= | |
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| 124. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 157, 113 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 303 |
125. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 36 | 2.12. But that he himself is the most admirable of all the lawgivers who have ever lived in any country either among the Greeks or among the barbarians, and that his are the most admirable of all laws, and truly divine, omitting no one particular which they ought to comprehend, there is the clearest proof possible in this fact, the laws of other lawgivers, |
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126. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 103, 102 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 306 | 102. Moreover, after the lawgiver has established commandments respecting one's fellow countrymen, he proceeds to show that he looks upon strangers also as worthy of having their interests attended to by his laws, since they have forsaken their natural relations by blood, and their native land and their national customs, and the sacred temples of their gods, and the worship and honour which they had been wont to pay to them, and have migrated with a holy migration, changing their abode of fabulous inventions for that of the certainty and clearness of truth, and of the worship of the one true and living God. |
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| 127. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 120 |
128. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.51-1.53, 1.308-1.309, 3.43-3.44, 4.177-4.178 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 306 | 1.51. And he receives all persons of a similar character and disposition, whether they were originally born so, or whether they have become so through any change of conduct, having become better people, and as such entitled to be ranked in a superior class; approving of the one body because they have not defaced their nobility of birth, and of the other because they have thought fit to alter their lives so as to come over to nobleness of conduct. And these last he calls proselytes (proseµlytou 1.52. Accordingly, having given equal rank and honour to all those who come over, and having granted to them the same favours that were bestowed on the native Jews, he recommends those who are ennobled by truth not only to treat them with respect, but even with especial friendship and excessive benevolence. And is not this a reasonable recommendation? What he says is this. "Those men, who have left their country, and their friends, and their relations for the sake of virtue and holiness, ought not to be left destitute of some other cities, and houses, and friends, but there ought to be places of refuge always ready for those who come over to religion; for the most effectual allurement and the most indissoluble bond of affectionate good will is the mutual honouring of the one God." 1.53. Moreover, he also enjoins his people that, after they have given the proselytes an equal share in all their laws, and privileges, and immunities, on their forsaking the pride of their fathers and forefathers, they must not give a license to their jealous language and unbridled tongues, blaspheming those beings whom the other body looks upon as gods, lest the proselytes should be exasperated at such treatment, and in return utter impious language against the true and holy God; for from ignorance of the difference between them, and by reason of their having from their infancy learnt to look upon what was false as if it had been true, and having been bred up with it, they would be likely to err. 1.308. But, nevertheless, though he is so great in excellence and in power, he feels pity and compassion for all those who are most completely sunk in want and distress, not considering it beneath his dignity to be the judge in the causes of proselytes, and orphans, and widows, and disregarding kings and tyrants, and men in high commands, and honouring the humility of those men above mentioned, I mean the proselytes, with precedence, on this account. 1.309. These men, having forsaken their country and their national customs in which they were bred up, which, however, were full of the inventions of falsehood and pride, becoming genuine lovers of truth, have come over to piety; and becoming in all worthiness suppliants and servants of the true and living God, they very properly receive a precedence which they have deserved, having found the reward of their fleeing to God in the assistance which they now receive from him. 3.43. But some persons, imitating the sensual indulgences of the Sybarites and of other nations more licentious still, have in the first place devoted themselves to gluttony and wine-bibbing, and other pleasures affecting the belly and the parts adjacent to the belly, and then when fully sated have behaved with such extraordinary insolence (and it is natural for satiety to produce insolence 3.44. and became very violent in her passion from her despair of being able to gratify it (for love which fails in its object is usually increased in no ordinary degree 4.177. for when Moses, that holy interpreter of the will of God, is raising a hymn in praise of the virtues of the living God in these terms, "God is great and mighty, one who is no respecter of persons, and who does not take gifts to guide him in his Judgment."{40}{#de 10:17.} he adds, in whose case it is that he gives judgment, not in the case of satraps, and tyrants, and men who have the power by land and sea, but he gives judgment respecting the stranger, and the orphan, and the widow. 4.178. In the case of the first, because he has made his own kinsmen, whom alone it was natural for him to have as allies and champions, his irreconcileable enemies, by quitting their camp and taking up his abode with the truth, and with the honour of the one Being who is entitled to honour, abandoning all the fabulous inventions and polytheistic notions which his fathers, and grandfathers, and ancestors, and all his kindred, who cleave to the beautiful settlement which he has forsaken, were wont to honour. In the case of the second, because he is deprived of his father and mother, his natural defenders and protectors, and by consequence of the only power which was bound to show itself as his ally. And lastly, in the case of the woman who is a widow because she has been deprived of her husband, who succeeded her parents as her guardian and protector; for a husband is to his wife in point of relationship what her parents are to a virgin. |
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| 129. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 1.87-1.89, 16.193-16.194 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 63 |
| 130. Livy, History, 1.9-1.13, 1.13.4, 1.34, 1.43, 21.1, 29.10.4-29.10.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 152; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75, 76; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 154 |
| 131. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Lysias, 12.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 196 |
132. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.49.2, 2.49.4-2.49.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248 | 2.49.2. But Porcius Cato says that the Sabine race received its name from Sabus, the son of Sancus, a divinity of that country, and that this Sancus was by some called Jupiter Fidius. He says also that their first place of abode was a certain village called Testruna, situated near the city of Amiternum; that from there the Sabines made an incursion at that time into the Reatine territory, which was inhabited by the Aborigines together with the Pelasgians, and took their most famous city, Cutiliae, by force of arms and occupied it; 2.49.4. There is also another account given of the Sabines in the native histories, to the effect that a colony of Lacedaemonians settled among them at the time when Lycurgus, being guardian to his nephew Eunomus, gave his laws to Sparta. For the story goes that some of the Spartans, disliking the severity of his laws and separating from the rest, quitted the city entirely, and after being borne through a vast stretch of sea, made a vow to the gods to settle in the first land they should reach; for a longing came upon them for any land whatsoever. 2.49.5. At last they made that part of Italy which lies near the Pomentine plains and they called the place where they first landed Foronia, in memory of their being borne through the sea, and built a temple owing to the goddess Foronia, to whom they had addressed their vows; this goddess, by the alteration of one letter, they now call Feronia. And some of them, setting out from thence, settled among the Sabines. It is for this reason, they say, that many of the habits of the Sabines are Spartan, particularly their fondness for war and their frugality and a severity in all the actions of their lives. But this is enough about the Sabine race. |
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| 133. Sallust, Iugurtha, 94, 93 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 186 |
| 134. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 115 |
| 135. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.414-8.415 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 249; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 76 |
136. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 2.3, 15.4, 34.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 27, 112| 2.3. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων μάντεων ὑφορωμένων τὴν ὄψιν, ὡς ἀκριβεστέρας φυλακῆς δεομένων τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν περὶ τὸν γάμον, Ἀρίστανδρος ὁ Τελμησσεὺς κύειν ἔφη τὴν ἄνθρωπον, οὐθὲν γὰρ ἀποσφραγίζεσθαι τῶν κενῶν, καὶ κύειν παῖδα θυμοειδῆ καὶ λεοντώδη τὴν φύσιν. 15.4. ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς Ἴλιον ἔθυσε τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. τὴν δὲ Ἀχιλλέως στήλην ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε, μακαρίσας αὐτόν ὅτι καὶ ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ καὶ δὲ τελευτήσας μεγάλου κήρυκος ἔτυχεν. 34.2. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Κροτωνιάταις εἰς Ἰταλίαν μέρος τῶν λαφύρων, τὴν Φαΰλλου τοῦ ἀθλητοῦ τιμῶν προθυμίαν καὶ ἀρετήν, ὃς περὶ τὰ Μηδικά τῶν ἄλλων Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀπεγνωκότων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἰδιόστολον ἔχων ναῦν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα, τοῦ κινδύνου τι μεθέξων. οὕτω τις εὐμενὴς ἦν πρὸς ἅπασαν ἀρετὴν καὶ καλῶν ἔργων φύλαξ καὶ οἰκεῖος. | 2.3. The other seers, now, were led by the vision to suspect that Philip needed to put a closer watch upon his marriage relations; but Aristander of Telmessus said that the woman was pregt, since no seal was put upon what was empty, and pregt of a son whose nature would be bold and lion-like. 15.4. Then, going up to Ilium, he sacrificed to Athena and poured libations to the heroes. Furthermore, the gravestone of Achilles he anointed with oil, ran a race by it with his companions, naked, as is the custom, and then crowned it with garlands, pronouncing the hero happy in having, while he lived, a faithful friend, and after death, a great herald of his fame. 34.2. He sent also to the people of Croton in Italy a portion of the spoils, honouring the zeal and valour of their athlete Phäyllus, who, in the Median wars, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy refused to help their brother Greeks, fitted out a ship at his own cost and sailed with it to Salamis, that he might have some share in the peril there. Cf. Herodotus, viii. 47 . So considerate was Alexander towards every form of valour, and such a friend and guardian of noble deeds. |
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| 137. Plutarch, Agis And Cleomenes, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 138. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.129, 7.198, 9.129, 9.139-9.140, 12.5, 16.95, 16.171, 16.232-16.233, 33.22, 34.17, 35.3, 35.22, 35.163, 36.30-36.31, 36.44, 36.51, 36.72-36.73, 36.82, 36.95 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 29, 201, 202, 203, 224, 239, 342; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 79 |
139. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 71; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 10.1. Ἀναξανδρίδας ὁ Λέοντος πρὸς τὸν δυσφοροῦντα διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ γενομένην φυγὴν ὦ λῷστε ἔφη μὴ τὴν πόλιν φεύγων ὀρρώδει, ἀλλὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. 19.1. Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου, πυθομένου τινὸς αὐτοῦ τίνες προεστήκασι τῆς· Σπάρτης, οἱ νόμοι καὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα ἔφη κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. 19.2. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἐπαινοῦντα κιθαρῳδὸν καὶ θαυμάζοντα τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ὦ λῷστε ἔφη ποῖον γέρας παρὰ σοῦ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔσται, ὅταν κιθαρῳδὸν οὕτως ἐπαινῇς; | 10.1. Anaxandridas, the son of Leo. in answer to a man who took much to heart the sentence imposed upon him of exile from the country, said, My good sir, be not downcast at being an exile from your country but at being an exile from justice. 19.1. Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, when someone inquired of him who were at the head of Sparta, said, The laws and the magistrates in accordance with the laws. 19.2. In answer to a man who praised a harper and expressed amazement at his ability, he said, My good sir, what honours shall you be able to offer to good men when you have such praise for a harper? |
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| 140. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.79 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, free men (perioikoi) Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 35 |
141. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.1, 17.8, 17.10, 18.3, 19.1-19.2, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 71; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 529; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 91, 278| 10.1. ἐκ τούτου Ξέρξης μὲν περίφοβος γενόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἠπείγετο, Μαρδόνιος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ δοκιμώτατον δοκιμώτατον Blass with F a S: μαχιμώτατον . ἔχων περὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ὑπελείπετο, καὶ φοβερὸς ἦν ἀπʼ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς περὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐλπίδος ἀπειλῶν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ γράφων τοιαῦτα· 17.8. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τῷ Παυσανίᾳ μικρὸν ἔξω τῆς παρατάξεως θύοντι καὶ κατευχομένῳ τῶν Λυδῶν τινας ἄφνω προσπεσόντας ἁρπάζειν καὶ διαρρίπτειν τὰ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν, τὸν δὲ Παυσανίαν καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔχοντας ὅπλα ῥάβδοις καὶ μάστιξι παίειν· διὸ καὶ νῦν ἐκείνης τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς μιμήματα τὰς περὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ πληγὰς τῶν ἐφήβων καὶ τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα τῶν Λυδῶν πομπὴν συντελεῖσθαι. 18.3. διὸ καὶ προθέμενοι πολλὰ τῶν γέρρων ἐτόξευον εἰς τοὺς εἰς τοὺς Hercher and Blass with S τοὺς . Λακεδαιμονίους. οἱ δὲ τηροῦντες ἅμα τὸν συνασπισμὸν ἐπέβαινον, καὶ προσπεσόντες ἐξεώθουν τὰ γέρρα, καὶ τοῖς δόρασι τύπτοντες πρόσωπα καὶ στέρνα τῶν Περσῶν πολλοὺς κατέβαλλον, οὐκ ἀπράκτως οὐδὲ ἀθύμως πίπτοντας. καὶ γὰρ ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν δοράτων ταῖς χερσὶ γυμναῖς συνέθραυον τὰ πλεῖστα, καὶ πρὸς τὰς ξιφουλκίας ἐχώρουν οὐκ ἀργῶς, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τε κοπίσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκινάκαις χρώμενοι καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας παρασπῶντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι χρόνον πολὺν ἀντεῖχον. 19.1. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ἀγῶνος δίχα συνεστῶτος πρῶτοι μὲν ἐώσαντο τοὺς Πέρσας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· καὶ τὸν Μαρδόνιον ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης ὄνομα Ἀρίμνηστος ἀποκτίννυσι, λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν πατάξας, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προεσήμανε τὸ ἐν Ἀμφιάρεω μαντεῖον. ἔπεμψε γὰρ ἄνδρα Λυδὸν ἐνταῦθα, Κᾶρα δὲ ἕτερον εἰς Τροφωνίου ὁ ὁ bracketed in Sintenis 2 ; Blass reads εἰς τὸ Πτῷον ὁ with S, after Hercher, thus agreeing with Herodotus viii. 135. Μαρδόνιος· καὶ τοῦτον μὲν ὁ προφήτης Καρικῇ γλώσσῃ προσεῖπεν, 19.2. ὁ δὲ Λυδὸς ἐν τῷ σηκῷ τοῦ Ἀμφιάρεω κατευνασθεὶς ἔδοξεν ὑπηρέτην τινὰ τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆναι καὶ κελεύειν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι, μὴ βουλομένου δὲ λίθον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐμβαλεῖν μέγαν, ὥστε δόξαι πληγέντα τεθνάναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον· καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγεται. τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας εἰς τὰ ξύλινα τείχη καθεῖρξαν. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Θηβαίους τρέπονται, τριακοσίους τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ πρώτους διαφθείραντες ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ. 25.1. ὁ δʼ Ἀριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ὤμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μύδρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ἐγκρατέστερον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐκβιαζομένων ἐκέλευε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐπιορκίαν τρέψαντας εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἑαυτὸν Hercher and Blass with F a S: αὐτὸν . ᾗ συμφέρει χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι. | 10.1. 17.8. 18.3. 19.1. 19.2. 25.1. |
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142. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 150| 23.5. εὐχόμενος δὲ περὶ αὐτῆς τῇ Ἥρᾳ προσκυνῆσαι μόνην θεῶν ἐκείνην, ταῖς χερσὶ τῆς γῆς ἁψάμενος, δῶρά τε τῇ θεῷ τοσαῦτα πέμψαι τοὺς σατράπας καὶ φίλους αὐτοῦ κελεύσαντος ὥστε τὰ μεταξὺ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν βασιλείων ἑκκαίδεκα στάδια χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ πορφύρας καὶ ἵππων ἐμπλησθῆναι. | 23.5. |
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143. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 6.4, 10.5-10.6, 14.2, 33.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 341, 345, 346| 3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 6.4. ἀθροιζομένης δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Γεραιστόν, αὐτὸς εἰς Αὐλίδα κατελθὼν μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ νυκτερεύσας ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτόν· ὦ βασιλεῦ Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅτι μὲν οὐδεὶς τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὁμοῦ συμπάσης ἀπεδείχθη στρατηγὸς ἢ πρότερον Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ σὺ νῦν μετʼ ἐκεῖνον, ἐννοεῖς δήπουθεν ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν μὲν αὐτῶν ἄρχεις ἐκείνῳ, τοῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν τόπων ὁρμᾷς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον, εἰκός ἐστι καὶ θῦσαί σε τῇ θεῷ θυσίαν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἐνταῦθα θύσας ἐξέπλευσεν. 10.5. ὅμως δὲ τῷ Τιθραύστῃ χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμενος, ὅτι τὸν κοινὸν ἐχθρὸν Ἑλλήνων ἐτετιμώρητο Τισαφέρνην, ἀπήγαγεν εἰς Φρυγίαν τὸ στράτευμα, λαβὼν ἐφόδιον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τριάκοντα τάλαντα. καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὢν σκυτάλην δέχεται παρὰ τῶν οἴκοι τελῶν κελεύουσαν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ, τοῦτο μόνῳ πάντων ὑπῆρξεν Ἀγησιλάῳ. καὶ μέγιστος μὲν ἦν ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν τότε ζώντων ἐπιφανέστατος, ὡς εἴρηκέ που καὶ Θεόπομπος, ἑαυτῷ γε μὴν ἐδίδου διʼ ἀρετὴν φρονεῖν μεῖζον ἢ διὰ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 10.6. τότε δὲ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καταστήσας ἄρχοντα Πείσανδρον ἁμαρτεῖν ἔδοξεν, ὅτι πρεσβυτέρων καὶ φρονιμωτέρων παρόντων οὐ σκεψάμενος τὸ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα τιμῶν καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ χαριζόμενος, ἧς ἀδελφὸς ἦν ὁ Πείσανδρος, ἐκείνῳ παρέδωκε τὴν ναυαρχίαν· 14.2. πρός τε θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν ὥσπερ μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεκραμέναις ὥραις πεφυκώς. ἥδιστον δὲ θέαμα τοῖς κατοικοῦσι τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἕλλησιν ἦσαν οἱ πάλαι βαρεῖς καὶ ἀφόρητοι καὶ διαρρέοντες ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ὕπαρχοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ δεδιότες καὶ θεραπεύοντες ἄνθρωπον ἐν τρίβωνι περιϊόντα λιτῷ, καὶ πρὸς ἓν ῥῆμα βραχὺ καὶ Λακωνικὸν ἁρμόζοντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετασχηματίζοντες, ὥστε πολλοῖς ἐπῄει τὰ τοῦ Τιμοθέου λέγειν, Ἄρης τύραννος· χρυσὸν δὲ Ἕλλας οὐ δέδοικε. | 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 6.4. 10.5. 10.6. 14.2. |
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| 144. Agatharchides, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 211 |
145. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 11.2, 12.1-12.3, 16.5, 17.1-17.3, 23.7, 24.5, 27.4, 32.2, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 218, 319, 320, 323, 326, 327| 11.2. λέγει δʼ ὁ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῷ ᾄσματι ταῦτα· 12.1. τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ λαμπρὸν ἐπιφανέστερον ἐποίησεν ἡ τῶν πόλεων φιλοτιμία. σκηνὴν μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ κεκοσμημένην διαπρεπῶς ἔστησαν Ἐφέσιοι, τροφὰς δὲ ἵπποις καὶ πλῆθος ἱερείων παρεῖχεν ἡ Χίων πόλις, οἶνον δὲ Λέσβιοι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὑποδοχὴν ἀφειδῶς ἑστιῶντι πολλούς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διαβολή τις ἢ κακοήθεια γενομένη περὶ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐκείνην πλείονα λόγον παρέσχε. 12.2. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἦν Ἀθήνησι Διομήδης, ἀνὴρ οὐ πονηρός, Ἀλκιβιάδου φίλος, ἐπιθυμῶν δὲ νίκην Ὀλυμπικὴν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι· καὶ πυνθανόμενος ἅρμα δημόσιον Ἀργείοις εἶναι, τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην εἰδὼς ἐν Ἄργει μέγα δυνάμενον καὶ φίλους ἔχοντα πολλούς, ἔπεισεν αὐτῷ πρίασθαι τὸ ἅρμα. 12.3. πριάμενος δὲ ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἴδιον ἀπεγράψατο, τὸν δὲ Διομήδη χαίρειν εἴασε χαλεπῶς φέροντα καὶ μαρτυρόμενον θεοὺς καὶ ἀνθρώπους. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ δίκη συστᾶσα περὶ τούτου, καὶ λόγος Ἰσοκράτει γέγραπται περὶ τοῦ ζεύγους ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου παιδός, ἐν ᾧ Τισίας ἐστίν, οὐ Διομήδης, ὁ δικασάμενος. 16.5. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον ἐκάλουν· πλὴν ὅτι τοὺς Μηλίους ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφαγῆναι τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν ἔσχε, τῷ ψηφίσματι συνειπών. Ἀριστοφῶντος δὲ Νεμέαν γράψαντος ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὑτῆς καθήμενον Ἀλκιβιάδην ἔχουσαν, ἐθεῶντο καὶ συνέτρεχον χαίροντες. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινον ὡς τυραννικοῖς καὶ παρανόμοις. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέστρατος οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου λέγειν ὡς ἡ Ἑλλὰς οὐκ ἂν ἤνεγκε δύο Ἀλκιβιάδας. 17.1. Σικελίας δὲ καὶ Περικλέους ἔτι ζῶντος ἐπεθύμουν Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἥπτοντο, καὶ τὰς λεγομένας βοηθείας καὶ συμμαχίας ἔπεμπον ἑκάστοτε τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ὑπὸ Συρακουσίων ἐπιβάθρας τῆς μείζονος στρατείας τιθέντες. 17.2. ὁ δὲ παντάπασι τὸν ἔρωτα τοῦτον ἀναφλέξας αὐτῶν, καὶ πείσας μὴ κατὰ μέρος μηδὲ κατὰ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ πλεύσαντας ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν νῆσον, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἦν, τόν τε δῆμον μεγάλα πείσας ἐλπίζειν, αὐτός τε μειζόνων ὀρεγόμενος. ἀρχὴν γὰρ εἶναι, πρὸς ἃ ἠλπίκει, διενοεῖτο τῆς στρατείας, οὐ τέλος, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, Σικελίαν. 17.3. καὶ Νικίας μὲν ὡς χαλεπὸν ἔργον ὂν τὰς Συρακούσας ἑλεῖν ἀπέτρεπε τὸν δῆμον, Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Λιβύην ὀνειροπολῶν, ἐκ δὲ τούτων προσγενομένων Ἰταλίαν καὶ Πελοπόννησον ἤδη περιβαλλόμενος, ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νέους αὐτόθεν εἶχεν ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένους, τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων ἠκροῶντο πολλὰ θαυμάσια περὶ τῆς στρατείας περαινόντων, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐν ταῖς παλαίστραις καὶ τοῖς ἡμικυκλίοις καθέζεσθαι τῆς τε νήσου τὸ σχῆμα καὶ θέσιν Λιβύης καὶ Καρχηδόνος ὑπογράφοντας. 23.7. Τιμαίαν γὰρ τὴν Ἄγιδος γυναῖκα τοῦ βασιλέως στρατευομένου καὶ ἀποδημοῦντος οὕτω διέφθειρεν ὥστε καὶ κύειν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ μὴ ἀρνεῖσθαι, καὶ τεκούσης παιδάριον ἄρρεν ἔξω μὲν Λεωτυχίδην καλεῖσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ ψιθυριζόμενον ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς φίλας καὶ τὰς ὀπαδοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην εἶναι· τοσοῦτος ἔρως κατεῖχε τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δʼ ἐντρυφῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ ὕβρει τοῦτο πράττειν οὐδὲ κρατούμενος ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύσωσιν οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότες. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. 27.4. τέλος δὲ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων τριάκοντα λαβόντες, ἀνασώσαντες δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν, τρόπαιον ἔστησαν. οὕτω δὲ λαμπρᾷ χρησάμενος εὐτυχίᾳ, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος εὐθὺς ἐγκαλλωπίσασθαι τῷ Τισαφέρνῃ, ξένια καὶ δῶρα παρασκευασάμενος καὶ θεραπείαν ἔχων ἡγεμονικὴν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν. 32.2. ἃ δὲ Δοῦρις ὁ Σάμιος Ἀλκιβιάδου φάσκων ἀπόγονος εἶναι προστίθησι τούτοις, αὐλεῖν μὲν εἰρεσίαν τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι Χρυσόγονον τὸν πυθιονίκην, κελεύειν δὲ Καλλιππίδην τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν, στατοὺς καὶ ξυστίδας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἐναγώνιον ἀμπεχομένους κόσμον, ἱστίῳ δʼ ἁλουργῷ τὴν ναυαρχίδα προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς λιμέσιν, ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης ἐπικωμάζοντος, 33.2. τότε δὲ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, καὶ τὰ μὲν αὑτοῦ πάθη κλαύσας καὶ ὀλοφυράμενος, ἐγκαλέσας δὲ μικρὰ καὶ μέτρια τῷ δήμῳ, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀναθεὶς αὑτοῦ τινι τύχῃ πονηρᾷ καὶ φθονερῷ δαίμονι, πλεῖστα δʼ εἰς ἐλπίδας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ παρορμήσας, στεφάνοις μὲν ἐστεφανώθη χρυσοῖς, ᾑρέθη δʼ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός. | 11.2. The ode of Euripides An Epinikion, or hymn of victory, like the extant odes of Pindar. to which I refer runs thus:— Thee will I sing, O child of Cleinias; A fair thing is victory, but fairest is what no other Hellene has achieved, To run first, and second, and third in the contest of racing-chariots, And to come off unwearied, and, wreathed with the olive of Zeus, To furnish theme for herald’s proclamation. 12.1. Moreover, this splendor of his at Olympia was made even more conspicuous by the emulous rivalry of the cities in his behalf. The Ephesians equipped him with a tent of magnificent adornment; the Chians furnished him with provender for his horses and with innumerable animals for sacrifice; the Lesbians with wine and other provisions for his unstinted entertainment of the multitude. However, a grave calumny—or malpractice on his part—connected with this rivalry was even more in the mouths of men. 12.2. It is said, namely, that there was at Athens one Diomedes, a reputable man, a friend of Alcibiades, and eagerly desirous of winning a victory at Olympia. He learned that there was a racing-chariot at Argos which was the property of that city, and knowing that Alcibiades had many friends and was very influential there, got him to buy the chariot. 12.3. Alcibiades bought it for his friend, and then entered it in the racing lists as his own, bidding Diomedes go hang. Diomedes was full of indignation, and called on gods and men to witness his wrongs. It appears also that a law-suit arose over this matter, and a speech was written by Isocrates Isoc. 16 , De bigis. for the son of Alcibiades Concerning the Team of Horses. In this speech, however it is Tisias, not Diomedes, who is the plaintiff. 16.5. This was an instance of what they called his kindness of heart, but the execution of all the grown men of Melos In the summer of 416. Cf. Thuc. 5.116.2-4 . was chiefly due to him, since he supported the decree therefor. Aristophon painted Nemea A personification of the district of Nemea, in the games of which Alcibiades had been victorious. Cf. Paus. 1.22.7 , with Frazer’s notes. with Alcibiades seated in her arms; whereat the people were delighted, and ran in crowds to see the picture. But the elders were indigt at this too; they said it smacked of tyranny and lawlessness. And it would seem that Archestratus, in his verdict on the painting, did not go wide of the mark when he said that Hellas could not endure more than one Alcibiades. 17.1. On Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles was living; and after his death they actually tried to lay hands upon it. The lesser expeditions which they sent thither from time to time, ostensibly for the aid and comfort of their allies on the island who were being wronged by the Syracusans, they regarded merely as stepping stones to the greater expedition of conquest. 17.2. But the man who finally fanned this desire of theirs into flame, and persuaded them not to attempt the island any more in part and little by little, but to sail thither with a great armament and subdue it utterly, was Alcibiades; he persuaded the people to have great hopes, and he himself had greater aspirations still. Such were his hopes that he regarded Sicily as a mere beginning, and not, like the rest, as an end of the expedition. 17.3. So while Nicias was trying to divert the people from the capture of Syracuse as an undertaking too difficult for them, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya, and, after winning these, of at once encompassing Italy and Peloponnesus. He almost regarded Sicily as the ways and means provided for his greater war. The young men were at once carried away on the wings of such hopes, and their elders kept recounting in their ears many wonderful things about the projected expedition. Many were they who sat in the palaestras and lounging-places mapping out in the sand the shape of Sicily and the position of Libya and Carthage. Cf. Plut. Nic. 12.1-2 . 23.7. For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy’s mother whispered to her friends and attendants was Alcibiades. Such was the passion that possessed the woman. But he, in his mocking way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Lacedaemonians. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. 27.4. But finally the Athenians captured thirty of them, rescued their own, and erected a trophy of victory. Taking advantage of a success so brilliant as this, and ambitious to display himself at once before Tissaphernes, Alcibiades supplied himself with gifts of hospitality and friendship and proceeded, at the head of an imperial retinue, to visit the satrap. 32.2. Duris the Samian, who claims that he was a descendant of Alcibiades, gives some additional details. He says that the oarsmen of Alcibiades rowed to the music of a flute blown by Chrysogonus the Pythian victor; that they kept time to a rhythmic call from the lips of Callipides the tragic actor; that both these artists were arrayed in the long tunics, flowing robes, and other adornment of their profession; and that the commander’s ship put into harbors with a sail of purple hue, as though, after a drinking bout, he were off on a revel. 33.2. At this time, In the early summer of 408 B.C. therefore, the people had only to meet in assembly, and Alcibiades addressed them. He lamented and bewailed his own lot, but had only little and moderate blame to lay upon the people. The entire mischief he ascribed to a certain evil fortune and envious genius of his own. Then he descanted at great length upon the vain hopes which their enemies were cherishing, and wrought his hearers up to courage. At last they crowned him with crowns of gold, and elected him general with sole powers by land and sea. |
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| 146. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 15.3-15.4, 17.4, 18.1, 19.8, 28.1-28.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469, 526, 529, 530 |
| 147. Josephus Flavius, Life, 126, 382, 427, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 168 |
148. Plutarch, Theseus, 36.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 49; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 475| 36.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ Φαίδωνος ἄρχοντος μαντευομένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ Θησέως ἀναλαβεῖν ὀστᾶ καὶ θεμένους ἐντίμως παρʼ αὑτοῖς φυλάττειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λαβεῖν ἀπορία καὶ γνῶναι τὸν τάφον ἀμιξίᾳ καὶ χαλεπότητι τῶν ἐνοικούντων Δολόπων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Κίμων ἑλὼν τὴν νῆσον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἐξανευρεῖν, ἀετοῦ τινα τόπον βουνοειδῆ κόπτοντος, ὥς φασι, τῷ στόματι καὶ διαστέλλοντος τοῖς ὄνυξι θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ συμφρονήσας ἀνέσκαψεν. | |
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149. Plutarch, Themistocles, 3.4, 16.2, 17.1-17.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 29, 202| 3.4. ἃ δῆλον ὅτι νοήσας ὁ Πιτθεύς, ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἢ διηπάτησε τῇ Αἴθρᾳ συγγενέσθαι. συνελθὼν δὲ καὶ γνοὺς ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τῇ Πιτθέως θυγατρὶ συγγέγονε, καὶ κύειν αὐτὴν ὑπονοήσας, ἀπέλιπε ξίφος καὶ πέδιλα κρύψας ὑπὸ πέτραν μεγάλην, ἐντὸς ἔχουσαν κοιλότητα συμμέτρως ἐμπεριλαμβάνουσαν τὰ κείμενα. 16.2. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ δῆλός ἐστιν οὐ νομίζων ἀναιρεῖσθαι τοὺς παῖδας ὑπὸ τοῦ Μίνω, ἀλλὰ θητεύοντας ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ καταγηράσκειν· καί ποτε Κρῆτας εὐχὴν παλαιὰν ἀποδιδόντας ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀποστέλλειν, τοῖς δὲ πεμπομένοις ἀναμιχθέντας ἐκγόνους ἐκείνων συνεξελθεῖν· ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ τρέφειν ἑαυτοὺς αὐτόθι, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν διαπερᾶσαι κἀκεῖ κατοικεῖν περὶ τὴν Ἰαπυγίαν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ αὖθις εἰς Θρᾴκην κομισθῆναι καὶ κληθῆναι Βοττιαίους· διὸ τὰς κόρας τῶν Βοττιαίων θυσίαν τινὰ τελούσας ἐπᾴδειν· ἴωμεν εἰς Ἀθήνας. ἔοικε γὰρ ὄντως χαλεπὸν εἶναι φωνὴν ἐχούσῃ πόλει καὶ μοῦσαν ἀπεχθάνεσθαι. 17.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὖν καθῆκεν ὁ χρόνος τοῦ τρίτου δασμοῦ, καὶ παρέχειν ἔδει τοὺς πατέρας ἐπὶ τὸν κλῆρον οἷς ἦσαν ἠΐθεοι παῖδες, αὖθις ἀνεφύοντο τῷ Αἰγεῖ διαβολαὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας, ὀδυρομένους καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντας ὅτι πάντων αἴτιος ὢν ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲν μέρος ἔχει τῆς κολάσεως μόνος, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ νόθῳ καὶ ξένῳ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν πεποιημένος αὐτοὺς περιορᾷ γνησίων ἐρήμους καὶ ἄπαιδας ἀπολειπομένους. 17.2. ταῦτʼ ἠνία τὸν Θησέα, καὶ δικαιῶν μὴ ἀμελεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινωνεῖν τῆς τύχης τοῖς πολίταις, ἐπέδωκεν ἑαυτὸν ἄνευ κλήρου προσελθών. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις τό τε φρόνημα θαυμαστὸν ἐφάνη καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν ἠγάπησαν, ὁ δὲ Αἰγεύς, ἐπεὶ δεόμενος καὶ καθικετεύων ἀμετάπειστον ἑώρα καὶ ἀμετάτρεπτον, ἀπεκλήρωσε τοὺς ἄλλους παῖδας. | |
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| 150. Plutarch, Solon, 1.2, 1.3, 3.4, 4, 10, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 14-15.1, 14.8, 18.5, 19.2, 19.4, 21, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53 |
151. Plutarch, Romulus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 75| 16.1. οἱ δὲ Σαβῖνοι πολλοὶ μὲν ἦσαν καὶ πολεμικοί, κώμας δʼ ᾤκουν ἀτειχίστους, ὡς προσῆκον αὐτοῖς μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι, Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποίκοις οὖσιν. | 16.1. Now the Sabines were a numerous and warlike people, and dwelt in unwalled villages, thinking that it behoved them, since they were Lacedaemonians colonists, to be bold and fearless. |
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152. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 242 | 816e. For that sort of thing is not only honourable and kind, but it also takes the sting out of any envy of our reputation. And therefore great men ascribe to God and to Fortune a share in their successes, as Timoleon, who put down the tyrannies in Sicily, founded a sanctuary of Automatia (Chance); and Python, when he was admired and honoured by the Athenians for slaying Cotys, said "God did this, borrowing from me the hand that did the deed." And Theopompus, King of the Lacedaemonians, replied to the man who said that Sparta was preserved because the kings were fitted to rule, "No, it is rather because the people are fitted to obey." |
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153. Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3, 6.2, 7.1, 10.1-10.3, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3, 32.1, 37.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 289, 313, 319, 336, 341; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 111, 116| 3.3. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μὲν Κρατῖνος ἐν Χείρωσι· στάσις δὲ (φησὶ) καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Κρόνος ἀλλήλοισι μιγέντε μέγιστον τίκτετον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ καλέουσι· καὶ πάλιν ἐν Νεμέσει· μόλʼ, ὦ Ζεῦ ξένιε καὶ καραιέ. 6.2. λέγεται δέ ποτε κριοῦ μονόκερω κεφαλὴν ἐξ ἀγροῦ τῷ Περικλεῖ κομισθῆναι, καὶ Λάμπωνα μὲν τὸν μάντιν, ὡς εἶδε τὸ κέρας ἰσχυρὸν καὶ στερεὸν ἐκ μέσου τοῦ μετώπου πεφυκός, εἰπεῖν ὅτι δυεῖν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει δυναστειῶν, τῆς Θουκυδίδου καὶ Περικλέους, εἰς ἕνα περιστήσεται τὸ κράτος παρʼ ᾧ γένοιτο τὸ σημεῖον· τὸν δʼ Ἀναξαγόραν τοῦ κρανίου διακοπέντος ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸν ἐγκέφαλον οὐ πεπληρωκότα τὴν βάσιν, ἀλλʼ ὀξὺν ὥσπερ ὠὸν ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀγγείου συνωλισθηκότα κατὰ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ὅθεν ἡ ῥίζα τοῦ κέρατος εἶχε τὴν ἀρχήν. 7.1. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς νέος μὲν ὢν σφόδρα τὸν δῆμον εὐλαβεῖτο. καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει Πεισιστράτῳ τῷ τυράννῳ τὸ εἶδος ἐμφερὴς εἶναι, τήν τε φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν εὔτροχον ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ταχεῖαν οἱ σφόδρα γέροντες ἐξεπλήττοντο πρὸς τὴν ὁμοιότητα. πλούτου δὲ καὶ γένους προσόντος αὐτῷ λαμπροῦ καὶ φίλων οἳ πλεῖστον ἠδύναντο, φοβούμενος ἐξοστρακισθῆναι, τῶν μὲν πολιτικῶν οὐδὲν ἔπραττεν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατείαις ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος. 10.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἐξοστρακισμὸς ὡρισμένην εἶχε νόμῳ δεκαετίαν τοῖς φεύγουσιν· ἐν δὲ τῷ διὰ μέσου Λακεδαιμονίων στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὴν Ταναγρικὴν καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων εὐθὺς ὁρμησάντων ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ὁ μὲν Κίμων ἐλθὼν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ἔθετο μετὰ τῶν φυλετῶν εἰς λόχον τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διʼ ἔργων ἀπολύεσθαι τὸν Λακωνισμὸν ἐβούλετο, συγκινδυνεύσας τοῖς πολίταις, οἱ δὲ φίλοι τοῦ Περικλέους συστάντες ἀπήλασαν αὐτὸν ὡς φυγάδα. 10.2. διὸ καὶ δοκεῖ Περικλῆς ἐρρωμενέστατα ἐρρωμενέστατα Cobet, Sintenis 2 , Fuhr, Blass; ἐρρωμενεστάτην Bekker, with the MSS. τὴν μάχην ἐκείνην ἀγωνίσασθαι καὶ γενέσθαι πάντων ἐπιφανέστατος ἀφειδήσας τοῦ σώματος. ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ τοῦ Κίμωνος οἱ φίλοι πάντες ὁμαλῶς, οὓς Περικλῆς συνεπῃτιᾶτο τοῦ Λακωνισμοῦ· καὶ μετάνοια δεινὴ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ πόθος ἔσχε τοῦ Κίμωνος, ἡττημένους μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων τῆς Ἀττικῆς, προσδοκῶντας δὲ βαρὺν εἰς ἔτους ὥραν πόλεμον. 10.3. αἰσθόμενος οὖν ὁ Περικλῆς οὐκ ὤκνησε χαρίσασθαι τοῖς πολλοῖς, ἀλλὰ τὸ ψήφισμα γράψας αὐτὸς ἐκάλει τὸν ἄνδρα, κἀκεῖνος κατελθὼν κατελθὼν Sintenis 2 , Fuhr, Blass; ἀπελθὼν Bekker, with the MSS. εἰρήνην ἐποίησε ταῖς πόλεσιν. οἰκείως γὰρ εἶχον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἀπήχθοντο τῷ Περικλεῖ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις δημαγωγοῖς. 16.1. καίτοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ σαφῶς μὲν ὁ Θουκυδίδης διηγεῖται, κακοήθως δὲ παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες, αὐτὸν δʼ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες, ὡς ἀσυμμέτρου πρὸς δημοκρατίαν καὶ βαρυτέρας περὶ αὐτὸν οὔσης ὑπεροχῆς· 17.1. ἀρχομένων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄχθεσθαι τῇ αὐξήσει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐπαίρων ὁ Περικλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἔτι μᾶλλον μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μεγάλων αὑτὸν ἀξιοῦν πραγμάτων, γράφει ψήφισμα, πάντας Ἕλληνας τοὺς ὁπήποτε κατοικοῦντας Εὐρώπης ἢ τῆς Ἀσίας παρακαλεῖν, καὶ μικρὰν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλην, εἰς σύλλογον πέμπειν Ἀθήναζε τοὺς βουλευσομένους περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ἃ κατέπρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἃς ὀφείλουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς ὅτε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμάχοντο, καὶ τῆς θαλάττης, ὅπως πλέωσι πάντες ἀδεῶς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγωσιν. 17.3. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διʼ Εὐβοίας ἐπʼ Οἰταίους καὶ τὸν Μαλιέα κόλπον καὶ Φθιώτας Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ἐπορεύοντο, συμπείθοντες ἰέναι καὶ μετέχειν τῶν βουλευμάτων ἐπʼ εἰρήνῃ καὶ κοινοπραγίᾳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὐδέν, οὐδὲ συνῆλθον αἱ πόλεις, Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπεναντιωθέντων, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ τῆς πείρας ἐλεγχθείσης. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν παρεθέμην ἐνδεικνύμενος αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην. 32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν. 37.3. εἶχε δʼ οὕτω τὰ περὶ τὸν νόμον. ἀκμάζων ὁ Περικλῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων, καὶ παῖδας ἔχων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, γνησίους, νόμον ἔγραψε μόνους Ἀθηναίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐκ δυεῖν Ἀθηναίων γεγονότας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Αἰγυπτίων δωρεὰν τῷ δήμῳ πέμψαντος τετρακισμυρίους πυρῶν μεδίμνους ἔδει διανέμεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας, πολλαὶ μὲν ἀνεφύοντο δίκαι τοῖς νόθοις ἐκ τοῦ γράμματος ἐκείνου τέως διαλανθάνουσι καὶ παρορωμένοις, διαλανθάνουσι, παρορωμένοις Fuhr and Blass, after Sauppe: διαλανθάνουσαι, παρορώμεναι (referring to the prosecutions). πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ συκοφαντήμασι περιέπιπτον. | 3.3. So the comic poet Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 86. And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads the Lord! Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 49. 6.2. A story is told that once on a time the head of a one-horned ram was brought to Pericles from his country-place, and that Lampon the seer, when he saw how the horn grew strong and solid from the middle of the forehead, declared that, whereas there were two powerful parties in the city, that of Thucydides and that of Pericles, the mastery would finally devolve upon one man,—the man to whom this sign had been given. Anaxagoras, however, had the skull cut in two, and showed that the brain had not filled out its position, but had drawn together to a point, like an egg, at that particular spot in the entire cavity where the root of the horn began. 7.1. As a young man, Pericles was exceedingly reluctant to face the people, since it was thought that in feature he was like the tyrant Peisistratus; and when men well on in years remarked also that his voice was sweet, and his tongue glib and speedy in discourse, they were struck with amazement at the resemblance. Besides, since he was rich, of brilliant lineage, and had friends of the greatest influence, he feared that he might be ostracized, and so at first had naught to do with politics, but devoted himself rather to a military career, where he was brave and enterprising. 10.1. Now ostracism involved legally a period of ten years’ banishment. But in the meanwhile 457 B.C. the Lacedaemonians invaded the district of Tanagra with a great army, and the Athenians straightway sallied out against them. So Cimon came back from his banishment and stationed himself with his tribesmen in line of battle, and determined by his deeds to rid himself of the charge of too great love for Sparta, in that he shared the perils of his fellow-citizens. But the friends of Pericles banded together and drove him from the ranks, on the ground that he was under sentence of banishment. 10.2. For which reason, it is thought, Pericles fought most sturdily in that battle, and was the most conspicuous of all in exposing himself to danger. And there fell in this battle all the friends of Cimon to a man, whom Pericles had accused with him of too great love for Sparta. Wherefore sore repentance fell upon the Athenians, and a longing desire for Cimon, defeated as they were on the confines of Attica, and expecting as they did a grievous war with the coming of spring. 10.3. So then Pericles, perceiving this, hesitated not to gratify the desires of the multitude, but wrote with his own hand the decree which recalled the man. Whereupon Cimon came back from banishment and made peace 450 B.C. between the cities. For the Lacedaemonians were as kindly disposed towards him as they were full of hatred towards Pericles and the other popular leaders. 16.1. of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and too oppressive. 17.1. When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia, small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace. 17.3. while the rest proceeded through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Maliac Gulf and the Phthiotic Achaeans and the Thessalians, urging them all to come and take part in the deliberations for the peace and common welfare of Hellas. But nothing was accomplished , nor did the cities come together by deputy, owing to the opposition of the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, since the effort met with its first check in Peloponnesus. I have cited this incident, however, to show forth the man’s disposition and the greatness of his thoughts. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras. 37.3. The circumstances of this law were as follows. Many years before this, 451-450 B.C. when Pericles was at the height of his political career and had sons born in wedlock, as I have said, he proposed a law that only those should he reckoned Athenians whose parents on both sides were Athenians. And so when the king of Egypt sent a present to the people of forty thousand measures of grain, and this had to be divided up among the citizens, there was a great crop of prosecutions against citizens of illegal birth by the law of Pericles, who had up to that time escaped notice and been overlooked, and many of them also suffered at the hands of informers. |
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154. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 1.5-1.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24| 1.5. ὅθεν Ὅμηρος μέν ἀεὶ τοὺς θαρραλεωτάτους καὶ μαχιμωτάτους ἄνδρας εὖ καὶ καλῶς ὡπλισμένους ἐξάγει πρός τοὺς ἀγῶνας, οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τὸν ῥίψασπιν κολάζουσιν, οὐ τὸν ξίφος οὐδὲ λόγχην προέμενον, διδάσκοντες ὅτι τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν κακῶς πρότερον ἢ τοῦ ποιῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἑκάστῳ μέλειν προσήκει, μάλιστα δὲ ἄρχοντι πόλεως ἢ στρατεύματος. | 1.5. For this reason Homer always brings his boldest and most valiant heroes into battle well armed and equipped; and the Greek lawgivers punish him who casts away his shield, not him who throws down his sword or spear, thus teaching that his own defence from harm, rather than the infliction of harm upon the enemy, should be every man’s first care, and particularly if he governs a city or commands an army. |
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155. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248| 1.3. Πυθαγόρου δὲ τὸν Σπαρτιάτην Ὀλύμπια νενικηκότα στάδιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκάτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἧς ἔτει τρίτῳ Νομᾶς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν κατέστη, πλανηθέντα περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν συγγενέσθαι τῷ Νομᾷ καὶ συνδιακοσμῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν, ὅθεν οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι τῶν Λακωνικῶν ἀναμεμῖχθαι Πυθαγόρου διδάξαντος, ἄλλως δὲ Νομᾶς γένος μὲν ἦν ἐκ Σαβίνων, Σαβῖνοι δὲ βούλονται Λακεδαιμονίων ἑαυτοὺς ἀποίκους γεγονέναι. | 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. |
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156. Plutarch, Nicias, 12.1-12.2, 21.2, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta/spartans, citizenship Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 302; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 218| 12.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Νικίας, τῶν Αἰγεστέων πρέσβεων καὶ Λεοντίνων παραγενομένων καὶ πειθόντων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Σικελίαν, ἀνθιστάμενος ἡττᾶτο τῆς βουλῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ φιλοτιμίας, πρὶν ὅλως ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, κατασχόντος ἤδη πλῆθος ἐλπίσι καὶ λόγοις προδιεφθαρμένον, ὥστε καὶ νέους ἐν παλαίστραις καὶ γέροντας ἐν ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ ἡμικυκλίοις συγκαθεζομένους ὑπογράφειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν θαλάσσης, καὶ λιμένας καὶ τόπους οἷς τέτραπται πρὸς Λιβύην ἡ νῆσος. 12.2. οὐ γὰρ ἆθλον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν, ἀλλʼ ὁρμητήριον, ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτῆς διαγωνισόμενοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους καὶ σχήσοντες ἅμα Λιβύην καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν θάλασσαν. ὡς οὖν ὥρμηντο πρὸς ταῦτα, ὁ Νικίας ἐναντιούμενος οὔτε πολλοὺς οὔτε δυνατοὺς εἶχε συναγωνιστάς. οἱ γὰρ εὔποροι δεδιότες μὴ δοκῶσι τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τριηραρχίας ἀποδιδράσκειν, παρὰ γνώμην ἡσύχαζον· 21.2. ἦν οὖν, ὡς εἰκός, αὖθις ἐν φόβῳ μεγάλῳ τὰ Συρακουσίων εἰς οὐδὲν πέρας οὐδὲ ἀπαλλαγήν, ἀλλὰ πονοῦντας ἄλλως καὶ φθειρομένους αὑτοὺς μάτην ὁρώντων. τὸν δὲ Νικίαν οὐ πολὺν χρόνον εὔφρανεν ἡ παρουσία τῆς δυνάμεως, ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι, τοῦ Δημοσθένους εὐθὺς ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις κελεύοντος καὶ τῷ ταχίστῳ τῶν κινδύνων περὶ τοῦ παντὸς διαγωνισαμένους ἑλεῖν Συρακούσας ἢ ἀποπλεῖν οἴκαδε, δείσας καὶ θαυμάσας τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τόλμαν ἐδεῖτο μηδὲν ἀπεγνωσμένως πράττειν μηδὲ ἀνοήτως. 23.5. τῷ μέντοι Νικίᾳ συνηνέχθη τότε μηδὲ μάντιν ἔχειν ἔμπειρον· ὁ γὰρ συνήθης αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρῶν Στιλβίδης ἐτεθνήκει μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν. ἐπεὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὥς φησι Φιλόχορος, φεύγουσιν οὐκ ἦν πονηρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ χρηστόν· ἐπικρύψεως γὰρ αἱ σὺν φόβῳ πράξεις δέονται, τὸ δὲ φῶς πολέμιόν ἐστιν αὐταῖς. | 12.1. 12.2. 21.2. 23.5. |
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| 157. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247 |
158. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.17.5-1.17.6, 2.3.1-2.3.8, 2.5.9, 4.10-4.12 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 365; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 476; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22| 1.17.5. ἀνῆλθε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ἵνα τὸ φρούριον ἦν τῶν Περσῶν· καὶ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ὀχυρὸν τὸ χωρίον· ὑπερύψηλόν τε γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἀπότομον πάντῃ καὶ τριπλῷ τείχει πεφραγμένον· αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ ἄκρᾳ ναόν τε οἰκοδομῆσαι Διὸς Ὀλυμπίου ἐπενόει καὶ βωμὸν ἱδρύσασθαι. 1.17.6. σκοποῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς ἄκρας ὅπερ ἐπιτηδειότατον χωρίον ὥρᾳ ἔτους ἐξαίφνης χειμὼν ἐπιγίγνεται καὶ βρονταὶ σκληραὶ καὶ ὕδωρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πίπτει, οὗ τὰ τῶν Λυδῶν βασίλεια· Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ ἔδοξεν ἐκ θεοῦ σημανθῆναι, ἵνα χρὴ οἰκοδομεῖσθαι τῷ Διὶ τὸν νεὼν, καὶ οὕτως ἐκέλευσε. 2.3.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἐς Γόρδιον παρῆλθε, πόθος λαμβάνει αὐτὸν ἀνελθόντα ἐς τὴν ἄκραν, ἵνα καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τὰ Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Μίδου, τὴν ἅμαξαν ἰδεῖν τὴν Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν. 2.3.2. λόγος δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀμάξης ἐκείνης παρὰ τοῖς προσχώροις πολὺς κατεῖχε, Γόρδιον εἶναι τῶν πάλαι Φρυγῶν ἄνδρα πένητα καὶ ὀλίγην εἶναι αὐτῷ γῆν ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ζεύγη βοῶν δύο· καὶ τῷ μὲν ἀροτριᾶν, τῶ δὲ ἁμαξεύειν τὸν Γόρδιον. 2.3.3. καί ποτε ἀροῦντος αὐτοῦ ἐπιστῆναι ἐπὶ τὸν ζυγὸν ἀετὸν καὶ ἐπιμεῖναι ἔστε ἐπὶ βουλυτὸν καθήμενον· τὸν δὲ ἐκπλαγέντα τῇ ὄψει ἰέναι κοινώσοντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ θείου παρὰ τοὺς Τελμισσέας τοὺς μάντεις· εἶναι γὰρ τοὺς Τελμισσέας σοφοὺς τὰ θεῖα ἐξηγεῖσθαι καὶ σφισιν ἀπὸ γένους δεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς καὶ γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶ τὴν μαντείαν. 2.3.4. προσάγοντα δὲ κώμῃ τινὶ τῶν Τελμισσέων ἐντυχεῖν παρθένῳ ὑδρευομένῃ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην εἰπεῖν ὅπως οἱ τὸ τοῦ ἀετοῦ ἔσχε· τὴν δέ, εἶναι γὰρ καὶ αὐτὴν τοῦ μαντικοῦ γένους, θύειν κελεῦσαι τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἐπανελθόντα ἐς τὸν τόπον αὐτόν. καὶ, δεηθῆναι γὰρ αὐτῆς Γόρδιον τὴν θυσίαν ξυνεπισπομένην οἱ αὐτὴν ἐξηγήσασθαι, θῦσαί τε ὅπως ἐκείνη ὑπετίθετο τὸν Γόρδιον καὶ ξυγγενέσθαι ἐπὶ γάμῳ τῇ παιδὶ καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖν παῖδα Μίδαν ὄνομα. 2.3.5. ἤδη τε ἄνδρα εἶναι τὸν Μίδαν καλὸν καὶ γενναῖον καὶ ἐν τούτῳ στάσει πιέζεσθαι ἐν σφίσι τοὺς Φρύγας, καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖς χρησμὸν, ὅτι ἅμαξα ἄξει αὐτοῖς βασιλέα καὶ ὅτι οὗτος αὐτοῖς καταπαύσει τὴν στάσιν. ἔτι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν τούτων βουλευομένοις ἐλθεῖν τὸν Μίδαν ὁμοῦ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ ἐπιστῆναι τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ αὐτῇ ἁμάξῃ. 2.3.6. τοὺς δὲ ξυμβαλόντας τὸ μαντεῖον τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον γνῶναι ὄντα, ὅντινα ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔφραζεν, ὅτι ἄξει ἡ ἅμαξα· καὶ καταστῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς βασιλέα τὸν Μίδαν, Μίδαν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν στάσιν καταπαῦσαι, καὶ τὴν ἅμαξαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἀναθεῖναι χαριστήρια τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ τῇ πομπῇ. πρὸς δὲ δὴ τούτοις καὶ τόδε περὶ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐμυθεύετο, ὅστις λύσειε τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν, τοῦτον χρῆναι ἄρξαι τῆς Ἀσίας. 2.3.7. ἦν δὲ ὁ δεσμὸς ἐκ φλοιοῦ κρανίας καὶ τούτου οὔτε τέλος οὔτε ἀρχὴ ἐφαίνετο. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἀπόρως μὲν εἶχεν ἐξευρεῖν λύσιν τοῦ δεσμοῦ, ἄλυτον δὲ περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἤθελε, μή τινα καὶ τοῦτο ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς κίνησιν ἐργάσηται, οἱ μὲν λέγουσιν, ὅτι παίσας τῷ ξίφει διέκοψε τὸν δεσμὸν καὶ λελύσθαι ἔφη· Ἀριστόβουλος Aristob fr. 4 δὲ λέγει ἐξελόντα τὸν ἕστορα τοῦ ῥυμοῦ, ὃς ἦν τύλος διαβεβλημένος διὰ τοῦ ῥυμοῦ διαμπάξ, ξυνέχων τὸν δεσμόν, ἐξελκύσαι ἔξω τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸ ν ζυγόν. 2.3.8. ὅπως μὲν δὴ ἐπράχθη τὰ ἀμφὶ τῷ δεσμῷ τούτῳ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ οὐκ ἔχω ἰσχυρίσασθαι. ἀπηλλάγη δʼ οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς ἁμάξης αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ὡς τοῦ λογίου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ λύσει τοῦ δεσμοῦ ξυμβεβηκότος. καὶ γὰρ καὶ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης βρονταί τε καὶ σέλας ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐπεσήμηναν· καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔθυε τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ Ἀλέξανδρος τοῖς φήνασι θεοῖς τά τε σημεῖα καὶ τοῦ δεσμοῦ τὴν λύσιν. 2.5.9. αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν τοῖς πεζοῖς καὶ τῇ ἴλῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ ἐς Μάγαρσον ἧκεν καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τῇ Μαγαρσίδι ἔθυσεν. ἔνθεν δὲ ἐς Μαλλὸν ἀφίκετο καὶ Ἀμφιλόχῳ ὅσα ἥρωι ἐνήγισε· καὶ στασιάζοντας καταλαβὼν τὴν στάσιν αὐτοῖς κατέπαυσε· καὶ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ ἀπέφερον, ἀνῆκεν, ὅτι Ἀργείων μὲν Μαλλωταὶ ἄποικοι ἦσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπʼ Ἄργους τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν εἶναι ἠξίου. | |
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159. Plutarch, Lysander, 11.7, 18.3-18.4, 20.6, 22.3-22.6, 25.3, 30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 38, 320, 341, 342| 11.7. ὃς μυρίας μορφὰς ἀγώνων καὶ πραγμάτων μεταβολὰς ἀμείψας, καὶ στρατηγοὺς ὅσους οὐδὲ οἱ σύμπαντες οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναλώσας, ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς εὐβουλία καὶ δεινότητι συνῄρητο· διὸ καὶ θεῖόν τινες ἡγήσαντο τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον. 18.3. πρώτῳ μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς θεῷ καὶ θυσίας ἔθυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ παιᾶνες ᾔσθησαν, ὧν ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν ἀπομνημονεύουσι τοιάνδε· 18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 20.6. τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἐδόκει πρόσχημα ποιεῖσθαι τὸν θεόν, ἄλλως δὲ τοὺς ἐφόρους δεδοικὼς καὶ τὸν οἴκοι ζυγὸν οὐ φέρων οὐδʼ ὑπομένων ἄρχεσθαι πλάνης ὀρέγεσθαι καὶ περιφοιτήσεως τινός, ὥσπερ ἵππος ἐκ νομῆς ἀφέτου καὶ λειμῶνος αὖθις ἥκων ἐπὶ φάτνην καὶ πρὸς τὸ σύνηθες ἔργον αὖθις ἀγόμενος. ἣν μὲν γὰρ Ἔφορος τῆς ἀποδημίας ταύτης αἰτίαν ἀναγράφει, μετὰ μικρὸν ἀφηγήσομαι. 22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος. 25.3. ἔφορος μὲν οὖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς τήν τε Πυθίαν ἐπιχειρήσας διαφθεῖραι καὶ τὰς Δωδωνίδας αὖθις ἀναπείθων διὰ Φερεκλέους ἀπέτυχεν, εἰς Ἄμμωνος ἀναβῆναι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς προφήταις πολὺ χρυσίον διδόντα, τοὺς δὲ δυσχεραίνοντας εἰς Σπάρτην τινὰς ἀποστεῖλαι τοῦ Λυσάνδρου κατηγορήσοντας, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπελύθη, τοὺς Λίβυας ἀπιόντας εἰπεῖν· ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς γε βέλτιον, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κρινοῦμεν, ὅταν ἥκητε πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰς Λιβύην οἰκήσοντες, ὡς δὴ χρησμοῦ τινος ὄντος παλαιοῦ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐν Λιβύῃ κατοικῆσαι. 30.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἔφορός φησιν ἀντιλογίας τινὸς συμμαχικῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενομένης, καὶ τὰ γράμματα διασκέψασθαι δεῆσαν ἃ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ κατέσχεν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον. εὑρόντα δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένος ἦν ὁ περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγος, ὡς χρὴ τῶν Εὐρυπωντιδῶν καὶ Ἀγιαδῶν τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφελομένους εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων, | 11.7. 18.3. 18.4. 20.6. 22.3. 22.4. 22.5. 22.6. 25.3. 30.3. |
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160. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.1-3.5, 5.6-5.7, 6.1, 6.7-6.8, 7.2-7.3, 22.2, 23.2, 26.1, 28.1-28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 25, 27, 28; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 39| 1.1. περὶ Λυκούργου τοῦ νομοθέτου καθόλου μὲν οὐδὲν ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφισβήτητον, οὗ γε καὶ γένος καὶ ἀποδημία καὶ τελευτὴ καὶ πρὸς ἅπασιν ἡ περὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγματεία διαφόρους ἔσχηκεν ἱστορίας, ἥκιστα δὲ οἱ χρόνοι καθʼ οὓς γέγονεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁμολογοῦνται, οἱ μὲν γάρ Ἰφίτῳ συνακμάσαι καὶ συνδιαθεῖναι τὴν Ὀλυμπιακὴν ἐκεχειρίαν λέγουσιν αὐτόν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ φιλόσοφος, τεκμήριον προσφέρων τὸν Ὀλυμπίασι δίσκον ἐν ᾧ τοὔνομα τοῦ Λυκούργου διασώζεται καταγεγραμμένον· 3.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ τούτου μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔδει βασιλεύειν, ὡς πάντες ᾤοντο, τὸν Λυκοῦργον· καὶ πρίν γε τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φανερὰν γενέσθαι κύουσαν ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο τάχιστα ᾔσθετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ παιδὸς οὖσαν, ἄνπερ ἄρρην γένηται, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ὡς ἐπίτροπος διεῖπε. τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὀρφανῶν βασιλέων ἐπιτρόπους Λακεδαιμόνιοι προδίκους προδίκους with most MSS. and edd.: προδίκως with A (corrected), the Doric form. ὠνόμαζον. 3.2. ὡς δὲ ἡ γυνὴ προσέπεμπε κρύφα καὶ λόγους ἐποιεῖτο, βουλομένη διαφθεῖραι τὸ βρέφος ἐπὶ τῷ συνοικεῖν ἐκείνῳ βασιλεύοντι τῆς Σπάρτης, τὸ μὲν ἦθος αὐτῆς ἐμίσησε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν λόγον αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀντεῖπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινεῖν καὶ δέχεσθαι προσποιούμενος, οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν ἀμβλίσκουσαν αὐτὴν καὶ φαρμακευομένην διαλυμαίνεσθαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὐτῷ γὰρ μελήσειν ὅπως εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἔσται τὸ γεννηθέν. 3.3. οὕτω δὲ παραγαγὼν ἄχρι τοῦ τόκου τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τίκτουσαν, εἰσέπεμψε παρέδρους ταῖς ὠδῖσιν αὐτῆς καὶ φύλακας, οἷς ἦν προστεταγμένον, ἐὰν μὲν θῆλυ τεχθῇ, παραδοῦναι ταῖς γυναιξίν, ἐὰν δὲ ἄρρεν, κομίσαι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ πράττων. ἔτυχε δὲ δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀποκυηθὲν ἄρρεν καὶ παρῆσαν οἱ ὑπηρέται τὸ παιδάριον αὐτῷ κομίζοντες. 3.4. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, βασιλεὺς ὑμῖν γέγονεν, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κατέκλινεν ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ χώρᾳ καὶ Χαρίλαον ὠνόμασε διὰ τὸ τοὺς πάντας εἶναι περιχαρεῖς, ἀγαμένους αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὸ σύμπαν, ἦν δὲ καὶ τἆλλα περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ πλείονες ἐγένοντο τῶν ὡς ἐπιτρόπῳ βασιλέως καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντι πειθομένων οἱ διʼ ἀρετὴν προσέχοντες αὐτῷ καὶ ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντες ἑτοίμως τὸ προσταττόμενον. 3.5. ἦν δέ τι καὶ τὸ φθονοῦν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὔξησιν ὄντι νέῳ πειρώμενον ἐνίστασθαι, μάλιστα μὲν οἱ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκεῖοι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μητρὸς ὑβρίσθαι δοκούσης, ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς Λεωνίδας καὶ θρασύτερόν ποτε τῷ Λυκούργῳ λοιδορηθείς, ὑπεῖπεν ὡς εἰδείη σαφῶς μέλλοντα βασιλεύειν αὐτόν, ὑπόνοιαν διδοὺς καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων διαβολῇ τὸν Λυκοῦργον, εἴ τι συμβαίη τῷ βασιλεῖ παθεῖν, ὡς ἐπιβεβουλευκότα. τοιοῦτοι δὲ τινες λόγοι καὶ παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεφοίτων ἐφʼ οἷς βαρέως φέρων καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸ ἄδηλον, ἔγνω φυγεῖν ἀποδημίᾳ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν, καὶ πλανηθῆναι μέχρις ἂν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τεκνώσῃ διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας. 5.6. πλειόνων δὲ καινοτομου μὲν ων ὑπὸ τοῦ Λυκούργου πρῶτον ἦν καὶ μέγιστον ἡ κατάστασις τῶν γερόντων, ἥν φησιν ὁ Πλάτων τῇ τῶν βασιλέων ἀρχῇ φλεγμαινούσῃ μιχθεῖσαν καὶ γενομένην ἰσόψηφον εἰς τὰ μέγιστα σωτηρίαν ἅμα καὶ σωφροσύνην παρασχεῖν. αἰωρουμένη γὰρ ἡ πολιτεία καὶ ἀποκλίνουσα νῦν μὲν ὡς τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐπὶ τυραννίδα, νῦν δὲ ὡς τὸ πλῆθος ἐπὶ δημοκρατίαν, 5.7. οἷον ἕρμα τὴν τῶν γερόντων ἀρχὴν ἐν μέσῳ θεμένη καὶ ἰσορροπήσασα τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τάξιν ἔσχε καὶ κατάστασιν, ἀεὶ τῶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι γερόντων τοῖς μὲν βασιλεῦσι προστιθεμένων ὅσον ἀντιβῆναι πρὸς δημοκρατίαν, αὖθις δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ γενέσθαι τυραννίδα τὸν δῆμον ἀναρρωννύντων. τοσούτους δέ φησι κατασταθῆναι τοὺς γέροντας Ἀριστοτέλης, ὅτι τριάκοντα τῶν πρώτων μετὰ Λυκούργου γενομένων δύο τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐγκατέλιπον ἀποδειλιάσαντες. 6.1. οὕτω δὲ περὶ ταύτην ἐσπούδασε τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥστε μαντείαν ἐκ Δελφῶν κομίσαι περὶ αὐτῆς, ἣν ῥήτραν καλοῦσιν. ἔχει δὲ οὕτως· Διὸς ΣυλλανίουΣυλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . καὶ Ἀθανᾶς Συλλανίας Συλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα, τριάκοντα γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὥρας ἐξ ὥρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακιῶνος, οὕτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι δάμῳ δὲ τὰν κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ 7.2. ὃν καὶ φασιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς ὀνειδιζόμενον ὡς ἐλάττω παραδώσοντα τοῖς παισὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἢ παρέλαβε, μείζω μὲν οὖν, εἰπεῖν, ὅσῳ χρονιωτέραν. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὸ ἄγαν ἀποβαλοῦσα μετὰ τοῦ φθόνου διέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον, ὥστε μὴ παθεῖν ἃ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῖς βασιλεῖς ἔδρασαν, μηδὲν ἐνδοῦναι μηδὲ χαλάσαι τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν ἐθελήσαντας. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Λυκούργου σοφίαν καὶ πρόνοιαν ἐποίησε φανερὰν εἰς τὰς Μεσσηνίων καὶ Ἀργείων, συγγενῶν καὶ γειτόνων, δήμων καὶ βασιλέων στάσεις καὶ κακοπολιτείας ἀφορῶσιν, 7.3. οἳ τῶν ἴσων ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τετυχηκότες, ἐν δὲ τῷ κλήρῳ καὶ πλέον ἔχειν ἐκείνων δόξαντες, οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον εὐδαιμόνησαν, ἀλλʼ ὕβρει μὲν τῶν βασιλέων, οὐκ εὐπειθείᾳ δὲ τῶν ὄχλων, τὰ καθεστῶτα συνταράξαντες ἔδειξαν ὅτι θεῖον ἦν ὡς ἀληθῶς εὐτύχημα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ὁ τὴν πολιτείαν ἁρμοσάμενος καὶ κεράσας παρʼ αὐτοῖς. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον. 22.2. ἐχρῶντο δὲ καὶ γυμνασίοις μαλακωτέροις παρὰ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν οὐχ οὕτω κεκολασμένην οὐδʼ ὑπεύθυνον τοῖς νέοις παρεῖχον, ὥστε μόνοις ἀνθρώπων ἐκείνοις τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀσκήσεως ἀνάπαυσιν εἶναι τὸν πόλεμον. ἤδη δὲ συντεταγμένης τῆς φάλαγγος αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων παρόντων, παρόντων MSS., Coraës, Sintenis 1 , and Bekker: ὁρώντων ( in the sight of ), with Xenophon, Reip. Lac. xiii. 8. ὁ βασιλεὺς ἅμα τήν τε χίμαιραν ἐσφαγιάζετο καὶ στεφανοῦσθαι παρήγγελλε πᾶσι καὶ τοὺς αὐλητὰς αὐλεῖν ἐκέλευε τὸ Καστόρειον μέλος· 23.2. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τῆς Ὀλυμπιακῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἡ ἐπίνοια πρᾴου καὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην οἰκείως ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς εἶναι, καίτοι φασί τινες, ὡς Ἕρμιππος μνημονεύει, τὸν Λυκοῦργον οὐ προσέχειν οὐδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἴφιτον, ἀλλὰ τυγχάνειν ἄλλως ἐπιδημοῦντα καὶ θεώμενον ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνὴν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου τινὸς ἐξόπισθεν ἐπιτιμῶντος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζοντος ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας οὐ προτρέπεται κοινωνεῖν τῆς πανηγύρεως· ὡς δὲ μεταστραφέντος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ἦν, θεῖον ἡγησάμενον, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν Ἴφιτον τραπέσθαι καὶ συνδιακοσμήσαντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐνδοξοτέραν καὶ βεβαιοτέραν καταστῆσαι. 26.1. τοὺς δὲ γέροντας αὐτὸς μέν, ὡς εἴρηται, κατέστησε τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ τῶν μετασχόντων τοῦ βουλεύματος· ὕστερον δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ τελευτῶντος ἔταξε καθιστάναι τὸν ἄριστον ἀρετῇ κριθέντα τῶν ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων, καὶ μέγιστος ἐδόκει τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀγώνων οὗτος εἶναι καὶ περιμαχητότατος· οὐ γὰρ ἐν ταχέσι τάχιστον οὐδʼ ἐν ἰσχυροῖς ἰσχυρότατον, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀγαθοῖς καὶ σώφροσιν ἄριστον καὶ σωφρονέστατον ἔδει κριθέντα νικητήριον ἔχειν τῆς ἀρετῆς διὰ βίου τὸ σύμπαν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, κράτος ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, κύριον ὄντα καὶ θανάτου καὶ ἀτιμίας καὶ ὅλως τῶν μεγίστων, ἐγίνετο δὲ ἡ κρίσις τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. 28.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν τούτοις οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀδικίας ἴχνος οὐδὲ πλεονεξίας, ἣν ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἔνιοι τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις, ὡς ἱκανῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ἐνδεῶς δὲ πρὸς δικαιοσύνην. ἡ δὲ καλουμένη κρυπτεία παρʼ αὐτοῖς, εἴ γε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν Λυκούργου πολιτευμάτων ἕν ἐστιν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε, ταύτην ἂν εἴη καὶ τῷ Πλάτωνι περὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐνειργασμένη δόξαν. ἦν δὲ τοιαύτη· 28.2. τῶν νέων οἱ ἄρχοντες διὰ χρόνου τοὺς μάλιστά νοῦν ἔχειν δοκοῦντας εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄλλως ἐξέπεμπον, ἔχοντας ἐγχειρίδια καὶ τροφὴν ἀναγκαίαν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν· οἱ δὲ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν εἰς ἀσυνδήλους διασπειρόμενοι τόπους, ἀπέκρυπτον ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἀνεπαύοντο, νύκτωρ δὲ κατιόντες εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς τῶν εἱλώτων τὸν ἁλισκόμενον ἀπέσφαττον. 28.3. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀγροῖς τοῖς ἀγροῖς MSS. (incl. S): τοὺς ἀγροὺς after Coraës. ἐπιπορευόμενοι τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους καὶ κρατίστους αὐτῶν ἀνῄρουν. ὥσπερ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ἐν τοῖς Πελοποννησιακοῖς ἱστορεῖ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ προκριθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν στεφανώσασθαι μὲν ὡς ἐλευθέρους γεγονότας καὶ περιελθεῖν τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερά, μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον ἅπαντας ἀφανεῖς γενέσθαι, πλείονας ἢ δισχιλίους ὄντας, ὡς μήτε παραχρῆμα μήτε ὕστερον ἔχειν τινὰ λέγειν ὅτῳ ὅτῳ Cobet, cf. Thuc. iv. 80, 4: τῷ . τρόπῳ διεφθάρησαν. 28.4. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ μάλιστά φησι καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὅταν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστῶσι πρῶτον, τοῖς εἵλωσι καταγγέλλειν πόλεμον, ὅπως εὐαγὲς ᾖ τὸ ἀνελεῖν. καὶ τἆλλα δὲ τραχέως προσεφέροντο καὶ σκληρῶς αὐτοῖς, ὥστε καὶ πίνειν ἀναγκάζοντες πολὺν ἄκρατον εἰς τὰ συσσίτια παρεισῆγον, ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τὸ μεθύειν οἷόν ἐστι τοῖς νέοις. καὶ ᾠδὰς ἐκέλευον ᾄδειν καὶ χορείας χορεύειν ἀγεννεῖς καὶ καταγελάστους, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἐλευθέρων. | 1.1. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. As joining with Iphitus in founding, or reviving, the Olympic games, in 776 B.C., the date assigned to the first recorded victory. Cf. Pausanias, v. 4, 5 f. ; 20, 1. A stay of hostilities was observed all over Greece during the festival. 3.1. Polydectes also died soon afterwards, and then, as was generally thought, the kingdom devolved upon Lycurgus; and until his brother’s wife was known to be with child, he was king. But as soon as he learned of this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her offspring, if it should be male, and himself administered the government only as guardian. Now the guardians of fatherless kings are called prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. 3.2. Presently, however, the woman made secret overtures to him, proposing to destroy her unborn babe on condition that he would marry her when he was a king of Sparta; and although he detested her character, he did not reject her proposition, but pretended to approve and accept it. He told her, however, that she need not use drugs to produce a miscarriage, thereby injuring her health and endangering her life, for he would see to it himself that as soon as her child was born it should be put out of the way. 3.3. In this manner he managed to bring the woman to her full time, and when he learned that she was in labour, he sent attendants and watchers for her delivery, with orders, if a girl should be born, to hand it over to the women, but if a boy, to bring it to him, no matter what he was doing. And it came to pass that as he was at supper with the chief magistrates, a male child was born, and his servants brought the little boy to him. 3.4. He took it in his arms, as we are told, and said to those who were at table with him, A king is born unto you, O men of Sparta; then he laid it down in the royal seat and named it Charilaüs, or People’s Joy , because all present were filled with joy, admiring as they did his lofty spirit and his righteousness. And so he was king only eight months in all. But on other accounts also he was revered by his fellow-citizens, and more than those who obeyed him because he was guardian of the king and had royal power in his hands, were those who clave to him for his virtues and were ready and willing to do his bidding. 3.5. There was a party, however, which envied him and sought to impede the growing power of so young a man, especially the kinsmen and friends of the queen-mother, who thought she had been treated with insolence. Her brother, Leonidas, actually railed at Lycurgus once quite boldly, assuring him that he knew well that Lycurgus would one day be king, thereby promoting suspicion and paving the way for the accusation, in case any thing happened to the king, that he had plotted against his life. Some such talk was set in circulation by the queen-mother also, in consequence of which Lycurgus was sorely troubled and fearful of what might be in store for him. He therefore determined to avoid suspicion by travelling abroad, and to continue his wanderings until his nephew should come of age and beget a son to succeed him on the throne. 5.6. Among the many innovations which Lycurgus made, the first and most important was his institution of a senate, or Council of Elders, which, as Plato says, Laws, p. 691 e. by being blended with the feverish government of the kings, and by having an equal vote with them in matters of the highest importance, brought safety and due moderation into counsels of state. For before this the civil polity was veering and unsteady, inclining at one time to follow the kings towards tyranny, and at another to follow the multitude towards democracy; 5.7. but now, by making the power of the senate a sort of ballast for the ship of state and putting her on a steady keel, it achieved the safest and the most orderly arrangement, since the twenty-eight senators always took the side of the kings when it was a question of curbing democracy, and, on the other hand, always strengthened the people to withstand the encroachments of tyranny. The number of the senators was fixed at twenty-eight because, according to Aristotle, two of the thirty original associates of Lycurgus abandoned the enterprise from lack of courage. 6.1. So eager was Lycurgus for the establishment of this form of government, that he obtained an oracle from Delphi about it, which they call a rhetra. And this is the way it runs: When thou hast built a temple to Zeus Syllanius and Athena Syllania, divided the people into phylai and into obai, and established a senate of thirty members, including the archagetai, then from time to time appellazein between Babyca and Cnacion Probably names of small tributaries of the river Eurotas. and there introduce and rescind measures; but the people must have the deciding voice and the power. 7.2. This king, they say, on being reviled by his wife because the royal power, when he handed it over to his sons, would be less than when he received it, said: Nay, but greater, in that it will last longer. And in fact, by renouncing excessive claims and freeing itself from jealous hate, royalty at Sparta escaped its perils, so that the Spartan kings did not experience the fate which the Messenians and Argives inflicted upon their kings, who were unwilling to yield at all or remit their power in favour of the people. And this brings into the clearest light the wisdom and foresight of Lycurgus, when we contrast the factions and misgovernment of the peoples and kings of Messenia and Argos, who were kinsmen and neighbours of the Spartans. 7.3. They were on an equality with the Spartans in the beginning, and in the allotment of territory were thought to be even better off than they, and yet their prosperity did not last long, but what with the insolent temper of their kings and the unreasonableness of their peoples, their established institutions were confounded, and they made it clear that it was in very truth a divine blessing which the Spartans had enjoyed in the man who framed and tempered their civil polity for them. These events, however, were of later date. 22.2. Their bodily exercises, too, were less rigorous during their campaigns, and in other ways their young warriors were allowed a regimen which was less curtailed and rigid, so that they were the only men in the world with whom war brought a respite in the training for war. And when at last they were drawn up in battle array and the enemy was at hand, the king sacrificed the customary she-goat, commanded all the warriors to set garlands upon their heads, and ordered the pipers to pipe the strains of the hymn to Castor; 23.2. And indeed the design of the Olympic truce would seem to bespeak a man of gentleness, and predisposed to peace. And yet there are some who say, as Hermippus reminds us, that at the outset Lycurgus had nothing whatever to do with Iphitus and his enterprise, but happened to come that way by chance, and be a spectator at the games; that he heard behind him, however, what seemed to be a human voice, chiding him and expressing amazement that he did not urge his fellow-citizens to take part in the great festival; and since, on turning round, he did not see the speaker anywhere, he concluded that the voice was from heaven, and therefore betook himself to Iphitus, and assisted him in giving the festival a more notable arrangement and a more enduring basis. 26.1. The senators were at first appointed by Lycurgus himself, as I have said, Chapter v. 7. f. from those who shared his counsels; but afterwards he arranged that any vacancy caused by death should be filled by the man elected as most deserving out of those above sixty years of age. And of all the contests in the world this would seem to have been the greatest and the most hotly disputed. For it was not the swiftest of the swift, nor the strongest of the strong, but the best and wisest of the good and wise who was to be elected, and have for the rest of his life, as a victor’s prize for excellence, what I may call the supreme power in the state, lord as he was of life and death, honour and dishonour, and all the greatest issues of life. 28.1. Now in all this there is no trace of injustice or arrogance, which some attribute to the laws of Lycurgus, declaring them efficacious in producing valour, but defective in producing righteousness. The so-called krupteia, or secret service , of the Spartans, if this be really one of the institutions of Lycurgus, as Aristotle says it was, may have given Plato also Laws, p. 630 d. this opinion of the man and his civil polity. 28.2. This secret service was of the following nature. The magistrates from time to time sent out into the country at large the most discreet of the young warriors, equipped only with daggers and such supplies as were necessary. In the day time they scattered into obscure and out of the way places, where they hid themselves and lay quiet; but in the night they came down into the highways and killed every Helot whom they caught. 28.3. oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, iv. 80. tells us that the Helots who had been judged by the Spartans to be superior in bravery, set wreaths upon their heads in token of their emancipation, and visited the temples of the gods in procession, but a little while afterwards all disappeared, more than two thousand of them, in such a way that no man was able to say, either then or afterwards, how they came by their deaths. 28.4. And Aristotle in particular says also that the ephors, as soon as they came into office, made formal declaration of war upon the Helots, in order that there might be no impiety in slaying them.And in other ways also they were harsh and cruel to the Helots. For instance, they would force them to drink too much strong wine, and then introduce them into their public messes, to show the young men what a thing drunkenness was. They also ordered them to sing songs and dance dances that were low and ridiculous, but to let the nobler kind alone. |
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161. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 33.25 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24 | 33.25. Does not the Peneus flow through a Thessaly that is desolate? Does not the Ladon flow through an Arcadia whose people have been driven from their homes? Is not the Cydnus itself purer higher up? What then? Will you say that on that account the people in that region are superior to yourselves? You might be speaking the truth if you said they were â though you will not say it â for those who are unacquainted with luxury and rascality are in my opinion better off. What of Italy itself? Take Sybaris, for example; is it not true that the more luxurious it became the more speedily it perished? And as for Croton, Thurii, Metapontum, and Tarentum, in spite of the high level of prosperity to which they each attained and the great power that once was theirs, what city is there that they do not now surpass in desolation? |
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162. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος. | 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans. |
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163. Plutarch, Demetrius, 10.3-13.2, 23.3, 24.1, 26.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 42| 26.3. διὸ καὶ Φιλιππίδης τὸν Στρατοκλέα λοιδορῶν ἐποίησεν· ὁ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν συντεμὼν εἰς μῆνʼ ἕνα, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ Παρθενῶνι κατασκηνώσεως· ὁ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πανδοκεῖον ὑπολαβὼν καὶ τὰς ἑταίρας εἰσαγαγὼν τῇ παρθένῳ. | 26.3. |
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| 164. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 71 |
165. Plutarch, Cimon, 6.4-6.6, 8.1, 8.6, 15.3, 17.4-17.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 49; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 152, 277; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 111, 116, 154| 6.4. λέγεται δὲ παρθένον τινὰ Βυζαντίαν ἐπιφανῶν γονέων, ὄνομα Κλεονίκην, ἐπʼ αἰσχύνῃ τοῦ Παυσανίου μεταπεμπομένου, τοὺς μὲν γονεῖς ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης καὶ φόβου προέσθαι τὴν παῖδα, τὴν δὲ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου δεηθεῖσαν ἀνελέσθαι τὸ φῶς, διὰ σκότους καὶ σιωπῆς τῇ κλίνῃ προσιοῦσαν ἤδη τοῦ Παυσανίου καθεύδοντος, ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ ἀνατρέψαι τὸ λυχνίον ἄκουσαν· 6.5. τὸν δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ ψόφου ταραχθέντα καὶ σπασάμενον καὶ σπασάμενον with S: σπασάμενον . τὸ παρακείμενον ἐγχειρίδιον, ὥς τινος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐχθροῦ βαδίζοντος, πατάξαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν τὴν παρθένον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐᾶν τὸν Παυσανίαν ἡσυχάζειν, ἀλλὰ νύκτωρ εἴδωλον αὐτῷ φοιτῶσαν εἰς τὸν ὕπνον ὀργῇ λέγειν τόδε τὸ ἡρῷον· 6.6. ὁ δʼ ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ Βυζαντίου καὶ τῷ φάσματι ταραττόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, κατέφυγε πρὸς τὸ νεκυομαντεῖον εἰς Ἡράκλειαν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀνακαλούμενος τῆς Κλεονίκης παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ὀργήν. ἡ δʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθοῦσα ταχέως ἔφη παύσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν αὐτὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενόμενον, αἰνιττομένη, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν μέλλουσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. 8.1. ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ γε θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς· ὅταν γάρ, ἔφη, μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου. 8.6. καὶ γὰρ ἦν χρησμὸς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ Θησέως λείψανα κελεύων ἀνακομίζειν εἰς ἄστυ καὶ τιμᾶν ὡς ἥρωα πρεπόντως, ἀλλʼ ἠγνόουν ὅπου κεῖται, Σκυρίων οὐχ ὁμολογούντων οὐδʼ ἐώντων ἀναζητεῖν. τότε δὴ πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ σηκοῦ μόγις ἐξευρεθέντος, ἐνθέμενος ὁ Κίμων εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ τριήρη τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ τἆλλα κοσμήσας μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατήγαγεν εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐτῶν σχεδὸν τετρακοσίων. ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡδέως ὁ δῆμος ἔσχεν. 15.3. ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς ἃ καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος, ὅτι 17.4. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τῶν πεντακοσίων πυθομένη καὶ φοβηθεῖσα, τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ καταβοώντων ὡς συνταράξαι τὴν φάλαγγα βουλομένου καὶ τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπαγαγεῖν, ἀπηγόρευσε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ᾤχετο δεηθεὶς Εὐθίππου τοῦ Ἀναφλυστίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων, ὅσοι μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ λακωνίζειν αἰτίαν ἔσχον, ἐρρωμένως ἀγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διʼ ἔργων ἀπολύσασθαι τὴν αἰτίαν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας. 17.5. οἱ δὲ λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν πανοπλίαν εἰς τὸν λόχον ἔθεντο· καὶ μετʼ ἀλλήλων συστάντες ἐκθύμως ἑκατὸν ὄντες ἔπεσον, πολὺν αὑτῶν πόθον καὶ μεταμέλειαν ἐφʼ οἷς ᾐτιάθησαν ἀδίκως ἀπολιπόντες τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. ὅθεν οὐδὲ τῷ πρὸς Κίμωνα θυμῷ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνέμειναν, τὰ μέν, ὡς εἰκός, ὧν ἔπαθον εὖ μεμνημένοι, τὰ δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ συλλαμβανομένου. 17.6. νενικημένοι γὰρ ἐν Τανάγρᾳ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ καὶ προσδοκῶντες εἰς ὥραν ἔτους στρατιὰν Πελοποννησίων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς τὸν Κίμωνα· καὶ κατῆλθε τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος αὐτῷ Περικλέους. οὕτω τότε πολιτικαὶ μὲν ἦσαν αἱ διαφοραί, μέτριοι δʼ οἱ θυμοὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν εὐανάκλητοι συμφέρον, ἡ δὲ φιλοτιμία πάντων ἐπικρατοῦσα τῶν παθῶν τοῖς τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεχώρει καιροῖς. | 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 8.1. 8.6. 15.3. 17.4. 17.5. 17.6. |
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166. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.75, 1.142, 1.165, 1.187, 1.211, 1.266, 1.281, 1.288-1.290, 1.315, 2.78, 2.94, 2.98, 2.165, 2.179, 2.181, 2.202-2.203, 2.205, 2.207-2.208, 2.211, 2.216, 2.225, 3.64, 3.88, 3.191-3.192, 3.313, 4.14, 4.19, 4.122, 4.127, 4.201, 4.236, 4.309, 5.43, 5.56, 5.97, 5.100, 5.102, 5.105, 5.111-5.512, 6.82, 6.203, 6.210, 6.244, 6.247, 6.291, 6.360-6.361, 7.47, 7.83, 7.315, 7.380, 8.76, 8.120, 9.3, 9.117, 9.130, 9.186, 9.211, 9.216, 9.291, 10.80, 10.122, 10.183, 10.230, 10.237, 11.70, 11.114, 11.207, 11.209, 11.211, 11.269, 11.277, 12.4-12.6, 12.226, 12.229, 12.260, 12.274-12.277, 12.296, 12.403, 13.80, 13.109, 13.131, 13.164-13.170, 13.212, 14.63, 14.78, 15.253, 15.257, 15.266, 15.384, 17.9, 17.48-17.49, 17.78, 17.141, 17.324, 17.327, 17.330, 18.103, 18.167, 18.180, 18.196, 18.221, 18.314, 18.318-18.324, 18.359, 19.17, 20.81, 20.100, 20.123, 20.142, 20.147, 20.163, 20.173, 20.214, 20.252 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 179; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 304, 305; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 168, 182 | 1.75. 2. Now God loved this man for his righteousness: yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only, he turned the dry land into sea; 1.142. And when Noah was made sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his prosperity: and when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter. 1.165. He then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before. 1.187. and God required of him to be of good courage, and said that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God’s command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; 1.211. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that his pretense of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his brother’s daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation; and that he was not the cause of his distemper, but was only solicitous for his own safety: he said also, that he was ready to stay with him. 1.266. for had Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given him leave to marry thus, for he was not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that country; but not caring to be uneasy to his son by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent. 1.281. for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things, by my assistance: for I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: 1.288. 5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, “There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; 1.289. for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. of the last of whom, Nahor, Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which we bear to one another, 1.290. for my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both by the same father and mother; I therefore and thou are cousin-germans. And I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper between us.” 1.315. but thou hast had no regard to either thy mother’s relations to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, by driving away my cattle; and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father; 2.78. That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great splendor. “If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify.” 2.94. and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly a savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers had liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happiness. 2.98. for he refused to sell them corn, and said they were come as spies of the king’s affairs; and that they came from several countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countece as they were, such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings themselves. 2.165. Bring, therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and all your kindred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must endure five more years of famine.” 2.179. Zabulon had with him three sons—Sarad, Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her daughter Dinah. These are thirty-three. 2.181. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephtliali; which last had four sons that followed him—Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. 2.202. for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; 2.203. for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain the river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. 2.205. 2. While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous for the extinction of our nation. One of those sacred scribes, who are very sagacious in foretelling future events truly, told the king, that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a glory that would be remembered through all ages. 2.207. for those were the women who were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey him, and venture to save their male children alive, they and their families should be destroyed. 2.208. This was a severe affliction indeed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived of their sons, and while they were the parents themselves, they were obliged to be subservient to the destruction of their own children, but as it was to be supposed to tend to the extirpation of their nation, while upon the destruction of their children, and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity would become very hard and inconsolable to them. 2.211. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and entreated him to have compassion on those men who had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their enemies’ hopes of the destruction of their nation. 2.216. and when he is brought up in a surprising way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among the Hebrews, but foreigners also:—all which shall be the effect of my favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the world. 2.225. for God had taken such great care in the formation of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on account of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child; 3.64. which multitude, every one according to their families, partook of the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to him who had been the author and procurer of their deliverance and their freedom. 3.88. And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them, you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete, as nature requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies for I have been admitted into the presence of God and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his concern for your nation, and its duration.” 3.191. So that he is to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself solicitous for your nation, but also because he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office.” 3.192. The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approbation to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them all the most deserving of this honor, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his brother’s virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar. 3.313. and that on this account, though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; 4.14. 2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account both by his family and by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity, and was uneasy at it, and envied him on that account (he was of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him), was particularly grieved, because he thought he better deserved that honorable post on account of his great riches, and not inferior to him in his birth. 4.19. for if God had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest tribe, that of Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their great wealth also.” 4.122. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me: 4.127. and spake thus to them:—“O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; 4.201. Let the ascent to it be not by steps but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one. 4.236. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; 4.309. 45. On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the women and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were present also, that they might engage themselves to the observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favor of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and so might transgress them. 5.43. and calling for Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar; 5.56. So these men, having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put upon him; 5.97. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your own inheritances; and we entreat you to suppose, that there is no limit to be set to the intimate relation that is between us; and that you will not imagine, because this river is interposed between us, that you are of a different race from us, and not Hebrews; for we are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and it is the same God that brought our forefathers and yours into the world, 5.100. 26. Now when the tribe of Reuben, and that of Gad, and as many of the Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a monument to posterity, and a sign of their relation to those that should inhabit on the other side. 5.102. for they did not think it fit to regard them on account of their kindred or the dignity of those that had given the occasion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner wherein he desired to be worshipped; 5.105. And as soon as these ambassadors were passed over, and were come to them, and a congregation was assembled, Phineas stood up and said, That the offense they had been guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or by them only to be amended for the future; yet that they did not so look at the heinousness of their transgression as to have recourse to arms, and to a battle for their punishment immediately, but that, on account of their kindred, and the probability there was that they might be reclaimed, they took this method of sending an ambassage to them: 5.111. 27. When Phineas had discoursed thus, the governors of the assembly, and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for themselves, concerning what they were accused of; and they said, That they neither would depart from the relation they bare to them, nor had they built the altar by way of innovation; 5.112. that they owned one and the same common God with all the Hebrews, and that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which they would offer their sacrifices; that as to the altar they had raised, on account of which they were thus suspected, it was not built for worship, “but that it might be a sign and a monument of our relation to you for ever, and a necessary caution to us to act wisely, and to continue in the laws of our country, but not a handle for transgressing them, as you suspect: 5.113. and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices.” 5.114. 28. When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended them for it, he came to Joshua, and explained before the people what answer they had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was under no necessity of setting them in array, or of leading them to shed blood, and make war against men of their own kindred; and accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the same. 5.115. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly of the people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he was very old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the several cities, with those in authority, and the senate, and as many of the common people as could be present; and when they were come, he put them in mind of all the benefits God had bestowed on them, which could not but be a great many, since from a low estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory and plenty; 5.116. and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of God, which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that the Deity would continue their friend by nothing else but their piety; and that it was proper for him, now that he was about to depart out of this life, to leave such an admonition to them; and he desired that they would keep in memory this his exhortation to them. 5.117. 29. So Joshua, when he had thus discoursed to them, died, having lived a hundred and ten years; forty of which he lived with Moses, in order to learn what might be for his advantage afterwards. He also became their commander after his death for twenty-five years. 5.118. He was a man that wanted not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his intentions to the people, but very eminent on both accounts. He was of great courage and magimity in action and in dangers, and very sagacious in procuring the peace of the people, and of great virtue at all proper seasons. 5.119. He was buried in the city of Timnab, of the tribe of Ephraim About the same time died Eleazar the high priest, leaving the high priesthood to his son Phineas. His monument also, and sepulcher, are in the city of Gabatha. 5.120. 1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied, that according to God’s will they should commit the government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition, that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon. 5.121. 2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this time in a flourishing condition, and they expected the Israelites with a great army at the city Bezek, having put the government into the hands of Adonibezek, which name denotes the Lord of Bezek, for Adoni in the Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they hoped to have been too hard for the Israelites, because Joshua was dead; 5.122. but when the Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean the two tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in the pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his fingers and toes were cut off by them, said, 5.123. “Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie concealed from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have not been ashamed to do the same to seventy-two kings.” 5.124. So they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and when he was dead, they buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the cities: and when they had taken the greatest part of them, they besieged Jerusalem; and when they had taken the lower city, which was not under a considerable time, they slew all the inhabitants; but the upper city was not to be taken without great difficulty, through the strength of its walls, and the nature of the place. 5.125. 3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and counteces so entirely different from other men, that they were surprising to the sight, and terrible to the hearing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any credible relations of other men. 5.126. Now they gave this city to the Levites as an extraordinary reward, with the suburbs of two thousand cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of the spies which Moses sent into the land of Canaan. 5.127. They also gave land for habitation to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to Moses; for they had left their own country, and followed them, and accompanied them in the wilderness. 5.128. 4. Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were in the mountainous part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of those that lay near the sea; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat country, and having a great number of chariots, sorely galled those that attacked them. So these tribes, when they were grown very rich by this war, retired to their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of war. 5.129. 5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill, and the other to expose themselves to danger, and had time to cultivate the ground. The rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin, and did the same; and, contenting themselves with the tributes that were paid them, permitted the Canaanites to live in peace. 5.130. 6. However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they spent, and of the pains they took about that siege; yet did they persist in it, still sitting down before the city, though they endured great trouble thereby: 5.131. but, after some time, they caught one of the citizens that came to them to get necessaries, and they gave him some assurances that, if he would deliver up the city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so he aware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their hands. Accordingly, he that, thus betrayed the city was preserved with his family; and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city for themselves. 5.132. 7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more against their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the regular disposition of their settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged to their political government: 5.133. whereupon God was provoked to anger, and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions, they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportunity served, used them very barbarously. 5.134. But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, 5.135. they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion:— 5.136. 8. There was a Levite a man of a vulgar family, that belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like return of affection from her, 5.137. for she was averse to him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they quarreled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being very uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, 5.138. and lived with them there four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his wife’s parents were loath to part with their daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; 5.139. and when they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to take up their lodgings some where, lest some misfortune should befall them if they traveled in the night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that season often giving reason for suspicion of dangers from even such as are friends; 5.140. but the husband was not pleased with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired rather to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Benjamin, when it was just dark; 5.141. and while no one that lived in the market-place invited him to lodge with him, there came an old man out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper when it was dark? 5.142. To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus accidentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. 5.143. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the old man, came to the doors, as condemning the weakness and fewness of the old man’s family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to yield them up the strange woman, and then he should have no harm done to him: 5.144. and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kindred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; 5.145. whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. 5.146. When they no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let her go about daybreak. 5.147. So she came to the place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered, and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: 5.148. but her husband supposed that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened, endeavored to raise her up, resolving to speak comfortably to her, since she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men’s lust, but was forced away to their house; 5.149. but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would admit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his wife’s death, and of the violence they had offered to her. 5.150. 9. Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw, and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembling in a great congregation before the tabernacle, they immediately resolved to take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of Gibeah as enemies; 5.151. but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not: 5.152. and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms against them. 5.153. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite’s wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done; 5.154. but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men’s demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force. 5.155. 10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the Canaanites; 5.156. and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while the Benjamites’ army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred; five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left hands, 5.157. insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; 5.158. o the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. 5.159. So they came to Bethel, a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas. 5.160. 11. When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by night, while the other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, 5.161. till both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush, 5.162. who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, 5.163. which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. 5.164. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. 5.165. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Levite’s wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own soldiers. 5.166. 12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that account, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for their offense against the laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These had seated themselves on a certain rock called Rimmon, which was in the wilderness. 5.167. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this destruction of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it patiently; and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, “We give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you are able to carry away with you.” 5.168. So these men with sorrow confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives; but as to the remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; 5.169. and whereas they had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in danger of perishing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention. 5.170. But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, “That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: 5.171. let then the Benjamites be allowed to steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while we will neither incite them nor forbid them; and when their parents take it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will tell them, that they were themselves the cause of what had happened, by neglecting to guard their daughters, and that they ought not to be overangry at the Benjamites, since that anger was permitted to rise too high already.” 5.172. So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed. 5.173. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. 5.174. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war. 5.175. 1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion following:— 5.176. When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Canaanites despised them, and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in their own cities the more securely; 5.177. they prepared therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together, and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least portion of the plain country to set their foot on. 5.178. Since then these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land enough to sustain them, they sent five of their men into the midland country, to seek for a land to which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighborhood of Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the great plain of Sidon, a day’s journey from the city; and when they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name with the son of Jacob, and of the same name with their own tribe. 5.179. 2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their contempt of the divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. 5.180. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force; 5.181. nay, there were some who, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of oppression for eight years; after which time they were freed from them in the following manner:— 5.182. 3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribe of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from God not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured some to assist him in this dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who, either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) 5.183. he first of all destroyed that garrison which Chushan had set over them; but when it was perceived that he had not failed in his first attempt, more of the people came to his assistance; so they joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before them, and compelled them to pass over Euphrates. 5.184. Hereupon Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valor, received from the multitude authority to judge the people; and when he had ruled over them forty years, he died. 5.185. 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, 5.186. till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. 5.187. And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner;— 5.188. 2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. 5.189. Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. 5.190. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer time, and the middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. 5.191. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. 5.192. He was now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; 5.193. o he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the king’s servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep. 5.194. 3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams’ horns; for it was our custom to call the people together by them. 5.195. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the multitude of the Israelites came upon them, 5.196. o that some of them were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands; 5.197. and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government. 5.198. 1. And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worshipping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the Moabites; 5.199. for this Jabin came out of Hazor, a city that was situate over the lake Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, with no fewer than three thousand chariots. Sisera was the commander of all his army, and was the principal person in the king’s favor. He so sorely beat the Israelites when they fought with him, that he ordered them to pay tribute. 5.200. 2. So they continued to undergo that hardship for twenty years, as not good enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and ingratitude towards himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them, (which name in the Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee,) 5.201. to pray to God to take pity on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites. So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning. 5.202. 3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number was sufficient, and promised them victory. 5.203. But when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he said, and replied, “Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do not reject it!” So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at Mount Tabor, 5.204. where, at the king’s command, Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and Barak himself, were so affrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah retained them, and commanded them to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God would be their assistance. 5.205. 4. So the battle began; and when they were come to a close fight, there came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quantity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so darkened their eyes, that their arrows and slings were of no advantage to them, nor would the coldness of the air permit the soldiers to make use of their swords; 5.206. while this storm did not so much incommode the Israelites, because it came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the apprehension that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the very midst of their enemies, and slew a great number of them; so that some of them fell by the Israelites, some fell by their own horses, which were put into disorder, and not a few were killed by their own chariots. 5.207. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw himself beaten, fled away, and came to a woman whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who received him, when he desired to be concealed; and when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, 5.208. of which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his temples into the floor; and when Barak came a little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the ground: 5.209. and thus was this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years. 5.210. 1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against them; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they carried off the prey. 5.211. Now when they had done this for three years, the multitude of the Israelites retired to the mountains, and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows under ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had escaped their enemies; 5.212. for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permitted them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their supplications to God, and besought him to save them. 5.213. 2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a young man, and told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he immediately replied, “A mighty indication of God’s favor to me, that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!” 5.214. But the appearance exhorted him to be of good courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered, that it was impossible for him to recover it, because the tribe to which he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other promised him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and would afford the Israelites victory under his conduct. 5.215. 3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men, they believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told him that mankind were too fond of themselves, and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they were a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, 5.216. but might confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out of fear, and as in dread of their enemies. 5.217. And when Gideon had done as God had suggested to him, there were found three hundred men that took water with their hands tumultuously; so God bid him take these men, and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it. 5.218. 4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near to the Midianites’ tents, for that he should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow bold. 5.219. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered that those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was telling to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so plainly that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this:—He thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers. 5.220. Now the other soldier explained this vision to mean the destruction of the army; and told them what his reason was which made him so conjecture, viz. That the seed called barley was all of it allowed to be of the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israelites were known to be the vilest of all the people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of barley, 5.221. and that what seemed to look big among the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that was with him; “and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the victory over us to Gideon.” 5.222. 5. When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came upon him; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and told them of this vision of their enemies. They also took courage at what was told them, and were ready to perform what he should enjoin them. 5.223. So Gideon divided his army into three parts, and brought it out about the fourth watch of the night, each part containing a hundred men: they all bare empty pitchers and lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be discovered by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram’s horn in his right hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. 5.224. The enemy’s camp took up a large space of ground, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into different nations, so they were all contained in one circle. 5.225. Now when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand, upon their approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded with their rams’ horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their enemies with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, “Victory to Gideon, by God’s assistance,” 5.226. a disorder and a fright seized upon the other men while they were half asleep, for it was night-time, as God would have it; so that a few of them were slain by their enemies, but the greatest part by their own soldiers, on account of the diversity of their language; and when they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great slaughter made. 5.227. And as the report of Gideon’s victory came to the Israelites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents, a place which these could not get over; so they encompassed them, and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and Zeeb. 5.228. But the remaining captains led those soldiers that were left, which were about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off the Israelites. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but pursued them with all his army, and joining battle with them, cut off the whole enemies’ army, and took the other leaders, Zeba and Zalmuna, and made them captives. 5.229. Now there were slain in this battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arabians, about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Midianites. 5.230. 6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so displeased at the good success of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him, accusing him because he did not tell them of his expedition against their enemies. But Gideon, as a man of temper, and that excelled in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the result of his own authority or reasoning, that made him attack the enemy without them; but that it was the command of God, and still the victory belonged to them as well as those in the army. 5.231. And by this method of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage to the Hebrews, than by the success he had against these enemies, for he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe afterwards suffer the punishment of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will give an account in due time. 5.232. 7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was over-persuaded to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and distributed justice to them, as the people came to him in their differences; and what he determined was esteemed valid by all. And when he died, he was buried in his own country of Ophrah. 5.233. 1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had many wives; but he had also one that was spurious, by his concubine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech, who, after his father’s death, retired to Shechem to his mother’s relations, for they were of that place: 5.234. and when he had got money of such of them as were eminent for many instances of injustice, he came with them to his father’s house, and slew all his brethren, except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and constituted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against those that were the patrons of justice. 5.235. 2. Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at Shechem, and all the multitude was there gathered together, Jotham his brother, whose escape we before related, went up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard by the multitude, who were attentive to him. He desired they would consider what he was going to say to them: 5.236. o when silence was made, he said, That when the trees had a human voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honor which belonged peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine; 5.237. but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree had used before, and excused itself from accepting the government: and when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier, whom the trees had desired to take the kingdom, 5.238. (it is a sort of wood good for firing,) it promised to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit down under its shadow, and if they should plot against it to destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them. 5.239. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter; for that when they had experienced many blessings from Gideon, they overlooked Abimelech, when he overruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren; and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when he had said this, he went away, and lived privately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of Abimelech. 5.240. 3. A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abimelech away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might distress their city. 5.241. Now at the season of vintage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man of authority, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the head of his soldiery. 5.242. So they gathered their fruit with safety; and when they were at supper in several companies, they then ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech’s followers, and destroyed them. 5.243. 4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to be revenged on him; and when that was once done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. 5.244. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; 5.245. but the other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and said, They were not shadows, but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, “Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?” 5.246. So Gaal, being in disorder, joined battle with Abimelech, and some of his men fell; whereupon he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But Zebul managed his matters so in the city, that he procured them to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by accusing him of cowardice in this action with the soldiers of Ahimelech. 5.247. But Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were again coming out to gather their grapes, placed ambushes before the city, and when they were coming out, the third part of his army took possession of the gates, to hinder the citizens from returning in again, while the rest pursued those that were scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter every where; 5.248. and when he had overthrown the city to the very foundations, for it was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were slain. As for those that were scattered about the country, and so escaped the danger, they were gathered together unto a certain strong rock, and settled themselves upon it, and prepared to build a wall about it: 5.249. and when Abimelech knew their intentions, he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces, and laid faggots of dry wood round the place, he himself bringing some of them, and by his example encouraging the soldiers to do the same. And when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots, they set them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised, 5.250. and nobody could fly away from the rock, but every man perished, with their wives and children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and the rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity which fell upon the Shechemites; and men’s grief on their account had been greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief on a person who had so well deserved of them, and had they not themselves esteemed this as a punishment for the same. 5.251. 5. Now Abimelech, when he had affrighted the Israelites with the miseries he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed openly to affect greater authority than he now had, and appeared to set no bounds to his violence, unless it were with the destruction of all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took the city on the sudden; and there being a great tower therein, whereunto the whole multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege it. 5.252. Now as he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell down, and desired his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death should be thought to be the work of a woman:—who did what he was bid to do. 5.253. So he underwent this death as a punishment for the wickedness he had perpetrated against his brethren, and his insolent barbarity to the Shechemites. Now the calamity that happened to those Shechemites was according to the prediction of Jotham, However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered abroad, and went to their own homes. 5.254. 6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite, of the tribe of Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other respects also, but particularly in his children, who were of a good character. They were thirty in number, and very skillful in riding on horses, and were intrusted with the government of the cities of Gilead. He kept the government twenty-two years, and died an old man; and he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead. 5.255. 7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly, and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest. 5.256. But the Hebrews, being now amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him, beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them. 5.257. 8. When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father’s virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was a potent man: 5.258. the Israelites therefore sent to him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; 5.259. for they cast him off, as not having the same mother with the rest, but born of a strange mother, that was introduced among them by his father’s fondness; and this they did out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate himself]. 5.260. So he dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called, and received all that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid them wages. However, when they pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware they would grant him the government over them all his life, he led them to the war. 5.261. 9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he placed his army at the city Mizpeh, and sent a message to the Ammonite [king], complaining of his unjust possession of their land. But that king sent a contrary message; and complained of the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desired him to go out of the land of the Amorites, and yield it up to him, as at first his paternal inheritance. 5.262. But Jephtha returned this answer: That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the land of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left the land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken it also; and that neither would he recede from that land of their own, which God had obtained for them, and they had now inhabited [above] three hundred years, but would fight with them about it. 5.263. 10. And when he had given them this answer, he sent the ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living creature soever should first meet him, he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his pursuit slew the enemies all along as far as the city of Minnith. He then passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had undergone for eighteen years. 5.264. But as he came back, he fell into a calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter that came to meet him; she was also an only child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his affliction, and blamed his daughter for being so forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God. 5.265. However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she should die upon the occasion of her father’s victory, and the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth with her fellow citizens; and then she agreed, that at the forementioned time he might do with her according to his vow. 5.266. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice. 5.267. 11. Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did not take them along with him in his expedition against the Ammonites, but because he alone had the prey, and the glory of what was done to himself. As to which he said, first, that they were not ignorant how his kindred had fought against him, and that when they were invited, they did not come to his assistance, whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before they were invited. 5.268. And in the next place, that they were going to act unjustly; for while they had not courage enough to fight their enemies, they came hastily against their own kindred: and he threatened them that, with God’s assistance, he would inflict a punishment upon them, unless they would grow wiser. 5.269. But when he could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter among them; and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the passages of Jordan by a part of his army which he had sent before, and slew about forty-two thousand of them. 5.270. 12. So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried in his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead. 5.271. 13. Now when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being of the tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom he left alive behind him, giving the daughters in marriage to husbands, and taking wives for his sons. He did nothing in the seven years of his administration that was worth recording, or deserved a memorial. So he died an old man, and was buried in his own country. 5.272. 14. When Ibzan was dead after this manner, neither did Helon, who succeeded him in the government, and kept it ten years, do any thing remarkable: he was of the tribe of Zebulon. 5.273. 15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyrathon, was ordained their supreme governor after Helon. He is only recorded to have been happy in his children; for the public affairs were then so peaceable, and in such security, that neither did he perform any glorious action. 5.274. He had forty sons, and by them left thirty grandchildren; and he marched in state with these seventy, who were all very skillful in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He died an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon. 5.275. 1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were delivered after this manner:— 5.276. 2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contemporaries. He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that intent he came constantly into the suburbs together with his wife; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. 5.277. Now he was fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young man beautiful and tall, and brought her the good news that she should have a son, born by God’s providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength; by whom, when he was grown up to man’s estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. 5.278. He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God. 5.279. 3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration of the beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by that passion: 5.280. but she was desirous of having her husband’s unreasonable sorrow taken away; accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again, that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the favor of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was alone without her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call Manoah. 5.281. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then requested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return him thanks, and give him a present. 5.282. He replied that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing. And when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as while he brought him one mark of his hospitality; 5.283. o he slew a kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock; 5.284. which when they had done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some danger would come to them from this sight of God; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit. 5.285. 4. So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson, which name signifies one that is strong. So the child grew apace; and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet, both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow. 5.286. 5. Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to procure her to be espoused to him. 5.287. And as he was continually coming to her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset, and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road. 5.288. 6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion; and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents, to the damsel. 5.289. Now the people of Timhath, out of a dread of the young man’s strength, gave him during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt to give them any disturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such times, 5.290. “Come, if I propose you a riddle, and you can expound it in these seven days’ time, I will give you every one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom.” So they being very ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains, desired him to propose his riddle. He said, “That a devourer produced sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable.” 5.291. And when they were not able, in three days’ time, to find out the meaning of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her husband, and tell it them; and they threatened to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the damsel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it; 5.292. but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his breast, and carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to her. 5.293. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to expound the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, “Nothing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it, and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it.” 5.294. To which Samson made this rejoinder: “Nothing is more deceitful than a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation to you.” Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his companion, who made the former match between them. 5.295. 7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time, and the fruits of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and joining lighted torches to their tails, he sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the fields perished. 5.296. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson’s doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortunes. 5.297. 8. Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an expedition against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting punishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of Samson’s offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power. 5.298. So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves, came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they desired him to bear this willingly. 5.299. Accordingly, when he had received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies’ hands, he came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of his countrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and lead him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; 5.300. and when they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder. 5.301. 9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the assistance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell and the rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; 5.302. but when a great thirst came upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. 5.303. Accordingly God was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, and so it is called to this day. 5.304. 10. After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being perceived; 5.305. but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron, and there laid them down. 5.306. 11. However, he at length transgressed the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was a harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived with her. 5.307. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson what was the cause of that his strength, by which he became unconquerable to his enemies. Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together, she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others in strength. 5.308. Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were bound with seven such green withs of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. 5.309. The woman said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with the withs; 5.310. and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the people were upon him; but he broke the withs, and endeavored to defend himself, as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Samson had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she knew it was for his interest to have concealed. 5.311. However, he deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when, upon doing this, she gained nothing, he told her the third time, that his hair should be woven into a web; 5.312. but when, upon doing this, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah’s prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was born by his providence, and that “thence it is that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase and continuance of my hair.” 5.313. When she had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had him led about among them. 5.314. 12. But in process of time Samson’s hair grew again. And there was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and those of the most eminent character, were feasting together; (now the room wherein they were had its roof supported by two pillars;) so they sent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast, that they might insult him in their cups. 5.315. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the boy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself, and desired he would bring him near the pillars; 5.316. and as soon as he came to them, he rushed with force against them, and overthrew the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the Israelites twenty years. 5.317. And indeed this man deserves to be admired for his courage and strength, and magimity at his death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak to resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat his own country, with the rest of his family. 5.318. 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; 5.319. and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; 5.320. and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. 5.321. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; 5.322. and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove. 5.323. 2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, “You might more truly call me Mara.” Now Naomi signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. 5.324. It was now reaping time; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz’s field; and after some time Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, 5.325. who kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. 5.326. Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; 5.327. and when the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz’s maidservants. 5.328. 3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; 5.329. who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was;— 5.330. and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done that was ill. 5.331. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here,—“He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law.” 5.332. 4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; 5.333. and when he was come, he said, “Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?” He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, “Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.” 5.334. So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; 5.335. o Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year’s time. 5.336. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for oneandtwenty generations. 5.337. I was therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such mean parents. 5.338. 1. And now upon the ill state of the affairs of the Hebrews, they made war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli, the high priest, had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. 5.339. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety towards God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable employment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God at the tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than tyranny. 5.340. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli’s sons, which he did both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for his sons’ destruction. 5.341. 2. I will first despatch what I have to say about the prophet Samuel, and after that will proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the miseries they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews. 5.342. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, although she was barren. 5.343. Now Elcanah came with his wives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice, for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed, as we have formerly said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed at that festival portions of the flesh to his wives and children, and when Hannah saw the other wife’s children sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lonesomeness; 5.344. and suffering her grief to prevail over her husband’s consolations to her, she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she should bear to the service of God, and this in such a way, that his manner of living should not be like that of ordinary men. 5.345. And as she continued at her prayers a long time, Eli, the high priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid her go away, thinking she had been disordered with wine; but when she said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of children, and was beseeching God for them, he bid her be of good cheer, and told her that God would send her children. 5.346. 3. So she came to her husband full of hope, and ate her meal with gladness. And when they had returned to their own country she found herself with child, and they had a son born to them, to whom they gave the name of Samuel, which may be styled one that was asked of God. They therefore came to the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought their tithes with them; 5.347. but the woman remembered the vows she had made concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters. 5.348. 4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he, supposing he had been called by the high priest, came to him: but when the high priest said he did not call him, God did so thrice. 5.349. Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said to him, “Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as before: it is God that calls thee; do thou therefore signify it to him, and say, I am here ready.” So when he heard God speak again, he desired him to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he would not fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should make use of him in;— 5.350. to which God replied, “Since thou art here ready, learn what miseries are coming upon the Israelites,—such indeed as words cannot declare, nor faith believe; for the sons of Eli shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall be transferred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli hath loved his sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree as is not for their advantage.” 5.351. Which message Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict him by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure expectation of the perdition of his sons; but the glory of Samuel increased more and more, it being found by experience that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly. 5.352. 1. About this time it was that the Philistines made war against the Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now when the Israelites had expected them a little while, the very next day they joined battle, and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew above four thousand of the Hebrews, and pursued the rest of their multitude to their camp. 5.353. 2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark came to be honored. 5.354. So the ark came, and the sons of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their father, that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark, they should come no more into his presence, for Phineas officiated already as high priest, his father having resigned his office to him, by reason of his great age. 5.355. So the Hebrews were full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark’s coming to the Israelites: however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the expectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined, 5.356. that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high priest; but the ark was carried away by the enemies. 5.357. 3. When the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark, (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who was in the action, came as a messenger thither,) the whole city was full of lamentations. 5.358. And Eli, the high priest, who sat upon a high throne at one of the gates, heard their mournful cries, and supposed that some strange thing had befallen his family. So he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or what was told him withal about the army, as having beforehand known by divine revelation that those things would happen, and having himself declared them beforehand,—for what sad things come unexpectedly they distress men the most; 5.359. but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried captive by their enemies, he was very much grieved at it, because it fell out quite differently from what he expected; so he fell down from his throne and died, having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the government forty. 5.360. 4. On the same day his son Phineas’s wife died also, as not able to survive the misfortune of her husband; for they told her of her husband’s death as she was in labor. However, she bare a son at seven months, who lived, and to whom they gave the name of Icabod, which name signifies disgrace,—and this because the army received a disgrace at this time. 5.361. 5. Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son of Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar officiated as high priest at first, the son still receiving that honor from the father which Eleazar bequeathed to his son Phineas; 5.362. after whom Abiezer his son took the honor, and delivered it to his son, whose name was Bukki, from whom his son Ozi received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking, had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the time of Solomon’s reign; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it. 6.82. But Saul, although he took the good-will and the affection of these men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would not see any of his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix this victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter of those that were of the same lineage with themselves; and that it was more agreeable to be men of a friendly disposition, and so to betake themselves to feasting. 6.203. 3. When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased with them, and supposed that Saul was really desirous of this affinity with him; so that without bearing to deliberate any longer, or casting about in his mind whether what was proposed was possible, or was difficult or not, he and his companions immediately set upon the enemy, and went about doing what was proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly, because it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he slew many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hundred of them, and came to the king, and by showing him these heads of the Philistines, required that he might have his daughter in marriage. 6.210. A man who hath delivered the people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our enemies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in marriage; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before she can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. 6.244. and when he had obtained what he desired, he also asked him whether he had any weapons with him, either sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name was Doeg, one that kept the king’s mules. The high priest said that he had no such weapons; but, he added, “Here is the sword of Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God.” 6.247. 3. So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his brethren, and informed them where he was, who then came to him with all their kindred, and as many others as were either in want or in fear of king Saul, came and made a body together, and told him they were ready to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred. 6.291. I am now persuaded that God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon oath, That thou wilt not root out my family, nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and preserve my house.” So David sware as he desired, and sent back Saul to his own kingdom; but he, and those that were with him, went up the Straits of Mastheroth. 6.360. And when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all gave him sustece, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came. 6.361. Whereupon the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was left behind by his master, because he was so sick and weak that he could not follow him. He also informed him that he was one of those who had burnt and plundered, not only other parts of Judea, but Ziklag itself also. 7.47. for these being of a family of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if they should slay Ishbosheth, they should obtain large presents from David, and be made commanders by him, or, however, should have some other trust committed to them. 7.83. he did not receive it to himself into the city, but he took it aside unto a certain place belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom, who was by his family a Levite, and deposited the ark with him; and it remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of Obededom, and conferred many blessings upon it. 7.315. Next to these was Abishai, Joab’s brother; for he in one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being challenged by [two] eminent men in the country of Moab, he overcame them by his valor. Moreover, there was a man, by nation an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and challenged him, yet did he, when he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he threw at him; for he caught him by force, and took away his weapons while he was alive and fighting, and slew him with his own weapons. 7.380. 10. Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular did David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers, and the priests, and of all the rest; and he began to bless God with a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, with which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom which he hath given his son. 8.76. 4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram; he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother’s side, (for she was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This man was skillful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, and silver, and brass; by whom were made all the mechanical works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon. 8.120. and to pray that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness and religious worship, and that they might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations among all mankind. 9.3. He also constituted judges in every one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have regard to nothing so much in judging the multitude as to do justice, and not to be moved by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either their riches or their high birth, but to distribute justice equally to all, as knowing that God is conscious of every secret action of theirs. 9.117. and as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had been wounded, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly, and in good order; 9.130. And when he had further destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked them whither they were going? 9.186. 1. Now, in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother’s name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding careful of doing what was right, and this when he was very young; but when he came to the management of affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he ought first of all to avenge his father Je-hoash, and to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands upon him: 9.211. When they had cast lots, the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was upon them. 9.216. After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem. He was a good man, and by nature righteous and magimous, and very laborious in taking care of the affairs of his kingdom. 9.291. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition, they say they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from other countries. But of these we shall have a more seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter. 10.80. Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place. 10.122. but there was one of the king’s servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. 10.183. And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. 10.230. for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before. 10.237. Now when the king’s grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted. 11.70. and besides these, there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-two; there were also others besides these, who said they were of the Israelites, but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two: 11.114. 9. But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came; 11.207. 4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen’s uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king. 11.209. 5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him; 11.211. And when he desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them. 11.269. 12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman. 11.277. This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; 12.4. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a Sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. 12.5. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander’s successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: 12.6. “There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition.” 12.226. “Areus, King of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. /p “We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abraham It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about any of your concerns as you please. 12.229. For whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph’s sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives. 12.260. Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records. 12.274. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day. 12.275. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, 12.276. who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. 12.277. This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath days. 12.296. and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until he came back; and that he should conquer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation. 12.403. When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to get him into his power by treachery; so he sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king Demetrius’s intentions were, and what opinion he had of their nation. 13.80. 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God’s providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. 13.109. 7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, 13.131. 1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander’s forces, an Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took notice of the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father. 13.164. He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship. 13.165. The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; 13.166. a copy of which here follows: “Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. 13.167. When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were well satisfied about it from the sacred writing 13.168. yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory. 13.169. As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that friendship which is between us. 13.170. You will therefore do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according to your desires.” So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to them. 13.212. and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four years and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that concerned his death. 14.63. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else. 14.78. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. 15.253. 9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; 15.257. and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra’s government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod’s power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 15.384. and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. 17.9. Although Antipeter’s uncle by the mother’s side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome’s other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him. 17.48. “for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me.” 17.49. Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,) that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him. 17.78. The high priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room. 17.141. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar’s wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt. 17.324. 1. When these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his countece, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; 17.327. Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father’s principality, and reward his benefactors; 17.330. insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother’s family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets; 18.103. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant. 18.167. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him. 18.180. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. 18.196. and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; 18.221. or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; 18.314. Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes; 18.318. 2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together. 18.319. He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. 18.320. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, “Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.” 18.321. And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that “neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer. 18.322. We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day].” 18.323. But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself. 18.324. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight. 18.359. but that if he were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; “to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him.” 19.17. 3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. 20.81. 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king’s hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. 20.100. 2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. 20.123. whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. 20.142. While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. 20.147. and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly. 20.163. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: 20.173. 7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. 20.214. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us. 20.252. 1. Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of Clazomenae, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Poppea, Nero’s wife, he obtained this government,) who was no way different from him in wickedness. |
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167. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.432, 1.477, 1.513, 1.576, 2.119, 2.308, 2.466, 2.482, 2.566, 3.435, 4.240, 4.311, 4.358, 4.416, 4.503, 4.506, 5.443, 5.532, 6.54, 7.66, 7.199, 7.204, 7.329, 7.349, 7.375 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 168, 182 | 1.432. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches. 1.513. 1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Archelaus’s stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. 1.576. Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus’s grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod’s kingdom, yet was by birth an Arabian; 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.466. 3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; 2.482. Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 3.435. which piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for the commander was a public one; 4.240. And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; 4.311. and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple. 4.358. on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his freespeaking. 4.416. o they seized upon Dolesus (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy) and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. 4.503. 3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who had already seized upon the city, 4.506. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; 5.443. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, 5.532. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Aias, the son of Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrin, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. 6.54. 6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were affrighted at so great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; 7.66. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; 7.199. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while in the meantime, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. 7.204. These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family; 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. 7.349. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. 7.375. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? |
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168. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.7.3, 1.59, 1.71, 1.106, 1.129, 1.160, 1.164, 1.173, 1.219, 1.250, 1.252, 1.265, 1.268, 1.275, 1.278, 1.298, 1.314, 1.317, 2.8, 2.28, 2.31, 2.138, 2.200, 2.202, 2.225-2.235, 2.296 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 306; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 168, 182 | 1.59. after which I shall produce testimonies for our antiquity out of the writings of foreigners: I shall also demonstrate that such as cast reproaches upon our nation do it very unjustly. /p 1.71. yet do I confess that I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since our first leaders and ancestors were derived from them; and they do make mention of us Jews in their records, on account of the kindred there is between us. 1.106. 17. I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those who belong to the Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall produce attestations to what I have said out of them. 1.129. Berosus shall be witness to what I say: he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, on account of his publication of the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy among the Greeks. 1.160. So that the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple; and the testimonies here produced are an indisputable and undeniable attestation to the antiquity of our nation; and I suppose that what I have already said may be sufficient to such as are not very contentious. /p 1.164. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus:—“That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that this man’s soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches.” 1.173. “At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld; for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths: they dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake: their heads were sooty; they had round rasures on them; their heads and faces were like nasty horseheads also, that had been hardened in the smoke.” 1.219. 24. One particular there is still remaining behind of what I at first proposed to speak to, and that is to demonstrate that those calumnies and reproaches, which some have thrown upon our nation, are lies, and to make use of those writers’ own testimonies against themselves: 1.250. It was also reported that the priest, who ordained their polity and their laws, was by birth of Heliopolis, and his name Osarsiph from Osiris, who was the god of Heliopolis; but that when he was gone over to these people, his name was changed, and he was called Moses.” /p 1.252. These and the like accounts are written by Manetho. But I will demonstrate that he trifles, and tells arrant lies, after I have made a distinction which will relate to what I am going to say about him; for this Manetho had granted and confessed that this nation was not originally Egyptian, but that they had come from another country, and subdued Egypt, and then went away again out of it. 1.265. and for that priest who settled their polity and their laws,” he says “he was by birth of Heliopolis; and his name was Osarsiph, from Osiris, the god of Heliopolis, but that he changed his name, and called himself Moses.” 1.268. However, had they ever so much hated him in particular, they might have laid a private plot against himself, but would hardly have made war against all the Egyptians; I mean this on the account of the great kindred they who were so numerous must have had among them. 1.275. He then says, that “those who came from Jerusalem, and made this invasion, got the granaries of Egypt into their possession, and perpetrated many of the most horrid actions there.” And thence he reproaches them, as though he had not himself introduced them as enemies, or as though he might accuse such as were invited from another place for so doing, when the natural Egyptians themselves had done the same things before their coming, and had taken oaths so to do. 1.278. 30. Our nation, therefore, according to Manetho, was not derived from Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us; for it is to be supposed, that many of the leprous and distempered people were dead in the mines, since they had been there a long time, and in so ill a condition; many others must be dead in the battles that happened afterward, and more still in the last battle and flight after it. /p 1.298. but then, this Cheremon commits a most ridiculous blunder in not informing us who this army of so many ten thousands were, or whence they came; whether they were native Egyptians, or whether they came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream from Isis about the leprous people, assigned the reason why the king would not bring them into Egypt. 1.314. What people does he mean? foreigners, or those of that country? Why then dost thou call them Jews, if they were Egyptians? But if they were foreigners, why dost thou not tell us whence they came? And how could it be that, after the king had thrown many of them into the sea, and ejected the rest into desert places, there should be still so great a multitude remaining? 1.317. For, in case the people were by birth Egyptians, they would not on the sudden have so easily changed the customs of their country; and in case they had been foreigners, they had for certain some laws or other which had been kept by them from long custom. 2.8. 2. Now, although I cannot but think that I have already demonstrated, and that abundantly, more than was necessary, that our fathers were not originally Egyptians, nor were thence expelled, either on account of bodily diseases, or any other calamities of that sort, 2.28. 3. This is that novel account which the Egyptian Apion gives us concerning the Jews’ departure out of Egypt, and is no better than a contrivance of his own. But why should we wonder at the lies he tells us about our forefathers, when he affirms them to be of Egyptian original, when he lies also about himself? 2.31. As for the Egyptians’ claim to be of our kindred, they do it on one of the following accounts; I mean, either as they value themselves upon it, and pretend to bear that relation to us: or else as they would draw us in to be partakers of their own infamy. 2.138. Now, as for our slaughter of tame animals for sacrifices, it is common to us and to all other men; but this Apion, by making it a crime to sacrifice them, demonstrates himself to be an Egyptian; for had he been either a Grecian or a Macedonian [as he pretends to be], he had not shown any uneasiness at it; for those people glory in sacrificing whole hecatombs to the gods, and make use of those sacrifices for feasting; and yet is not the world thereby rendered destitute of cattle, as Apion was afraid would come to pass. 2.200. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; 2.202. The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.225. Yet do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as no better than certain idle words set off with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. 2.226. So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath continued; 2.227. and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; 2.228. while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a livelihood. Nay, if any one will consider it, the difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, 2.229. while they neither ploughed their land nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such painstaking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, 2.230. while they made use of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had their food prepared for them by the others: and these good and humane actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and their sufferings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they make war. 2.231. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies. /p 2.232. 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234. Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235. while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. /p 2.296. but let this and the foregoing book be dedicated to thee, Epaphroditus, who art so great a lover of truth, and by thy means to those that have been in like manner desirous to be acquainted with the affairs of our nation. /p p class="bottomselect artificial" « a href="/j_ap/1/wst" J. Ap. 1 /a | a href="/j_ap/2/wst" J. Ap. 2 /a (end) | a href="/j_ap/0/wst" About This Work /a » /p |
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| 169. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 312 |
| 170. Philo of Byblos, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
171. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.1.3, 1.3.2, 1.3.5, 1.18.3, 1.18.7, 1.24.3, 1.24.7, 1.25.1, 1.28.1, 1.33.2, 1.33.7-1.33.8, 1.34, 2.7.6, 2.18.7-2.18.8, 3.1.5, 3.8.8-3.8.10, 3.9.1-3.9.12, 3.11.9, 3.12.7, 3.12.10, 3.13.9, 3.14.2, 3.16.7-3.16.8, 3.17.8-3.17.10, 3.23.10, 4.3.3-4.3.8, 4.4.2, 4.5.3, 4.14.4-4.14.5, 4.31.3, 4.32.3, 5.4.5, 5.7.6, 5.10.4-5.10.5, 5.14.10, 6.3.15-6.3.16, 6.7.3-6.7.5, 6.13.2, 6.15.8, 6.18.7, 6.19, 6.20.1, 7.17.5, 7.20.7-7.20.8, 8.36.2-8.36.3, 8.41.2, 8.46.4, 8.47.3, 8.53.11, 9.18.5, 9.23.6, 9.38.3, 9.41.6, 10.24.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 115| 2.18.8. ἐκβάλλουσιν οὖν ἐκ μὲν Λακεδαίμονος καὶ Ἄργους Τισαμενόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Μεσσηνίας τοὺς Νέστορος ἀπογόνους, Ἀλκμαίωνα Σίλλου τοῦ Θρασυμήδους καὶ Πεισίστρατον τὸν Πεισιστράτου καὶ τοὺς Παίονος τοῦ Ἀντιλόχου παῖδας, σὺν δὲ αὐτοῖς Μέλανθον τὸν Ἀνδροπόμπου τοῦ Βώρου τοῦ Πενθίλου τοῦ Περικλυμένου. Τισαμενὸς μὲν οὖν ἦλθε σὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἐς τὴν νῦν Ἀχαΐαν· | 2.18.8. So they expelled Tisamenus from Lacedaemon and Argos , and the descendants of Nestor from Messenia , namely Alcmaeon, son of Sillus, son of Thrasymedes, Peisistratus, son of Peisistratus, and the sons of Paeon, son of Antilochus, and with them Melanthus, son of Andropompus, son of Borus, son of Penthilus, son of Periclymenus. So Tisamenus and his sons went with his army to the land that is now Achaia . |
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| 172. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 193 |
| 173. Aelian, Varia Historia, 1.19, 2.25, 12.50 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 200, 265 |
| 174. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 6.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 175. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.108, 9.83 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 45; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53 |
176. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 57.18.4-57.18.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 24 | 57.18.4. This proceeding startled them all alike, just as if the consul had given them a signal for battle; and they were also alarmed by the falling of the statue Janus. They were furthermore disturbed not a little by an oracle, reputed to be an utterance of the Sibyl, which, although it did not fit this period of the city's history at all, was nevertheless applied to the situation then existing. 57.18.5. It ran:"When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris . . ." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine. |
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| 177. Lucian, Athletics, 38-39 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 530 |
178. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.23, 1.27-1.33, 1.82-1.83, 1.94, 1.96, 1.115-1.121, 2.1-2.2, 2.103, 9.50 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 152, 153, 199, 200, 201, 203, 313 | 1.23. After engaging in politics he became a student of nature. According to some he left nothing in writing; for the Nautical Astronomy attributed to him is said to be by Phocus of Samos. Callimachus knows him as the discoverer of the Ursa Minor; for he says in his Iambics:Who first of men the course made plainof those small stars we call the Wain,Whereby Phoenicians sail the main.But according to others he wrote nothing but two treatises, one On the Solstice and one On the Equinox, regarding all other matters as incognizable. He seems by some accounts to have been the first to study astronomy, the first to predict eclipses of the sun and to fix the solstices; so Eudemus in his History of Astronomy. It was this which gained for him the admiration of Xenophanes and Herodotus and the notice of Heraclitus and Democritus. 1.27. His doctrine was that water is the universal primary substance, and that the world is animate and full of divinities. He is said to have discovered the seasons of the year and divided it into 365 days.He had no instructor, except that he went to Egypt and spent some time with the priests there. Hieronymus informs us that he measured the height of the pyramids by the shadow they cast, taking the observation at the hour when our shadow is of the same length as ourselves. He lived, as Minyas relates, with Thrasybulus, the tyrant of Miletus.The well-known story of the tripod found by the fishermen and sent by the people of Miletus to all the Wise Men in succession runs as follows. 1.28. Certain Ionian youths having purchased of the Milesian fishermen their catch of fish, a dispute arose over the tripod which had formed part of the catch. Finally the Milesians referred the question to Delphi, and the god gave an oracle in this form:Who shall possess the tripod? Thus replies Apollo: Whosoever is most wise.Accordingly they give it to Thales, and he to another, and so on till it comes to Solon, who, with the remark that the god was the most wise, sent it off to Delphi. Callimachus in his Iambics has a different version of the story, which he took from Maeandrius of Miletus. It is that Bathycles, an Arcadian, left at his death a bowl with the solemn injunction that it should be given to him who had done most good by his wisdom. So it was given to Thales, went the round of all the sages, and came back to Thales again. 1.29. And he sent it to Apollo at Didyma, with this dedication, according to Callimachus:Lord of the folk of Neleus' line,Thales, of Greeks adjudged most wise,Brings to thy Didymaean shrineHis offering, a twice-won prize.But the prose inscription is:Thales the Milesian, son of Examyas [dedicates this] to Delphinian Apollo after twice winning the prize from all the Greeks.The bowl was carried from place to place by the son of Bathycles, whose name was Thyrion, so it is stated by Eleusis in his work On Achilles, and Alexo the Myndian in the ninth book of his Legends.But Eudoxus of Cnidos and Euanthes of Miletus agree that a certain man who was a friend of Croesus received from the king a golden goblet in order to bestow it upon the wisest of the Greeks; this man gave it to Thales, and from him it passed to others and so to Chilon. 1.30. Chilon laid the question Who is a wiser man than I? before the Pythian Apollo, and the god replied Myson. of him we shall have more to say presently. (In the list of the Seven Sages given by Eudoxus, Myson takes the place of Cleobulus; Plato also includes him by omitting Periander.) The answer of the oracle respecting him was as follows:Myson of Chen in Oeta; this is heWho for wiseheartedness surpasseth thee;and it was given in reply to a question put by Anacharsis. Daimachus the Platonist and Clearchus allege that a bowl was sent by Croesus to Pittacus and began the round of the Wise Men from him.The story told by Andron in his work on The Tripod is that the Argives offered a tripod as a prize of virtue to the wisest of the Greeks; Aristodemus of Sparta was adjudged the winner but retired in favour of Chilon. 1.31. Aristodemus is mentioned by Alcaeus thus:Surely no witless word was this of the Spartan, I deem,Wealth is the worth of a man; and poverty void of esteem.Some relate that a vessel with its freight was sent by Periander to Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, and that, when it was wrecked in Coan waters, the tripod was afterwards found by certain fishermen. However, Phanodicus declares it to have been found in Athenian waters and thence brought to Athens. An assembly was held and it was sent to Bias; 1.32. for what reason shall be explained in the life of Bias.There is yet another version, that it was the work of Hephaestus presented by the god to Pelops on his marriage. Thence it passed to Menelaus and was carried off by Paris along with Helen and was thrown by her into the Coan sea, for she said it would be a cause of strife. In process of time certain people of Lebedus, having purchased a catch of fish thereabouts, obtained possession of the tripod, and, quarrelling with the fishermen about it, put in to Cos, and, when they could not settle the dispute, reported the fact to Miletus, their mother-city. The Milesians, when their embassies were disregarded, made war upon Cos; many fell on both sides, and an oracle pronounced that the tripod should be given to the wisest; both parties to the dispute agreed upon Thales. After it had gone the round of the sages, Thales dedicated it to Apollo of Didyma. 1.33. The oracle which the Coans received was on this wise:Hephaestus cast the tripod in the sea;Until it quit the city there will beNo end to strife, until it reach the seerWhose wisdom makes past, present, future clear.That of the Milesians beginning Who shall possess the tripod? has been quoted above. So much for this version of the story.Hermippus in his Lives refers to Thales the story which is told by some of Socrates, namely, that he used to say there were three blessings for which he was grateful to Fortune: first, that I was born a human being and not one of the brutes; next, that I was born a man and not a woman; thirdly, a Greek and not a barbarian. 1.82. 5. BIASBias, the son of Teutames, was born at Priene, and by Satyrus is placed at the head of the Seven Sages. Some make him of a wealthy family, but Duris says he was a labourer living in the house. Phanodicus relates that he ransomed certain Messenian maidens captured in war and brought them up as his daughters, gave them dowries, and restored them to their fathers in Messenia. In course of time, as has been already related, the bronze tripod with the inscription To him that is wise having been found at Athens by the fishermen, the maidens according to Satyrus, or their father according to other accounts, including that of Phanodicus, came forward into the assembly and, after the recital of their own adventures, pronounced Bias to be wise. And thereupon the tripod was dispatched to him; but Bias, on seeing it, declared that Apollo was wise, and refused to take the tripod. 1.83. But others say that he dedicated it to Heracles in Thebes, since he was a descendant of the Thebans who had founded a colony at Priene; and this is the version of Phanodieus.A story is told that, while Alyattes was besieging Priene, Bias fattened two mules and drove them into the camp, and that the king, when he saw them, was amazed at the good condition of the citizens actually extending to their beasts of burden. And he decided to make terms and sent a messenger. But Bias piled up heaps of sand with a layer of corn on the top, and showed them to the man, and finally, on being informed of this, Alyattes made a treaty of peace with the people of Priene. Soon afterwards, when Alyattes sent to invite Bias to his court, he replied, Tell Alyattes, from me, to make his diet of onions, that is, to weep. 1.94. 7. PERIANDERPeriander, the son of Cypselus, was born at Corinth, of the family of the Heraclidae. His wife was Lysida, whom he called Melissa. Her father was Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus, her mother Eristheneia, daughter of Aristocrates and sister of Aristodemus, who together reigned over nearly the whole of Arcadia, as stated by Heraclides of Pontus in his book On Government. By her he had two sons, Cypselus and Lycophron, the younger a man of intelligence, the elder weak in mind. 1.96. Aristippus in the first book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients accuses him of incest with his own mother Crateia, and adds that, when the fact came to light, he vented his annoyance in indiscriminate severity. Ephorus records his now that, if he won the victory at Olympia in the chariot-race, he would set up a golden statue. When the victory was won, being in sore straits for gold, he despoiled the women of all the ornaments which he had seen them wearing at some local festival. He was thus enabled to send the votive offering.There is a story that he did not wish the place where he was buried to be known, and to that end contrived the following device. He ordered two young men to go out at night by a certain road which he pointed out to them; they were to kill the man they met and bury him. He afterwards ordered four more to go in pursuit of the two, kill them and bury them; again, he dispatched a larger number in pursuit of the four. Having taken these measures, he himself encountered the first pair and was slain. The Corinthians placed the following inscription upon a cenotaph: 1.115. Theopompus relates in his Mirabilia that, as he was building a shrine to the Nymphs, a voice came from heaven: Epimenides, not to the Nymphs but to Zeus, and that he foretold to the Cretans the defeat of the Lacedaemonians by the Arcadians, as already stated; and in very truth they were crushed at Orchomenus.And he became old in as many days as he had slept years; for this too is stated by Theopompus. Myronianus in his Parallels declares that the Cretans called him one of the Curetes. The Lacedaemonians guard his body in their own keeping in obedience to a certain oracle; this is stated by Sosibius the Laconian.There have been two other men named Epimenides, namely, the genealogist and another who wrote in Doric Greek about Rhodes. 1.116. 11. PHERECYDESPherecydes, the son of Babys, and a native of Syros according to Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers, was a pupil of Pittacus. Theopompus tells us that he was the first who wrote in Greek on nature and the gods.Many wonderful stories are told about him. He was walking along the beach in Samos and saw a ship running before the wind; he exclaimed that in no long time she would go down, and, even as he watched her, down she went. And as he was drinking water which had been drawn up from a well he predicted that on the third day there would be an earthquake; which came to pass. And on his way from Olympia he advised Perilaus, his host in Messene, to move thence with all belonging to him; but Perilaus could not be persuaded, and Messene was afterwards taken. 1.117. He bade the Lacedaemonians set no store by gold or silver, as Theopompus says in his Mirabilia. He told them he had received this command from Heracles in a dream; and the same night Heracles enjoined upon the kings to obey Pherecydes. But some fasten this story upon Pythagoras.Hermippus relates that on the eve of war between Ephesus and Magnesia he favoured the cause of the Ephesians, and inquired of some one passing by where he came from, and on receiving the reply From Ephesus, he said, Drag me by the legs and place me in the territory of Magnesia; and take a message to your countrymen that after their victory they must bury me there, and that this is the last injunction of Pherecydes. 1.118. The man gave the message; a day later the Ephesians attacked and defeated the Magnesians; they found Pherecydes dead and buried him on the spot with great honours. Another version is that he came to Delphi and hurled himself down from Mount Corycus. But Aristoxenus in his work On Pythagoras and his School affirms that he died a natural death and was buried by Pythagoras in Delos; another account again is that he died of a verminous disease, that Pythagoras was also present and inquired how he was, that he thrust his finger through the doorway and exclaimed, My skin tells its own tale, a phrase subsequently applied by the grammarians as equivalent to getting worse, although some wrongly understand it to mean all is going well. 1.119. He maintained that the divine name for table is θυωρός, or that which takes care of offerings.Andron of Ephesus says that there were two natives of Syros who bore the name of Pherecydes: the one was an astronomer, the other was the son of Babys and a theologian, teacher of Pythagoras. Eratosthenes, however, says that there was only one Pherecydes of Syros, the other Pherecydes being an Athenian and a genealogist.There is preserved a work by Pherecydes of Syros, a work which begins thus: Zeus and Time and Earth were from all eternity, and Earth was called Γῆ because Zeus gave her earth (γῆ) as guerdon (γέρας). His sun-dial is also preserved in the island of Syros.Duris in the second book of his Horae gives the inscription on his tomb as follows: 1.120. All knowledge that a man may have had I;Yet tell Pythagoras, were more thereby,That first of all Greeks is he; I speak no lie.Ion of Chios says of him:With manly worth endowed and modesty,Though he be dead, his soul lives happily,If wise Pythagoras indeed saw lightAnd read the destinies of men aright.There is also an epigram of my own in the Pherecratean metre:The famous Pherecydes, to whom Syros gave birth, 1.121. when his former beauty was consumed by vermin, gave orders that he should be taken straight to the Magnesian land in order that he might give victory to the noble Ephesians. There was an oracle, which he alone knew, enjoining this; and there he died among them. It seems then it is a true tale; if anyone is truly wise, he brings blessings both in his lifetime and when he is no more.He lived in the 59th Olympiad. He wrote the following letter:Pherecydes to Thale 2.1. BOOK 2: 1. ANAXIMANDERAnaximander, the son of Praxiades, was a native of Miletus. He laid down as his principle and element that which is unlimited without defining it as air or water or anything else. He held that the parts undergo change, but the whole is unchangeable; that the earth, which is of spherical shape, lies in the midst, occupying the place of a centre; that the moon, shining with borrowed light, derives its illumination from the sun; further, that the sun is as large as the earth and consists of the purest fire.He was the first inventor of the gnomon and set it up for a sundial in Lacedaemon, as is stated by Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History, in order to mark the solstices and the equinoxes; he also constructed clocks to tell the time. 2.2. He was the first to draw on a map the outline of land and sea, and he constructed a globe as well.His exposition of his doctrines took the form of a summary which no doubt came into the hands, among others, of Apollodorus of Athens. He says in his Chronology that in the second year of the 58th Olympiad Anaximander was sixty-four, and that he died not long afterwards. Thus he flourished almost at the same time as Polycrates the tyrant of Samos. There is a story that the boys laughed at his singing, and that, when he heard of it, he rejoined, Then to please the boys I must improve my singing.There is another Anaximander, also of Miletus, a historian who wrote in the Ionic dialect. 2.103. A similar anecdote is told of Diogenes and Aristippus, as mentioned above.Such was the character of Theodorus and his surroundings. At last he retired to Cyrene, where he lived with Magas and continued to be held in high honour. The first time that he was expelled from Cyrene he is credited with a witty remark: Many thanks, men of Cyrene, said he, for driving me from Libya into Greece.Some twenty persons have borne the name of Theodorus: (1) a Samian, the son of Rhoecus. He it was who advised laying charcoal embers under the foundations of the temple in Ephesus; for, as the ground was very damp, the ashes, being free from woody fibre, would retain a solidity which is actually proof against moisture. (2) A Cyrenaean geometer, whose lectures Plato attended. (3) The philosopher above referred to. (4) The author of a fine work on practising the voice. 9.50. 8. PROTAGORASProtagoras, son of Artemon or, according to Apollodorus and Dinon in the fifth book of his History of Persia, of Maeandrius, was born at Abdera (so says Heraclides of Pontus in his treatise On Laws, and also that he made laws for Thurii) or, according to Eupolis in his Flatterers, at Teos; for the latter says:Inside we've got Protagoras of Teos.He and Prodicus of Ceos gave public readings for which fees were charged, and Plato in the Protagoras calls Prodicus deep-voiced. Protagoras studied under Democritus. The latter was nicknamed Wisdom, according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History. |
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| 179. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 7.49 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342 |
| 180. John Chrysostom, Carit., 20.1.14-20.1.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248 |
| 181. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 13.135, 28.309 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 475 |
182. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.9.5-22.9.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 342 | 22.9.5. Having here also in a similar way generously furnished many things that were necessary for repairing the damage done by the earthquake, he went on past Nicaea to the borders of Gallograecia. Galatia (Gallacia); cf. Suet., Calig. 29, 2. From there he made a detour to the right and turned to Pessinus, in order to visit the ancient shrine of the Great Mother. It was from that town, in the second Punic war, that at the direction of the Cumaean verses The Sibylline Verses; see Livy, xxix. 10, 11. her image was brought to Rome by Scipio Nasica. In 204 B.C.; see Livy, l.c. 22.9.6. of its arrival in Italy, along with other matters relating to the subject, I have given a brief account by way of digression in telling of the acts of the emperor Commodus. In one of the lost books. But why the town was called by that name writers of history are not in agreement; 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia. |
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| 183. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 3.20 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 203 |
| 189. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.125-1.126, 2.17-2.19, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 531; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 187, 197; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 313, 320, 323, 324 |
191. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.38, 1.3.2, 1.4.9, 2.3.7, 3.4.5, 3.4.8, 3.4.19, 5.2.2, 5.3.12, 6.2.2, 6.3.2, 7.3.7, 7.5.1, 7.7.1, 8.1.1, 8.3.22, 8.3.31-8.3.33, 8.6.6, 9.1.10, 9.2.3, 10.3.9, 10.3.12-10.3.14, 10.3.19-10.3.20, 10.4.16-10.4.17, 10.4.20-10.4.21, 11.14.9, 12.3.11, 12.5.3, 12.8.4, 13.1.1, 13.1.13, 14.2.16, 14.5.25, 15.3.23, 16.2.38, 17.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 528; Finkelberg (2019), Homer and Early Greek Epic: Collected Essays, 303; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 285; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 28, 76; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 145, 475; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25, 32, 184, 313, 327, 336, 342 | 1.2.38. Demetrius of Skepsis is also wrong, and, in fact, the cause of some of the mistakes of Apollodorus. He eagerly objects to the statement of Neanthes of Cyzicus, that the Argonauts, when they sailed to the Phasis, instituted at Cyzicus the rites of the Idaean Mother. Though their voyage is attested both by Homer and other writers, he denies that Homer had any knowledge whatever of the departure of Jason to the Phasis. In so doing, he not only contradicts the very words of Homer, but even his own assertions. The poet informs us that Achilles, having ravaged Lesbos and other districts, spared Lemnos and the adjoining islands, on account of his relationship with Jason and his son Euneos, who then had possession of the island. How should he know of a relationship, identity of race, or other connexion existing between Achilles and Jason, which, after all, was nothing else than that they were both Thessalians, one being of Iolcos, the other of the Achaean Phthiotis, and yet was not aware how it happened that Jason, who was a Thessalian of Iolcos, should leave no descendants in the land of his nativity, but establish his son as ruler of Lemnos? Homer then was familiar with the history of Pelias and the daughters of Pelias, of Alcestis, who was the most charming of them all, and of her son Eumelus, whom Alcestis, praised For beauty above all her sisters fair, In Thessaly to king Admetus bore, Iliad ii. 714. and was yet ignorant of all that befell Jason, and Argo, and the Argonauts, matters on the actual occurrence of which all the world is agreed. The tale then of their voyage in the ocean from Aeeta, was a mere fiction, for which he had no authority in history. 1.3.2. However, this is not all we have to say against him. of many places he tells us that nothing is known, when in fact they have every one been accurately described. Then he warns us to be very cautious in believing what we are told on such matters, and endeavours by long and tedious arguments to show the value of his advice; swallowing at the same time the most ridiculous absurdities himself concerning the Euxine and Adriatic. Thus he believed the Gulf of Issos to be the most easterly point of the Mediterranean, though Dioscurias, which is nearly at the bottom of the Pontus Euxinus, is, according to his own calculations, farther east by a distance of 3000 stadia. In describing the northern and farther parts of the Adriatic he cannot refrain from similar romancing, and gives credit to many strange narrations concerning what lies beyond the Pillars of Hercules, informing us of an Isle of Kerne there, and other places now nowhere to be found, which we shall speak of presently. Having remarked that the ancients, whether out on piratical excursions, or for the purposes of commerce, never ventured into the high seas, but crept along the coast, and instancing Jason, who leaving his vessels at Colchis penetrated into Armenia and Media on foot, he proceeds to tell us that formerly no one dared to navigate either the Euxine or the seas by Libya, Syria, and Cilicia. If by formerly he means periods so long past that we possess no record of them, it is of little consequence to us whether they navigated those seas or not, but if [he speaks] of times of which we know any thing, and if we are to place any trust in the accounts which have come down to us, every one will admit that the ancients appear to have made longer journeys both by sea and land than their successors; witness Bacchus, Hercules, nay Jason himself, and again Ulysses and Menelaus, of whom Homer tells us. It seems most probable that Theseus and Pirithous are indebted to some long voyages for the credit they afterwards obtained of having visited the infernal regions; and in like manner the Dioscuri gained the appellation of guardians of the sea, and the deliverers of sailors. The sovereignty of the seas exercised by Minos, and the navigation carried on by the Phoenicians, is well known. A little after the period of the Trojan war they had penetrated beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and founded cities as well there as to the midst of the African coast. Is it not correct to number amongst the ancients Aeneas, Antenor, the Heneti, and all the crowd of warriors, who, after the destruction of Troy, wandered over the face of the whole earth? For at the conclusion of the war both the Greeks and Barbarians found themselves deprived, the one of their livelihood at home, the other of the fruits of their expedition; so that when Troy was overthrown, the victors, and still more the vanquished, who had survived the conflict, were compelled by want to a life of piracy; and we learn that they became the founders of many cities along the sea-coast beyond Greece, besides several inland settlements. 1.4.9. At the close of the book Eratosthenes blames the system of those who would divide all mankind into Greeks and Barbarians, and likewise those who recommended Alexander to treat the Greeks as friends, but the Barbarians as enemies. He suggests, as a better course, to distinguish them according to their virtues and their vices, since amongst the Greeks there are many worthless characters, and many highly civilized are to be found amongst the Barbarians; witness the Indians and Ariani, or still better the Romans and Carthaginians, whose political system is so beautifully perfect. Alexander, considering this, disregarded the advice which had been offered him, and patronized without distinction any man he considered to be deserving. But we would inquire whether those men who thus divided the human race, abandoning one portion to contempt, and exalting to dignity the other, were not actuated to this because they found that on one side justice, knowledge, and the force of reason reigned supreme, but their contraries on the other. Alexander did not disregard the advice tendered him, but gladly embraced and followed it, respecting the wisdom of those who gave it; and so far from taking the opposite course, he closely pursued that which they pointed out. 2.3.7. Next he undertakes to find fault with those who gave to the continents their present division, instead of marking them out by lines drawn parallel to the equator, by which means the different animals, plants, and temperatures would have been distinguished, according as they approached the frigid or the torrid zones; so that each continent would have formed a kind of zone. Afterwards, however, he overturns and gives up altogether this view, bestowing every commendation on the existing system, and thus making his argument altogether worthless and of no avail. In fact, the various arrangements [of a country] are not the result of premeditation, any more than the diversities of nations or languages; they all depend on circumstances and chance. Arts, forms of government, and modes of life, arising from certain [internal] springs, flourish under whatever climate they may be situated; climate, however, has its influence, and therefore while some peculiarites are due to the nature of the country, others are the result of institutions and education. It is not owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedemonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. Neither are the Babylonians and Egyptians philosophers by nature, but by reason of their institutions and education. In like manner the excellence of horses, oxen, and other animals, results not alone from the places where they dwell, but also, from their breeding. Posidonius confounds all these distinctions. In praising the division of the continents as it now stands, he advances as an argument the difference between the Indians and the Ethiopians of Libya, the former being more robust, and less dried by the heat of the climate. It is on this account that Homer, who includes them all under the title of Ethiopians, describes them as being separated into two divisions, These eastward situate, those toward the west. [Od. i, 23. [Crates], to support his hypothesis, supposes another inhabited earth, of which Homer certainly knew nothing; and says that the passage ought to be read thus, towards the descending sun, viz. when having passed the meridian, it begins to decline. 3.4.5. The settlement of the Grecians amongst these barbarous nations may be regarded as the result of the division of these latter into small tribes and sovereignties, having on account of their moroseness no union amongst themselves, and therefore powerless against attacks from without. This moroseness is remarkably prevalent amongst the Iberians, who are besides crafty in their manner, devoid of sincerity, insidious, and predatory in their mode of life; they are bold in little adventures, but never undertake any thing of magnitude, inasmuch as they have never formed any extended power or confederacy. If they had had but the will to assist each other, neither could the Carthaginians by making an incursion have so easily deprived them of the greater part of their country, nor before them the Tyrians, then the Kelts, now called the Keltiberians and Berones, nor after these the brigand Viriathus, and Sertorius, nor any others who desired power. On this account the Romans, having carried the war into Iberia, lost much time by reason of the number of different sovereignties, having to conquer first one, then another; in fact, it occupied nearly two centuries, or even longer, before they had subdued the whole. — I return to my description. 3.4.8. The whole coast from the Pillars up to this place wants harbours, but all the way from here to Emporium, the countries of the Leetani, the Lartolaeetae, and others, are both furnished with excellent harbours and fertile. Emporium was founded by the people of Marseilles, and is about 4000 stadia distant from the Pyrenees, and the confines of Iberia and Keltica. This is a very fine region, and possesses good ports. Here also is Rhode, a small town of the Emporitae, but some say it was founded by the Rhodians. Both here and in Emporium they reverence the Ephesian Diana. The cause of this we will explain when we come to speak of Massalia. in former times the Emporitae dwelt on a small island opposite, now called the old city, but at the present day they inhabit the mainland. The city is double, being divided by a wall, for in past times some of the Indiceti dwelt close by, who, although they had a separate polity to themselves, desired, for the sake of safety, to be shut in by a common enclosure with the Greeks; but at the same time that this enclosure should be two-fold, being divided through its middle by a wall. In time, however, they came to have but one government, a mixture of Barbarian and Greek laws; a result which has taken place in many other [states]. 3.4.19. Some, as I have said, state that this country is separated into four divisions; others, into five. It is not easy to state any thing precisely on these points, both on account of the changes which the places have undergone, and by reason of their obscurity. In well-known and notable countries both the migrations are known, and the divisions of the land, and the changes of their names, and every thing else of the same kind. Such matters being the common topics with everybody, and especially with the Greeks, who are more talkative than any other people. But in barbarous and out-of-the-way countries, and such as are cut up into small divisions, and lie scattered, the remembrance of such occurrences is not nearly so certain, nor yet so full. If these countries are far removed from the Greeks [our] ignorance is increased. For although the Roman historians imitate the Greeks, they fall far short of them. What they relate is taken from the Greeks, very little being the result of their own ardour in acquiring information. So that whenever any thing has been omitted by the former there is not much supplied by the latter. Add to this, that the names most celebrated are generally Grecian. Formerly the name of Iberia was given to the whole country between the Rhone and the isthmus formed by the two Galatic gulfs; whereas now they make the Pyrenees its boundary, and call it indifferently Iberia or Hispania; others have restricted Iberia to the country on this side the Ebro. Still earlier it bore the name of the Igletes, who inhabited but a small district, according to Asclepiades the Myrlean. The Romans call the whole indifferently Iberia and Hispania, but designate one portion of it Ulterior, and the other Citerior. However, at different periods they have divided it differently, according to its political aspect at various times. 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 5.3.12. But within-side the chain of mountains, [where these cities are situated, ] there is another ridge, leaving a valley between it and Mount Algidus; it is lofty, and extends as far as Mount Albanus. It is on this ridge that Tusculum is situated, a city which is not wanting in adornment, being entirely surrounded by ornamental plantations and edifices, particularly that part of it which looks towards Rome. For on this side Tusculum presents a fertile hill, well irrigated, and with numerous gentle slopes embellished with majestic palaces. Contiguous are the undulating slopes of Mount Albanus, which are equally fertile and ornamented. Beyond are plains which extend some of them to Rome and its environs, others to the sea; these latter are unhealthy, but the others are salubrious and well cultivated. Next after Albanum is the city Aricia, on the Appian Way. It is 160 stadia from Rome. This place is situated in a hollow, and has a strong citadel. Beyond it on one side of the way is Lanuvium, a Roman city on the right of the Via Appia, and from which both the sea and Antium may be viewed. On the other side is the Artemisium, which is called Nemus, on the left side of the way, leading from Aricia to the sanctuary. They say that it is consecrated to Diana Taurica, and certainly the rites performed in this sanctuary are something barbarous and Scythic. They appoint as priest a fugitive who has murdered the preceding priest with his own hand. Apprehensive of an attack upon himself, the priest is always armed with a sword, ready for resistance. The sanctuary is in a grove, and before it is a lake of considerable size. The sanctuary and water are surrounded by abrupt and lofty precipices, so that they seem to be situated in a deep and hollow ravine. The springs by which the lake is filled are visible. One of these is denominated Egeria, after the name of a certain divinity; however, their course on leaving the lake is subterraneous, but they may be observed at some distance, when they rise to the surface of the ground. 6.2.2. The cities along the side that forms the Strait are, first, Messene, and then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; but those that were between Catana and Syracuse have disappeared — Naxus and Megara; and on this coast are the outlets of the Symaethus and all rivers that flow down from Aetna and have good harbors at their mouths; and here too is the promontory of Xiphonia. According to Ephorus these were the earliest Greek cities to be founded in Sicily, that is, in the tenth generation after the Trojan war; for before that time men were so afraid of the bands of Tyrrhenian pirates and the savagery of the barbarians in this region that they would not so much as sail thither for trafficking; but though Theocles, the Athenian, borne out of his course by the winds to Sicily, clearly perceived both the weakness of the peoples and the excellence of the soil, yet, when he went back, he could not persuade the Athenians, and hence took as partners a considerable number of Euboean Chalcidians and some Ionians and also some Dorians (most of whom were Megarians) and made the voyage; so the Chalcidians founded Naxos, whereas the Dorians founded Megara, which in earlier times had been called Hybla. The cities no longer exist, it is true, but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey. 6.3.2. In speaking of the founding of Taras, Antiochus says: After the Messenian war broke out, those of the Lacedemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named Helots, and all children who were born in the time of the expedition were called Partheniae and judicially deprived of the rights of citizenship, but they would not tolerate this, and since they were numerous formed a plot against the free citizens; and when the latter learned of the plot they sent secretly certain men who, through a pretence of friendship, were to report what manner of plot it was; among these was Phalanthus, who was reputed to be their champion, but he was not pleased, in general, with those who had been named to take part in the council. It was agreed, however, that the attack should be made at the Hyacinthian festival in the Amyclaion when the games were being celebrated, at the moment when Phalanthus should put on his leather cap (the free citizens were recognizable by their hair ); but when Phalanthus and his men had secretly reported the agreement, and when the games were in progress, the herald came forward and forbade Phalanthus to put on a leather cap; and when the plotters perceived that the plot had been revealed, some of them began to run away and others to beg for mercy; but they were bidden to be of good cheer and were given over to custody; Phalanthus, however, was sent to the sanctuary of the god to consult with reference to founding a colony; and the god responded, I give to thee Satyrium, both to take up thine abode in the rich land of Taras and to become a bane to the Iapygians. Accordingly, the Partheniae went thither with Phalanthus, and they were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans who had previously taken possession of the place. These latter, it is said, are the people who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and, after his death, which occurred at the home of Cocalus in Camici, set sail from Sicily; but on the voyage back they were driven out of their course to Taras, although later some of them went afoot around the Adrias as far as Macedonia and were called Bottiaeans. But all the people as far as Daunia, it is said, were called Iapyges, after Iapyx, who is said to have been the son of Daedalus by a Cretan woman and to have been the leader of the Cretans. The city of Taras, however, was named after some hero. 7.3.7. Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just, because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: they say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Pontus was called Axine, but that he invents certain proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just — people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea Axine if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also Hippemolgi, not also Galactophagi and Abii? In fact, even now there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people Hippemolgi and Galactophagi? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians Hippemolgi, Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi. Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called most just and proud those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk. And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. 7.5.1. The remainder of Europe consists of the country which is between the Ister and the encircling sea, beginning at the recess of the Adriatic and extending as far as the Sacred Mouth of the Ister. In this country are Greece and the tribes of the Macedonians and of the Epeirotes, and all those tribes above them whose countries reach to the Ister and to the seas on either side, both the Adriatic and the Pontic — to the Adriatic, the Illyrian tribes, and to the other sea as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, the Thracian tribes and whatever Scythian or Celtic tribes are intermingled with them. But I must make my beginning at the Ister, speaking of the parts that come next in order after the regions which I have already encompassed in my description. These are the parts that border on Italy, on the Alps, and on the counties of the Germans, Dacians, and Getans. This country also might be divided into two parts, for, in a way, the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains are parallel to the Ister, thus completing what is almost a straight line that reaches from the Adrias as far as the Pontus; and to the north of this line are the parts that are between the Ister and the mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the barbarian country which borders thereon and extends as far as the mountainous country. Now the mountain called Haemus is near the Pontus; it is the largest and highest of all mountains in that part of the world, and cleaves Thrace almost in the center. Polybius says that both seas are visible from the mountain, but this is untrue, for the distance to the Adrias is great and the things that obscure the view are many. On the other hand, almost the whole of Ardia is near the Adrias. But Paeonia is in the middle, and the whole of it too is high country. Paeonia is bounded on either side, first, towards the Thracian parts, by Rhodope, a mountain next in height to the Haemus, and secondly, on the other side, towards the north, by the Illyrian parts, both the country of the Autariatae and that of the Dardanians. So then, let me speak first of the Illyrian parts, which join the Ister and that part of the Alps which lies between Italy and Germany and begins at the lake which is near the country of the Vindelici, Rhaeti, and Toenii. 7.7.1. EpirusThese alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called the left parts of the Pontus, and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaid mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: Pelops brought over peoples from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and Danaus from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus — and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus, Daulis in Phocis by Tereus, Cadmeia by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called Syes. Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names — Cecrops, Godrus, Aiclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acaria and Aitolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes. 8.1.1. Acaria I began my description by going over all the western parts of Europe comprised between the inner and the outer sea; and now that I have encompassed in my survey all the barbarian tribes in Europe as far as the Tanais and also a small part of Greece, Macedonia, I now shall give an account of the remainder of the geography of Greece. This subject was first treated by Homer; and then, after him, by several others, some of whom have written special treatises entitled Harbours, or Coasting Voyages, or General Descriptions of the Earth, or the like; and in these is comprised also the description of Greece. Others have set forth the topography of the continents in separate parts of their general histories, for instance, Ephorus and Polybius. Still others have inserted certain things on this subject in their treatises on physics and mathematics, for instance, Poseidonius and Hipparchus. Now although the statements of the others are easy to pass judgment upon, yet those of Homer require critical inquiry, since he speaks poetically, and not of things as they now are, but of things as they were in antiquity, which for the most part have been obscured by time. Be this as it may, as far as I can I must undertake the inquiry; and I shall begin where I left off. My account ended, on the west and the north, with the tribes of the Epeirotes and of the Illyrians, and, on the east, with those of the Macedonians as far as Byzantium. After the Epeirotes and the Illyrians, then, come the following peoples of the Greeks: the Acarians, the Aitolians, and the Ozolian Locrians; and, next, the Phocians and Boeotians; and opposite these, across the arm of the sea, is the Peloponnesus, which with these encloses the Corinthian Gulf, and not only shapes the gulf but also is shaped by it; and after Macedonia, the Thessalians (extending as far as the Malians) and the countries of the rest of the peoples outside the Isthmus, 3 as also of those inside. 8.3.22. Cyparissia is on the Triphylian Sea, and so are Pyrgoi, and the Acidon and Neda Rivers. At the present time the stream of the Neda is the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (an impetuous stream that comes down from Lycaeus, an Arcadian mountain, out of a spring, which, according to the myth, Rhea, after she had given birth to Zeus, caused to break forth in order to have water to bathe in); and it flows past Phigalia, opposite the place where the Pyrgetans, last of the Triphylians, border on the Cyparissians, first of the Messenians; but in the early times the division between the two countries was different, so that some of the territories across the Neda were subject to Nestor — not only Cyparisseeis, but also some other parts on the far side. Just so, too, the poet prolongs the Pylian Sea as far as the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles: and all are situated near the sea of sandy Pylus; for this phrase is equivalent to near the Pylian Sea. 8.3.31. Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oinomaus, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus, too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the sanctuary at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oinomaus and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called Pisa, the equivalent of pistra, that is potistra; and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term city for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the city of Macar; so Euripides in his Ion, there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens; and in his Rhadamanthys, who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city; and Sophocles in his Mysians, The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia. 8.3.32. Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: She loved a river, the divine Enipeus. For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly Eniseus; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the sanctuary of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters. Near Olympia is Arpina, also one of the eight cities, through which flows the River Parthenias, on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of Pisatis Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the Catalogue are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river. 8.3.33. Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aitolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aitolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms, and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aitolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aitolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aitolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the sanctuary at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals) — Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia. So much for Eleia. 8.6.6. But critics are in dispute in regard to the terms Hellas, Hellenes, and Panhellenes. For Thucydides says that the poet nowhere speaks of barbarians, because the Hellenes had not as yet been designated by a common distinctive name opposed to that of the barbarians. And Apollodorus says that only the Greeks in Thessaly were called Hellenes: and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes. He says, however, that Hesiod and Archilochus already knew that all the Greeks were called, not only Hellenes, but also Panhellenes, for Hesiod, in speaking of the daughters of Proteus, says that the Panhellenes wooed them, and Archilochus says that the woes of the Panhellenes centered upon Thasos. But others oppose this view, saying that the poet also speaks of barbarians, since he speaks of the Carians as men of barbarous speech, and of all the Greeks as Hellenes, the man whose fame is wide throughout Hellas and mid-Agros, and again, If thou wishest to journey throughout Hellas and mid-Agros. 9.1.10. At the present time the island is held by the Athenians, although in early times there was strife between them and the Megarians for its possession. Some say that it was Peisistratus, others Solon, who inserted in the Catalogue of Ships immediately after the verse, and Aias brought twelve ships from Salamis, the verse, and, bringing them, halted them where the battalions of the Athenians were stationed, and then used the poet as a witness that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the beginning. But the critics do not accept this interpretation, because many of the verses bear witness to the contrary. For why is Aias found in the last place in the ship-camp, not with the Athenians, but with the Thessalians under Protesilaus? Here were the ships of Aias and Protesilaus. And in the Visitation of the troops, Agamemnon found Menestheus the charioteer, son of Peteos, standing still; and about him were the Athenians, masters of the battle-cry. And near by stood Odysseus of many wiles, and about him, at his side, the ranks of the Cephallenians. And back again to Aias and the Salaminians, he came to the Aiantes, and near them, Idomeneus on the other side, not Menestheus. The Athenians, then, are reputed to have cited alleged testimony of this kind from Homer, and the Megarians to have replied with the following parody: Aias brought ships from Salamis, from Polichne, from Aegeirussa, from Nisaea, and from Tripodes; these four are Megarian places, and, of these, Tripodes is called Tripodiscium, near which the present marketplace of the Megarians is situated. 9.2.3. Be that as it may, Boeotia in earlier times was inhabited by barbarians, the Aones and the Temmices, who wandered thither from Sounion, and by the Leleges and the Hyantes. Then the Phoenicians occupied it, I mean the Phoenicians with Cadmus, the man who fortified the Cadmeia and left the dominion to his descendants. Those Phoenicians founded Thebes in addition to the Cadmeia, and preserved their dominion, commanding most of the Boeotians until the expedition of the Epigoni. On this occasion they left Thebes for a short time, but came back again. And, in the same way, when they were ejected by the Thracians and the Pelasgians, they established their government in Thessaly along with the Arnaei for a long time, so that they were all called Boeotians. Then they returned to the homeland, at the time when the Aeolian fleet, near Aulis in Boeotia, was now ready to set sail, I mean the fleet which the sons of Orestes were despatching to Asia. After adding the Orchomenian country to Boeotia (for in earlier times the Orchomenians were not a part of the Boeotian community, nor did Homer enumerate them with the Boeotians, but as a separate people, for he called them Minyae), they, with the Orchomenians, drove out the Pelasgians to Athens (it was after these that a part of the city was named Pelasgicon, though they took up their abode below Hymettus), and the Thracians to Parnassus; and the Hyantes founded a city Hyas in Phocis. 10.3.9. But I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names have been used of one and the same thing, and the theological element contained in their history. Now this is common both to the Greeks and to the barbarians, to perform their sacred rites in connection with the relaxation of a festival, these rites being performed sometimes with religious frenzy, sometimes without it; sometimes with music, sometimes not; and sometimes in secret, sometimes openly. And it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in the first place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human occupations and turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and, secondly, the religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration and to be very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy with which the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the divine, since it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being perceived by our human senses; and, fourthly, music, which includes dancing as well as rhythm and melody, at the same time, by the delight it affords and by its artistic beauty, brings us in touch with the divine, and this for the following reason; for although it has been well said that human beings then act most like the gods when they are doing good to others, yet one might better say, when they are happy; and such happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals, pursuing philosophy, and engaging in music; for, if music is perverted when musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums and in orchestric and scenic performances and the like, we should not lay the blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature of our system of education, since this is based on music. 10.3.12. But as for the Berecyntes, a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the Gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe. The Greeks use the same name Curetes for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story, but regarding them as a different set of Curetes, helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes. 10.3.13. The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out, mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees, he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the Gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity: But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down Bromius, god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian: O thou hiding-bower of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me the triple-crested Corybantes in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, in whom Dionysus takes delight. And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines. 10.3.14. And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaus as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice. 10.3.19. Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers. And the author of Phoronis speaks of the Curetes as flute-players and Phrygians; and others as earth-born and wearing brazen shields. Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, but the Curetes Cretes, and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called Chalcidians; still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called rearers of Zeus, and protectors of Zeus, having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and reared Zeus in his youth were named Curetes; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. 10.3.20. But though the Scepsian, who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides, that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city Hierapytna was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians. 10.4.16. As for their constitution, which is described by Ephorus, it might suffice to tell in a cursory way its most important provisions. The lawgiver, he says, seems to take it for granted that liberty is a state's greatest good, for this alone makes property belong specifically to those who have acquired it, whereas in a condition of slavery everything belongs to the rulers and not to the ruled; but those who have liberty must guard it; now harmony ensues when dissension, which is the result of greed and luxury, is removed; for when all citizens live a self-restrained and simple life there arises neither envy nor arrogance nor hatred towards those who are like them; and this is why the lawgiver commanded the boys to attend the Troops, as they are called, and the full grown men to eat together at the public messes which they call the Andreia, so that the poorer, being fed at public expense, might be on an equality with the well-to-do; and in order that courage, and not cowardice, might prevail, he commanded that from boyhood they should grow up accustomed to arms and toils, so as to scorn heat, cold, marches over rugged and steep roads, and blows received in gymnasiums or regular battles; and that they should practise, not only archery, but also the war-dance, which was invented and made known by the Curetes at first, and later, also, by the man who arranged the dance that was named after him, I mean the Pyrrhic dance, so that not even their sports were without a share in activities that were useful for warfare; and likewise that they should use in their songs the Cretic rhythms, which were very high pitched, and were invented by Thales, to whom they ascribe, not only their Paeans and other local songs, but also many of their institutions; and that they should use military dress and shoes; and that arms should be to them the most valuable of gifts. 10.4.17. It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, The Cretan does not know the sea, is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists. 10.4.20. The following are the most important provisions in the Cretan institutions as stated by Ephorus. In Crete all those who are selected out of the Troop of boys at the same time are forced to marry at the same time, although they do not take the girls whom they have married to their own homes immediately, but as soon as the girls are qualified to manage the affairs of the house. A girl's dower, if she has brothers, is half of the brother's portion. The children must learn, not only their letters, but also the songs prescribed in the laws and certain forms of music. Now those who are still younger are taken to the public messes, the Andreia; and they sit together on the ground as they eat their food, clad in shabby garments, the same both winter and summer, and they also wait on the men as well as on themselves. And those who eat together at the same mess join battle both with one another and with those from different messes. A boy director presides over each mess. But the older boys are taken to the Troops; and the most conspicuous and influential of the boys assemble the Troops, each collecting as many boys as he possibly can; the leader of each Troop is generally the father of the assembler, and he has authority to lead them forth to hunt and to run races, and to punish anyone who is disobedient; and they are fed at public expense; and on certain appointed days Troop contends with Troop, marching rhythmically into battle, to the tune of flute and lyre, as is their custom in actual war; and they actually bear marks of the blows received, some inflicted by the hand, others by iron weapons. 10.4.21. They have a peculiar custom in regard to love affairs, for they win the objects of their love, not by persuasion, but by abduction; the lover tells the friends of the boy three or four days beforehand that he is going to make the abduction; but for the friends to conceal the boy, or not to let him go forth by the appointed road, is indeed a most disgraceful thing, a confession, as it were, that the boy is unworthy to obtain such a lover; and when they meet, if the abductor is the boy's equal or superior in rank or other respects, the friends pursue him and lay hold of him, though only in a very gentle way, thus satisfying the custom; and after that they cheerfully turn the boy over to him to lead away; if, however, the abductor is unworthy, they take the boy away from him. And the pursuit does not end until the boy is taken to the Andreium of his abductor. They regard as a worthy object of love, not the boy who is exceptionally handsome, but the boy who is exceptionally manly and decorous. After giving the boy presents, the abductor takes him away to any place in the country he wishes; and those who were present at the abduction follow after them, and after feasting and hunting with them for two months (for it is not permitted to detain the boy for a longer time), they return to the city. The boy is released after receiving as presents a military habit, an ox, and a drinking-cup (these are the gifts required by law), and other things so numerous and costly that the friends, on account of the number of the expenses, make contributions thereto. Now the boy sacrifices the ox to Zeus and feasts those who returned with him; and then he makes known the facts about his intimacy with his lover, whether, perchance, it has pleased him or not, the law allowing him this privilege in order that, if any force was applied to him at the time of the abduction, he might be able at this feast to avenge himself and be rid of the lover. It is disgraceful for those who are handsome in appearance or descendants of illustrious ancestors to fail to obtain lovers, the presumption being that their character is responsible for such a fate. But the parastathentes (for thus they call those who have been abducted) receive honors; for in both the dances and the races they have the positions of highest honor, and are allowed to dress in better clothes than the rest, that is, in the habit given them by their lovers; and not then only, but even after they have grown to manhood, they wear a distinctive dress, which is intended to make known the fact that each wearer has become kleinos, for they call the loved one kleinos and the lover philetor. So much for their customs in regard to love affairs. 11.14.9. There are gold mines in Syspiritis near Caballa, to which Menon was sent by Alexander with soldiers, and he was led up to them by the natives. There are also other mines, in particular those of sandyx, as it is called, which is also called Armenian color, like chalce The country is so very good for horse-pasturing, not even inferior to Media, that the Nesaean horses, which were used by the Persian kings, are also bred there. The satrap of Armenia used to send to the Persian king twenty thousand foals every year at the time of the Mithracina. Artavasdes, at the time when he invaded Media with Antony, showed him, apart from the rest of the cavalry, six thousand horses drawn up in battle array in full armour. Not only the Medes and the Armenians pride themselves upon this kind of cavalry, but also the Albanians, for they too use horses in full armour. 12.3.11. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces and afterwards by his successors down to Eupator and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call choenicides; these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Lucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Lucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus, whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron, two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. 12.5.3. Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the sanctuary famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others, — habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deiotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. 12.8.4. Contributing to the creation of myths of this kind are the confusion of the tribes there and the fertility of the country this side the Halys River, particularly that of the seaboard, on account of which attacks were made against it from numerous places and continually by peoples from the opposite mainland, or else the people near by would attack one another. Now it was particularly in the time of the Trojan War and after that time that invasions and migrations took place, since at the same time both the barbarians and the Greeks felt an impulse to acquire possession of the countries of others; but this was also the case before the Trojan War, for the tribe of the Pelasgians was then in existence, as also that of the Cauconians and Leleges. And, as I have said before, they wandered in ancient times over many regions of Europe. These tribes the poet makes the allies of the Trojans, but not as coming from the opposite mainland. The accounts both of the Phrygians and of the Mysians go back to earlier times than the Trojan War. The existence of two groups of Lycians arouses suspicion that they were of the same tribe, whether it was the Trojan Lycians or those near Caria that colonized the country of the other of the two. And perhaps the same was also true in the case of the Cilicians, for these, too, were two-fold; however, we are unable to get the same kind of evidence that the present tribe of Cilicians was already in existence before the Trojan War. Telephus might be thought to have come from Arcadia with his mother; and having become related to Teuthras, to whom he was a welcome guest, by the marriage of his mother to that ruler, was regarded as his son and also succeeded to the rulership of the Mysians. 13.1.1. TROADLet this, then, mark the boundary of Phrygia. I shall now return again to the Propontis and the coast that comes next after the Aesepus River, and follow the same order of description as before. The first country on this seaboard is the Troad, the fame of which, although it is left in ruins and in desolation, nevertheless prompts in writers no ordinary prolixity. With this fact in view, I should ask the pardon of my readers and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the length of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who strongly yearn for knowledge of the things that are famous and ancient. And my discussion is further prolonged by the number of the peoples who have colonized the country, both Greeks and barbarians, and by the historians, who do not write the same things on the same subjects, nor always clearly either; among the first of these is Homer, who leaves us to guess about most things. And it is necessary for me to arbitrate between his statements and those of the others, after I shall first have described in a summary way the nature of the region in question. 13.1.13. This country was called Adrasteia and Plain of Adrasteia, in accordance with a custom whereby people gave two names to the same place, as Thebe and Plain of Thebe, and Mygdonia and Plain of Mygdonia. According to Callisthenes, among others, Adrasteia was named after King Adrastus, who was the first to found a sanctuary of Nemesis. Now the city is situated between Priapus and Parium; and it has below it a plain that is named after it, in which there was an oracle of Apollo Actaeus and Artemis. . . . But when the sanctuary was torn down, the whole of its furnishings and stonework were transported to Parium, where was built an altar, the work of Hermocreon, very remarkable for its size and beauty; but the oracle was abolished like that at Zeleia. Here, however, there is no sanctuary of Adrasteia, nor yet of Nemesis, to be seen, although there is a sanctuary of Adrasteia near Cyzicus. Antimachus says as follows: There is a great goddess Nemesis, who has obtained as her portion all these things from the Blessed. Adrestus was the first to build an altar to her beside the stream of the Aesepus River, where she is worshipped under the name of Adresteia. 14.2.16. Then to Halicarnassus, the royal residence of the dynasts of Caria, which was formerly called Zephyra. Here is the tomb of Mausolus, one of the Seven Wonders, a monument erected by Artemisia in honor of her husband; and here is the fountain called Salmacis, which has the slanderous repute, for what reason I do not know, of making effeminate all who drink from it. It seems that the effeminacy of man is laid to the charge of the air or of the water; yet it is not these, but rather riches and wanton living, that are the cause of effeminacy. Halicarnassus has an acropolis; and off the city lies Arconnesus. Its colonizers were, among others, Anthes and a number of Troezenians. Natives of Halicarnassus have been: Herodotus the historian, whom they later called a Thurian, because he took part in the colonization of Thurii; and Heracleitus the poet, the comrade of Callimachus; and, in my time, Dionysius the historian. 14.5.25. And who are the mixed tribes? For we would be unable to say that, as compared with the aforesaid places, others were either named or omitted by him which we shall assign to the mixed tribes; neither can we call mixed any of these peoples themselves whom he has mentioned or omitted; for, even if they had become mixed, still the predomit element has made them either Hellenes or barbarians; and I know nothing of a third tribe of people that is mixed. 15.3.23. of the barbarians the Persians were the best known to the Greeks, for none of the other barbarians who governed Asia governed Greece. The barbarians were not acquainted with the Greeks, and the Greeks were but slightly acquainted, and by distant report only, with the barbarians. As an instance, Homer was not acquainted with the empire of the Syrians nor of the Medes, for otherwise as he mentions the wealth of Egyptian Thebes and of Phoenicia, he would not have passed over in silence the wealth of Babylon, of Ninus, and of Ecbatana.The Persians were the first people that brought Greeks under their dominion; the Lydians (before them) did the same, they were not however masters of the whole, but of a small portion only of Asia, that within the river Halys; their empire lasted for a short time, during the reigns of Croesus and Alyattes; and they were deprived of what little glory they had acquired, when conquered by the Persians.The Persians, (on the contrary, increased in power and,)as soon as they had destroyed the Median empire, subdued the Lydians and brought the Greeks of Asia under their dominion. At a later period they even passed over into Greece and were worsted in many great battles, but still they continued to keep possession of Asia, as far as the places on the sea-coast, until they were completely subdued by the Macedonians. 16.2.38. This is according to nature, and common both to Greeks and barbarians. For, as members of a civil community, they live according to a common law; otherwise it would be impossible for the mass to execute any one thing in concert (in which consists a civil state), or to live in a social state at all. Law is twofold, divine and human. The ancients regarded and respected divine, in preference to human, law; in those times, therefore, the number of persons was very great who consulted oracles, and, being desirous of obtaining the advice of Jupiter, hurried to Dodona, to hear the answer of Jove from the lofty oak.The parent went to Delphi, anxious to learn whether the child which had been exposed (to die) was still living;while the child itself was gone to the temple of Apollo, with the hope of discovering its parents.And Minos among the Cretans, the king who in the ninth year enjoyed converse with Great Jupiter, every nine years, as Plato says, ascended to the cave of Jupiter, received ordices from him, and conveyed them to men. Lycurgus, his imitator, acted in a similar manner; for he was often accustomed, as it seemed, to leave his own country to inquire of the Pythian goddess what ordices he was to promulgate to the Lacedaemonians. 17.3.2. Here dwell a people called by the Greeks Maurusii, and by the Romans and the natives Mauri, a populous and flourishing African nation, situated opposite to Spain, on the other side of the strait, at the Pillars of Hercules, which we have frequently mentioned before. On proceeding beyond the strait at the Pillars, with Africa on the left hand, we come to a mountain which the Greeks call Atlas, and the barbarians Dyris. Thence projects into the sea a point formed by the foot of the mountain towards the west of Mauretania, and called the Coteis. Near it is a small town, a little above the sea, which the barbarians call Trinx; Artemidorus, Lynx; and Eratosthenes, Lixus. It lies on the side of the strait opposite to Gadeira, from which it is separated by a passage of 800 stadia, the width of the strait at the Pillars between both places. To the south, near Lixus and the Coteis, is a bay called Emporicus, having upon it Phoenician mercantile settlements. The whole coast continuous with this bay abounds with them. Subtracting these bays, and the projections of land in the triangular figure which I have described, the continent may rather be considered as increasing in magnitude in the direction of south and east. The mountain which extends through the middle of Mauretania, from the Coteis to the Syrtes, is itself inhabited, as well as others running parallel to it, first by the Maurusii, but deep in the interior of the country by the largest of the African tribes, called Gaetuli. |
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| 192. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, λ557 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 32 |
| 194. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.18, 7.407, 7.709 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, music at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 46, 142, 171, 200 |
| 195. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 60, 109, 120 |
| 196. Bacchylides, Odes, 13.67 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69, 120 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 73.2-73.3 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice •sparta, spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192 |
| 198. Zoroastrian Literature, Yasna, 29 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 239 |
| 199. Aeschines, Or., 2.75-2.76, 3.143, 3.182-3.187, 3.187.1, 3.243 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 125; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 196, 197, 198; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 344; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 154 |
| 200. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 2.17-2.19, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 187, 197; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 22, 313, 320, 323, 324 |
| 201. Epigraphy, Ml, 45, 52, 65, 73, 82 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 109 |
| 203. Parmenidesde Natura, De Natura, None Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 212 |
| 205. Anon., Scholia On Hom. Il, 6.194 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 61 |
| 206. Lycurgus, Orations, 1.86 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 61 |
| 207. Nepos, History, 12.1, 13.2.3 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192, 197, 198 |
| 208. Xenophon And Ps.-Xenophon, An., 7.7.46 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 113 |
| 209. Aristotle And Ps.-Aristotle, Ath., 18.1-18.3, 19.1, 29.4, 58.1 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 113, 163, 165 |
| 210. Bacchylides, Ode, 3.23 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 114 |
| 211. Appian, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 114 |
| 212. Theopompos Fr., Fgrh 115, 103.15 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 125 |
| 213. Panyassis, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 475 |
| 214. Augustus, Von Aulock, Lykaonien, 787-789, 133 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 475 |
| 215. Epigraphy, Ms, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 476 |
| 216. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 5.4.13-5.4.18 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 323 |
| 221. Demosthenes, Orations, 5.5, 9.31, 16.16-16.17, 18.231, 19.16-19.17, 20.69-20.72, 20.75, 20.77, 20.79, 20.86, 20.146, 22.72, 24.180 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta, spartans Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 125; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192, 193, 197, 198; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 262; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 160 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Cid (Rougemont Et Al.), 4.71.4 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 223. Various, Fgrh, None Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 224. Demosthenes, Schol., 24.28 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Lsam, 32.12, 81.6-81.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 226. Epigraphy, Lss, 14.35-14.40 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 227. Epigraphy, Erythrai, 6 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 193 |
| 228. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1453, 61, 78, 40 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 313 |
| 229. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 713.9-713.10, 1186.10, 1237.118 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469, 531; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 198 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,5, 595 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 231. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,7, 241.6-241.7 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 469 |
| 232. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 60 |
| 233. Epigraphy, Syll. , 106, 126, 735, 1057 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 120 |
| 234. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Them., 7 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 171 |
| 236. Pindar, I., 4.7-4.8, 8.1-8.5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69, 109, 120 |
| 237. Pindar, P., 9.74 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69, 120 |
| 250. Epigraphy, Lidonnici, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 209 |
| 251. Epigraphy, Osborne-Rhodes, Ghi, 151, 153 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 32 |
| 252. Diod. Sic., Hist., 12.65.1-12.65.2, 12.80.5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 31, 32 |
| 253. Epigraphy, Van Effenterre And Ruzé 1994-95, 101, 64, 87-88, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53 |
| 254. Epigraphy, Meiggs And Lewis 1988, 26 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 154 |
| 255. Pausanias, Periegesis, 1.4.4, 8.10.9 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 66 |
| 256. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Ammaeus Ii, 6.427.7-6.427.8, 6.427.12-6.427.16 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, reopening peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, and fear Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 164, 166 |
| 257. Gorgon, Fgrh 515, 18 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 120 |
| 258. Epigraphy, Tod, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 193 |
| 259. Epigraphy, Xli, 41.102 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 193 |
| 260. Epigraphy, Michel, Recueil, 188 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 109 |
| 261. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Alc., 7 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 171 |
| 262. Epigraphy, Nomima, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 60 |
| 263. Anon., Scholia On D., 21.62 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 192, 196 |
| 264. Simonides, Pmg, 510 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69 |
| 265. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Mor., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 120 |
| 266. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Lyc., 22.4-22.5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 69 |
| 267. Pindar, N., 7.65 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 109 |
| 268. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 248, 249, 304, 305, 306 |
