| 1. Hesiod, Works And Days, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112 |
2. Hesiod, Theogony, 535-610, 612-616, 611 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 34 | 611. That way, most glorious lord and progeny |
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3. Homer, Iliad, 5.152-5.158, 11.221-11.228 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 34 | 5.152. / howbeit they came not back for the old man to interpret dreams for them, but mighty Diomedes slew them. Then went he on after Xanthus and Thoön, sons twain of Phaenops, and both well beloved; and their father was fordone with grievous old age, and begat no other son to leave in charge of his possessions. 5.153. / howbeit they came not back for the old man to interpret dreams for them, but mighty Diomedes slew them. Then went he on after Xanthus and Thoön, sons twain of Phaenops, and both well beloved; and their father was fordone with grievous old age, and begat no other son to leave in charge of his possessions. 5.154. / howbeit they came not back for the old man to interpret dreams for them, but mighty Diomedes slew them. Then went he on after Xanthus and Thoön, sons twain of Phaenops, and both well beloved; and their father was fordone with grievous old age, and begat no other son to leave in charge of his possessions. 5.155. / There Diomedes slew them, and bereft them of dear life, both the twain; but for the father he left lamentation and grievous sorrow, seeing they lived not for him to welcome them on their return; and the next of kin divided his goods. 5.156. / There Diomedes slew them, and bereft them of dear life, both the twain; but for the father he left lamentation and grievous sorrow, seeing they lived not for him to welcome them on their return; and the next of kin divided his goods. 5.157. / There Diomedes slew them, and bereft them of dear life, both the twain; but for the father he left lamentation and grievous sorrow, seeing they lived not for him to welcome them on their return; and the next of kin divided his goods. 5.158. / There Diomedes slew them, and bereft them of dear life, both the twain; but for the father he left lamentation and grievous sorrow, seeing they lived not for him to welcome them on their return; and the next of kin divided his goods. 11.221. / either of the Trojans themselves or of their famed allies. It was Iphidamas, son of Antenor, a valiant man and tall, that was nurtured in deep-soiled Thrace, mother of flocks, and Cisseus reared him in his house while he was yet but a little child, even his mother's father, that begat fair-cheeked Theano. 11.222. / either of the Trojans themselves or of their famed allies. It was Iphidamas, son of Antenor, a valiant man and tall, that was nurtured in deep-soiled Thrace, mother of flocks, and Cisseus reared him in his house while he was yet but a little child, even his mother's father, that begat fair-cheeked Theano. 11.223. / either of the Trojans themselves or of their famed allies. It was Iphidamas, son of Antenor, a valiant man and tall, that was nurtured in deep-soiled Thrace, mother of flocks, and Cisseus reared him in his house while he was yet but a little child, even his mother's father, that begat fair-cheeked Theano. 11.224. / either of the Trojans themselves or of their famed allies. It was Iphidamas, son of Antenor, a valiant man and tall, that was nurtured in deep-soiled Thrace, mother of flocks, and Cisseus reared him in his house while he was yet but a little child, even his mother's father, that begat fair-cheeked Theano. 11.225. / But when he came to the measure of glorious youth he sought to keep him there, and offered him his own daughter; howbeit, a bridegroom newly wed, forth from his bridal chamber he went after the rumour of the coming of the Achaeans, with twelve beaked ships that followed him. Now these he had left at Percote, the shapely ships, 11.226. / But when he came to the measure of glorious youth he sought to keep him there, and offered him his own daughter; howbeit, a bridegroom newly wed, forth from his bridal chamber he went after the rumour of the coming of the Achaeans, with twelve beaked ships that followed him. Now these he had left at Percote, the shapely ships, 11.227. / But when he came to the measure of glorious youth he sought to keep him there, and offered him his own daughter; howbeit, a bridegroom newly wed, forth from his bridal chamber he went after the rumour of the coming of the Achaeans, with twelve beaked ships that followed him. Now these he had left at Percote, the shapely ships, 11.228. / But when he came to the measure of glorious youth he sought to keep him there, and offered him his own daughter; howbeit, a bridegroom newly wed, forth from his bridal chamber he went after the rumour of the coming of the Achaeans, with twelve beaked ships that followed him. Now these he had left at Percote, the shapely ships, |
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| 4. Homer, Odyssey, 3.400, 7.54-7.55, 7.63-7.68, 7.311-7.316, 8.392, 13.15 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 28, 34, 49, 112, 282 |
| 5. Solon, Fragments, 36.19-36.21 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 32 |
| 6. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 5.68 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 631 |
7. Xenophon, Memoirs, 4.4.19-4.4.23 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 123| 4.4.19. ἀγράφους δέ τινας οἶσθα, ἔφη, ὦ Ἱππία, νόμους; τούς γʼ ἐν πάσῃ, ἔφη, χώρᾳ κατὰ ταὐτὰ νομιζομένους. ἔχοις ἂν οὖν εἰπεῖν, ἔφη, ὅτι οἱ ἄνθρωποι αὐτοὺς ἔθεντο; καὶ πῶς ἄν, ἔφη, οἵ γε οὔτε συνελθεῖν ἅπαντες ἂν δυνηθεῖεν οὔτε ὁμόφωνοί εἰσι; τίνας οὖν, ἔφη, νομίζεις τεθεικέναι τοὺς νόμους τούτους; ἐγὼ μέν, ἔφη, θεοὺς οἶμαι τοὺς νόμους τούτους τοῖς ἀνθρώποις θεῖναι· καὶ γὰρ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις πρῶτον νομίζεται θεοὺς σέβειν. 4.4.20. οὐκοῦν καὶ γονέας τιμᾶν πανταχοῦ νομίζεται; καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν καὶ μήτε γονέας παισὶ μίγνυσθαι μήτε παῖδας γονεῦσιν; οὐκέτι μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὗτος θεοῦ νόμος εἶναι. τί δή; ἔφη. ὅτι, ἔφη, αἰσθάνομαί τινας παραβαίνοντας αὐτόν. 4.4.21. καὶ γὰρ ἄλλα πολλά, ἔφη, παρανομοῦσιν· ἀλλὰ δίκην γέ τοι διδόασιν οἱ παραβαίνοντες τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν κειμένους νόμους, ἣν οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ δυνατὸν ἀνθρώπῳ διαφυγεῖν, ὥσπερ τοὺς ὑπʼ ἀνθρώπων κειμένους νόμους ἔνιοι παραβαίνοντες διαφεύγουσι τὸ δίκην διδόναι, οἱ μὲν λανθάνοντες, οἱ δὲ βιαζόμενοι. 4.4.22. καὶ ποίαν, ἔφη, δίκην, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐ δύνανται διαφεύγειν γονεῖς τε παισὶ καὶ παῖδες γονεῦσι μιγνύμενοι; τὴν μεγίστην νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη· τί γὰρ ἂν μεῖζον πάθοιεν ἄνθρωποι τεκνοποιούμενοι τοῦ κακῶς τεκνοποιεῖσθαι; 4.4.23. πῶς οὖν, ἔφη, κακῶς οὗτοι τεκνοποιοῦνται, οὕς γε οὐδὲν κωλύει ἀγαθοὺς αὐτοὺς ὄντας ἐξ ἀγαθῶν παιδοποιεῖσθαι; ὅτι νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη, οὐ μόνον ἀγαθοὺς δεῖ τοὺς ἐξ ἀλλήλων παιδοποιουμένους εἶναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκμάζοντας τοῖς σώμασιν. ἢ δοκεῖ σοι ὅμοια τὰ σπέρματα εἶναι τὰ τῶν ἀκμαζόντων τοῖς τῶν μήπω ἀκμαζόντων ἢ τῶν παρηκμακότων; ἀλλὰ μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ εἰκὸς ὅμοια εἶναι. πότερα οὖν, ἔφη, βελτίω; δῆλον ὅτι, ἔφη, τὰ τῶν ἀκμαζόντων. τὰ τῶν μὴ ἀκμαζόντων ἄρα οὐ σπουδαῖα; οὐκ εἰκὸς μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οὕτω γε οὐ δεῖ παιδοποιεῖσθαι; οὐ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οἵ γε οὕτω παιδοποιούμενοι ὡς οὐ δεῖ παιδοποιοῦνται; ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη. τίνες οὖν ἄλλοι, ἔφη, κακῶς ἂν παιδοποιοῖντο, εἴ γε μὴ οὗτοι; ὁμογνωμονῶ σοι, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦτο. | 4.4.19. Do you know what is meant by unwritten laws, Hippias? Yes, those that are uniformly observed in every country. Could you say that men made them? Nay, how could that be, seeing that they cannot all meet together and do not speak the same language? Then by whom have these laws been made, do you suppose? I think that the gods made these laws for men. For among all men the first law is to fear the gods. 4.4.20. Is not the duty of honouring parents another universal law? Yes, that is another. And that parents shall not have sexual intercourse with their children nor children with their parents? Cyropaedia V. i. 10. No, I don’t think that is a law of God. Why so? Because I notice that some transgress it. 4.4.21. Yes, and they do many other things contrary to the laws. But surely the transgressors of the laws ordained by the gods pay a penalty that a man can in no wise escape, as some, when they transgress the laws ordained by man, escape punishment, either by concealment or by violence. 4.4.22. And pray what sort of penalty is it, Socrates , that may not be avoided by parents and children who have intercourse with one another? The greatest, of course. For what greater penalty can men incur when they beget children than begetting them badly? 4.4.23. How do they beget children badly then, if, as may well happen, the fathers are good men and the mothers good women? Surely because it is not enough that the two parents should be good. They must also be in full bodily vigour: unless you suppose that those who are in full vigour are no more efficient as parents than those who have not yet reached that condition or have passed it. of course that is unlikely. Which are the better then? Those who are in full vigour, clearly. Consequently those who are not in full vigour are not competent to become parents? It is improbable, of course. In that case then, they ought not to have children? Certainly not. Therefore those who produce children in such circumstances produce them wrongly? I think so. Who then will be bad fathers and mothers, if not they? I agree with you there too. |
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| 8. Euripides, Ion, 1158-1163, 1165-1166, 1164 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 28 |
9. Euripides, Electra, 1097 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112| 1097. ὅστις δὲ πλοῦτον ἢ εὐγένειαν εἰσιδὼν | |
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| 10. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 40 |
| 11. Plato, Charmides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100 |
12. Herodotus, Histories, 1.65, 1.93, 3.89, 4.149, 4.164, 5.41, 5.65-5.69, 5.92, 6.57-6.58, 7.204-7.205, 7.224 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 28, 36, 50, 100, 112, 123, 282, 561, 631, 633 | 1.65. So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta , the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You have come to my rich temple, Lycurgus, /l l A man dear to Zeus and to all who have Olympian homes. /l l I am in doubt whether to pronounce you man or god, /l l But I think rather you are a god, Lycurgus. /l /quote ,Some say that the Pythia also declared to him the constitution that now exists at Sparta , but the Lacedaemonians themselves say that Lycurgus brought it from Crete when he was guardian of his nephew Leobetes, the Spartan king. ,Once he became guardian, he changed all the laws and took care that no one transgressed the new ones. Lycurgus afterwards established their affairs of war: the sworn divisions, the bands of thirty, the common meals; also the ephors and the council of elders. 1.93. There are not many marvellous things in Lydia to record, in comparison with other countries, except the gold dust that comes down from Tmolus. ,But there is one building to be seen there which is much the greatest of all, except those of Egypt and Babylon . In Lydia is the tomb of Alyattes, the father of Croesus, the base of which is made of great stones and the rest of it of mounded earth. It was built by the men of the market and the craftsmen and the prostitutes. ,There survived until my time five corner-stones set on the top of the tomb, and in these was cut the record of the work done by each group: and measurement showed that the prostitutes' share of the work was the greatest. ,All the daughters of the common people of Lydia ply the trade of prostitutes, to collect dowries, until they can get themselves husbands; and they themselves offer themselves in marriage. ,Now this tomb has a circumference of thirteen hundred and ninety yards, and its breadth is above four hundred and forty yards; and there is a great lake hard by the tomb, which, the Lydians say, is fed by ever-flowing springs; it is called the Gygaean lake. Such then is this tomb. 3.89. Having done these things in Persia , he divided his dominions into twenty provinces, which they call satrapies; and having divided his dominions and appointed governors, he instructed each people to pay him tribute, consolidating neighboring peoples and distributing outlying peoples among different provinces, passing over those adjoining. ,I will now show how he divided his provinces and the tributes which were paid him yearly. Those that paid in silver were required to render the weight of a Babylonian talent; those that paid in gold, of a Euboic talent; the Babylonian talent being equal to seventy-eight Euboic minae. ,In the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses after him there was no fixed tribute, but payment was made in gifts. It is because of this fixing of tribute, and other similar ordices, that the Persians called Darius the merchant, Cambyses the master, and Cyrus the father; for Darius made petty profit out of everything, Cambyses was harsh and arrogant, Cyrus was merciful and always worked for their well-being. 4.149. But as Theras' son would not sail with him, his father said that he would leave him behind as a sheep among wolves; after which saying the boy got the nickname of Oeolycus, and it so happened that this became his customary name. He had a son, Aegeus, from whom the Aegidae, a great Spartan clan, take their name. ,The men of this clan, finding that none of their children lived, set up a temple of the avenging spirits of Laïus and Oedipus, by the instruction of an oracle, after which their children lived. It fared thus, too, with the children of the Aegidae at Thera. 4.164. But he returned to Cyrene with the men from Samos, and having made himself master of it he forgot the oracle, and demanded justice upon his enemies for his banishment. ,Some of these left the country altogether; others, Arcesilaus seized and sent away to Cyprus to be killed there. These were carried off their course to Cnidus, where the Cnidians saved them and sent them to Thera. Others of the Cyrenaeans fled for refuge into a great tower that belonged to one Aglomachus, a private man, and Arcesilaus piled wood around it and burnt them there. ,Then, perceiving too late that this was the meaning of the Delphic oracle which forbade him to bake the amphora if he found them in the oven, he deliberately refrained from going into the city of the Cyrenaeans, fearing the death prophesied and supposing the tidal place to be Cyrene. ,Now he had a wife who was a relation of his, a daughter of Alazir king of the Barcaeans, and Arcesilaus went to Alazir; but men of Barce and some of the exiles from Cyrene were aware of him and killed him as he walked in the town, and Alazir his father-in-law too. So Arcesilaus whether with or without meaning to missed the meaning of the oracle and fulfilled his destiny. 5.41. After no long time the second wife gave birth to Cleomenes. She, then, gave the Spartans an heir to the royal power, and as luck would have it, the first wife, who had been barren before, conceived at that very time. ,When the friends of the new wife learned that the other woman was pregt, they began to make trouble for her. They said that she was making an empty boast, so that she might substitute a child. The Ephors were angry, and when her time drew near, they sat around to watch her in childbirth because of their skepticism. ,She gave birth first to Dorieus, then straightway to Leonidas, and right after him to Cleombrotus. Some, however, say that Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. As for the later wife, the mother of Cleomenes and the daughter of Prinetadas son of Demarmenus, she bore no more children. 5.65. The Lacedaemonians would never have taken the Pisistratid stronghold. First of all they had no intention to blockade it, and secondly the Pisistratidae were well furnished with food and drink. The Lacedaemonians would only have besieged the place for a few days and then returned to Sparta. As it was, however, there was a turn of fortune which harmed the one party and helped the other, for the sons of the Pisistratid family were taken as they were being secretly carried out of the country. ,When this happened, all their plans were confounded, and they agreed to depart from Attica within five days on the terms prescribed to them by the Athenians in return for the recovery of their children. ,Afterwards they departed to Sigeum on the Scamander. They had ruled the Athenians for thirty-six years and were in lineage of the house of Pylos and Neleus, born of the same ancestors as the families of Codrus and Melanthus, who had formerly come from foreign parts to be kings of Athens. ,It was for this reason that Hippocrates gave his son the name Pisistratus as a remembrance, calling him after Pisistratus the son of Nestor. ,This is the way, then, that the Athenians got rid of their tyrants. As regards all the noteworthy things which they did or endured after they were freed and before Ionia revolted from Darius and Aristagoras of Miletus came to Athens to ask help of its people, of these I will first give an account. 5.66. Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 5.67. In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. 5.68. This, then, is what he did regarding Adrastus, but as for the tribes of the Dorians, he changed their names so that these tribes should not be shared by Sicyonians and Argives. In this especially he made a laughing-stock of the Sicyonians, for he gave the tribes names derived from the words ‘donkey’ and ‘pig’ changing only the endings. The name of his own tribe, however, he did not change in this way, but rather gave it a name indicating his own rule, calling it Archelaoi, rulers of the people. The rest were Swinites, Assites and Porkites. ,These were the names of the tribes which the Sicyonians used under Cleisthenes' rule and for sixty years more after his death. Afterwards, however, they took counsel together and both changed the names of three to Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanatae, and added a fourth which they called Aegialeis after Aegialeus son of Adrastus. 5.69. This is what the Sicyonian Cleisthenes had done, and the Athenian Cleisthenes, following the lead of his grandfather and namesake, decided out of contempt, I imagine, for the Ionians, that his tribes should not be the same as theirs. ,When he had drawn into his own party the Athenian people, which was then debarred from all rights, he gave the tribes new names and increased their number, making ten tribe-wardens in place of four, and assigning ten districts to each tribe. When he had won over the people, he was stronger by far than the rival faction. 5.92. These were the words of the Lacedaemonians, but their words were ill-received by the greater part of their allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a Corinthian, said, ,“In truth heaven will be beneath the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and men will dwell in the sea and fishes where men dwelt before, now that you, Lacedaemonians, are destroying the rule of equals and making ready to bring back tyranny into the cities, tyranny, a thing more unrighteous and bloodthirsty than anything else on this earth. ,If indeed it seems to you to be a good thing that the cities be ruled by tyrants, set up a tyrant among yourselves first and then seek to set up such for the rest. As it is, however, you, who have never made trial of tyrants and take the greatest precautions that none will arise at Sparta, deal wrongfully with your allies. If you had such experience of that thing as we have, you would be more prudent advisers concerning it than you are now.” ,The Corinthian state was ordered in such manner as I will show.There was an oligarchy, and this group of men, called the Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying and giving in marriage among themselves. Now Amphion, one of these men, had a crippled daughter, whose name was Labda. Since none of the Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a Lapith by lineage and of the posterity of Caeneus. ,When no sons were born to him by this wife or any other, he set out to Delphi to enquire concerning the matter of acquiring offspring. As soon as he entered, the Pythian priestess spoke these verses to him: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Eetion,worthy of honor, no man honors you. /l l Labda is with child, and her child will be a millstone /l l Which will fall upon the rulers and will bring justice to Corinth. /l /quote ,This oracle which was given to Eetion was in some way made known to the Bacchiadae. The earlier oracle sent to Corinth had not been understood by them, despite the fact that its meaning was the same as the meaning of the oracle of Eetion, and it read as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" An eagle in the rocks has conceived, and will bring forth a lion, /l l Strong and fierce. The knees of many will it loose. /l l This consider well, Corinthians, /l l You who dwell by lovely Pirene and the overhanging heights of Corinth. /l /quote ,This earlier prophecy had been unintelligible to the Bacchiadae, but as soon as they heard the one which was given to Eetion, they understood it at once, recognizing its similarity with the oracle of Eetion. Now understanding both oracles, they kept quiet but resolved to do away with the offspring of Eetion. Then, as soon as his wife had given birth, they sent ten men of their clan to the township where Eetion dwelt to kill the child. ,These men came to Petra and passing into Eetion's courtyard, asked for the child. Labda, knowing nothing of the purpose of their coming and thinking that they wished to see the baby out of affection for its father, brought it and placed it into the hands of one of them. Now they had planned on their way that the first of them who received the child should dash it to the ground. ,When, however, Labda brought and handed over the child, by divine chance it smiled at the man who took it. This he saw, and compassion prevented him from killing it. Filled with pity, he handed it to a second, and this man again to a third.In fact it passed from hand to hand to each of the ten, for none would make an end of it. ,They then gave the child back to its mother, and after going out, they stood before the door reproaching and upbraiding one another, but chiefly him who had first received it since he had not acted in accordance with their agreement. Finally they resolved to go in again and all have a hand in the killing. ,Fate, however, had decreed that Eetion's offspring should be the source of ills for Corinth, for Labda, standing close to this door, heard all this. Fearing that they would change their minds and that they would take and actually kill the child, she took it away and hid it where she thought it would be hardest to find, in a chest, for she knew that if they returned and set about searching they would seek in every place—which in fact they did. ,They came and searched, but when they did not find it, they resolved to go off and say to those who had sent them that they had carried out their orders. They then went away and said this. ,Eetion's son, however, grew up, and because of his escape from that danger, he was called Cypselus, after the chest. When he had reached manhood and was seeking a divination, an oracle of double meaning was given him at Delphi. Putting faith in this, he made an attempt on Corinth and won it. ,The oracle was as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" That man is fortunate who steps into my house, /l l Cypselus, son of Eetion, the king of noble Corinth, /l l He himself and his children, but not the sons of his sons. /l /quote Such was the oracle. Cypselus, however, when he had gained the tyranny, conducted himself in this way: many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and by far the most he had killed. ,After a reign of thirty years, he died in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by his son Periander. Now Periander was to begin with milder than his father, but after he had held converse by messenger with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus, he became much more bloodthirsty than Cypselus. ,He had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired in what way he would best and most safely govern his city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field. As he walked through the corn, continually asking why the messenger had come to him from Corinth, he kept cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see, and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best and richest part of the crop. ,Then, after passing through the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When the herald returned to Corinth, Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent, a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do. ,Periander, however, understood what had been done, and perceived that Thrasybulus had counselled him to slay those of his townsmen who were outstanding in influence or ability; with that he began to deal with his citizens in an evil manner. Whatever act of slaughter or banishment Cypselus had left undone, that Periander brought to accomplishment. In a single day he stripped all the women of Corinth naked, because of his own wife Melissa. ,Periander had sent messengers to the Oracle of the Dead on the river Acheron in Thesprotia to enquire concerning a deposit that a friend had left, but Melissa, in an apparition, said that she would tell him nothing, nor reveal where the deposit lay, for she was cold and naked. The garments, she said, with which Periander had buried with her had never been burnt, and were of no use to her. Then, as evidence for her husband that she spoke the truth, she added that Periander had put his loaves into a cold oven. ,When this message was brought back to Periander (for he had had intercourse with the dead body of Melissa and knew her token for true), immediately after the message he made a proclamation that all the Corinthian women should come out into the temple of Hera. They then came out as to a festival, wearing their most beautiful garments, and Periander set his guards there and stripped them all alike, ladies and serving-women, and heaped all the clothes in a pit, where, as he prayed to Melissa, he burnt them. ,When he had done this and sent a second message, the ghost of Melissa told him where the deposit of the friend had been laid. “This, then, Lacedaimonians, is the nature of tyranny, and such are its deeds. ,We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we saw that you were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel yet more at your words to us. We entreat you earnestly in the name of the gods of Hellas not to establish tyranny in the cities, but if you do not cease from so doing and unrighteously attempt to bring Hippias back, be assured that you are proceeding without the Corinthians' consent.” 6.57. Such are their rights in war; in peace the powers given them are as follows: at all public sacrifices the kings first sit down to the banquet and are first served, each of them receiving a portion double of what is given to the rest of the company; they make the first libations, and the hides of the sacrificed beasts are theirs. ,At each new moon and each seventh day of the first part of the month, a full-grown victim for Apollo's temple, a bushel of barley-meal, and a Laconian quart of wine are given to each from the public store, and chief seats are set apart for them at the games. ,It is their right to appoint whatever citizens they wish to be protectors of foreigners; and they each choose two Pythians. (The Pythians are the ambassadors to Delphi and eat with the kings at the public expense.) If the kings do not come to the public dinner, two choenixes of barley-meal and half a pint of wine are sent to their houses, but when they come, they receive a double share of everything; and the same honor shall be theirs when they are invited by private citizens to dinner. ,They keep all oracles that are given, though the Pythians also know them. The kings alone judge cases concerning the rightful possessor of an unwedded heiress, if her father has not betrothed her, and cases concerning public roads. ,If a man desires to adopt a son, it is done in the presence of the kings. They sit with the twenty-eight elders in council; if they do not come, the elders most closely related to them hold the king's privilege, giving two votes over and above the third which is their own. 6.58. The kings are granted these rights from the Spartan commonwealth while they live; when they die, their rights are as follows: Horsemen proclaim their death in all parts of Laconia, and in the city women go about beating on cauldrons. When this happens, two free persons from each house, a man and a woman, are required to wear mourning, or incur heavy penalties if they fail to do so. ,The Lacedaemonians have the same custom at the deaths of their kings as the foreigners in Asia; most foreigners use the same custom at their kings' deaths. When a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, a fixed number of their subject neighbors must come to the funeral from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartans. ,When these and the helots and the Spartans themselves have assembled in one place to the number of many thousands, together with the women, they zealously beat their foreheads and make long and loud lamentation, calling that king that is most recently dead the best of all their kings. Whenever a king dies in war, they make an image of him and carry it out on a well-spread bier. For ten days after the burial there are no assemblies or elections, and they mourn during these days. 7.204. Each city had its own general, but the one most admired and the leader of the whole army was a Lacedaemonian, Leonidas, son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of Anaxandrus, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydorus, son of Alcamenes, son of Teleclus, son of Archelaus, son of Hegesilaus, son of Doryssus, son of Leobotes, son of Echestratus, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemus, son of Aristomachus, son of Cleodaeus, son of Hyllus, son of Heracles. Leonidas had gained the kingship at Sparta unexpectedly. 7.205. Since he had two older brothers, Cleomenes and Dorieus, he had renounced all thought of the kingship. Cleomenes, however, died without male offspring, and Dorieus, who had met his end in Sicily, was also no longer alive. The succession therefore fell to Leonidas since he was older than Anaxandrides' youngest son Cleombrotus and had married Cleomenes' daughter. ,He now came to Thermopylae with the appointed three hundred he had selected, all of whom had sons. He also brought those Thebans whom I counted among the number and whose general was Leontiades son of Eurymachus. ,Leonidas took pains to bring only the Thebans among the Hellenes, because they were accused of medizing; he summoned them to the war wishing to know whether they would send their men with him or openly refuse the Hellenic alliance. They sent the men but intended something quite different 7.224. By this time most of them had had their spears broken and were killing the Persians with swords. Leonidas, proving himself extremely valiant, fell in that struggle and with him other famous Spartans, whose names I have learned by inquiry since they were worthy men. Indeed, I have learned by inquiry the names of all three hundred. ,Many famous Persians also fell there, including two sons of Darius, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Darius by Phratagune daughter of Artanes. Artanes was the brother of king Darius and son of Hystaspes son of Arsames. When he gave his daughter in marriage to Darius, he gave his whole house as dowry, since she was his only child. |
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13. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 5.54.2, 6.54.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558| 5.54.2. ὡς δ’ αὐτοῖς τὰ διαβατήρια θυομένοις οὐ προυχώρει, αὐτοί τε ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις περιήγγειλαν μετὰ τὸν μέλλοντα ʽΚαρνεῖος δ’ ἦν μήν, ἱερομηνία Δωριεῦσἰ παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς στρατευσομένους. | 5.54.2. The sacrifices, however, for crossing the frontier not proving propitious, the Lacedaemonians returned home themselves, and sent word to the allies to be ready to march after the month ensuing, which happened to be the month of Carneus, a holy time for the Dorians. |
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| 14. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.1.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 282 |
| 15. Lysias, Fragments, 12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 50 |
| 16. Lysias, Fragments, 12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 50 |
| 17. Isaeus, Orations, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 40, 50, 108, 112, 570 |
| 18. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 3.1-3.3, 56.7 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 49, 634 |
| 19. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 49 |
| 20. Dinarchus, Fragments, 95 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100 |
21. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 40 | 3.4. But though I groan at my fate, I still hold out and resist, retaining in my soul that desire of instruction which has been implanted in it from my earliest youth, and this desire taking pity and compassion on me continually raises me up and alleviates my sorrow. And it is through this fondness for learning that I at times lift up my head, and with the eyes of my soul, which are indeed dim (for the mist of affairs, wholly inconsistent with their proper objects, has overshadowed their acute clear-sightedne |
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| 22. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 13.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 40 |
23. Plutarch, Lysander, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 49| 30.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τάς τε ἄλλας τιμὰς ἀπέδοσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήσαντι, καὶ τοὺς μνηστευσαμένους τὰς θυγατέρας, εἶτα μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Λυσάνδρου πένητος εὑρεθέντος ἀπειπαμένους ἐζημίωσαν, ὅτι πλούσιον μὲν νομίζοντες ἐθεράπευον, δίκαιον δὲ καὶ χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς πενίας ἐπιγνόντες ἐγκατέλιπον. ἦν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ ἀγαμίου δίκη καὶ ὀψιγαμίου καὶ κακογαμίου· ταύτῃ δὲ ὑπῆγον μάλιστα τοὺς ἀντὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ οἰκείων τοῖς πλουσίοις κηδεύοντας. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Λύσανδρον οὕτως ἱστορήσαμεν ἔχοντα. | 30.5. |
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| 24. Plutarch, Solon, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 28 |
25. Plutarch, Themistocles, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 32, 40 | 1. Thus Probably Plutarch began with his favourite tale of Themistocles’ remark (dealing with the festival day and the day after) to the generals who came after him; cf. 270 c, supra , and the note. rightly spoke the great Themistocles to the generals who succeeded him, for whom he had opened a way for their subsequent exploits by driving out the barbarian host and making Greece free. And rightly will it be spoken also to those who pride themselves on their writings; for if you take away the men of action, you will have no men of letters. Take away Pericles’ statesmanship, and Phormio’s trophies for his naval victories at Rhium, and Nicias’s valiant deeds at Cythera and Megara and Corinth, Demosthenes’ Pylos, and Cleon’s four hundred captives, Tolmides’ circumnavigation of the Peloponnesus, and Myronides’ Cf. Thucydides, i. 108; iv. 95. victory over the Boeotians at Oenophyta-take these away and Thucydides is stricken from your list of writers. Take away Alcibiades ’ spirited exploits in the Hellespontine region, and those of Thrasyllus by Lesbos, and the overthrow by Theramenes of the oligarchy, Thrasybulus and Archinus and the uprising of the Seventy Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica , ii. 4. 2. from Phyle against the Spartan hegemony, and Conon’s restoration of Athens to her power on the sea - take these away and Cratippus An historian who continued Thucydides, claiming to be his contemporary (see E. Schwartz, Hermes , xliv. 496). is no more. Xenophon, to be sure, became his own history by writing of his generalship and his successes and recording that it was Themistogenes Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica , iii. 1. 2; M. MacLaren, Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. lxv. (1934) pp. 240-247. the Syracusan who had compiled an account of them, his purpose being to win greater credence for his narrative by referring to himself in the third person, thus favouring another with the glory of the authorship. But all the other historians, men like Cleitodemus, Diyllus, Cf. Moralia , 862 b; Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. ii. 360-361. Philochorus, Phylarchus, have been for the exploits of others what actors are for plays, exhibiting the deeds of the generals and kings, and merging themselves with their characters as tradition records them, in order that they might share in a certain effulgence, so to speak, and splendour. For there is reflected from the men of action upon the men of letters an image of another’s glory, which shines again there, since the deed is seen, as in a mirror, through the agency of their words. |
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| 26. Plutarch, Theseus, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558 |
27. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.26.5, 1.31.2, 3.15.8, 4.7.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 631| 1.26.5. —ἔστι δὲ καὶ οἴκημα Ἐρέχθειον καλούμενον· πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου Διός ἐστι βωμὸς Ὑπάτου, ἔνθα ἔμψυχον θύουσιν οὐδέν, πέμματα δὲ θέντες οὐδὲν ἔτι οἴνῳ χρήσασθαι νομίζουσιν. ἐσελθοῦσι δέ εἰσι βωμοί, Ποσειδῶνος, ἐφʼ οὗ καὶ Ἐρεχθεῖ θύουσιν ἔκ του μαντεύματος, καὶ ἥρωος Βούτου, τρίτος δὲ Ἡφαίστου· γραφαὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν τοίχων τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ τοῦ Βαυταδῶν καὶ—διπλοῦν γάρ ἐστι τὸ οἴκημα— καὶ ὕδωρ ἐστὶν ἔνδον θαλάσσιον ἐν φρέατι. τοῦτο μὲν θαῦμα οὐ μέγα· καὶ γὰρ ὅσοι μεσόγαιαν οἰκοῦσιν, ἄλλοις τε ἔστι καὶ Καρσὶν Ἀφροδισιεῦσιν· ἀλλὰ τόδε τὸ φρέαρ ἐς συγγραφὴν παρέχεται κυμάτων ἦχον ἐπὶ νότῳ πνεύσαντι. καὶ τριαίνης ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πέτρᾳ σχῆμα· ταῦτα δὲ λέγεται Ποσειδῶνι μαρτύρια ἐς τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν τῆς χώρας φανῆναι. 1.31.2. ἐν δὲ Πρασιεῦσιν Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι ναός· ἐνταῦθα τὰς Ὑπερβορέων ἀπαρχὰς ἰέναι λέγεται, παραδιδόναι δὲ αὐτὰς Ὑπερβορέους μὲν Ἀριμασποῖς, Ἀριμασποὺς δʼ Ἰσσηδόσι, παρὰ δὲ τούτων Σκύθας ἐς Σινώπην κομίζειν, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ φέρεσθαι διὰ Ἑλλήνων ἐς Πρασιάς, Ἀθηναίους δὲ εἶναι τοὺς ἐς Δῆλον ἄγοντας· τὰς δὲ ἀπαρχὰς κεκρύφθαι μὲν ἐν καλάμῃ πυρῶν, γινώσκεσθαι δὲ ὑπʼ οὐδένων. ἔστι δὲ μνῆμα ἐπὶ Πρασιαῖς Ἐρυσίχθονος, ὡς ἐκομίζετο ὀπίσω μετὰ τὴν θεωρίαν ἐκ Δήλου, γενομένης οἱ κατὰ τὸν πλοῦν τῆς τελευτῆς. 3.15.8. ἐν Σπάρτῃ δὲ λέσχη τέ ἐστι καλουμένη Ποικίλη καὶ ἡρῷα πρὸς αὐτῇ Κάδμου τοῦ Ἀγήνορος τῶν τε ἀπογόνων, Οἰολύκου τοῦ Θήρα καὶ Αἰγέως τοῦ Οἰολύκου. ποιῆσαι δὲ τὰ ἡρῷα λέγουσι Μαῖσιν καὶ Λαίαν τε καὶ Εὐρώπαν, εἶναι δὲ αὐτοὺς Ὑραίου παῖδας τοῦ Αἰγέως. ἐποίησαν δὲ καὶ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τὸ ἡρῷον, ὅτι σφίσιν ὁ πρόγονος Τισαμενὸς μητρὸς ἦν Δημωνάσσης, ἀδελφῆς Ἀμφιλόχου. 4.7.8. Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ ἡγεῖτο Πολύδωρος μὲν κατὰ τὸ κέρας τὸ ἀριστερόν, Θεόπομπος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ, τὸ μέσον δὲ εἶχεν Εὐρυλέων, τὰ μὲν παρόντα Λακεδαιμόνιος, τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δὲ ἀπὸ Κάδμου καὶ ἐκ Θηβῶν, Αἰγέως τοῦ Οἰολύκου τοῦ Θήρα τοῦ Αὐτεσίωνος ἀπόγονος πέμπτος. τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις κατὰ μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀντετάσσοντο Ἄντανδρός τε καὶ Εὐφαής, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον κέρας τὸ κατὰ τὸν Πολύδωρον Πυθάρατος εἶχε, Κλέοννις δὲ τὸ μέσον. | 1.26.5. There is also a building called the Erechtheum. Before the entrance is an altar of Zeus the Most High, on which they never sacrifice a living creature but offer cakes, not being wont to use any wine either. Inside the entrance are altars, one to Poseidon, on which in obedience to an oracle they sacrifice also to Erechtheus, the second to the hero Butes, and the third to Hephaestus. On the walls are paintings representing members of the clan Butadae; there is also inside—the building is double—sea-water in a cistern. This is no great marvel, for other inland regions have similar wells, in particular Aphrodisias in Caria . But this cistern is remarkable for the noise of waves it sends forth when a south wind blows. On the rock is the outline of a trident. Legend says that these appeared as evidence in support of Poseidon's claim to the land. 1.31.2. At Prasiae is a temple of Apollo. Hither they say are sent the first-fruits of the Hyperboreans, and the Hyperboreans are said to hand them over to the Arimaspi, the Arimaspi to the Issedones, from these the Scythians bring them to Sinope, thence they are carried by Greeks to Prasiae, and the Athenians take them to Delos . The first-fruits are hidden in wheat straw, and they are known of none. There is at Prasiae a monument to Erysichthon, who died on the voyage home from Delos , after the sacred mission thither. 3.15.8. In this fashion, and with such a belief have these cities set up the wooden images. In Sparta is a lounge called Painted, and by it hero-shrines of Cadmus the son of Agenor, and of his descendants Oeolycus, son of Theras, and Aegeus, son of Oeolycus. They are said to have been made by Maesis, Laeas and Europas, sons of Hyraeus, son of Aegeus. They made for Amphilochus too his hero-shrine, because their ancestor Tisamenus had for his mother Demonassa, the sister of Amphilochus. 4.7.8. The Lacedaemonian commander on the left wing was Polydorus, and Theopompus on the right. The center was held by Euryleon, now a Lacedaemonian, but of Theban origin of the house of Cadmus, fourth in descent from Aegeus the son of Oeolycus, son of Theras, son of Autesion. On the side of the Messenians Antander and Euphaes were posted opposite the Lacedaemonian right; the other wing, opposite Polydorus, was held by Pytharatus, with Cleonnis in the center. |
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| 28. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.111 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 550 |
| 29. Harpocration, Lexicon of The Ten Orators, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 36 |
| 30. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 141 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 550 |
| 31. Justinian, Digest, 47.22.4 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 32. Menander, Hydria, 0 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112 |
| 33. Epigraphy, Nomima, 41 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 34 |
| 34. Kallimachos, H. Ap., 71 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 631 |
| 35. Libanios, Hyp. [Dem]., 58 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 282 |
| 36. Epigraphy, Bile 1988, 2 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 634 |
| 37. Xenophon, Kyrop., 8.5.19-8.5.20 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 50 |
| 38. Various, Svf I P., 142 629 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 548 |
| 39. Papyri, P.Hib., 28 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 548 |
| 40. Epigraphy, Seg, 27.361, 33.147, 36.584, 50.168, 50.1076, 51.1071, 52.48 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558, 570, 630, 631, 634 |
| 41. Plutarch, Lyk., 5.12-5.13 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100, 548 |
| 42. Demosthenes, Orations, 43.51, 43.54, 44.64, 45.74, 57.20, 59.22-59.23, 59.116-59.117 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 36, 40, 49, 50, 630 |
| 44. Andocides, Orations, 1.117-1.123 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 50 |
| 45. Epigraphy, Ml, 13, 20, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 634 |
| 46. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 101, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 47. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 342 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 282 |
| 48. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 282 |
| 50. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2464, 2537 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100 |
| 51. Epigraphy, Kn As, 605 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 52. Plutarch, Nik., 28 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558 |
| 53. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 104 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 36 |
| 54. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, 2003, 2002 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 55. Lysias, Orations, 32 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100, 112 |
| 56. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1631.350-1631.403 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100, 123 |
| 57. Epigraphy, Ig I , 105, 1324, 1057 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 58. Digesta, Digesta, 47.22.4 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 59. Epigraphy, Jacquemin A. O. 2012, 30 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 60. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 61. Epigraphy, Ieleus, 82 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100 |
| 62. Epigraphy, 77, 255 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 63. Anon., Marmor Parium, 0 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 561 |
| 64. Various, Fgh 323A, None Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 634 |
| 65. Various, Fgh 328, None Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 550 |
| 66. Euripides, Andromeda, 1279-1282 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112 |
| 67. Euripides, Phoin., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112 |
| 68. Epigraphy, Gortyn, 3.38-3.41 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 49 |
| 69. Menander, Fab. Inc., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 112 |
| 70. Epigraphy, Kritzas 2013, 291 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 570 |
| 71. Aeschylus, Aeschines, 2.31, 3.18 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, and athens, institutions Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 50, 630 |
