| 1. Septuagint, Genesis, 3 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24, 28, 46, 91, 100, 102, 105, 106, 108, 116, 134, 142, 190, 196, 211, 213, 285, 286, 303, 319, 365, 366, 367, 368 |
2. Hesiod, Theogony, 1011, 1013-1016, 3, 1012 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 76| 1012. γείνατʼ Ὀδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος ἐν φιλότητι | 1012. Hephaestus, who transcended everyone |
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3. Homer, Iliad, 2.461, 2.750, 3.182-3.190, 6.192-6.195, 8.133-8.134, 11.115, 12.310-12.328, 13.431-13.432, 16.29-16.32, 17.49, 19.92, 20.131, 21.363, 22.327 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 210; Finkelberg, Homer and Early Greek Epic: Collected Essays (2019) 137; Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 61; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 27, 46, 224; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52, 188| 2.461. Ἀσίω ἐν λειμῶνι Καϋστρίου ἀμφὶ ῥέεθρα 2.750. οἳ περὶ Δωδώνην δυσχείμερον οἰκίʼ ἔθεντο, 3.182. ὦ μάκαρ Ἀτρεΐδη μοιρηγενὲς ὀλβιόδαιμον, 3.183. ἦ ῥά νύ τοι πολλοὶ δεδμήατο κοῦροι Ἀχαιῶν. 3.184. ἤδη καὶ Φρυγίην εἰσήλυθον ἀμπελόεσσαν, 3.185. ἔνθα ἴδον πλείστους Φρύγας ἀνέρας αἰολοπώλους 3.186. λαοὺς Ὀτρῆος καὶ Μυγδόνος ἀντιθέοιο, 3.187. οἵ ῥα τότʼ ἐστρατόωντο παρʼ ὄχθας Σαγγαρίοιο· 3.188. καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼν ἐπίκουρος ἐὼν μετὰ τοῖσιν ἐλέχθην 3.189. ἤματι τῷ ὅτε τʼ ἦλθον Ἀμαζόνες ἀντιάνειραι· 3.190. ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ οἳ τόσοι ἦσαν ὅσοι ἑλίκωπες Ἀχαιοί. 6.192. αὐτοῦ μιν κατέρυκε, δίδου δʼ ὅ γε θυγατέρα ἥν, 6.193. δῶκε δέ οἱ τιμῆς βασιληΐδος ἥμισυ πάσης· 6.194. καὶ μέν οἱ Λύκιοι τέμενος τάμον ἔξοχον ἄλλων 6.195. καλὸν φυταλιῆς καὶ ἀρούρης, ὄφρα νέμοιτο. 12.310. Γλαῦκε τί ἢ δὴ νῶϊ τετιμήμεσθα μάλιστα 12.311. ἕδρῃ τε κρέασίν τε ἰδὲ πλείοις δεπάεσσιν 12.312. ἐν Λυκίῃ, πάντες δὲ θεοὺς ὣς εἰσορόωσι, 12.313. καὶ τέμενος νεμόμεσθα μέγα Ξάνθοιο παρʼ ὄχθας 12.314. καλὸν φυταλιῆς καὶ ἀρούρης πυροφόροιο; 12.315. τὼ νῦν χρὴ Λυκίοισι μέτα πρώτοισιν ἐόντας 12.316. ἑστάμεν ἠδὲ μάχης καυστείρης ἀντιβολῆσαι, 12.317. ὄφρά τις ὧδʼ εἴπῃ Λυκίων πύκα θωρηκτάων· 12.318. οὐ μὰν ἀκλεέες Λυκίην κάτα κοιρανέουσιν 12.319. ἡμέτεροι βασιλῆες, ἔδουσί τε πίονα μῆλα 12.320. οἶνόν τʼ ἔξαιτον μελιηδέα· ἀλλʼ ἄρα καὶ ἲς 12.321. ἐσθλή, ἐπεὶ Λυκίοισι μέτα πρώτοισι μάχονται. 12.322. ὦ πέπον εἰ μὲν γὰρ πόλεμον περὶ τόνδε φυγόντε 12.323. αἰεὶ δὴ μέλλοιμεν ἀγήρω τʼ ἀθανάτω τε 12.324. ἔσσεσθʼ, οὔτέ κεν αὐτὸς ἐνὶ πρώτοισι μαχοίμην 12.325. οὔτέ κε σὲ στέλλοιμι μάχην ἐς κυδιάνειραν· 12.326. νῦν δʼ ἔμπης γὰρ κῆρες ἐφεστᾶσιν θανάτοιο 12.327. μυρίαι, ἃς οὐκ ἔστι φυγεῖν βροτὸν οὐδʼ ὑπαλύξαι, 12.328. ἴομεν ἠέ τῳ εὖχος ὀρέξομεν ἠέ τις ἡμῖν. 16.29. ἕλκεʼ ἀκειόμενοι· σὺ δʼ ἀμήχανος ἔπλευ Ἀχιλλεῦ. 16.30. μὴ ἐμέ γʼ οὖν οὗτός γε λάβοι χόλος, ὃν σὺ φυλάσσεις 16.31. αἰναρέτη· τί σευ ἄλλος ὀνήσεται ὀψίγονός περ 16.32. αἴ κε μὴ Ἀργείοισιν ἀεικέα λοιγὸν ἀμύνῃς; 17.49. ἀντικρὺ δʼ ἁπαλοῖο διʼ αὐχένος ἤλυθʼ ἀκωκή, 19.92. οὐλομένη· τῇ μέν θʼ ἁπαλοὶ πόδες· οὐ γὰρ ἐπʼ οὔδει 20.131. ἐν πολέμῳ· χαλεποὶ δὲ θεοὶ φαίνεσθαι ἐναργεῖς. 21.363. κνίσην μελδόμενος ἁπαλοτρεφέος σιάλοιο 22.327. ἀντικρὺ δʼ ἁπαλοῖο διʼ αὐχένος ἤλυθʼ ἀκωκή· | 2.461. wild geese or cranes or long-necked swans on the Asian mead by the streams of Caystrius, fly this way and that, glorying in their strength of wing, and with loud cries settle ever onwards, and the mead resoundeth; even so their many tribes poured forth from ships and huts 2.750. that had set their dwellings about wintry Dodona, and dwelt in the ploughland about lovely Titaressus, that poureth his fair-flowing streams into Peneius; yet doth he not mingle with the silver eddies of Peneius, but floweth on over his waters like unto olive oil; 3.182. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.183. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.184. And he was husband's brother to shameless me, as sure as ever such a one there was. So spake she, and the old man was seized with wonder, and said:Ah, happy son of Atreus, child of fortune, blest of heaven; now see I that youths of the Achaeans full many are made subject unto thee. Ere now have I journeyed to the land of Phrygia, rich in vines, 3.185. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.186. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.187. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.188. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.189. and there I saw in multitudes the Phrygian warriors, masters of glancing steeds, even the people of Otreus and godlike Mygdon, that were then encamped along the banks of Sangarius. For I, too, being their ally, was numbered among them on the day when the Amazons came, the peers of men. 3.190. /Howbeit not even they were as many as are the bright-eyed Achaeans. 6.192. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.193. /for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. 6.194. for peerless Bellerophon slew them one and all. But when the king now knew that he was the valiant offspring of a god, he kept him there, and offered him his own daughter, and gave to him the half of all his kingly honour; moreover the Lycians meted out for him a demesne pre-eminent above all, 6.195. a fair tract of orchard and of plough-land, to possess it. And the lady bare to wise-hearted Bellerophon three children, Isander and Hippolochus and Laodameia. With Laodameia lay Zeus the counsellor, and she bare godlike Sarpedon, the warrior harnessed in bronze. 12.310. Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.311. Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.312. Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.313. Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.314. Glaucus, wherefore is it that we twain are held in honour above all with seats, and messes, and full cups in Lycia, and all men gaze upon us as on gods? Aye, and we possess a great demesne by the banks of Xanthus, a fair tract of orchard and of wheat-bearing plough-land. 12.315. Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.316. Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.317. Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.318. Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.319. Therefore now it behoveth us to take our stand amid the foremost Lycians, and confront the blazing battle that many a one of the mail-clad Lycians may say:Verily no inglorious men be these that rule in Lycia, even our kings, they that eat fat sheep 12.320. and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.321. and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.322. and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.323. and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.324. and drink choice wine, honey-sweet: nay, but their might too is goodly, seeing they fight amid the foremost Lycians. Ah friend, if once escaped from this battle we were for ever to be ageless and immortal, neither should I fight myself amid the foremost, 12.325. nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.326. nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.327. nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 12.328. nor should I send thee into battle where men win glory; but now—for in any case fates of death beset us, fates past counting, which no mortal may escape or avoid—now let us go forward, whether we shall give glory to another, or another to us. 16.29. Smitten is the son of Tydeus, mighty Diomedes, wounded with spear-thrust is Odysseus, famed for his spear, and Agamemnon, and smitten, too, is Eurypylus with an arrow in the thigh. About these the leeches, skilled in many simples, are busied, seeking to heal their wounds; but with thee may no man deal, Achilles. 16.30. Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 16.31. Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 16.32. Never upon me let such wrath lay hold, as that thou dost cherish, O thou whose valour is but a bane! Wherein shall any other even yet to be born have profit of thee, if thou ward not off shameful ruin from the Argives? Pitiless one, thy father, meseems, was not the knight Peleus, nor was Thetis thy mother, but the grey sea bare thee, 17.49. but its point was bent back in the stout shield. Then in turn did Atreus' son, Menelaus, rush upon him with his spear, and made prayer to father Zeus; and as he gave back, stabbed him at the base of the throat, and put his weight into the thrust, trusting in his heavy hand; and clean out through the tender neck passed the point. 19.92. But what could I do? It is God that bringeth all things to their issue. Eldest daughter of Zeus is Ate that blindeth all—a power fraught with bane; delicate are her feet, for it is not upon the ground that she fareth, but she walketh over the heads of men, bringing men to harm, and this one or that she ensnareth. 20.131. he shall have dread hereafter when some god shall come against him in battle; for hard are the gods to look upon when they appear in manifest presence. Then Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, answered her:Hera, be not thou wroth beyond what is wise; thou needest not at all. I verily were not fain to make gods chash 21.363. /drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 22.327. where destruction of life cometh most speedily; even there, as he rushed upon him, goodly Achilles let drive with his spear; and clean out through the tender neck went the point. Howbeit the ashen spear, heavy with bronze, clave not the windpipe, to the end that he might yet make answer and speak unto his foe. Then fell he in the dust, |
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4. Homer, Odyssey, 1.119, 3.420, 7.201, 10.517, 13.297-13.299, 14.314-14.320, 14.465, 15.403-15.404, 17.526, 22.16 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta and spartans, character of…reflected by necessity •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 210; Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28; Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 266; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48, 207, 263; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 188| 1.119. βῆ δʼ ἰθὺς προθύροιο, νεμεσσήθη δʼ ἐνὶ θυμῷ 3.420. ἥ μοι ἐναργὴς ἦλθε θεοῦ ἐς δαῖτα θάλειαν. 7.201. αἰεὶ γὰρ τὸ πάρος γε θεοὶ φαίνονται ἐναργεῖς 10.517. βόθρον ὀρύξαι, ὅσον τε πυγούσιον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα, 13.297. κέρδεʼ, ἐπεὶ σὺ μέν ἐσσι βροτῶν ὄχʼ ἄριστος ἁπάντων 13.298. βουλῇ καὶ μύθοισιν, ἐγὼ δʼ ἐν πᾶσι θεοῖσι 13.299. μήτι τε κλέομαι καὶ κέρδεσιν· οὐδὲ σύ γʼ ἔγνως 14.314. ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην, δεκάτῃ δέ με νυκτὶ μελαίνῃ 14.315. γαίῃ Θεσπρωτῶν πέλασεν μέγα κῦμα κυλίνδον. 14.316. ἔνθα με Θεσπρωτῶν βασιλεὺς ἐκομίσσατο Φείδων 14.317. ἥρως ἀπριάτην· τοῦ γὰρ φίλος υἱὸς ἐπελθὼν 14.318. αἴθρῳ καὶ καμάτῳ δεδμημένον ἦγεν ἐς οἶκον, 14.319. χειρὸς ἀναστήσας, ὄφρʼ ἵκετο δώματα πατρός· 14.320. ἀμφὶ δέ με χλαῖνάν τε χιτῶνά τε εἵματα ἕσσεν. 14.465. καί θʼ ἁπαλὸν γελάσαι, καί τʼ ὀρχήσασθαι ἀνῆκε, 15.403. νῆσός τις Συρίη κικλήσκεται, εἴ που ἀκούεις, 15.404. Ὀρτυγίης καθύπερθεν, ὅθι τροπαὶ ἠελίοιο, 17.526. ἀγχοῦ, Θεσπρωτῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν πίονι δήμῳ, 22.16. ἀντικρὺ δʼ ἁπαλοῖο διʼ αὐχένος ἤλυθʼ ἀκωκή. | 3.420. who came incarnate to me to the god's abundant feast. So come, have one go to the plain for a cow, so it may come very soon, and let a man, a cattle herdsman, drive it. Have one go to great-hearted Telemachus' black ship and bring all his comrades leaving only two behind. 14.315. a great wave rolled and brought me to the land of the Thesprotians. There the Thesprotians' king, the hero Pheidon, cared for me without payment, for his dear son came upon me, tamed by exposure and exhaustion, lifted me up by the hand, led me to his home, until he reached his father's palace, 14.320. and dressed a cloak and tunic about me as clothing. I heard of Odysseus there. For Pheidon said he'd welcomed him and received him as a guest on his way to his fatherland, and he showed me all the possessions Odysseus had collected, bronze, and gold, and well-wrought iron. 14.465. and laughing softly, and gets him up to dance, and tosses out some word, one that's really better left unspoken. But after I've once spoken out, I won't conceal it. If only I were in my prime and had my strength intact, as when we readied and led an ambush under Troy. |
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| 5. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 5.14, 5.90 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
6. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 2.287 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 32 | 443. Demeter’s sweet eyes, then leapt down and sped |
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| 7. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 393 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 213 |
8. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 42.1-42.6, 49.1-49.6, 51.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 306| 42.1. הֵן עַבְדִּי אֶתְמָךְ־בּוֹ בְּחִירִי רָצְתָה נַפְשִׁי נָתַתִּי רוּחִי עָלָיו מִשְׁפָּט לַגּוֹיִם יוֹצִיא׃ 42.1. שִׁירוּ לַיהוָה שִׁיר חָדָשׁ תְּהִלָּתוֹ מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ יוֹרְדֵי הַיָּם וּמְלֹאוֹ אִיִּים וְיֹשְׁבֵיהֶם׃ 42.2. ראית [רָאוֹת] רַבּוֹת וְלֹא תִשְׁמֹר פָּקוֹחַ אָזְנַיִם וְלֹא יִשְׁמָע׃ 42.2. לֹא יִצְעַק וְלֹא יִשָּׂא וְלֹא־יַשְׁמִיעַ בַּחוּץ קוֹלוֹ׃ 42.3. קָנֶה רָצוּץ לֹא יִשְׁבּוֹר וּפִשְׁתָּה כֵהָה לֹא יְכַבֶּנָּה לֶאֱמֶת יוֹצִיא מִשְׁפָּט׃ 42.4. לֹא יִכְהֶה וְלֹא יָרוּץ עַד־יָשִׂים בָּאָרֶץ מִשְׁפָּט וּלְתוֹרָתוֹ אִיִּים יְיַחֵילוּ׃ 42.5. כֹּה־אָמַר הָאֵל יְהוָה בּוֹרֵא הַשָּׁמַיִם וְנוֹטֵיהֶם רֹקַע הָאָרֶץ וְצֶאֱצָאֶיהָ נֹתֵן נְשָׁמָה לָעָם עָלֶיהָ וְרוּחַ לַהֹלְכִים בָּהּ׃ 42.6. אֲנִי יְהוָה קְרָאתִיךָ בְצֶדֶק וְאַחְזֵק בְּיָדֶךָ וְאֶצָּרְךָ וְאֶתֶּנְךָ לִבְרִית עָם לְאוֹר גּוֹיִם׃ 49.1. לֹא יִרְעָבוּ וְלֹא יִצְמָאוּ וְלֹא־יַכֵּם שָׁרָב וָשָׁמֶשׁ כִּי־מְרַחֲמָם יְנַהֲגֵם וְעַל־מַבּוּעֵי מַיִם יְנַהֲלֵם׃ 49.1. שִׁמְעוּ אִיִּים אֵלַי וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ לְאֻמִּים מֵרָחוֹק יְהוָה מִבֶּטֶן קְרָאָנִי מִמְּעֵי אִמִּי הִזְכִּיר שְׁמִי׃ 49.2. עוֹד יֹאמְרוּ בְאָזְנַיִךְ בְּנֵי שִׁכֻּלָיִךְ צַר־לִי הַמָּקוֹם גְּשָׁה־לִּי וְאֵשֵׁבָה׃ 49.2. וַיָּשֶׂם פִּי כְּחֶרֶב חַדָּה בְּצֵל יָדוֹ הֶחְבִּיאָנִי וַיְשִׂימֵנִי לְחֵץ בָּרוּר בְּאַשְׁפָּתוֹ הִסְתִּירָנִי׃ 49.3. וַיֹּאמֶר לִי עַבְדִּי־אָתָּה יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר־בְּךָ אֶתְפָּאָר׃ 49.4. וַאֲנִי אָמַרְתִּי לְרִיק יָגַעְתִּי לְתֹהוּ וְהֶבֶל כֹּחִי כִלֵּיתִי אָכֵן מִשְׁפָּטִי אֶת־יְהוָה וּפְעֻלָּתִי אֶת־אֱלֹהָי׃ 49.5. וְעַתָּה אָמַר יְהוָה יֹצְרִי מִבֶּטֶן לְעֶבֶד לוֹ לְשׁוֹבֵב יַעֲקֹב אֵלָיו וְיִשְׂרָאֵל לא [לוֹ] יֵאָסֵף וְאֶכָּבֵד בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה וֵאלֹהַי הָיָה עֻזִּי׃ 49.6. וַיֹּאמֶר נָקֵל מִהְיוֹתְךָ לִי עֶבֶד לְהָקִים אֶת־שִׁבְטֵי יַעֲקֹב ונצירי [וּנְצוּרֵי] יִשְׂרָאֵל לְהָשִׁיב וּנְתַתִּיךָ לְאוֹר גּוֹיִם לִהְיוֹת יְשׁוּעָתִי עַד־קְצֵה הָאָרֶץ׃ 51.4. הַקְשִׁיבוּ אֵלַי עַמִּי וּלְאוּמִּי אֵלַי הַאֲזִינוּ כִּי תוֹרָה מֵאִתִּי תֵצֵא וּמִשְׁפָּטִי לְאוֹר עַמִּים אַרְגִּיעַ׃ | 42.1. Behold My servant, whom I uphold; Mine elect, in whom My soul delighteth; I have put My spirit upon him, He shall make the right to go forth to the nations. 42.2. He shall not cry, nor lift up, Nor cause his voice to be heard in the street. 42.3. A bruised reed shall he not break, And the dimly burning wick shall he not quench; He shall make the right to go forth according to the truth. 42.4. He shall not fail nor be crushed, Till he have set the right in the earth; And the isles shall wait for his teaching. 42.5. Thus saith God the LORD, He that created the heavens, and stretched them forth, He that spread forth the earth and that which cometh out of it, He that giveth breath unto the people upon it, And spirit to them that walk therein: 42.6. I the LORD have called thee in righteousness, And have taken hold of thy hand, And kept thee, and set thee for a covet of the people, For a light of the nations; 49.1. Listen, O isles, unto me, And hearken, ye peoples, from far: The LORD hath called me from the womb, From the bowels of my mother hath He made mention of my name; 49.2. And He hath made my mouth like a sharp sword, In the shadow of His hand hath He hid me; And He hath made me a polished shaft, In His quiver hath He concealed me; 49.3. And He said unto me: ‘Thou art My servant, Israel, in whom I will be glorified.’ 49.4. But I said: ‘I have laboured in vain, I have spent my strength for nought and vanity; Yet surely my right is with the LORD, And my recompense with my God.’ 49.5. And now saith the LORD That formed me from the womb to be His servant, To bring Jacob back to Him, And that Israel be gathered unto Him— For I am honourable in the eyes of the LORD, And my God is become my strength— 49.6. Yea, He saith: ‘It is too light a thing that thou shouldest be My servant To raise up the tribes of Jacob, And to restore the offspring of Israel; I will also give thee for a light of the nations, That My salvation may be unto the end of the earth.’ 51.4. Attend unto Me, O My people, And give ear unto Me, O My nation; For instruction shall go forth from Me, And My right on a sudden for a light of the peoples. |
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9. Hesiod, Works And Days, 354, 367, 39, 393-404, 408, 519, 366 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 34| 366. ἐσθλὸν μὲν παρεόντος ἑλέσθαι, πῆμα δὲ θυμῷ | 366. Near wicked neighbours. Measure carefully |
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| 10. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 3.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 305 |
11. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 22.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 305| 22.4. וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־יְהוֹשָׁפָט הֲתֵלֵךְ אִתִּי לַמִּלְחָמָה רָמֹת גִּלְעָד וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוֹשָׁפָט אֶל־מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל כָּמוֹנִי כָמוֹךָ כְּעַמִּי כְעַמֶּךָ כְּסוּסַי כְּסוּסֶיךָ׃ 22.4. וַיִּשְׁכַּב אַחְאָב עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּמְלֹךְ אֲחַזְיָהוּ בְנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃ | 22.4. And he said unto Jehoshaphat: ‘Wilt thou go with me to battle to Ramoth-gilead?’ And Jehoshaphat said to the king of Israel: ‘I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses as thy horses.’ |
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| 12. Archilochus, Fragments, 113/188 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
| 13. Alcaeus, Fragments, fr.37b (= a5 lp (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 112 |
| 14. Anaximander, Fragments, a1, a2, a4 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 200 |
| 15. Sappho, Fragments, 16, 2 diehl (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 135 |
| 16. Sappho, Fragments, 38.17, 38.18, 38.19, 38.20, 86.5, 86.6, 86.7, 86.8, 86.9, 103, 136, 16, 25, 2 diehl (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 135; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 46, 112 |
| 17. Tyrtaeus, Fragments, 2.12-15 west, 11.1 west, 19.8 west, 12 west2 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 115 |
| 18. Thales, Fragments, a1-3, a21 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 203 |
| 19. Alcman, Poems, 2a, ta1-3, ta12, ta5-9, 16 page (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 135 |
| 20. Alcaeus, Fragments, fr.37b (= a5 lp (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 112 |
| 21. Solon, Fragments, 4.29, 4.28, 4.26, 4.11, 4.10, 36.21, 36.20, 36.22, 4.13, 32.2, 32.3, 34.1, 34.7, 34.8, 4.12, 4.14, 4c, 5.3, 5.4, 34, 11, 9, 6, 4.27, 4c.5-8, 13.14, 13.13, 13.12, 13.11, 13.10, 13.9, 13.8, 4.32, 4.33, 4.9, 4.7, 4.8, 13, 5, 32.1, 4.5, 4.6, 28a, 31, 4 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 61 |
| 22. Pindar, Fragments, 169 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16 |
| 23. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 5.14 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22 |
| 24. Pherecydes of Syros, Fragments, a1-7, a2, b2, f156, b4 (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48 |
| 25. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 3.61-3.62, 4.138, 4.143, 4.254-4.259, 5.60 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 139; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 25, 192, 207 |
| 26. Theognis, Elegies, 2.1341 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 48 |
| 27. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.10-1.13, 5.24, 9.83, 13.6 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 109, 120; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 23, 207 |
28. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10-14, 148-149, 15, 150-154, 16, 162-169, 17, 170-172, 179, 18, 180-189, 19, 190-197, 2, 20, 208-210, 227, 3, 307-369, 371-396, 4, 419-421, 458, 477-479, 490-499, 5, 500-524, 6, 67-69, 7, 70-73, 778-786, 8-9, 976-987, 370 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 116| 370. ἁμετέραις ἐφόδοις μελανείμοσιν, ὀρχη- | |
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| 29. Ibycus, Fragments, 282 b campbell = slg 220-6 (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69 |
| 30. Ibycus, Fragments, 282 b campbell = slg 220-6 (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69 |
| 31. Simonides, Fragments, 510 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69 |
| 32. Pindar, Paeanes, 9.74 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69, 120 |
| 33. Aeschylus, Persians, 249-252, 765-783, 815, 563 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 278 |
| 34. Plato, Laws, 625b, 625a, 677b, 678e-679a, 1.637d-e, 7.792e, 625c, 625d, 624a, 624b, 908, 909, 642d, 933d-e, 633b, 633c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 265 |
| 35. Plato, Hipparchus, 229c, 229b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 165 |
36. Lysias, Funeral Oration, 10-16, 23, 60, 79, 22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 160, 166 | 22. And still such an opinion prevailed among them about the city from the previous conflicts, that they believed if they should advance against another city, they would contend with both that and the Athenians; for these would eagerly come to aid the oppressed; but if they should come here first, no other Greeks would dare by aiding others to bring on themselves open hostility (for the sake of the Athenians). |
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| 37. Lysias, Fragments, 49 carey, 286.2 carey, 42, 47 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 197 |
| 38. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, fr.37b (= a5 lp (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 112 |
| 39. Andocides, On The Peace With Sparta, 10-12, 3, 5-9, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 266 |
40. Plato, Gorgias, 509a1-2, 516d, 484b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16| 484b. ἐξέλαμψεν τὸ τῆς φύσεως δίκαιον. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ Πίνδαρος ἅπερ ἐγὼ λέγω ἐνδείκνυσθαι ἐν τῷ ᾁσματι ἐν ᾧ λέγει ὅτι— νόμος ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων· Pind. fr. 169 οὗτος δὲ δή, φησίν,— ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί· τεκμαίρομαι ἔργοισιν Ἡρακλέος, ἐπεὶ—ἀπριάτας— Pind. fr. 169 λέγει οὕτω πως—τὸ γὰρ ᾆσμα οὐκ ἐπίσταμαι—λέγει δʼ ὅτι οὔτε πριάμενος οὔτε δόντος τοῦ Γηρυόνου ἠλάσατο τὰς βοῦς, | 484b. dawns the full light of natural justice. And it seems to me that Pindar adds his evidence to what I say, in the ode where he says — “Law the sovereign of all, Mortals and immortals,” which, so he continues, — “Carries all with highest hand, Justifying the utmost force: in proof I take The deeds of Hercules, for unpurchased” — the words are something like that — I do not know the poem well — but it tells how he drove off the cow 484b. dawns the full light of natural justice. And it seems to me that Pindar adds his evidence to what I say, in the ode where he says— Law the sovereign of all, Mortals and immortals, Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) which, so he continues,— Carries all with highest hand, Justifying the utmost force: in proof I take The deeds of Hercules, for unpurchased Pind. Fr. 169 (Bergk) —the words are something like that—I do not know the poem well—but it tells how he drove off the cow |
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| 41. Lysias, Orations, 6.16-6.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 313 |
| 42. Cratinus, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
| 43. Cratinus, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
44. Plato, Protagoras, 343a, 343b, 337d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16| 337d. φύσει, οὐ νόμῳ· τὸ γὰρ ὅμοιον τῷ ὁμοίῳ φύσει συγγενές ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ νόμος, τύραννος ὢν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν φύσιν βιάζεται—ἡμᾶς οὖν αἰσχρὸν τὴν μὲν φύσιν τῶν πραγμάτων εἰδέναι, σοφωτάτους δὲ ὄντας τῶν Ἑλλήνων, καὶ κατʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο νῦν συνεληλυθότας τῆς τε Ἑλλάδος εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πρυτανεῖον τῆς σοφίας καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως εἰς τὸν μέγιστον καὶ ὀλβιώτατον οἶκον τόνδε, μηδὲν τούτου τοῦ | 337d. for like is akin to like by nature, whereas law, despot of mankind, often constrains us against nature. Hence it would be shameful if we, while knowing the nature of things, should yet—being the wisest of the Greeks, and having met together for the very purpose in the very sanctuary of the wisdom of Greece, and in this the greatest and most auspicious house of the city of cities—display no worthy sign of this dignity, |
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| 45. Lysias, Fragments, 49 carey, 286.2 carey, 42, 47 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 197 |
46. Plato, Menexenus, 243c, 239b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 166| 239b. καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ, οἰόμενοι δεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ Ἕλλησιν ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων μάχεσθαι καὶ βαρβάροις ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων. Εὐμόλπου μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἀμαζόνων ἐπιστρατευσάντων ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ τῶν ἔτι προτέρων ὡς ἠμύναντο, καὶ ὡς ἤμυναν Ἀργείοις πρὸς Καδμείους καὶ Ἡρακλείδαις πρὸς Ἀργείους, ὅ τε χρόνος βραχὺς ἀξίως διηγήσασθαι, ποιηταί τε αὐτῶν ἤδη καλῶς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν μουσικῇ ὑμνήσαντες εἰς πάντας μεμηνύκασιν· ἐὰν οὖν ἡμεῖς | 239b. deeming it their duty to fight in the cause of freedom alike with Greeks on behalf of Greeks and with barbarians on behalf of the whole of Greece . The story of how they repulsed Eumolpus and the Amazons, and still earlier invaders, when they marched upon our country, and how they defended the Argives against the Cadmeians and the Heracleidae against the Argives, is a story which our time is too short to relate as it deserves, and already their valor has been adequately celebrated in song by poets who have made it known throughout the world; |
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| 47. Hippocrates, On Airs, Waters, And Places, 13-15, 17-24, 5-7, 16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 85 |
| 48. Eupolis, Fragments, 126, 99 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 258 |
| 49. Plato, Republic, 468b, 562d, 465d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 85 |
| 50. Isaeus, Orations, 3.76-3.79, 8.18-8.19, 8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta/spartans, marriage ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 526, 531 |
51. Plato, Symposium, 217a, 217b, 217c, 217d, 220e, 220d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 171; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 320| 220d. γὰρ θέρος τότε γʼ ἦν—χαμεύνια ἐξενεγκάμενοι ἅμα μὲν ἐν τῷ ψύχει καθηῦδον, ἅμα δʼ ἐφύλαττον αὐτὸν εἰ καὶ τὴν νύκτα ἑστήξοι. ὁ δὲ εἱστήκει μέχρι ἕως ἐγένετο καὶ ἥλιος ἀνέσχεν· ἔπειτα ᾤχετʼ ἀπιὼν προσευξάμενος τῷ ἡλίῳ. εἰ δὲ βούλεσθε ἐν ταῖς μάχαις—τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ δίκαιόν γε αὐτῷ ἀποδοῦναι—ὅτε γὰρ ἡ μάχη ἦν ἐξ ἧς ἐμοὶ καὶ τἀριστεῖα ἔδοσαν οἱ στρατηγοί, οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἐμὲ ἔσωσεν | 220d. this time it was summer—brought out their mattresses and rugs and took their sleep in the cool; thus they waited to see if he would go on standing all night too. He stood till dawn came and the sun rose; then walked away, after offering a prayer to the Sun. |
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| 52. Antiphanes, Fragments, 3, 85, 115 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 212 |
53. Herodotus, Histories, 4.76, 4.77, 4.78, 4.79, 4.80, 6.58, 6.59, 9.122, 2.104, 2.91.1, 1.155, 2.30, 8.142, 8.144.2, 7.100, 1.71, 1.155.4, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.39, 2.40, 2.41, 2.42, 2.35.2, 9.82, 2.38, 7.101, 7.102, 7.103, 7.104, 7.105, 7.223, 6.60, 5.3, 9.27.3, 5.72.3, 1.60, 8.11, 8.123, 6.123, 9.73, 5.45, 5.44, 1.54, 7.139, 7.111, 8.120, 5.55, 1.69, 1.70, 5.63, 5.90, 5.91, 1.22, 9.85, 2.117, 8.85, 1.94, 7.132.2, 1.91.6, 5.66, 5.66.2, 5.74, 5.75, 5.76, 5.77, 5.78, 5.69-73.1, 6.109.2, 5.92, 3.82.4, 8.65.4, 5.92b, 1.141, 1.211‒14, 5.32, 1.1, 1.131‒4, 1.207, 5.51.3, 1.119, 1.130.1, 1.130, 1.128.7, 7.187, 7.9α, 7.8γ, 7.8β.3, 7.8β, 7.6.1, 6.111‒17, 7.184, 7.185, 7.186, 5.51.1, 4.43, 9.63, 5.91.1, 1.46.1, 1.4, 1.3, 1.2, 9.84, 5.52.2, 5.52.3, 9.64, 8.142.2, 4.42, 1.118, 1.56, 1.90, 5.49, 1.128‒30, 1.53, 1.55, 1.91, 5.92g, 4.36.2, 3.41.1, 8.3.2, 7.8a, 6.134, 7.153, 7.5.3, 1.51.3, 1.152, 1.93.2, 1.143.2, 4.137, 5.96, 5.93, 5.97, 1.170.3, 6.94, 6.104, 9.34, 1.94.1, 9.35, 6.107.1, 7.6.4, 9.106, 9.101, 9.100, 9.90.2, 9.90-96.1, 1.82.1, 1.57, 3.47, 5.70, 5.71, 5.72, 5.73, 5.73.2-74.1, 7.6.3, 3.38.4, 7.104.4, 5.97.2, 9.33, 5.50.3, 5.49.3, 4.108.8, 2.178.2, 9.7a, 8.144, 8.132.2, 5.31, 5.30, 5.47, 8.132.3, 1.14, 6.98, 6.92, 8.47, 6.99, 6.118, 6.97, 3.122.2, 3.126, 3.125.2, 3.125, 3.123, 3.124, 3.125.3, 3.122, 1.12.2, 1.14.1, 1.71.2, 1.71.3, 1.77, 1.183.1, 1.71.4, 3.120, 3.121, 3.49, 6.136, 6.135, 6.133, 7.137.1, 7.133.119, 7.133.118, 7.133.117, 7.133.116, 7.133.114, 7.133.113, 7.133.112, 7.133.111, 7.133.110, 7.133.109, 7.133.108, 7.133.107, 7.133.115, 7.133.128, 7.133.127, 7.133.126, 7.133.125, 7.133.124, 7.133.123, 7.133.122, 7.133.121, 7.133.120, 7.133.106, 7.133.105, 7.133.104, 7.133.103, 7.133.129, 7.133.86, 7.133.102, 7.133.101, 7.133.100, 7.133.99, 7.133.98, 7.133.97, 7.133.96, 7.133.95, 7.133.94, 7.133.93, 7.133.92, 7.133.91, 7.133.90, 7.133.89, 7.133.88, 7.133.87, 7.133.130, 7.138, 7.133.133, 7.133.132, 7.133.131, 7.133.4, 7.133.3, 7.133.2, 7.137, 7.136, 7.135, 7.134, 7.133, 7.133.6, 7.133.25, 7.133.24, 7.133.23, 7.133.22, 7.133.21, 7.133.20, 7.133.19, 7.133.18, 7.133.17, 7.133.16, 7.133.15, 7.133.14, 7.133.13, 7.133.12, 7.133.11, 7.133.10, 7.133.9, 7.133.8, 7.133.7, 7.133.5, 7.133.26, 8.115.4, 5.13, 4.110.2, 4.25, 4.24, 4.23, 4.22, 4.21, 4.20, 4.19, 4.18, 4.17, 3.106.1, 2.32.5, 1.27.4, 7.133.77, 7.133.76, 7.133.75, 7.133.74, 7.133.73, 7.133.72, 7.133.71, 7.133.70, 7.133.69, 7.133.68, 7.133.67, 7.133.78, 7.133.66, 7.133.79, 7.133.85, 7.133.84, 7.133.83, 7.133.82, 6.48, 6.49, 7.133.81, 7.133.80, 7.133.44, 7.133.43, 7.133.42, 7.133.41, 7.133.40, 7.133.39, 7.133.38, 7.133.37, 7.133.36, 7.133.35, 7.133.34, 7.133.33, 7.133.32, 7.133.31, 7.133.30, 7.133.29, 7.133.28, 7.133.27, 7.133.45, 7.133.46, 7.133.48, 7.133.65, 7.133.64, 7.133.63, 7.133.62, 7.133.61, 7.133.60, 7.133.59, 7.133.58, 7.133.57, 7.133.56, 7.133.55, 7.133.54, 7.133.53, 7.133.52, 7.133.51, 7.133.50, 7.133.49, 7.133.47, 7.133.134, 1.34.1, 2.45.3, 3.108.2, 6.27.1, 6.91, 8.13, 7.137.2, 8.20, 8.38, 8.39, 8.65, 8.129.3, 9.65, 9.65.2, 9.100.2, 9.101.1, 7.133.1, 7.132, 7.131, 3.65.7, 6.65, 6.62, 6.63, 6.64, 6.69, 6.68, 6.67, 6.66, 7.204, 6.70, 6.56, 5.39, 5.40, 5.41, 6.61, 8.124, 6.58.2, 5.22, 1.48, 1.52, 1.51, 1.50, 1.49, 1.61, 1.92, 4.154, 4.155, 8.35, 4.163, 4.162, 4.161, 4.160, 4.159, 4.158, 4.157, 4.156, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.87, 1.69.4, 1.25, 1.47, 1.46, 1.32.1, 3.40.2, 710e, 1.58, 1.59, 8.60c, 7.139.5, 1.68, 1.67, 1.66, 1.65, 1.64, 1.63, 1.62, 5.92-g, 1.34, 2.81, 1.36, 1.37, 1.35, 1.39, 1.38, 1.45, 1.44, 1.43, 1.42, 1.41, 1.40, 8.102.2, 7.110.1, 7.172.1, 7.201, 7.96.2, 7.224.1, 1.210.2, 7.104.5, 5.3.1, 8.4, 8.5, 7.108.1, 1.126, 7.96.1, 7.56, 9.27.6, 7.151, 7.150, 7.148, 6.15.1, 6.13, 6.12, 6.11, 8.62, 7.162, 7.161, 7.160, 7.159, 7.158, 1.70.1, 7.149, 7.157, 7.156, 7.155, 7.154, 7.152, 8.3, 7.149.3, 6.21, 3.123.1, 5.97.1, 9.62.3, 9.63.1, 9.63.2, 1.143, 2.56, 2.32, 4.170, 4.172, 4.183, 5.42, 3.38, 7.99, 2.61, 2.50, 2.49, 2.43, 6.54, 2.55, 2.51, 2.44, 2.63, 7.95, 2.64, 7.94, 2.62, 7.98, 3.39, 7.97, 4.26, 2.59, 7.96, 2.47, 2.53, 6.51, 2.58, 2.48, 6.52, 7.163, 2.52, 6.53, 2.45, 2.60, 2.57, 2.46, 2.54, 8.110, 9.44, 7.2, 7.85, 7.66, 8.138, 8.139, 7.86, 7.3, 3.41, 7.67, 7.84, 8.137, 1.86, 3.40, 3.4, 7.89, 7.87, 8.143, 6.5, 7.88, 6.6, 5.19, 3.42, 7.74, 7.79, 7.81, 7.70, 5.18, 7.72, 7.80, 7.73, 7.71, 7.82, 7.75, 7.83, 3.43, 7.68, 7.69, 5.50, 3.51, 7.78, 6.57, 7.62, 3.16, 5.21, 3.8, 7.60, 6.55, 8.109, 7.93, 7.92, 7.61, 7.77, 3.50, 7.64, 7.65, 5.20, 7.90, 4.145, 7.29, 6.139, 3.53, 7.28, 6.140, 1.32, 7.27, 7.237, 7.91, 3.35, 7.76, 3.31, 7.63, 3.52, 7.39, 9.27, 9.26, 7.170, 7.169, 5.80, 6.107, 6.35, 8.131, 1.46.2, 1.67.2, 4, 2.18.6, 2.18.7, 2.18.8, 4.153-159.4, 7.1, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 6.105, 7.4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 54; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 327| 4.76. ξεινικοῖσι δὲ νομαίοισι καὶ οὗτοι φεύγουσι αἰνῶς χρᾶσθαι, μήτε τεῶν ἄλλων, Ἑλληνικοῖσι δὲ καὶ ἥκιστα, ὡς διέδεξαν Ἀνάχαρσις τε καὶ δεύτερα αὖτις Σκύλης. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀνάχαρσις ἐπείτε γῆν πολλὴν θεωρήσας καὶ ἀποδεξάμενος κατʼ αὐτὴν σοφίην πολλὴν ἐκομίζετο ἐς ἤθεα τὰ Σκυθέων, πλέων διʼ Ἑλλησπόντου προσίσχει ἐς Κύζικον. καὶ εὗρε γὰρ τῇ μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν ἀνάγοντας τοὺς Κυζικηνοὺς ὁρτὴν μεγαλοπρεπέως κάρτα, εὔξατο τῇ μητρὶ ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις, ἢν σῶς καὶ ὑγιὴς ἀπονοστήσῃ ἐς ἑωυτοῦ, θύσειν τε κατὰ ταὐτὰ κατὰ ὥρα τοὺς Κυζικηνοὺς ποιεῦντας καὶ παννυχίδα στήσειν. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σκυθικήν καταδὺς ἐς τὴν καλεομένην Ὑλαίην ʽἡ δʼ ἔστι μὲν παρὰ τὸν Ἀχιλλήιον δρόμον, τυγχάνει δὲ πᾶσα ἐοῦσα δενδρέων παντοίων πλέἠ, ἐς ταύτην δὴ καταδὺς ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις τὴν ὁρτὴν ἐπετέλεε πᾶσαν τῇ θεῷ, τύμπανον τε ἔχων καὶ ἐκδησάμενος ἀγάλματα. καὶ τῶν τις Σκυθέων καταφρασθεὶς αὐτὸν ταῦτα ποιεῦντα ἐσήμηνε τῷ βασιλέι Σαυλίω· ὁ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπικόμενος ὡς εἶδε τὸν Ἀνάχαρσιν ποιεῦντα ταῦτα, τοξεύσας αὐτὸν ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ νῦν ἤν τις εἴρηται περὶ Ἀναχάρσιος, οὐ φασί μιν Σκύθαι γινώσκειν, διὰ τοῦτο ὅτι ἐξεδήμησέ τε ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ ξεινικοῖσι ἔθεσι διεχρήσατο. ὡς δʼ ἐγὼ ἤκουσα Τύμνεω τοῦ Ἀριαπείθεος ἐπιτρόπου, εἶναι αὐτὸν Ἰδανθύρσου τοῦ Σκυθέων βασιλέος πάτρων, παῖδα δὲ εἶναι Γνούρου τοῦ Λύκου τοῦ Σπαργαπείθεος. εἰ ὦν ταύτης ἦν τῆς οἰκίης ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις, ἴστω ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ ἀποθανών· Ἰδάνθυρσος γὰρ ἦν παῖς Σαυλίου, Σαύλιος δὲ ἦν ὁ ἀποκτείνας Ἀνάχαρσιν. | 4.76. But as regards foreign customs, the Scythians (like others) very much shun practising those of any other country, and particularly of Hellas, as was proved in the case of Anacharsis and also of Scyles. ,For when Anacharsis was coming back to the Scythian country after having seen much of the world in his travels and given many examples of his wisdom, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in at Cyzicus; ,where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great ceremony, he vowed to this same Mother that if he returned to his own country safe and sound he would sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes doing, and establish a nightly rite of worship. ,So when he came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country called Woodland (which is beside the Race of Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of timber); hidden there, Anacharsis celebrated the goddess' ritual with exactness, carrying a small drum and hanging images about himself. ,Then some Scythian saw him doing this and told the king, Saulius; who, coming to the place himself and seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an arrow at him and killed him. And now the Scythians, if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no knowledge of him; this is because he left his country for Hellas and followed the customs of strangers. ,But according to what I heard from Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was an uncle of Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then let him know he was slain by his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. |
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| 54. Plato, Theaetetus, 180e-81c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 326 |
55. Plato, Timaeus, 21b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 53| 21b. ἤδη τῶν ἐνενήκοντα ἐτῶν, ἐγὼ δέ πῃ μάλιστα δεκέτης· ἡ δὲ Κουρεῶτις ἡμῖν οὖσα ἐτύγχανεν Ἀπατουρίων. τὸ δὴ τῆς ἑορτῆς σύνηθες ἑκάστοτε καὶ τότε συνέβη τοῖς παισίν· ἆθλα γὰρ ἡμῖν οἱ πατέρες ἔθεσαν ῥαψῳδίας. πολλῶν μὲν οὖν δὴ καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέχθη ποιητῶν ποιήματα, ἅτε δὲ νέα κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὄντα τὰ Σόλωνος πολλοὶ τῶν παίδων ᾔσαμεν. εἶπεν οὖν τις τῶν φρατέρων, εἴτε δὴ δοκοῦν αὐτῷ τότε εἴτε καὶ χάριν τινὰ τῷ Κριτίᾳ φέρων, δοκεῖν οἱ τά τε | 21b. Critias was already close upon ninety years of age, while I was somewhere about ten; and it chanced to be that day of the Apaturia which is called Cureotis. The ceremony for boys which was always customary at the feast was held also on that occasion, our fathers arranging contests in recitation. So while many poems of many poets were declaimed, since the poems of Solon were at that time new, many of us children chanted them. And one of our fellow tribesmen—whether he really thought so at the time or whether he was paying a compliment |
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| 56. Plato, Parmenides, 139a, 162e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 326 |
| 57. Eupolis, Fragments, 126, 99 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 258 |
| 58. Pherecydes of Athens, Fragments, a1-7, a2, b2, b4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48 |
59. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 344-348, 343 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 526| 343. γάμων ἐπακτὸν ἄταν. | 343. and are courting a foreign alliance, a ceaseless regret to me your mother and to Laius your ancestor, ruin brought by your marriage. I was not the one who lit for you the marriage-torch, |
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60. Euripides, Orestes, 10-16, 1635-1637, 17-21, 5-9, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 23| 4. ὁ γὰρ μακάριος — κοὐκ ὀνειδίζω τύχας — | 4. There is nothing so terrible to describe, or suffering, or heaven-sent affliction, that human nature may not have to bear the burden of it. The blessed Tantalus—and I am not now taunting him with his misfortunes— |
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| 61. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 74, 1286 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
| 62. Euripides, Ion, 26 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
| 63. Euripides, Helen, 424 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
| 64. Euripides, Fragments, 734, 448a-59, 246, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 245, 735, 234, 728, 235, 237, 238, 239, 244, 243, 242, 241, 240, 236, 729, 730, 736, 737, 738, 731, 739, 740, 228, 733, 732, 282.13-28 ap. ath. 10.413c, 741a (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 116 |
65. Euripides, Bacchae, 154, 234-238, 233 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 91| 233. | 233. Autonoe, the mother of Actaeon. And having bound them in iron fetters, I will soon stop them from this ill-working revelry. And they say that some stranger has come, a sorcerer, a conjuror from the Lydian land, |
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66. Euripides, Andromache, 2, 147 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28| 147. κόσμον μὲν ἀμφὶ κρατὶ χρυσέας χλιδῆς | |
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67. Euripides, Rhesus, 399-406, 408-412, 960, 407 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 113| 407. Θρῃκῶν ἄνακτα τῇδ' ἔθηκ' ἐγὼ χερί, | 407. And made thee mighty, I and this right hand; |
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68. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 403-408 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16| 408. τὸ πλεῖστον, ἀλλὰ χὡ πένης ἔχων ἴσον. | 408. by one man, but is free. The people rule in succession year by year, allowing no preference to wealth, but the poor man shares equally with the rich. Herald |
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69. Plato, Phaedrus, 230c, 230b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 266| 230b. ΦΑΙ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν αὐτό. ΣΩ. νὴ τὴν Ἥραν, καλή γε ἡ καταγωγή. ἥ τε γὰρ πλάτανος αὕτη μάλʼ ἀμφιλαφής τε καὶ ὑψηλή, τοῦ τε ἄγνου τὸ ὕψος καὶ τὸ σύσκιον πάγκαλον, καὶ ὡς ἀκμὴν ἔχει τῆς ἄνθης, ὡς ἂν εὐωδέστατον παρέχοι τὸν τόπον· ἥ τε αὖ πηγὴ χαριεστάτη ὑπὸ τῆς πλατάνου ῥεῖ μάλα ψυχροῦ ὕδατος, ὥστε γε τῷ ποδὶ τεκμήρασθαι. Νυμφῶν τέ τινων καὶ Ἀχελῴου ἱερὸν ἀπὸ τῶν κορῶν τε καὶ ἀγαλμάτων ἔοικεν εἶναι. | 230b. Phaedrus. Yes, this is it. Socrates. By Hera, it is a charming resting place. For this plane tree is very spreading and lofty, and the tall and shady willow is very beautiful, and it is in full bloom, so as to make the place most fragrant; then, too, the spring is very pretty as it flows under the plane tree, and its water is very cool, to judge by my foot. And it seems to be a sacred place of some nymphs and of Achelous, judging by |
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70. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 192 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28| 192. γυναικόφωνος ἁπαλὸς εὐπρεπὴς ἰδεῖν. | |
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| 71. Isocrates, Orations, 4.1-4.2, 4.18, 4.20, 4.56-4.57, 4.61-4.63, 4.67, 4.144, 4.156, 9.57, 16.28, 18.61, 18.65 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 141; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 85, 159, 171, 187, 192, 196; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 278, 345, 346 |
| 72. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 418 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
73. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 901-905, 900 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28| 900. μὴ φθόνει ταῖσιν νέαισι. | 900. YOUNG GIRL: Don't be jealous of the young girls; voluptuousness resides in the pure outline of their beautiful limbs and blossoms on their rounded bosoms; but you, old woman, you who are tricked out and perfumed as if for your own funeral, are an object of love only for grim Death himself. FIRST OLD WOMAN: May your hole be stopped; may you be unable to find your couch when you want to be fucked. And on your couch, when your lips seek a lover, may you embrace only a viper! YOUNG GIRL: Alas! alas! what is to become of me? There is no lover! I am left here alone; my mother has gone out and the rest care little for me. Oh! my dear nurse, I adjure you to call Orthagoras, and may heaven bless you. FIRST OLD WOMAN: Ah! poor child, desire is consuming you like an Ionian woman; I think you are no stranger to the wanton arts of the Lesbian women, but you shall not rob me of my pleasures; you will not be able to reduce or filch the time that first belongs to me, for your own gain. Sing as much as you please, peep out like a cat lying in wait, but none shall pass through your door without first having been to see me. YOUNG GIRL: If anyone enter your house, 'twill be to carry out your corpse. FIRST OLD WOMAN: That's new to me. YOUNG GIRL: What! you rotten wretch, can anything be new to an old hag like you? FIRST OLD WOMAN: My old age will not harm you. YOUNG GIRL: Ah! shame on your painted cheeks! FIRST OLD WOMAN: Why do you speak to me at all? |
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74. Aristophanes, Clouds, 1450, 206-212, 214-217, 830, 213 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218| 213. οἶδ': ὑπὸ γὰρ ἡμῶν παρετάθη καὶ Περικλέους. | |
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75. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 2.2-2.9, 4.5-4.6, 8.1-8.5, 13.2, 13.11, 15.2-15.6, 15.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 529; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16, 28, 29 | 2.5. As to the food, he required the prefect to bring with him συμβολεύειν is the conjecture of F. Portus for συμβουλεύειν , and εἴρενα that of Schneider for ἄρρενα. The prefect took his meals with the class of which he had charge. But Stobaeus’ text runs σῖτόν γε μὴν τοσοῦτον ἔχειν (for which read ἐσθίειν ) συνεβούλευεν ὡς , he recommended them to eat so moderately that they ; and this is probably right. such a moderate amount of it that the boys would never suffer from repletion, and would know what it was to go with their hunger unsatisfied; for he believed that those who underwent this training would be better able to continue working on an empty stomach, if necessary, and would be capable of carrying on longer without extra food, if the word of command were given to do so: they would want fewer delicacies and would accommodate themselves more readily to anything put before them, and at the same time would enjoy better health. 2.6. He also thought that a diet which made their bodies slim would do more to increase their height than one that consisted of flesh-forming food. On the other hand, lest they should feel too much the pinch of hunger, Anabasis , 4.6.14. while not giving them the opportunity of taking what they wanted without trouble he allowed them to alleviate their hunger by stealing something. 2.7. It was not on account of a difficulty in providing for them that he encouraged them to get their food by their own cunning. No one, I suppose, can fail to see that. Obviously a man who intends to take to thieving must spend sleepless nights and play the deceiver and lie in ambush by day, and moreover, if he means to make a capture, he must have spies ready. There can be no doubt then, that all this education was planned by him in order to make the boys more resourceful in getting supplies, and better fighting men. Someone may ask: 2.8. But why, if he believed stealing to be a fine thing, did he have the boy who was caught beaten with many stripes? I reply: Because in all cases men punish a learner for not carrying out properly whatever he is taught to do. So the Spartans chastise those who get caught for stealing badly. 2.9. He made it a point of honour to steal as many cheeses as possible from the altar of Artemis Orthia , At this altar the annual scourging of Spartan boys and youths took place, according to Plutarch and Pausanias; but this custom seems to have no connexion with that of punishing those who were caught thieving. It is not improbable that the whole of this sentence is an interpolation; if not, the text is corrupt beyond restoration. but appointed others to scourge the thieves, meaning to show thereby that by enduring pain for a short time one may win lasting fame and felicity. It is shown herein that where there is need of swiftness, the slothful, as usual, gets little profit and many troubles. 4.5. Here then you find that kind of strife that is dearest to the gods, and in the highest sense political — the strife that sets the standard of a brave man’s conduct; and in which either party exerts itself to the end that it may never fall below its best, and that, when the time comes, every member of it may support the state with all his might. Horsemanship , 2.1. 4.5. , After this the Lacedaemonians, upon hearing 390 B.C. from the Corinthian exiles that the people in the city had all their cattle in Piraeum A mountainous peninsula of considerable extent on the north-western side of the isthmus of Corinth (see note 2, below). At its western extremity was the Heraeum, or temple of Hera (see 5, below), near which was a small lake (6). In the north-eastern part of the peninsula was the fortress of Oenoe (5). and there kept them safe, and that many were being maintained from this supply, made another expedition to the territory of Corinth, Agesilaus being in command this time also. And first he came to the Isthmus The term was used by the Greeks, not (as in the preceding note) of the entire neck of land connecting Peloponnesus with northern Greece, but only of its narrowest part, some three or four miles north-east of the city of Corinth. Toward the eastern side of this Isthmus proper was the famous sanctuary of Poseidon where, every two years, the Isthmian games were celebrated. ; for it was the month during which the Isthmian games are celebrated, and the Argives chanced at the time to be offering the sacrifice there to Poseidon, as though Argos were Corinth. But when they learned that Agesilaus was approaching, they left behind both the victims that had been offered and the breakfast that was being made ready and retired to the city in very great fear, along the road leading to Cenchreae., Agesilaus, however, did not pursue them, even though he saw them, but encamping in the sacred precinct offered sacrifice himself to the god and waited until the Corinthian exiles had conducted 390 B.C. the sacrifice and the games in honour of Poseidon. But when Agesilaus had left the Isthmus, the Argives celebrated the Isthmian games all over again. In that year, accordingly, in some of the contests individual competitors were beaten twice, while in others the same competitors were twice proclaimed victors., On the fourth day Agesilaus led his army against Piraeum. But seeing that it was guarded by many, he withdrew after breakfast in the direction of the capital, as though the city were going to be betrayed to him; so that the Corinthians, in fear that the city was to be betrayed by some one, summoned Iphicrates with the greater part of his peltasts. Agesilaus, however, upon perceiving that they had passed by during the night, turned about, and at daybreak proceeded to lead his army to Piraeum. And he himself advanced by way of the hot springs Situated near the shore on the road leading from the Isthmus to Piraeum., but he sent one regiment up the heights to proceed along the topmost ridge. On that night, accordingly, he was in camp at the hot springs, while the regiment bivouacked, holding possession of the heights., It was then that Agesilaus won credit by a trifling but timely expedient. For since no one among those who carried provisions for the regiment had brought fire, and it was cold, not only because they were at a high altitude, but also because there had been rain and hail towards evening—and besides, they had gone up in light clothing suitable to the summer season—and they were shivering and, in the darkness, had no heart for their dinner, Agesilaus sent up not less than ten men carrying fire in earthen pots. And when these men had climbed up by one way and another and many large fires had been 390 B.C. made, since there was a great deal of fuel at hand, all the soldiers anointed themselves and many of them only then began their dinner. It was on this night also that the temple of Poseidon See note 2, p. 323. was seen burning; but no one knows by whom it was set on fire., Now when the people in Piraeum perceived that the heights were occupied, they gave no further thought to defending themselves, but fled for refuge to the Heraeum, See note 1, p. 323. men and women, slaves and freemen, and the greater part of the cattle. And Agesilaus with the army proceeded along the sea shore; while the regiment, descending at the same time from the heights, captured Oenoe, See note 1, p. 323. the stronghold which had been fortified in Piraeum, and took possession of all that was within it, and in fact all the soldiers on that day possessed themselves of provisions in abundance from the farms. Meanwhile those who had taken refuge in the Heraeum came out, with the purpose of leaving it to Agesilaus to decide as he chose in regard to them. He decided to deliver over to the exiles all those who had a part in the massacre, c.p. 4.4.2 and that all else should be sold., Thereupon the prisoners came forth from the Heraeum, a very great number of them, together with their property; and many embassies from various states presented themselves, while from the Boeotians in particular ambassadors had come to ask what they should do in order to obtain peace. Agesilaus, however, in a very lofty way affected not even to see these ambassadors, although Pharax, diplomatic agent for the Thebans at Lacedaemon, was standing beside them for the purpose of presenting them to him; but sitting in the circular structure The reference is uncertain. near the lake, See note 1, p. 323 he occupied himself in watching the great quantity of 390 B.C. prisoners and property that was being brought out. And some Lacedaemonians from the camp followed with their spears to guard the prisoners, and were much regarded by the bystanders; for somehow men who are fortunate and victorious seem ever to be a noteworthy spectacle., But while Agesilaus was still sitting there in the attitude of a man who exulted in what had been accomplished, a horseman rode up, his horse sweating profusely. And being asked by many people what news he brought, he made no reply to anyone, but when he was near Agesilaus, he leaped down from his horse, ran up to him, and with a very gloomy face told him of the disaster Described in 11-17, below. to the regiment stationed in Lechaeum. When Agesilaus heard this, he immediately leaped up from his seat, seized his spear, and ordered the herald to summon the commanders of regiments and of fifties and the leaders of the allies., When they came running together, he told the rest of them to follow along as quickly as possible after swallowing what they could—for they had not yet breakfasted—while he himself with his tent companions The tent companions of a Spartan king were the six polemarchs, or commanders of regiments, and three other Spartiatae. Xen. de Rep. Lac. xiii. 1. went on ahead breakfastless. And the spearmen of his body-guard, fully armed, accompanied him with all speed, he leading the way and his tent companions following after him. But when he had already passed the hot springs and come to the plain of Lechaeum, three horsemen rode up and reported that the bodies of the dead had been recovered. When he heard this, he gave the order to ground arms, and after resting the army for a short time, led it back again to the Heraeum; and on the following day he exposed the prisoners and 390 B.C. captured property for sale., The ambassadors of the Boeotians were now summoned and asked for what purpose they had come. They made no further mention of peace, but said that if there were nothing to hinder, they desired to pass into the city to join their own soldiers. And Agesilaus said with a laugh, On the contrary, I know that you are not desirous of seeing your soldiers, but of beholding the good fortune of your friends, that you may see how great it has been. Wait, therefore, he said, for I will conduct you myself, and by being with me you will find out better what manner of thing it is that has happened. , And he did not belie his words, but on the next day, after offering sacrifice, he led his army to the city. He did not throw down the trophy, but by cutting down and burning any fruit-tree that was still left, he showed that no one wanted to come out against him. When he had done this, he encamped near Lechaeum; as for the ambassadors of the Thebans, although he did not let them go into the city, yet he sent them home by sea to Creusis. A Boeotian port on the Corinthian Gulf. Now inasmuch as such a calamity had been unusual with the Lacedaemonians, there was great mourning throughout the Laconian army, except among those whose sons, fathers, or brothers had fallen where they stood; they, however, went about like victors, with shining counteces and full of exultation in their own misfortune., Now it was in the following way that the disaster to the regiment happened. The Amyclaeans invariably go back home to the festival of the Hyacinthia for the paean to Apollo, whether they chance to be on a campaign or away from home for any other reason. 390 B.C. Accordingly Agesilaus had on this occasion left behind at Lechaeum all the Amyclaeans in the army. Now the polemarch in command of the garrison there detailed the garrison troops of the allies to guard the wall, and himself with the regiment of hoplites and the regiment of horsemen conducted the Amyclaeans along past the city of the Corinthians., And when they were distant from Sicyon about twenty or thirty stadia, the polemarch with the hoplites, who were about six hundred in number, set out to return to Lechaeum, and ordered the commander of horse to follow after him with the regiment of horsemen after they had escorted the Amyclaeans as far as they themselves directed. Now they were by no means unaware that there were many peltasts and many hoplites in Corinth; but on account of their previous successes they contemptuously thought that no one would attack them., But those in the city of the Corinthians, both Callias, the son of Hipponicus, commander of the Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates, leader of the peltasts, when they descried the Lacedaemonians and saw that they were not only few in number, but also unaccompanied by either peltasts or cavalry, thought that it was safe to attack them with their force of peltasts. For if they should proceed along the road, they could be attacked with javelins on their unprotected side and destroyed; and if they should undertake to pursue, they with their peltasts, the nimblest of all troops, could easily escape the hoplites., Having come to this conclusion, they led forth their troops. And Callias formed his hoplites in line of battle not far from the city, while Iphicrates with his peltasts attacked the Lacedaemonian regiment. Now when the Lacedaemonians 390 B.C. were being attacked with javelins, and several men had been wounded and several others slain, they directed the shield-bearers Slaves who carried the shields of the hoplites. to take up these wounded men and carry them back to Lechaeum; and these were the only men in the regiment who were really saved. i.e., saved both in life and in honour. Then the polemarch ordered the first ten year-classes See note on II. iv. 32. to drive off their assailants., But when they pursued, they caught no one, since they were hoplites pursuing peltasts at the distance of a javelin’s cast; for Iphicrates had given orders to the peltasts to retire before the hoplites got near them; and further, when the Lacedaemonians were retiring from the pursuit, being scattered because each man had pursued as swiftly as he could, the troops of Iphicrates turned about, and not only did those in front again hurl javelins upon the Lacedaemonians, but also others on the flank, running along to reach their unprotected side. Indeed, at the very first pursuit the peltasts shot down nine or ten of them. And as soon as this happened, they began to press the attack much more boldly., Then, as the Lacedaemonians continued to suffer losses, the polemarch again ordered the first fifteen year-classes to pursue. But when these fell back, even more of them were shot down than at the first retirement. And now that the best men had already been killed, the horsemen joined them, and with the horsemen they again undertook a pursuit. But when the peltasts turned to flight, at that moment the horsemen managed their attack badly; for they did not chase the enemy until they had killed some of them, but both in the pursuit and in the turning backward kept an 390 B.C. even front with the hoplites. And what with striving and suffering in this way again and again, the Lacedaemonians themselves kept continually becoming fewer and fainter of heart, while their enemies were becoming bolder, and those who attacked them continually more numerous., Therefore in desperation they gathered together on a small hill, distant from the sea about two stadia, and from Lechaeum about sixteen or seventeen stadia. And the men in Lechaeum, upon perceiving them, embarked in small boats and coasted along until they came opposite the hill. Then the troops, being now desperate, because they were suffering and being slain, while unable to inflict any harm themselves, and, besides this, seeing the Athenian hoplites also coming against them, took to flight. And some of them plunged into the sea, and some few made their escape with the horsemen to Lechaeum. But in all the battles and in the flight about two hundred and fifty of them were killed., Thus it was that these events took place. After this Agesilaus departed with the defeated regiment, and left another behind him in Lechaeum. And as he passed along homeward, he led his troops into the cities as late in the day as he could and set out again in the morning as early as he could. When he approached Mantinea, Cp. iv. 17. by leaving Orchomenus before dawn he passed by that city while it was still dark: so hard, he thought, would the soldiers find it to see the Mantineans rejoicing at their misfortune., After this, Iphicrates was very successful in his other undertakings also. For although garrisons had been stationed in Sidus and Crommyon by Praxitas when he captured these strongholds, and in Oenoe 390 B.C. by Agesilaus at the time when Piraeum was taken, Iphicrates captured all these places. In Lechaeum, however, the Lacedaemonians and their allies maintained their garrison. And the Corinthian exiles, no longer proceeding by land from Sicyon past Corinth, on account of the disaster to the regiment, but sailing along the coast to Lechaeum and sallying forth from there, caused annoyance to the people in the city even as they suffered annoyance themselves. 4.6. And they are bound, too, to keep themselves fit, for one effect of the strife is that they spar whenever they meet; but anyone present has a right to part the combatants. If anyone refuses to obey the mediator the Warden takes him to the Ephors; and they fine him heavily, in order to make him realize that he must never yield to a sudden impulse to disobey the laws. 4.6. , After this the Achaeans, who were in possession 389 B.C. of Calydon—in ancient times an Aetolian town —and had made the people of Calydon Achaean citizens, were compelled to keep a garrison there. For the Acarians made an expedition against the city, and some of the Athenians and Boeotians joined with them, because the Acarians were their allies. Therefore, being hard pressed by them, the Achaeans sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon. And upon reaching there the ambassadors said that they were not receiving fair treatment from the Lacedaemonians., For, gentlemen, they said, we serve with you howsoever you direct and follow whithersoever you lead; but now that we are besieged by the Acarians and their allies, the Athenians and Boeotians, you take no thought for us. Now we cannot hold out if these things go on in this way, but either we shall abandon the war in Peloponnesus and all of us cross over and make war against the Acarians and their allies, or else we shall make peace on whatever terms we can. , Now they said this by way of covertly threatening to withdraw from their alliance with the Lacedaemonians unless the latter should help them in return. In view 389 B.C. of this statement, it seemed to the ephors and the assembly that it was necessary to undertake a campaign with the Achaeans against the Acarians. And they sent out Agesilaus, with two Lacedaemonian regiments and the corresponding contingent of the allies. The Achaeans, however, joined in the campaign with their entire force., Now when Agesilaus crossed over, all the Acarians of the country districts fled to the walled towns, and all their cattle were driven off to remote parts to prevent their being captured by the army. But when Agesilaus arrived at the borders of the enemy’s country, he sent to the general assembly of the Acarians at Stratus and said that unless they discontinued their alliance with the Boeotians and Athenians and chose his people and the Achaeans as allies, he would lay waste their whole territory, one portion after another, and would not spare any portion of it., Then, upon their refusing to obey him, he proceeded to do so, continually devastating the land as he went and hence advancing not more than ten or twelve stadia a day. The Acarians, therefore, deeming it safe on account of the slow progress of the army, brought down their cattle from the mountains and continued to till the greater part of their land., But when it seemed to Agesilaus that they were now very bold, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time when he entered the country, he offered sacrifice in the morning and accomplished before evening a march of one hundred and sixty stadia to the lake on whose banks were almost all the cattle of the Acarians, and he captured herds of cattle and droves of horses in large numbers besides all sorts of other stock and great numbers of slaves. 389 B.C. And after effecting this capture and remaining there through the ensuing day, he made public sale of the booty., Now, however, many peltasts of the Acarians came up, and, inasmuch as Agesilaus was encamped on the mountain-side, by throwing stones and discharging their slings from the ridge of the mountain they succeeded, without suffering any harm themselves, in forcing the army to descend to the plain, even though the men were already making preparations for dinner. But at night the Acarians departed, and the troops posted sentinels and lay down to rest., On the next day Agesilaus undertook to lead his army away. Now the road which led out from the meadow and plain surrounding the lake was narrow on account of the mountains which encircled it round; and the Acarians, taking possession of these mountains, threw stones and javelins upon the Lacedaemonians from the heights upon their right, and descending gradually to the spurs of the mountains pressed the attack and caused trouble to such an extent that the army was no longer able to proceed., And when the hoplites and the horsemen left the phalanx and pursued their assailants, they could never do them any harm; for when the Acarians fell back, they were speedily in safe places. Then Agesilaus, thinking it a difficult matter for his troops to go out through the narrow pass under these attacks, decided to pursue the men who were attacking them on the left, very many in number; for the mountain on this side was more accessible both for hoplites and horses., Now while he was sacrificing, the Acarians pressed them very hard with throwing stones and javelins, and 389 B.C. coming close up to them wounded many. But when he gave the word, the first fifteen year-classes of the hoplites ran forth, the horsemen charged, and he himself with the other troops followed., Then those among the Acarians who had come down the mountains and were throwing missiles quickly gave way and, as they tried to escape uphill, were killed one after another; on the summit, however, were the hoplites of the Acarians, drawn up in line of battle, and the greater part of the peltasts, and there they stood firm, and not only discharged their other missiles, but by hurling their spears struck down horsemen and killed some horses. But when they were now almost at close quarters with the Lacedaemonian hoplites, they gave way, and there fell on that day about three hundred of them., When these things had taken place, Agesilaus set up a trophy. And afterwards, going about through the country, he laid it waste with axe and fire; he also made assaults upon some of the cities, being compelled by the Achaeans to do so, but did not capture any one of them. And when at length autumn was coming on, he set about departing from the country., The Achaeans, however, thought that he had accomplished nothing because he had gained possession of no city, with or without its consent, and they begged him, even if he did nothing else, at least to stay long enough to prevent the Acarians from sowing their seed. He replied that what they were proposing was the opposite of the advantageous course. For, he said, I shall again lead an expedition hither next summer; and the more these people sow, the more they will desire peace. , Having said this, he departed overland through 389 B.C. Aetolia by such roads as neither many nor few could traverse against the will of the Aetolians; they allowed him, however, to pass through; for they hoped that he would aid them to recover Naupactus. And when he reached the point opposite Rhium, he crossed over at that point and returned home; for the Athenians barred the passage from Calydon to Peloponnesus Hence, instead of crossing directly from Calydon, the army was compelled to proceed a long distance to the eastward, through difficult country (see above), to reach the Strait of Rhium. with their triremes, using Oeniadae as a base. 8.1. To continue: we all know that obedience to the magistrates and the laws is found in the highest degree in Sparta . For my part, however, I think that Lycurgus did not so much as attempt to introduce this habit of discipline until he had secured agreement among the most important men in the state. 8.2. I base my inference on the following facts. In other states the most powerful citizens do not even wish it to be thought that they fear the magistrates: they believe such fear to be a badge of slavery. But at Sparta the most important men show the utmost deference to the magistrates: they pride themselves on their humility, on running instead of walking to answer any call, in the belief that, if they lead, the rest will follow along the path of eager obedience. And so it has proved. 8.3. It is probable also that these same citizens helped to set up the office of Ephor, having come to the conclusion that obedience is a very great blessing whether in a state or an army or a household. For they thought that the greater the power of these magistrates the more they would impress the minds of the citizens. τοῦ ὑπακούειν is omitted in the translation. It can hardly be right; Schneider removed it, and Cobet proposed εἰς τὸ ὑπακούειν , so as to make them obedient. 8.4. Accordingly, the Ephors are competent to fine whom they choose, and have authority to enact immediate payment: they have authority also to deprive the magistrates of office, and even to imprison and prefer a capital charge against them. Possessing such wide power they do not, like other states, leave persons elected to office to rule as they like throughout the year, but in common with despots and the presidents of the games, they no sooner see anyone breaking the law than they punish the offender. 13.2. But I will go back to the beginning, and explain how the King sets out with an army. First he offers up sacrifice at home to Zeus the Leader and to the gods associated with him. Or, if we read οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ with Haase, he and his staff. By the associated gods we should understand Castor and Pollux, the Dioscuri. In the Oxford text I gave τοῖν σιοῖν , the twin gods. If the sacrifice appears propitious, the Fire-bearer takes fire from the altar and leads the way to the borders of the land. There the King offers sacrifice again to Zeus and Athena. 15.2. He ordained that the King shall offer all the public sacrifices on behalf of the state, in virtue of his divine descent, and that, whatever may be the destination to which the state sends out an army, he shall be its leader. 15.3. He also gave him the right to receive certain parts of the beasts sacrificed, and assigned to him enough choice land in many of the outlanders’ cities to ensure him a reasonable competence without excessive riches. 15.4. In order that even the kings should mess in public, he assigned to them a public mess tent; he also honoured them with a double portion at the meal, not that they might eat enough for two, but that they might have the wherewithal to honour anyone whom they chose. 15.5. He also allowed each King to choose two messmates, who are called Pythii. Further, he granted them to take of every litter of pigs a porker, that a King may never want victims, in case he wishes to seek counsel of the gods. |
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| 76. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 210 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52 |
77. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.4-4.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 239, 327 | 4.4. But what arts, pray, do you advise us to follow, Socrates ? Need we be ashamed of imitating the king of the Persians? For they say that he pays close attention to husbandry and the art of war, holding that these are two of the noblest and most necessary pursuits. 4.5. And do you really believe, Socrates , exclaimed Critobulus on hearing this, that the king of the Persians includes husbandry among his occupations? Perhaps, Critobulus, the following considerations will enable us to discover whether he does so. We allow that he pays close attention to warfare, because he has given a standing order to every governor of the nations from which he receives tribute, to supply maintece for a specified number of horsemen and archers and slingers and light infantry, that they may be strong enough to control his subjects and to protect the country in the event of an invasion; and, 4.5. “And do you really believe, Socrates,” exclaimed Critobulus on hearing this, “that the king of the Persians includes husbandry among his occupations?” “Perhaps, Critobulus, the following considerations will enable us to discover whether he does so. We allow that he pays close attention to warfare, because he has given a standing order to every governor of the nations from which he receives tribute, to supply maintece for a specified number of horsemen and archers and slingers and light infantry, that they may be strong enough to control his subjects and to protect the country in the event of an invasion; and,[6] apart from these, he maintains garrisons in the citadels. Maintece for these is supplied by the governor charged with this duty, and the king annually reviews the mercenaries and all the other troops ordered to be under arms, assembling all but the men in the citadels at the place of muster, as it is called: he personally inspects the men who are near his residence, and sends trusted agents to review those who live far away.[7] The officers, whether commanders of garrisons or of regiments or viceroys, who turn out with a full complement of men and parade them equipped with horses and arms in good condition, he promotes in the scale of honour and enriches with large grants of money; but those officers whom he finds to be neglecting the garrisons or making profit out of them he punishes severely, and appoints others to take their office. These actions, then, seem to us to leave no room for question that he pays attention to warfare.[8] “As for the country, he personally examines so much of it as he sees in the course of his progress through it; and he receives reports from his trusted agents on the territories that he does not see for himself. To those governors who are able to show him that their country is densely populated and that the land is in cultivation and well stocked with the trees of the district and with the crops, he assigns more territory and gives presents, and rewards them with seats of honour. Those whose territory he finds uncultivated and thinly populated either through harsh administration or through contempt or through carelessness, he punishes, and appoints others to take their office.[9] By such action, does he seem to provide less for the cultivation of the land by the inhabitants than for its protection by the garrisons? Moreover, each of these duties is entrusted to a separate class of officers; one class governs the residents and the labourers, and collects tribute from them, the other commands the men under arms and the garrisons. 4.6. apart from these, he maintains garrisons in the citadels. Maintece for these is supplied by the governor charged with this duty, and the king annually reviews the mercenaries and all the other troops ordered to be under arms, assembling all but the men in the citadels at the place of muster, as it is called: he personally inspects the men who are near his residence, and sends trusted agents to review those who live far away. 4.7. The officers, whether commanders of garrisons or of regiments or viceroys, who turn out with a full complement of men and parade them equipped with horses and arms in good condition, he promotes in the scale of honour and enriches with large grants of money; but those officers whom he finds to be neglecting the garrisons or making profit out of them he punishes severely, and appoints others to take their office. These actions, then, seem to us to leave no room for question that he pays attention to warfare. 4.8. As for the country, he personally examines so much of it as he sees in the course of his progress through it; and he receives reports from his trusted agents on the territories that he does not see for himself. To those governors who are able to show him that their country is densely populated and that the land is in cultivation and well stocked with the trees of the district and with the crops, he assigns more territory and gives presents, and rewards them with seats of honour. Cyropaedia, VIII. i. 39. Those whose territory he finds uncultivated and thinly populated either through harsh administration or through contempt or through carelessness, he punishes, and appoints others to take their office. 4.9. By such action, does he seem to provide less for the cultivation of the land by the inhabitants than for its protection by the garrisons? Moreover, each of these duties is entrusted to a separate class of officers; one class governs the residents and the labourers, and collects tribute from them, the other commands the men under arms and the garrisons. 4.10. If the commander of a garrison affords insufficient protection to the country, the civil governor and controller of agriculture denounces the commander, setting out that the inhabitants are unable to work the farms for want of protection. If, on the other hand, the commander brings peace to the farms, and the governor nevertheless causes the land to be sparsely populated and idle, the commander in turn denounces the governor. 4.10. If the commander of a garrison affords insufficient protection to the country, the civil governor and controller of agriculture denounces the commander, setting out that the inhabitants are unable to work the farms for want of protection. If, on the other hand, the commander brings peace to the farms, and the governor nevertheless causes the land to be sparsely populated and idle, the commander in turn denounces the governor.[11] For, roughly speaking, where cultivation is inefficient, the garrisons are not maintained and the tribute cannot be paid. Wherever a viceroy is appointed, he attends to both these matters.” At this point Critobulus said:[12] “Well, Socrates, if the Great King does this, it seems to me that he pays as much attention to husbandry as to warfare.”[13] “Yet further,” continued Socrates, “in all the districts he resides in and visits he takes care that there are ‘paradises,’ as they call them, full of all the good and beautiful things that the soil will produce, and in this he himself spends most of his time, except when the season precludes it.”[14] “Then it is of course necessary, Socrates, to take care that these paradises in which the king spends his time shall contain a fine stock of trees and all other beautiful things that the soil produces.” 4.11. For, roughly speaking, where cultivation is inefficient, the garrisons are not maintained and the tribute cannot be paid. Wherever a viceroy is appointed, he attends to both these matters. At this point Critobulus said: 4.12. Well, Socrates , if the Great King does this, it seems to me that he pays as much attention to husbandry as to warfare. 4.13. Yet further, continued Socrates , in all the districts he resides in and visits he takes care that there are paradises, as they call them, full of all the good and beautiful things that the soil will produce, and in this he himself spends most of his time, except when the season precludes it. 4.14. Then it is of course necessary, Socrates , to take care that these paradises in which the king spends his time shall contain a fine stock of trees and all other beautiful things that the soil produces. 4.15. And some say, Critobulus, that when the king makes gifts, he first invites those who have distinguished themselves in war, because it is useless to have broad acres under tillage unless there are men to defend them; and next to them, those who stock and cultivate the land best, saying that even stout-hearted warriors cannot live without the aid of workers. 4.15. “And some say, Critobulus, that when the king makes gifts, he first invites those who have distinguished themselves in war, because it is useless to have broad acres under tillage unless there are men to defend them; and next to them, those who stock and cultivate the land best, saying that even stout-hearted warriors cannot live without the aid of workers.[16] There is a story that Cyrus, lately the most illustrious of princes, once said to the company invited to receive his gifts, ‘I myself deserve to receive the gifts awarded in both classes; for I am the best at stocking land and the best at protecting the stock.’”[17] “Well, if Cyrus said that, Socrates, he took as much pride in cultivating and stocking land as in being a warrior.”[18] “Yes, and, upon my word, if Cyrus had only lived, it seems that he would have proved an excellent ruler. One of the many proofs that he has given of this is the fact that, when he was on his way to fight his brother for the throne, it is said that not a man deserted from Cyrus to the king, whereas tens of thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus.[19] I think you have one clear proof of a ruler's excellence, when men obey him willingly and choose to stand by him in moments of danger. Now his friends all fought at his side and fell at his side to a man, fighting round his body, with the one exception of Ariaeus, whose place in the battle was, in point of fact, on the left wing. 4.16. There is a story that Cyrus , lately the most illustrious of princes, once said to the company invited to receive his gifts, I myself deserve to receive the gifts awarded in both classes; for I am the best at stocking land and the best at protecting the stock. 4.17. Well, if Cyrus said that, Socrates , he took as much pride in cultivating and stocking land as in being a warrior. 4.18. Yes, and, upon my word, if Cyrus had only lived, it seems that he would have proved an excellent ruler. One of the many proofs that he has given of this is the fact that, when he was on his way to fight his brother for the throne, it is said that not a man deserted from Cyrus to the king, whereas tens of thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus . 4.19. I think you have one clear proof of a ruler’s excellence, when men obey him willingly Mem III. iii. 9. and choose to stand by him in moments of danger. Now his friends all fought at his side and fell at his side to a man, fighting round his body, with the one exception of Ariaeus, whose place in the battle was, in point of fact, on the left wing. Anabasis, I. ix. 31. Ariaeus fled when he saw that Cyrus had fallen. 4.20. Further, the story goes that when Lysander came to him bringing the gifts form the allies, this Cyrus showed him various marks of friendliness, as Lysander himself related once to a stranger at Megara , adding besides that Cyrus personally showed him round his paradise at Sardis . 4.20. “Further, the story goes that when Lysander came to him bringing the gifts from the allies, this Cyrus showed him various marks of friendliness, as Lysander himself related once to a stranger at Megara, adding besides that Cyrus personally showed him round his paradise at Sardis.[21] Now Lysander admired the beauty of the trees in it, the accuracy of the spacing, the straightness of the rows, the regularity of the angles and the multitude of the sweet scents that clung round them as they walked; and for wonder of these things he cried, ‘Cyrus, I really do admire all these lovely things, but I am far more impressed with your agent's skill in measuring and arranging everything so exactly.’[22] Cyrus was delighted to hear this and said: ‘Well, Lysander, the whole of the measurement and arrangement is my own work, and I did some of the planting myself.’[23] ‘What, Cyrus?’ exclaimed Lysander, looking at him, and marking the beauty and perfume of his robes, and the splendour of the necklaces and bangles and other jewels that he was wearing; ‘did you really plant part of this with your own hands?’[24] ‘Does that surprise you, Lysander?’ asked Cyrus in reply. ‘I swear by the Sun-god that I never yet sat down to dinner when in sound health, without first working hard at some task of war or agriculture, or exerting myself somehow.’ “Lysander himself declared, I should add, that on hearing this, he congratulated him in these words: ‘I think you deserve your happiness, Cyrus, for you earn it by your virtues.’” 4.21. Now Lysander admired the beauty of the trees in it, the accuracy of the spacing, the straightness of the rows, the regularity of the angles and the multitude of the sweet scents that clung round them as they walked; and for wonder of these things he cried, Cyrus , I really do admire all these lovely things, but I am far more impressed with your agent’s skill in measuring and arranging everything so exactly. 4.22. Cyrus was delighted to hear this and said: Well, Lysander , the whole of the measurement and arrangement is my own work, and I did some of the planting myself. 4.23. What, Cyrus ? exclaimed Lysander, looking at him, and marking the beauty and perfume of his robes, and the splendour of the necklaces and bangles and other jewels that he was wearing; did you really plant part of this with your own hands? 4.24. Does that surprise you, Lysander? asked Cyrus in reply. I swear by the Sun-god that I never yet sat down to dinner when in sound health, without first working hard at some task of war or agriculture, or exerting myself somehow. 4.25. Lysander himself declared, I should add, that on hearing this, he congratulated him in these words: I think you deserve your happiness, Cyrus, for you earn it by your virtues. |
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78. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1420-1434, 320, 574, 676-737, 675 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341 675. Μοῦσα χορῶν ἱερῶν: ἐπίβηθι καὶ ἔλθ' ἐπὶ τέρψιν ἀοιδᾶς ἐμᾶς, 675. > | |
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79. Aristophanes, Wasps, 380 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 313, 341| 380. δήσας σαυτὸν καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐμπλησάμενος Διοπείθους. | |
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80. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.2.41-1.2.42, 1.5.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 16, 207| 1.2.41. εἰπέ μοι, φάναι, ὦ Περίκλεις, ἔχοις ἄν με διδάξαι τί ἐστι νόμος; πάντως δήπου, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα. δίδαξον δὴ πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, φάναι τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην· ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούων τινῶν ἐπαινουμένων, ὅτι νόμιμοι ἄνδρες εἰσίν, οἶμαι μὴ ἂν δικαίως τούτου τυχεῖν τοῦ ἐπαίνου τὸν μὴ εἰδότα τί ἐστι νόμος. 1.2.42. ἀλλʼ οὐδέν τι χαλεποῦ πράγματος ἐπιθυμεῖς, ὦ Ἀλκιβιάδη, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα, βουλόμενος γνῶναι τί ἐστι νόμος· πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι νόμοι εἰσίν, οὓς τὸ πλῆθος συνελθὸν καὶ δοκιμάσαν ἔγραψε, φράζον ἅ τε δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. πότερον δὲ τἀγαθὰ νομίσαν δεῖν ποιεῖν ἢ τὰ κακά; τἀγαθὰ νὴ Δία, φάναι, ὦ μειράκιον, τὰ δὲ κακὰ οὔ. 1.5.4. ἐν συνουσίᾳ δὲ τίς ἂν ἡσθείη τῷ τοιούτῳ, ὃν εἰδείη τῷ ὄψῳ τε καὶ τῷ οἴνῳ χαίροντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τὰς πόρνας ἀγαπῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἑταίρους; ἆρά γε οὐ χρὴ πάντα ἄνδρα, ἡγησάμενον τὴν ἐγκράτειαν ἀρετῆς εἶναι κρηπῖδα, ταύτην πρῶτον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ κατασκευάσασθαι; | 1.2.41. Tell me, Pericles, he said, can you teach me what a law is? Certainly, he replied. Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is. 1.2.41. "Tell me, Pericles," he said, "can you teach me what a law is?" "Certainly," he replied. "Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is." 1.2.42. Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done. Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil? Good, of course, young man, — not evil. 1.2.42. "Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done." "Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil?" "Good, of course, young man, — not evil." 1.5.4. In social intercourse what pleasure could you find in such a man, knowing that he prefers your sauces and your wines to your friends, and likes the women Employed to entertain the guests at the banquet. better than the company? Should not every man hold self-control to be the foundation of all virtue, and first lay this foundation firmly in his soul? 1.5.4. In social intercourse what pleasure could you find in such a man, knowing that he prefers your sauces and your wines to your friends, and likes the women better than the company? Should not every man hold self-control to be the foundation of all virtue, and first lay this foundation firmly in his soul? |
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81. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.54, 4.4.4-4.4.5, 6.2.9-6.2.11, 7.1.18, 7.3.7-7.3.16, 8.2.26 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta, spartans, in the peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 262; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 150, 189, 207; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 258| 6.2.10. ἤδη δὲ καὶ μεμισθωμένους εἶναι πολλοὺς μὲν Θρᾳκῶν μαχαιροφόρους, Αἰγυπτίους δὲ προσπλεῖν, καὶ ἀριθμὸν ἔλεγον εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας σὺν ἀσπίσι ποδήρεσι καὶ δόρασι μεγάλοις, οἷάπερ καὶ νῦν ἔχουσι, καὶ κοπίσι· προσέτι δὲ καὶ Κυπρίων στράτευμα· παρεῖναι δʼ ἤδη Κίλικας πάντας καὶ Φρύγας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ Λυκάονας καὶ Παφλαγόνας καὶ Καππαδόκας καὶ Ἀραβίους καὶ Φοίνικας καὶ σὺν τῷ Βαβυλῶνος ἄρχοντι τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους, καὶ Ἴωνας δὲ καὶ Αἰολέας καὶ σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ἐποικοῦντας σὺν Κροίσῳ ἠναγκάσθαι ἕπεσθαι, πεπομφέναι δὲ Κροῖσον καὶ εἰς Λακεδαίμονα περὶ συμμαχίας· 7.1.18. ἀλλʼ ἕως ἔτι σοι σχολή, ὦ Ἀβραδάτα, πάντως παρελάσας παρὰ τὰ σαυτοῦ ἅρματα παρακάλει τοὺς σὺν σοὶ εἰς τὴν ἐμβολήν, τῷ μὲν προσώπῳ παραθαρρύνων, ταῖς δʼ ἐλπίσιν ἐπικουφίζων. ὅπως δὲ κράτιστοι φανεῖσθε τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἅρμασι, φιλονικίαν αὐτοῖς ἔμβαλλε· καὶ γάρ, εὖ ἴσθι, ἢν τάδε εὖ γένηται, πάντες ἐροῦσι τὸ λοιπὸν μηδὲν εἶναι κερδαλεώτερον ἀρετῆς. ὁ μὲν δὴ Ἀβραδάτας ἀναβὰς παρήλαυνε καὶ ταῦτʼ ἐποίει. 7.3.7. Γαδάταν δὲ καὶ Γωβρύαν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι δύναιντο λαβόντας καλὸν κόσμημα ἀνδρὶ φίλῳ καὶ ἀγαθῷ τετελευτηκότι μεταδιώκειν· καὶ ὅστις εἶχε τὰς ἑπομένας ἀγέλας, καὶ βοῦς καὶ ἵππους εἶπε τούτῳ καὶ ἅμα πρόβατα πολλὰ ἐλαύνειν ὅποι ἂν αὐτὸν πυνθάνηται ὄντα, ὡς ἐπισφαγείη τῷ Ἀβραδάτᾳ. 7.3.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἶδε τὴν γυναῖκα χαμαὶ καθημένην καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν κείμενον, ἐδάκρυσέ τε ἐπὶ τῷ πάθει καὶ εἶπε· φεῦ, ὦ ἀγαθὴ καὶ πιστὴ ψυχή, οἴχῃ δὴ ἀπολιπὼν ἡμᾶς; καὶ ἅμα ἐδεξιοῦτο αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ χεὶρ τοῦ νεκροῦ ἐπηκολούθησεν· ἀπεκέκοπτο γὰρ κοπίδι ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. 7.3.9. ὁ δὲ ἰδὼν πολὺ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἤλγησε· καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ ἀνωδύρατο καὶ δεξαμένη δὴ παρὰ τοῦ Κύρου ἐφίλησέ τε τὴν χεῖρα καὶ πάλιν ὡς οἷόν τʼ ἦν προσήρμοσε, καὶ εἶπε· 7.3.10. καὶ τἆλλά τοι, ὦ Κῦρε, οὕτως ἔχει· ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ σε ὁρᾶν; καὶ ταῦτα, ἔφη, οἶδʼ ὅτι διʼ ἐμὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἔπαθεν, ἴσως δὲ καὶ διὰ σέ, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐδὲν ἧττον. ἐγώ τε γὰρ ἡ μώρα πολλὰ διεκελευόμην αὐτῷ οὕτω ποιεῖν, ὅπως σοι φίλος ἄξιος γενήσοιτο· αὐτός τε οἶδʼ ὅτι οὗτος οὐ τοῦτο ἐνενόει ὅ τι πείσοιτο, ἀλλὰ τί ἄν σοι ποιήσας χαρίσαιτο. καὶ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμέμπτως τετελεύτηκεν, ἐγὼ δʼ ἡ παρακελευομένη ζῶσα παρακάθημαι. 7.3.11. καὶ ὁ Κῦρος χρόνον μέν τινα σιωπῇ κατεδάκρυσεν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐφθέγξατο· ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν δή, ὦ γύναι, ἔχει τὸ κάλλιστον τέλος· νικῶν γὰρ τετελεύτηκε· σὺ δὲ λαβοῦσα τοῖσδε ἐπικόσμει αὐτὸν τοῖς παρʼ ἐμοῦ· παρῆν δὲ ὁ Γωβρύας καὶ ὁ Γαδάτας πολὺν καὶ καλὸν κόσμον φέροντες· ἔπειτα δʼ, ἔφη, ἴσθι ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ ἄλλα ἄτιμος ἔσται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ μνῆμα πολλοὶ χώσουσιν ἀξίως ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπισφαγήσεται αὐτῷ ὅσα εἰκὸς ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ. 7.3.12. καὶ σὺ δʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ ἔρημος ἔσῃ, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ σε καὶ σωφροσύνης ἕνεκα καὶ πάσης ἀρετῆς καὶ τἆλλα τιμήσω καὶ συστήσω ὅστις ἀποκομιεῖ σε ὅποι ἂν αὐτὴ ἐθέλῃς· μόνον, ἔφη, δήλωσον πρὸς ἐμὲ πρὸς ὅντινα χρῄζεις κομισθῆναι. 7.3.13. καὶ ἡ Πάνθεια εἶπεν· ἀλλὰ θάρρει, ἔφη, ὦ Κῦρε, οὐ μή σε κρύψω πρὸς ὅντινα βούλομαι ἀφικέσθαι. 7.3.14. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπῄει, κατοικτίρων τήν τε γυναῖκα οἵου ἀνδρὸς στέροιτο καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα οἵαν γυναῖκα καταλιπὼν οὐκέτʼ ὄψοιτο. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοὺς μὲν εὐνούχους ἐκέλευσεν ἀποστῆναι, ἕως ἄν, ἔφη, τόνδʼ ἐγὼ ὀδύρωμαι ὡς βούλομαι· τῇ δὲ τροφῷ εἶπε παραμένειν, καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτῇ, ἐπειδὰν ἀποθάνῃ, περικαλύψαι αὐτήν τε καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς πολλὰ ἱκετεύουσα μὴ ποιεῖν τοῦτο, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν ἥνυτε καὶ χαλεπαίνουσαν ἑώρα, ἐκάθητο κλαίουσα. ἡ δὲ ἀκινάκην πάλαι παρεσκευασμένον σπασαμένη σφάττει ἑαυτὴν καὶ ἐπιθεῖσα ἐπὶ τὰ στέρνα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῆς κεφαλὴν ἀπέθνῃσκεν. ἡ δὲ τροφὸς ἀνωλοφύρατό τε καὶ περιεκάλυπτεν ἄμφω ὥσπερ ἡ Πάνθεια ἐπέστειλεν. 7.3.15. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ᾔσθετο τὸ ἔργον τῆς γυναικός, ἐκπλαγεὶς ἵεται, εἴ τι δύναιτο βοηθῆσαι. οἱ δὲ εὐνοῦχοι ἰδόντες τὸ γεγενημένον, τρεῖς ὄντες σπασάμενοι κἀκεῖνοι τοὺς ἀκινάκας ἀποσφάττονται οὗπερ ἔταξεν αὐτοὺς ἑστηκότες. καὶ νῦν τὸ μνῆμα μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τῶν εὐνούχων κεχῶσθαι λέγεται· καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇ ἄνω στήλῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιγεγράφθαι φασὶ τὰ ὀνόματα, Σύρια γράμματα, κάτω δὲ εἶναι τρεῖς λέγουσι στήλας καὶ ἐπιγεγράφθαι σκηπτούχων . 7.3.16. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὡς ἐπλησίασε τῷ πάθει ἀγασθείς τε τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ κατολοφυράμενος ἀπῄει· καὶ τούτων μὲν ᾗ εἰκὸς ἐπεμελήθη ὡς τύχοιεν πάντων τῶν καλῶν, καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ὑπερμέγεθες ἐχώσθη, ὥς φασιν. | 6.2.10. 7.1.18. But now, Abradatas, while you have time, by all means ride along your line of chariots and exhort your men to the charge, cheering them by your own looks and buoying them up with hopes. Furthermore, inspire them with a spirit of rivalry that you and your division may prove yourselves the best of the charioteers. And that will be worth while; for be assured that if we are successful to-day, all men in future will say that nothing is more profitable than valour. Abradatas accordingly mounted and drove along and did as Cyrus had suggested. 7.3.7. 7.3.8. And when he saw the lady sitting upon the Panthea mourns over her dead ground and the corpse lying there, he wept over his loss and said: Alas, O brave and faithful soul, hast thou then gone and left us? And with the words he clasped his hand, and the dead man’s hand came away in his grasp; for the wrist had been severed by a sabre in the hands of an Egyptian. 7.3.9. 7.3.10. 7.3.11. For some time Cyrus wept in silence and then Cyrus tries to comfort her he said aloud: Well, lady, he indeed has met the fairest of ends, for he has died in the very hour of victory; but do you accept these gifts from me —for Gobryas and Gadatas had come with many beautiful ornaments— and deck him with them. And then, let me assure you that in other ways also he shall not want for honours, but many hands shall rear to him a monument worthy of us, and sacrifice shall be made over it, such as will befit a man so valiant. 7.3.12. And you, he continued, shall not be left friendless, but on account of your goodness and all your worth, I shall show you all honour; and besides, I will commend to you some one to escort you to the place where you yourself desire to go. Only let me know to whom you wish to be conducted. 7.3.13. Ah, Cyrus, Panthea answered, do not fear; I shall never hide from you who it is to whom I wish to go. 7.3.14. When he had said this, Cyrus went away, his heart full of pity for the woman, as he thought what a husband she had lost, and for the man, that he must leave such a wife and never see her more. The lady then desired the eunuchs to retire, until, she said, I have bewailed my husband here, as I desire. But her nurse she told to stay with her, Panthea’s death and she charged her to cover her and her husband, when she, too, was dead, with the same cloak. The nurse, however, pleaded earnestly with her not to do so; but when her prayers proved of no avail and she saw her mistress becoming angered, she sat down and burst into tears. Panthea then drew out a dagger, with which she had provided herself long before, and plunged it into her heart, and laying her head upon her husband’s bosom she breathed her last. Then the nurse wailed aloud and covered them both, even as Panthea had directed. 7.3.15. And now even to this day, it is said, the monument Their monument of the eunuchs is still standing; and they say that the names of the husband and wife are inscribed in Assyrian letters upon the slab above; and below, it is said, are three slabs with the inscription the mace-bearers. Staff-bearers—apparently court officials, bearing a staff of office; mentioned again 8.1.38; 8.3.15; Anab. 1.6.11. 7.3.16. And when Cyrus drew near to the place of sorrow he marvelled at the woman; and having made lament over her, he went his way. He also took care that they should find all due honours, and the monument reared over them was, as they say, exceeding great. |
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82. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1.9, 1.1.16, 1.2.6-1.2.9, 1.3.8-1.3.13, 1.4.1-1.4.7, 1.4.13-1.4.16, 1.4.20, 2.1.30-2.1.32, 2.2.19-2.2.20, 2.3.12, 2.4.33, 3.1.8, 3.2.19, 3.3.1-3.3.4, 3.3.8, 3.4.2-3.4.29, 3.5.1-3.5.2, 3.5.22, 4.1.3, 4.1.38, 4.3.11-4.3.14, 4.5.7, 4.5.11-4.5.18, 4.7.2, 4.7.5, 4.8.1-4.8.9, 4.8.12, 4.8.24, 5.1.31, 5.2.12-5.2.13, 5.4.22, 5.4.62-5.4.66, 6.3, 6.3.2, 6.3.4-6.3.17, 6.5.22-6.5.52, 7.1.12-7.1.14, 7.1.34, 7.1.37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 203; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 28, 31 | 6.5.46. I see also the Thebans, who then See 35 above, and cp. note on iii. 13. did not succeed in persuading the Lacedaemonians to enslave you, now requesting you to allow those who saved you to perish. It is truly a noble deed that is told of your ancestors, when they did not suffer those Argives who died at the Cadmea to go unburied; After the defeat of the legendary expedition of the Seven against Thebes it was only the intervention of the Athenians which compelled the Thebans to permit the burial of the enemy’s dead. but you would achieve a far nobler deed if you did not suffer those Lacedaemonians who still live either to incur insult or to perish. |
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| 83. Xenophon, Hiero, 5.3, 6.4-6.5, 6.11, 10.3-10.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 100 |
84. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.7-1.2.8, 1.7.18, 3.2.12, 4.5.3-4.5.4, 5.3.4-5.3.13, 5.4.33-5.4.34, 5.7.35, 6.4.13, 7.7.46 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta, spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 302, 304; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 113; Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 166; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 224, 265, 327, 345| 1.2.7. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξελαύνει σταθμοὺς τρεῖς παρασάγγας εἴκοσιν εἰς Κελαινάς, τῆς Φρυγίας πόλιν οἰκουμένην, μεγάλην καὶ εὐδαίμονα. ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας ἀγρίων θηρίων πλήρης, ἃ ἐκεῖνος ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου, ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους. διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. 1.7.18. ἐνταῦθα Κῦρος Σιλανὸν καλέσας τὸν Ἀμπρακιώτην μάντιν ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ δαρεικοὺς τρισχιλίους, ὅτι τῇ ἑνδεκάτῃ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης ἡμέρᾳ πρότερον θυόμενος εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὅτι βασιλεὺς οὐ μαχεῖται δέκα ἡμερῶν, Κῦρος δʼ εἶπεν· οὐκ ἄρα ἔτι μαχεῖται, εἰ ἐν ταύταις οὐ μαχεῖται ταῖς ἡμέραις· ἐὰν δʼ ἀληθεύσῃς, ὑπισχνοῦμαί σοι δέκα τάλαντα. τοῦτο τὸ χρυσίον τότε ἀπέδωκεν, ἐπεὶ παρῆλθον αἱ δέκα ἡμέραι. 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. 5.3.4. ἐνταῦθα καὶ διαλαμβάνουσι τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀργύριον γενόμενον. καὶ τὴν δεκάτην, ἣν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐξεῖλον καὶ τῇ Ἐφεσίᾳ Ἀρτέμιδι, διέλαβον οἱ στρατηγοὶ τὸ μέρος ἕκαστος φυλάττειν τοῖς θεοῖς· ἀντὶ δὲ Χειρισόφου Νέων ὁ Ἀσιναῖος ἔλαβε. 5.3.5. Ξενοφῶν οὖν τὸ μὲν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀνάθημα ποιησάμενος ἀνατίθησιν εἰς τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς τῶν Ἀθηναίων θησαυρὸν καὶ ἐπέγραψε τό τε αὑτοῦ ὄνομα καὶ τὸ Προξένου, ὃς σὺν Κλεάρχῳ ἀπέθανεν· ξένος γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ. 5.3.6. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς Ἐφεσίας, ὅτʼ ἀπῄει σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν εἰς Βοιωτοὺς ὁδόν, καταλείπει παρὰ Μεγαβύζῳ τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεωκόρῳ, ὅτι αὐτὸς κινδυνεύσων ἐδόκει ἰέναι, καὶ ἐπέστειλεν, ἢν μὲν αὐτὸς σωθῇ, αὑτῷ ἀποδοῦναι· ἢν δέ τι πάθῃ, ἀναθεῖναι ποιησάμενον τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὅ τι οἴοιτο χαριεῖσθαι τῇ θεῷ. 5.3.7. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἔφευγεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν, κατοικοῦντος ἤδη αὐτοῦ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκισθέντος παρὰ τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν ἀφικνεῖται Μεγάβυζος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν θεωρήσων καὶ ἀποδίδωσι τὴν παρακαταθήκην αὐτῷ. Ξενοφῶν δὲ λαβὼν χωρίον ὠνεῖται τῇ θεῷ ὅπου ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεός. 5.3.8. ἔτυχε δὲ διαρρέων διὰ τοῦ χωρίου ποταμὸς Σελινοῦς. καὶ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δὲ παρὰ τὸν τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεὼν Σελινοῦς ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ. καὶ ἰχθύες τε ἐν ἀμφοτέροις ἔνεισι καὶ κόγχαι· ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι χωρίῳ καὶ θῆραι πάντων ὁπόσα ἐστὶν ἀγρευόμενα θηρία. 5.3.9. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ βωμὸν καὶ ναὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀργυρίου, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν δὲ ἀεὶ δεκατεύων τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ ὡραῖα θυσίαν ἐποίει τῇ θεῷ, καὶ πάντες οἱ πολῖται καὶ οἱ πρόσχωροι ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες μετεῖχον τῆς ἑορτῆς. παρεῖχε δὲ ἡ θεὸς τοῖς σκηνοῦσιν ἄλφιτα, ἄρτους, οἶνον, τραγήματα, καὶ τῶν θυομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς νομῆς λάχος, καὶ τῶν θηρευομένων δέ. 5.3.10. καὶ γὰρ θήραν ἐποιοῦντο εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν οἵ τε Ξενοφῶντος παῖδες καὶ οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, οἱ δὲ βουλόμενοι καὶ ἄνδρες ξυνεθήρων· καὶ ἡλίσκετο τὰ μὲν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱεροῦ χώρου, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Φολόης, σύες καὶ δορκάδες καὶ ἔλαφοι. 5.3.11. ἔστι δὲ ἡ χώρα ᾗ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν πορεύονται ὡς εἴκοσι στάδιοι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ Διὸς ἱεροῦ. ἔνι δʼ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χώρῳ καὶ λειμὼν καὶ ὄρη δένδρων μεστά, ἱκανὰ σῦς καὶ αἶγας καὶ βοῦς τρέφειν καὶ ἵππους, ὥστε καὶ τὰ τῶν εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν ἰόντων ὑποζύγια εὐωχεῖσθαι. 5.3.12. περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν ναὸν ἄλσος ἡμέρων δένδρων ἐφυτεύθη ὅσα ἐστὶ τρωκτὰ ὡραῖα. ὁ δὲ ναὸς ὡς μικρὸς μεγάλῳ τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ εἴκασται, καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἔοικεν ὡς κυπαρίττινον χρυσῷ ὄντι τῷ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ. 5.3.13. καὶ στήλη ἕστηκε παρὰ τὸν ναὸν γράμματα ἔχουσα· ἱερὸς ὁ χῶρος τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος. τὸν ἔχοντα καὶ καρπούμενον τὴν μὲν δεκάτην καταθύειν ἑκάστου ἔτους. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ περιττοῦ τὸν ναὸν ἐπισκευάζειν. ἂν δὲ τις μὴ ποιῇ ταῦτα τῇ θεῷ μελήσει. 5.4.33. ἐζήτουν δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἑταίραις ἃς ἦγον οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐμφανῶς ξυγγίγνεσθαι· νόμος γὰρ ἦν οὗτός σφισι. λευκοὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες. 5.4.34. τούτους ἔλεγον οἱ στρατευσάμενοι βαρβαρωτάτους διελθεῖν καὶ πλεῖστον τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν νόμων κεχωρισμένους. ἔν τε γὰρ ὄχλῳ ὄντες ἐποίουν ἅπερ ἂν ἄνθρωποι ἐν ἐρημίᾳ ποιήσειαν, μόνοι τε ὄντες ὅμοια ἔπραττον ἅπερ ἂν μετʼ ἄλλων ὄντες, διελέγοντό τε αὑτοῖς καὶ ἐγέλων ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ ὠρχοῦντο ἐφιστάμενοι ὅπου τύχοιεν, ὥσπερ ἄλλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενοι. 6.4.13. ἐκ τούτου ἐθύοντο οἱ στρατηγοί, μάντις δὲ παρῆν Ἀρηξίων Ἀρκάς· ὁ δὲ Σιλανὸς ὁ Ἀμπρακιώτης ἤδη ἀπεδεδράκει πλοῖον μισθωσάμενος ἐξ Ἡρακλείας. θυομένοις δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀφόδῳ οὐκ ἐγίγνετο τὰ ἱερά. | 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. 5.3.4. There, also, they divided the money received from the sale of the booty. And the tithe, which they set apart for Apollo and for Artemis of the Ephesians, was distributed among the generals, each taking his portion to keep safely for the gods; and the portion that fell to Cheirisophus was given to Neon the Asinaean. 5 As for Xenophon, he caused a votive offering to be made out of Apollo's share of his portion and dedicated it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, inscribing upon it his own name and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus; for Proxenus was his friend. 6 The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia, in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.4. First I went to war with the Thracians, and for the sake of Greece I inflicted punishment upon them with your aid, driving them out of the Chersonese when they wanted to deprive the Greeks who dwelt there of their land. Then when Cyru s’ summons came, I took you with me and set out, in order that, if he had need of me, I might give him aid in return for the benefits I had received from him. 5.3.4. There, also, they divided the money received from the sale of the booty. And the tithe, which they set apart for Apollo and for Artemis of the Ephesians, was distributed among the generals, each taking his portion to keep safely for the gods; and the portion that fell to Cheirisophus was given to Neon the Asinaean. 5.3.5. But you now do not wish to continue the march with me; so it seems that I must either desert you and continue to enjoy Cyru s’ friendship, or prove false to him and remain with you. Whether I shall be doing what is right, I know not, but at any rate I shall choose you and with you shall suffer whatever I must. And never shall any man say that I, after leading Greeks into the land of the barbarians, betrayed the Greeks and chose the friendship of the barbarians; 5.3.5. As for Xenophon, he caused a votive offering to be made out of Apollo’s share of his portion and dedicated it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, inscribing upon it his own name and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus; Xen. Anab. 2.5 . for Proxenus was his friend. Xen. Anab. 3.1.4-10 . 5.3.6. nay, since you do not care to obey me, I shall follow with you and suffer whatever I must. For I consider that you are to me both fatherland and friends and allies; with you I think I shall be honoured wherever I may be, bereft of you I do not think I shall be able either to aid a friend or to ward off a foe. Be sure, therefore, that wherever you go, I shall go also. 5.3.6. The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia, In 394 B.C., ending in the hard-fought battle of Coronea, at which Xenophon was present. cp. Xen. Hell. 4.2.1-8, Xen. Hell. 4.3.1-21 . in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon's exile and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia, where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo's oracle appointed. 8 As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. 9 Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple with the sacred money, and from that time forth he would every year take the tithe of the products of the land in their season and offer sacrifice to the goddess, all the citizens and the men and women of the neighbourhood taking part in the festival. And the goddess would provide for the banqueters barley meal and loaves of bread, wine and sweetmeats, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred herd as well as of the victims taken in the chase. 10 For Xenophon's sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition at the time of the festival, and any grown men who so wished would join them; and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholoe-boars and gazelles and stags. 5.3.7. Such were his words. And the soldiers—not only his own men, but the rest also—when they heard that he said he would not go on to the King’s capital, commended him; and more than two thousand of the troops under Xenias and Pasion took their arms and their baggage train and encamped with Clearchus. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon’s exile Which was probably due to his taking part in the expedition of Cyrus . cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 . and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia, where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo’s oracle appointed. 5.3.8. But Cyrus, perplexed and distressed by this situation, sent repeatedly for Clearchus. Clearchus refused to go to him, but without the knowledge of the soldiers he sent a messenger and told him not to be discouraged, because, he said, this matter would be settled in the right way. He directed Cyrus, however, to keep on sending for him, though he himself, he said, would refuse to go. 5.3.8. As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus ; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. 5.3.9. After this Clearchus gathered together his own soldiers, those who had come over to him, and any others who wanted to be present, and spoke as follows: Fellow-soldiers, it is clear that the relation of Cyrus to us is precisely the same as ours to him; that is, we are no longer his soldiers, since we decline to follow him, and likewise he is no longer our paymaster. 5.3.9. Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple with the sacred money, and from that time forth he would every year take the tithe of the products of the land in their season and offer sacrifice to the goddess, all the citizens and the men and women of the neighbourhood taking part in the festival. And the goddess would provide for the banqueters barley meal and loaves of bread, wine and sweetmeats, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred herd as well as of the victims taken in the chase. 5.3.10. I know, however, that he considers himself wronged by us. Therefore, although he keeps sending for me, I decline to go, chiefly, it is true, from a feeling of shame, because I am conscious that I have proved utterly false to him, but, besides that, from fear that he may seize me and inflict punishment upon me for the wrongs he thinks he has suffered at my hands. 5.3.10. For Xenophon’s sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition at the time of the festival, and any grown men who so wished would join them; and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholoe—boars and gazelles and stags. 5.3.11. The place is situated on the road which leads from Lacedaemon to Olympia, and is about twenty stadia from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Within the sacred precinct there is meadowland and tree-covered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses, so that even the draught animals which bring people to the festival have their feast also. 12 Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is like the one at Ephesus, although small as compared with great, and the image of the goddess, although cypress wood as compared with gold, is like the Ephesian image. 13 Beside the temple stands a tablet with this inscription:'The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it and enjoys its fruits must offer the tithe every year in sacrifice, and from the remainder must keep the temple in repair. If any one leaves these things undone, the goddess will look to it.' 5.3.11. In my opinion, therefore, it is no time for us to be sleeping or unconcerned about ourselves; we should rather be considering what course we ought to follow under the present circumstances. And so long as we remain here we must consider, I think, how we can remain most safely; or, again, if we count it best to depart at once, how we are to depart most safely and how we shall secure provisions—for without provisions neither general nor private is of any use. 5.3.11. The place is situated on the road which leads from Lacedaemon to Olympia, and is about twenty stadia from the temple of Zeus at Olympia . Within the sacred precinct there is meadowland and treecovered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses, so that even the draught animals which bring people to the festival have their feast also. 5.3.12. And remember that while this Cyrus is a valuable friend when he is your friend, he is a most dangerous foe when he is your enemy; furthermore, he has an armament—infantry and cavalry and fleet—which we all alike see and know about; for I take it that our camp is not very far away from him. It is time, then, to propose whatever plan any one of you deems best. With these words he ceased speaking. 5.3.12. Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is like the one at Ephesus, although small as compared with great, and the image of the goddess, although cypress wood as compared with gold, is like the Ephesian image. 5.3.13. Thereupon various speakers arose, some of their own accord to express the opinions they held, but others at the instigation of Clearchus to make clear the difficulty of either remaining or departing without the consent of Cyrus . 5.3.13. Beside the temple stands a tablet with this inscription: The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it and enjoys its fruits must offer the tithe every year in sacrifice, and from the remainder must keep the temple in repair. If any one leaves these things undone, the goddess will look to it. 5.4.33. These Mossynoecians wanted also to have intercourse openly with the women who accompanied the Greeks, for that was their own fashion. And all of them were white, the men and the women alike. 5.4.34. They were set down by the Greeks who served through the expedition, as the most uncivilized people whose country they traversed, the furthest removed from Greek customs. For they habitually did in public the things that other people would do only in private, and when they were alone they would behave just as if they were in the company of others, talking to themselves, laughing at themselves, and dancing in whatever spot they chanced to be, as though they were giving an exhibition to others. 6.4.13. Thereupon the generals proceeded to sacrifice, the soothsayer who was present being Arexion the Arcadian; for Silanus the Ambraciot had by this time stolen away, cp. Xen. Anab. 5.6.18, 34. on a vessel which he hired at Heracleia. When they sacrificed, however, with a view to their departure, the victims would not prove favourable, |
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| 85. Aristophanes, Birds, 1021-1054, 1634, 1687, 1706-1759, 176, 1760-1765, 177-186, 668, 988, 175 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218 |
86. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 2.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the peloponnesian war Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 258 | 2.8. capable of meeting all calls on their endurance; he filled their hearts with confidence that they were able to withstand any and every enemy; he inspired them all with an eager determination to out-do one another in valour; and lastly he filled all with anticipation that many good things would befall them, if only they proved good men. For he believed that men so prepared fight with all their might; nor in point of fact did he deceive himself. |
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87. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 100-125, 504-506, 515-516, 518-539, 61-62, 628-629, 63, 630-639, 64, 640-649, 65, 650-659, 66, 660-664, 67-99, 517 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 36| 517. ἀλλ' ἀνδράρια μοχθηρά, παρακεκομμένα, | |
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88. Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, 1362, 168-177, 478, 844-859, 178 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218| 178. ἀνὴρ μέγιστος. εἰπέ μοι καὶ πῶς ἐγὼ | 178. SAUSAGE-SELLER: Just tell me how a sausage-seller can become a great man. DEMOSTHENES: That is precisely why you will be great, because you are a sad rascal without shame, no better than a common market rogue. SAUSAGE-SELLER: I do not hold myself worthy of wielding power. DEMOSTHENES: Oh! by the gods! Why do you not hold yourself worthy? Have you then such a good opinion of yourself? Come, are you of honest parentage? SAUSAGE-SELLER: By the gods! No! of very bad indeed. DEMOSTHENES: Spoilt child of fortune, everything fits together to ensure your greatness. SAUSAGE-SELLER: But I have not had the least education. I can only read, and that very badly. DEMOSTHENES: That is what may stand in your way, almost knowing how to read. The demagogues will neither have an educated nor an honest man; they require an ignoramus and a rogue. But do not, do not let go this gift, which the oracle promises. SAUSAGE-SELLER: But what does the oracle say? DEMOSTHENES: Faith! it is put together in very fine enigmatical style, as elegant as it is clear. "When the eagle-tanner with the hooked claws shall seize a stupid dragon, a blood-sucker, it will be an end to the hot Paphlagonian pickled garlic. The god grants great glory to the sausage-sellers unless they prefer to sell their wares." |
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89. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 36d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 85| 36d. αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι—τί οὖν εἰμι ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦτος ὤν; ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι· καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον ὅτι ἂν πρέποι ἐμοί. τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ δεομένῳ ἄγειν σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅτι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως ὡς τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ γε μᾶλλον ἢ εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ συνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει νενίκηκεν Ὀλυμπίασιν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ | 36d. Some good thing, men of Athens, if I must propose something truly in accordance with my deserts; and the good thing should be such as is fitting for me. Now what is fitting for a poor man who is your benefactor, and who needs leisure to exhort you? There is nothing, men of Athens, so fitting as that such a man be given his meals in the prytaneum. That is much more appropriate for me than for any of you who has won a race at the Olympic games with a pair of horses or a four-in-hand. For he makes you seem to be happy, whereas I make you happy in reality; |
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90. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.1.2, 1.2, 1.2.1, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5.1, 1.5, 1.6, 1.6.1, 1.6.2, 1.6.3, 1.6.4, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9.1, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13.6, 1.13, 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 1.17, 1.18.1, 1.23.5, 1.23.6, 1.23.4, 1.23, 1.33.3, 1.44.1, 1.70.2, 1.70.3, 1.70.4, 1.70.7, 1.71.4, 1.73.1, 1.73.2, 1.73.3, 1.73, 1.73.61, 1.73.60, 1.73.59, 1.73.58, 1.73.57, 1.73.56, 1.73.63, 1.73.62, 1.73.74, 1.73.72, 1.73.71, 1.73.70, 1.73.69, 1.73.68, 1.73.67, 1.73.66, 1.73.65, 1.73.64, 1.73.73, 1.73.32, 1.73.33, 1.73.34, 1.73.35, 1.73.36, 1.73.37, 1.73.38, 1.73.39, 1.73.40, 1.73.41, 1.73.42, 1.73.43, 1.73.44, 1.73.45, 1.73.46, 1.73.47, 1.73.48, 1.73.49, 1.73.50, 1.73.31, 1.73.30, 1.73.27, 1.73.28, 1.73.29, 1.73.4, 1.73.5, 1.73.6, 1.73.7, 1.73.8, 1.73.9, 1.73.10, 1.73.11, 1.73.12, 1.73.13, 1.73.51, 1.73.14, 1.73.15, 1.73.16, 1.73.17, 1.73.18, 1.73.19, 1.73.20, 1.73.21, 1.73.22, 1.73.23, 1.73.24, 1.73.25, 1.73.26, 1.73.52, 1.73.53, 1.73.54, 1.73.55, 1.74, 1.75.3, 1.75, 1.75.2, 1.76.2, 1.76.3, 1.76, 1.77, 1.78.4, 1.78, 1.79, 1.81.6, 1.82.1, 1.84.3, 1.84.4, 1.85.2, 1.87.3, 1.87.2, 1.87, 1.88, 1.88.1, 1.89.2, 1.94, 1.95, 1.95.7, 1.95.3, 1.95.4, 1.95.5, 1.95.6, 1.95-96.1, 1.96.2, 1.102, 1.107.4, 1.107.6-108.1, 1.112.3, 1.118, 1.118.3, 1.121.3, 1.122.1, 1.124.2, 1.125.2, 1.125.1, 1.126.6, 1.126.5, 1.126.4, 1.126.3, 1.128, 1.128.31, 1.128.32, 1.128.33, 1.128.39, 1.128.34, 1.128.36, 1.128.37, 1.128.38, 1.128.35, 1.128.29, 1.128.28, 1.128.27, 1.128.26, 1.128.25, 1.128.24, 1.128.23, 1.128.22, 1.128.21, 1.128.20, 1.128.19, 1.128.18, 1.128.17, 1.128.16, 1.128.15, 1.128.14, 1.128.13, 1.128.30, 1.128.12, 1.128.40, 1.128.3, 1.128.4, 1.128.5, 1.128.6, 1.128.7, 1.128.8, 1.128.9, 1.128.10, 1.128.11, 1.128.41, 1.128.43, 1.128.102, 1.128.101, 1.128.100, 1.128.99, 1.128.98, 1.128.97, 1.128.96, 1.128.95, 1.128.113, 1.128.112, 1.128.111, 1.128.110, 1.128.109, 1.128.108, 1.128.107, 1.128.94, 1.128.106, 1.128.105, 1.128.104, 1.128.103, 1.128.42, 1.128.93, 1.128.91, 1.128.64, 1.128.63, 1.128.62, 1.128.61, 1.128.60, 1.128.59, 1.128.58, 1.128.57, 1.128.56, 1.128.55, 1.128.54, 1.128.53, 1.128.52, 1.128.51, 1.128.50, 1.128.49, 1.128.48, 1.128.47, 1.128.46, 1.128.45, 1.128.44, 1.128.65, 1.128.66, 1.128.67, 1.128.68, 1.128.90, 1.128.89, 1.128.88, 1.128.87, 1.128.86, 1.128.85, 1.128.84, 1.128.83, 1.128.82, 1.128.81, 1.128.92, 1.128.80, 1.128.78, 1.128.77, 1.128.76, 1.128.75, 1.128.74, 1.128.73, 1.128.72, 1.128.71, 1.128.70, 1.128.69, 1.128.79, 1.128.118, 1.128.119, 1.128.120, 1.128.121, 1.128.122, 1.128.123, 1.128.124, 1.128.125, 1.128.126, 1.128.127, 1.128.128, 1.128.129, 1.128.130, 1.128.131, 1.128.132, 1.128.133, 1.128.117, 1.128.116, 1.128.114, 1.128.115, 1.129, 1.130, 1.131, 1.132, 1.133, 1.134, 1.135, 1.139.2, 1.139.1, 1.140.4, 1.141.1, 1.144.3, 1.144.2, 1.145, 2.1, 2.8.3, 2.9.4, 2.12, 2.15.4, 2.15.3, 2.15.2, 2.37.1, 2.38.1-42.4, 2.42.4, 2.43.6, 2.43.5, 2.43.2, 2.51.5, 2.59.3, 2.60.1, 2.60, 2.61, 2.62, 2.63.2, 2.63, 2.64, 2.65.1, 2.67.4, 2.67, 2.75, 2.76, 2.77, 2.80.5, 2.80, 2.81, 3.10.2, 3.10.3, 3.10.4, 3.36.4, 3.36.2, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39.5, 3.39, 3.40, 3.42.1, 3.43.4, 3.44.2, 3.45.6, 3.45.5, 3.49.1, 3.75.2, 3.91.2, 3.91.3, 3.91.1, 3.104.3, 3.104.2, 3.115.4, 4.14.3, 4.17.4, 4.17.3, 4.18.3, 4.18, 4.20, 4.22.3, 4.26.5, 4.27, 4.28, 4.29, 4.40.1, 4.41.3, 4.41.4, 4.50.1, 4.50.2, 4.55.4, 4.55.3, 4.55.1, 4.60.2, 4.61.5, 4.65.3, 4.65.4, 4.109.4, 5.14.3, 5.14.2, 5.25.3, 5.32.1, 5.43.2, 5.43.3, 5.61.2, 5.70, 5.84.2, 5.84, 5.84.3, 5.85, 5.86, 5.87, 5.88, 5.89, 5.90, 5.91, 5.92, 5.93, 5.94, 5.95, 5.96, 5.97, 5.98, 5.99, 5.100, 5.101, 5.102, 5.103.2, 5.103.1, 5.103, 5.104, 5.105.2, 5.105, 5.106, 5.107, 5.108, 5.109, 5.110, 5.111, 5.112, 5.113, 5.114, 5.115, 5.116, 6.1.1, 6.3.1, 6.6.1, 6.8.4, 6.9.3, 6.10.5, 6.11.2, 6.12.2, 6.13.1, 6.15.2, 6.15, 6.15.3, 6.15.4, 6.16, 6.18.2, 6.18.3, 6.18.7, 6.24.3, 6.27, 6.28, 6.29, 6.30.2, 6.31.6, 6.31.4, 6.33.5, 6.46.2, 6.53, 6.54.3, 6.54.1, 6.54.2, 6.54.6, 6.54.5, 6.56.1, 6.59.3, 6.60, 6.61, 6.76.3, 6.82.1, 6.83.1, 6.83.4, 6.89, 6.92, 6.93.1, 6.93.2, 6.105.1, 7.18.2, 7.18.3, 7.28.4, 7.29, 7.33.4, 7.42.1, 7.50.4, 7.57.1, 7.71, 7.80.2, 7.85.1, 8.2.4, 8.5.5, 8.5, 8.12, 8.16, 8.18, 8.24.4, 8.37, 8.40.2, 8.45, 8.46.3, 8.46.1, 8.46, 8.46.2, 8.47, 8.48, 8.49, 8.56, 8.58.2, 8.81.2, 8.81, 8.82, 8.88-89.1, 8.96.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 16; Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 190| 6.18.2. τήν τε ἀρχὴν οὕτως ἐκτησάμεθα καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ὅσοι δὴ ἄλλοι ἦρξαν, παραγιγνόμενοι προθύμως τοῖς αἰεὶ ἢ βαρβάροις ἢ Ἕλλησιν ἐπικαλουμένοις, ἐπεὶ εἴ γε ἡσυχάζοιεν πάντες ἢ φυλοκρινοῖεν οἷς χρεὼν βοηθεῖν, βραχὺ ἄν τι προσκτώμενοι αὐτῇ περὶ αὐτῆς ἂν ταύτης μᾶλλον κινδυνεύοιμεν. τὸν γὰρ προύχοντα οὐ μόνον ἐπιόντα τις ἀμύνεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπως μὴ ἔπεισι προκαταλαμβάνει. | 6.18.2. It is thus that empire has been won, both by us and by all others that have held it, by a constant readiness to support all, whether barbarians or Hellenes, that invite assistance; since if all were to keep quiet or to pick and choose whom they ought to assist, we should make but few new conquests, and should imperil those we have already won. Men do not rest content with parrying the attacks of a superior, but often strike the first blow to prevent the attack being made. |
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| 91. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, 103.15, f115, f192, f204, f318, f321, t13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 125 |
| 92. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, f115, f192, f318, f204 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 190 |
| 93. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, f115, f192, f318, f204 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 190 |
| 94. Sophocles, Fragments, 942.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
95. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 59-64, 887-888 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 | 888. with no fear of Justice, no reverence for the images of gods, may an evil doom seize him for his ill-starred pride, if he does not gain his advantage fairly, |
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| 96. Xanthus Lydius, Fragments, f23 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 203 |
| 97. Antiphanes, Fragments, 3, 85, 115 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 212 |
| 98. Antiphon, Orations, 6.45 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 25 |
99. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 391-402 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 327 | 402. to the son of Laertes . Hear it, blessed queen, who rides on bull-slaughtering lions! Philoctete |
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| 100. Duris of Samos, Fragments, f21 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342 |
| 101. Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 1, 20-41, 43-49, 5, 50-52, 66, 72, 42 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 149, 151 |
| 102. Ephorus, Fragments, 149 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 285 |
| 103. Dinarchus, Against Aristogeiton, 23-26, 22 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 151 |
| 104. Aristotle, Respiration, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 251 |
| 105. Ephorus, Fragments, 149 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 285 |
106. Demosthenes, Orations, 5.5, 9.31, 16.16-16.17, 18.231, 19.16-19.17, 20.69-20.72, 20.75, 20.77, 20.79, 20.86, 20.146, 22.72, 24.180 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and fear •sparta, spartans Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 125; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 192, 193, 197, 198; Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 262; Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 160 | 9.31. But if some slave or superstitious bastard had wasted and squandered what he had no right to, heavens! how much more monstrous and exasperating all would have called it! Yet they have no such qualms about Philip and his present conduct, though he is not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even a barbarian from any place that can be named with honor, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was never yet possible to buy a decent slave. 19.16. using language for which, as Heaven is my witness, he deserves to die many times over. He told you that you ought to forget the achievements of your forefathers; that you should not tolerate all that talk about old trophies and sea-fights; and that he would draft and enact a law forbidding aid to any Greeks who had not previously brought aid to you. This speech the shameless reprobate found courage to make while the ambassadors, whom you summoned from the Greek cities at his own suggestion, before he had sold himself, were standing at his elbow and listening to what he said. 20.69. For, indeed, he has the unique distinction of being thus mentioned in his inscription; Whereas Conon, it runs, freed the allies of Athens . That inscription, gentlemen of the jury, is his glory in your estimation, but it is yours in the estimation of all Greece . For whatever boon any one of us confers on the other states, the credit of it is reaped by the fame of our city. 20.70. Therefore his contemporaries not only granted him immunity, but also set up his statue in bronze—the first man so honored since Harmodius and Aristogiton. For they felt that he too, in breaking up the empire of the Lacedaemonians, had ended no insignificant tyranny. In order, then, that you may give a closer attention to my words, the clerk shall read the actual decrees which you then passed in favor of Conon . Read them. [The decrees are read] 20.71. It was not, then, only by you, Athenians, that Conon was honored for the services that I have described, but by many others, who rightly felt bound to show gratitude for the benefits they had received. And so it is to your dishonor, men of Athens, that in other states his rewards hold good, but of your rewards alone he is to lose this part. 20.72. Neither is this creditable—to honor him when living, with all the distinctions that have been recited to you, but when he is dead to take back some part of your former gifts. For many of his achievements, men of Athens, deserve praise, and all of them make it improper to revoke the gifts they earned for him, but the noblest deed of all was his restoration of the Long Walls. 20.75. Very well. But, they will say, we may let the son of Chabrias be robbed of the immunity which his father justly received from you and bequeathed to him. But I am sure there is not a single right-minded man who would approve of that. Now, perhaps you know, even without any words from me, that Chabrias was a man of high character; yet there is no harm if I too recall briefly his achievements. 20.77. Now, he beat the Lacedaemonians in a sea-fight off Naxos in 376 . and took forty-nine warships; he captured most of the islands near and handed them over to you, turning their previous enmity into friendship; he brought to Athens three thousand captives, and paid into the treasury more than a hundred and ten talents taken from the enemy. And in all these facts some of the oldest among you can bear me out. But in addition, he captured more than twenty warships, one or two at a time, and brought them all into your harbors. 20.79. Does it seem to any of you, gentlemen of the jury, that this man, who captured so many cities and ships from your enemies by his victories on sea, and who was the source of so much honor, but never of disgrace, to your city, deserves to be deprived of the immunity which he obtained at your hands and bequeathed to his son? I cannot believe it, for it is out of all reason. Had he lost a single city or as few as ten ships, Leptines and his supporters would have impeached him for high treason, and if he had been convicted, he would have been a ruined man for ever. 20.86. For his sake you would have rewarded them then; yet now, on their account, will you take away the immunity from Chabrias himself? Why, that is absurd! For it is inconsistent to seem so generous, when the benefits are recent, that you honor not the benefactors only but their friends as well, but, when a short time has elapsed, to take away even the rewards that you have given to the benefactors. The argument seems to be this. Some recipients of immunity obtained similar favors for their friends. Chabrias did not, but he might have done so, and his friends might have been the undeserving persons now enjoying immunity. In this rather hypothetical case, after rewarding the jackals from gratitude to the lion, you now penalize the lion out of contempt for the jackals. [The decrees on the honour of Chabrias are read] 20.146. There are advocates appointed to defend the law, and very able speakers they are; Leodamas of Acharnae, Aristophon of Hazenia, Cephisodotus of Ceramicus, and Dinias of Herchia. These were the four advocates nominated by the people, with Leptines as a fifth, to defend the law. Aristophon, the best known, was the leading Athenian statesman before the rise of Eubulus. He was now nearly eighty years old, and could boast that he had been 75 times defendant in a γραφὴ παρανόμων and had always acquitted. Let me tell you, then, how you may reasonably retort upon them, and do you consider whether the retort is fair. Demosthenes suggests that the personal record of the advocates should lead the jury to reject their arguments. Take Leodamas first. It was he who impeached the grant to Chabrias, See Dem. 20.77 . which included among other things the gift of immunity, and when his case came before you, he lost it. 22.72. Again, men of Athens, consider those glorious and enviable inscriptions that he has obliterated for all time, and the strange and blasphemous inscriptions that he has written in their stead. You all, I suppose, used to see the words written under the circlets of the crowns: The Allies to the Athenian People for valor and righteousness, or The Allies to the Goddess of Athens, a prize of victory ; or, from the several states of the alliance, Such-and-such a City to the People by whom they were delivered, or, The liberated Euboeans, for example, crown the People ; or again, Conon from the sea-fight with the Lacedaemonians. Such, I say, were the inscriptions of the crowns. 24.180. Again, men of Athens, consider those glorious and much-admired inscriptions that he has obliterated for all time, and the strange and blasphemous inscriptions that he has written in their stead. You all, I suppose, used to see the words written under the circlets of the crowns: The Allies crowned the People for valor and righteousness, or The Allies dedicated to the Goddess of Athens a prize of victory ; or, from the several states of the Alliance, Such-and-such a city crowned the People by whom they were delivered, or The liberated Euboeans, for example, crowned the People, or again Conon from the sea-fight with the Lacedaemonians, Chabrias from the sea-fight off Naxos . |
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| 107. Aristotle, Sense And Sensibilia, 2.23.12 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 52, 53 |
108. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1207, 1206 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 49| 1206. ὅπου σε πεισθεὶς Ὠγύγου σπαρτὸς λεὼς | |
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| 109. Philochorus, Fragments, f149a, f181, 64 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 82 |
| 110. Phoenicides, Fragments, 2 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
111. Demosthenes, On The False Embassy, 125, 135-138, 14, 16, 188-191, 247, 253, 255, 265-267, 269-280, 297, 307-309, 31, 310-313, 32-33, 331, 341-342, 65, 72, 74-75, 86, 15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 252, 253, 254 | 15. And then on the next day, when the peace was to be ratified, when I supported the resolutions of our allies, and did what I could to secure fair and equitable terms, and when the people sympathized with my purpose and refused to hear a word from the contemptible Philocrates, up jumped the very man who had made the speech I have quoted in the head of all of you only the day before, and addressed you in support of Philocrates, |
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| 112. Xenarchus Comicus, Fragments, 4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
| 113. Timaeus of Tauromenium, Fragments, f44, f51, f50 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 190 |
| 114. Timaeus of Locri, Fragments, f44, f51, f50 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 190 |
| 115. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 6.3.1-6.3.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 269 |
| 116. Theophrastus, Fragments, 549 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 211 |
| 117. Hyperides, In Demosthenem, 17 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, revolt of, against alexander Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 276 |
118. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 1-2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64 | 2. Though there were five of them, not one waited to be tried; they left the city of their own accord and went into exile. The same is true of many others who were impeached. In fact it was a rare thing to see anyone subjected to impeachment appearing in court. So serious and so notorious were the crimes which at that time led to an impeachment. But the present practice in the city is utterly absurd. |
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| 119. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 105-109, 128-130, 72, 93, 42 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 331 |
| 120. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 100, 134-136, 168-179, 18, 197, 199, 20, 200-211, 213-214, 219, 222-223, 249-250, 285-286, 288, 295, 299-300, 317, 321, 48, 62, 83, 96-99, 287 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 71, 324, 325 |
| 121. Dinarchus, Against Demosthenes, 10, 101, 12, 14-21, 73, 38 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 214 |
| 122. Nymphis, Fragments, 9 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 211 |
| 123. Demosthenes, Against Androtion, 12-13, 15, 52-53, 69-78, 14 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 113 |
| 124. Demosthenes, On The Chersonese, 40, 42, 49, 74, 60 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 166, 168 |
| 125. Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, 111, 114, 116-117, 127, 191, 196-201, 203-214, 5, 65, 202 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 123 |
| 126. Anaximander Iunior, Fragments, a1, a2, a4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 200 |
| 127. Demosthenes, Against Leptines, 105-109, 11, 110-111, 118, 12, 127, 14, 146-151, 157-162, 18, 29, 41-54, 59-61, 63, 67-85, 87, 86 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 95, 108, 109, 110 |
| 128. Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 161, 64 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 28 |
| 129. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 5.1-5.3, 6.4, 7.3-7.4, 8.1, 8.3, 8.5, 9.1, 12.1, 12.3, 14.3-14.4, 16.2, 16.10, 18.1-18.3, 19.1, 20.1-20.4, 21.5, 22.1, 22.5, 23.2, 23.5, 25.4, 28.5, 29.4, 34.1, 35.2-35.3, 41.2, 42.3, 44.3, 47.1, 58.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 115; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 530; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 113, 163, 165; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 242, 265, 278, 319; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 17, 48, 51, 53, 58, 61, 82, 111, 116, 141, 143, 154; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 101, 216, 258 |
| 130. Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 1, 10-13, 132, 14, 140, 15-18, 180-183, 19, 192, 20-26, 28-29, 3, 30-36, 49, 6-7, 71, 8, 81-85, 9, 92-94, 27 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 213, 214 |
| 131. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 113, 132-133, 138-139, 141-142, 150-151, 157, 177-192, 3, 49, 5, 82, 84-85, 93, 156 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 276, 325 |
| 132. Dinarchus, Or., 1.14 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 193 |
133. Aeschines, Letters, 2.75-2.76, 3.143, 3.182-3.187, 3.187.1, 3.243 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 125; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 196, 197, 198; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 344; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 154 | 2.75. I replied that we must indeed remember all these, but must imitate the wisdom of our forefathers, and beware of their mistakes and their unseasonable jealousies; I urged that we should emulate the battle that we fought at Plataea , the struggles off the shores of Salamis , the battles of Marathon and Artemisium , and the generalship of Tolmides, who with a thousand picked men of the Athenians fearlessly marched straight through the Peloponnesus , the enemy's country. 2.76. But I urged that we should take warning from the Sicilian expedition, which was sent out to help the people of Leontini, at a time when the enemy were already in our own territory and Deceleia was fortified against us; and that final act of folly, when, outmatched in the war, and offered terms of peace by the Lacedaemonians, with the agreement that we should hold not only Attica , but Lemnos , Imbros, and Scyros also, and retain the constitutional democracy, the people would have none of it, but chose to go on with a war that was beyond their powers. And Cleophon, the lyre-maker, whom many remembered as a slave in fetters, who had dishonourably and fraudulently got himself enrolled as a citizen, and had corrupted the people by distribution of money, threatened to take his knife and slit the throat of any man who should make mention of peace. 3.143. and, secondly, he laid two thirds of the costs of the war upon you, whose danger was more remote, and only one third on the Thebans (in all this acting for bribes); and the leadership by sea he caused to be shared equally by both; but all the expenditure he laid upon you and the leadership by land, if we are not to talk nonsense, he carried away bodily and handed it over to Thebes . The result was that in all the war that followed, Stratocles, your general, had no authority to plan for the safety of his troops. 3.182. But, by the Olympian gods, I think one ought not to name those men on the same day with this monster! Now let Demosthenes show if anywhere stands written an order to crown any one of those men. Was the democracy, then, ungrateful? No, but noble-minded, and those men were worthy of their city. For they thought that their honor should be conferred, not in written words, but in the memory of those whom they had served; and from that time until this day it abides, immortal. But what rewards they did receive, it is well to recall. 3.183. There were certain men in those days, fellow citizens, who endured much toil and underwent great dangers at the river Strymon, and conquered the Medes in battle. When they came home they asked the people for a reward, and the democracy gave them great honor, as it was then esteemed—permission to set up three stone Hermae in the Stoa of the Hermae, but on condition that they should not inscribe their own names upon them, in order that the inscription might not seem to be in honor of the generals, but of the people. 3.184. That this is true, you shall learn from the verses themselves; for on the first of the Hermae stands written: “Brave men and daring were they who once by the city of Eion , Far off by Strymon's flood, fought with the sons of the Medes. Fiery famine they made their ally, and Ares on-rushing; So they found helpless a foe stranger till then to defeat.” unknown> and on the second: “This, the reward of their labour, has Athens bestowed on her leaders; Token of duty well done, honor to valor supreme. Whoso in years yet to be shall read these Ls in the marble, Gladly will toil in his turn, giving his life for the state.” unknown 3.185. And on the third of the Hermae stands written: “Once from this city Menestheus, summoned to join the Atreidae, Led forth an army to Troy , plain beloved of the gods. Homer has sung of his fame, and has said that of all the mailed chieftains None could so shrewdly as he marshal the ranks for the fight. Fittingly then shall the people of Athens be honored, and called Marshals and leaders of war, heroes in combat of arms.” unknown Is the name of the generals anywhere here? Nowhere; only the name of the people. 3.186. And now pass on in imagination to the Stoa Poecile; for the memorials of all our noble deeds stand dedicated in the Agora. What is it then, fellow citizens, to which I refer? The battle of Marathon is pictured there. Who then was the general? If you were asked this question you would all answer, “Miltiades.” But his name is not written there. Why? Did he not ask for this reward? He did ask, but the people refused it; and instead of his name they permitted that he should be painted in the front rank, urging on his men. 3.187. Again, in the Metroön you may see the reward that you gave to the band from Phyle , who brought the people back from exile. For Archinus of Coele, one of the men who brought back the people, was the author of the resolution. He moved, first, to give them for sacrifice and dedicatory offerings a thousand drachmas, less than ten drachmas per man; then that they be crowned each with a crown of olive (not of gold, for then the crown of olive was prized, but today even a crown of gold is held in disdain). And not even this will he allow to be done carelessly, but only after careful examination by the Senate, to determine who of them actually stood siege at Phyle when the Lacedaemonians and the Thirty made their attack, not those who deserted their post—as at Chaeroneia—in the face of the advancing enemy. As proof of what I say, the clerk shall read the resolution to you. Resolution as to the Reward of the Band from Phyle 3.243. Or is the man whom you have moved to crown so obscure a man as not to be known by those whom he has served, unless some one shall help you to describe him? Pray ask the jury whether they knew Chabrias and Iphicrates and Timotheus, and inquire why they gave them those rewards and set up their statues. All will answer with one voice, that they honored Chabrias for the battle of Naxos , and Iphicrates because he destroyed a regiment of the Lacedaemonians, and Timotheus because of his voyage to Corcyra , and other men, each because of many a glorious deed in war. |
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| 134. Demosthenes, Against Neaera, 27 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, athenian relations with over time •sparta, spartans, in demosthenes •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period •sparta, spartans, in the post-leuctra period •sparta, spartans, in the pre-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 28, 96 |
| 135. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1397b27-30, 1411b6-7, 3.17.16 (1418b), 3.9.2 (1409a), 1374b25-7, 1411a4-6, 1394a2-8, 1411b6-10 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 196, 197 |
| 136. Demosthenes, Funeral Oration, 19-21, 35, 8 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 166 |
137. Demosthenes, Against Timocrates, 128-129, 134-135, 138, 140-141, 159, 176-186, 139 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 94, 211 | 139. I should like, gentlemen of the jury, to give you a description of the method of legislation among the Locrians. It will do you no harm to hear an example, especially one set by a well-governed community. In that country the people are so strongly of opinion that it is right to observe old-established laws, to preserve the institutions of their forefathers, and never to legislate for the gratification of whims, or for a compromise with transgression, that if a man wishes to propose a new law, he legislates with a halter round his neck. If the law is accepted as good and beneficial, the proposer departs with his life, but, if not, the halter is drawn tight, and he is a dead man. |
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| 138. Aristotle, Politics, 1266b14-16, 1268b25, 1269a36, 1272a25, 1273b34-1274a3, 1274a, 1274a16-17, 1281b25-34, 1284b, 1292b, 1305a, 1313a-1314b, 1313b, 1315b, 1274a7-11 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 17 |
| 139. Aristotle, Meteorology, 3.3, 3.2, 3.4, 3.2.372a, 1.5.342b, 2.8 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58 |
| 140. Aristotle, Fragments, 191.72, 601, 611.1, p. 371.8-12 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 251 |
| 141. Demosthenes, Letters, 2.18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, as alcibiades resort Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 331 |
| 142. Aeschines, False Embassy, 25-27, 29-33, 36-37, 40-42, 49, 51, 64, 69-74, 28 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 45, 144 |
| 143. Cratinus Iunior, Fragments, 1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
144. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.15, 1.23-1.233, 1.603, 1.608, 1.653-1.654, 1.819, 1.850-1.852, 1.869-1.870, 1.936-1.1152, 3.404-3.407, 3.427-3.429, 4.176, 4.279-4.281, 4.477-4.478, 4.700-4.717, 4.1477-4.1480, 4.1743-4.1745, 4.1749-4.1754, 4.1757-4.1764 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Morrison, Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography (2020) 40, 84, 128, 135, 139, 146, 152, 153, 172, 192, 197; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 327; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52| 1.15. αἶψα δὲ τόνγʼ ἐσιδὼν ἐφράσσατο, καί οἱ ἄεθλον < 1.23. πρῶτά νυν Ὀρφῆος μνησώμεθα, τόν ῥά ποτʼ αὐτὴ < 1.24. Καλλιόπη Θρήικι φατίζεται εὐνηθεῖσα < 1.25. Οἰάγρῳ σκοπιῆς Πιμπληίδος ἄγχι τεκέσθαι < 1.26. αὐτὰρ τόνγʼ ἐνέπουσιν ἀτειρέας οὔρεσι πέτρας < 1.27. θέλξαι ἀοιδάων ἐνοπῇ ποταμῶν τε ῥέεθρα. < 1.28. φηγοὶ δʼ ἀγριάδες, κείνης ἔτι σήματα μολπῆς, < 1.29. ἀκτῆς Θρηικίης Ζώνης ἔπι τηλεθόωσαι < 1.30. ἑξείης στιχόωσιν ἐπήτριμοι, ἃς ὅγʼ ἐπιπρὸ < 1.31. θελγομένας φόρμιγγι κατήγαγε Πιερίηθεν. < 1.32. Ὀρφέα μὲν δὴ τοῖον ἑῶν ἐπαρωγὸν ἀέθλων < 1.33. Αἰσονίδης Χείρωνος ἐφημοσύνῃσι πιθήσας < 1.34. δέξατο, Πιερίῃ Βιστωνίδι κοιρανέοντα. < 1.35. ἤλυθε δʼ Ἀστερίων αὐτοσχεδόν, ὅν ῥα Κομήτης < 1.36. γείνατο δινήεντος ἐφʼ ὕδασιν Ἀπιδανοῖο, < 1.37. Πειρεσιὰς ὄρεος Φυλληίου ἀγχόθι ναίων, < 1.38. ἔνθα μὲν Ἀπιδανός τε μέγας καὶ δῖος Ἐνιπεὺς < 1.39. ἄμφω συμφορέονται, ἀπόπροθεν εἰς ἓν ἰόντες. < 1.40. Λάρισαν δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσι λιπὼν Πολύφημος ἵκανεν < 1.41. Εἰλατίδης, ὃς πρὶν μὲν ἐρισθενέων Λαπιθάων, < 1.42. ὁππότε Κενταύροις Λαπίθαι ἐπὶ θωρήσσοντο, < 1.43. ὁπλότερος πολέμιζε· τότʼ αὖ βαρύθεσκέ οἱ ἤδη < 1.44. γυῖα, μένεν δʼ ἔτι θυμὸς ἀρήιος, ὡς τὸ πάρος περ. < 1.45. οὐδὲ μὲν Ἴφικλος Φυλάκῃ ἔνι δηρὸν ἔλειπτο, < 1.46. μήτρως Αἰσονίδαο· κασιγνήτην γὰρ ὄπυιεν < 1.47. Αἴσων Ἀλκιμέδην Φυλακηίδα· τῆς μιν ἀνώγει < 1.48. πηοσύνη καὶ κῆδος ἐνικρινθῆναι ὁμίλῳ. < 1.49. οὐδὲ Φεραῖς Ἄδμητος ἐυρρήνεσσιν ἀνάσσων < 1.50. μίμνεν ὑπὸ σκοπιὴν ὄρεος Χαλκωδονίοιο. < 1.51. οὐδʼ Ἀλόπῃ μίμνον πολυλήιοι Ἑρμείαο < 1.52. υἱέες εὖ δεδαῶτε δόλους, Ἔρυτος καὶ Ἐχίων, < 1.53. τοῖσι δʼ ἐπὶ τρίτατος γνωτὸς κίε νισσομένοισιν < 1.54. Αἰθαλίδης· καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐπʼ Ἀμφρυσσοῖο ῥοῇσιν < 1.55. Μυρμιδόνος κούρη Φθιὰς τέκεν Εὐπολέμεια· < 1.56. τὼ δʼ αὖτʼ ἐκγεγάτην Μενετηίδος Ἀντιανείρης. < 1.57. ἤλυθε δʼ ἀφνειὴν προλιπὼν Γυρτῶνα Κόρωνος < 1.58. Καινεΐδης, ἐσθλὸς μέν, ἑοῦ δʼ οὐ πατρὸς ἀμείνων. < 1.59. Καινέα γὰρ ζῶόν περ ἔτι κλείουσιν ἀοιδοὶ < 1.60. Κενταύροισιν ὀλέσθαι, ὅτε σφέας οἶος ἀπʼ ἄλλων < 1.61. ἤλασʼ ἀριστήων· οἱ δʼ ἔμπαλιν ὁρμηθέντες < 1.62. οὔτε μιν ἐγκλῖναι προτέρω σθένον, οὔτε δαΐξαι· < 1.63. ἀλλʼ ἄρρηκτος ἄκαμπτος ἐδύσετο νειόθι γαίης, < 1.64. θεινόμενος στιβαρῇσι καταΐγδην ἐλάτῃσιν. < 1.65. ἤλυθε δʼ αὖ Μόψος Τιταρήσιος, ὃν περὶ πάντων < 1.66. Λητοΐδης ἐδίδαξε θεοπροπίας οἰωνῶν· < 1.67. ἠδὲ καὶ Εὐρυδάμας Κτιμένου πάις· ἄγχι δὲ λίμνης < 1.68. Ξυνιάδος Κτιμένην Δολοπηίδα ναιετάασκεν. < 1.69. καὶ μὴν Ἄκτωρ υἷα Μενοίτιον ἐξ Ὀπόεντος < 1.70. ὦρσεν, ἀριστήεσσι σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὄφρα νέοιτο. < 1.71. εἵπετο δʼ Εὐρυτίων τε καὶ ἀλκήεις Ἐρυβώτης, < 1.72. υἷες ὁ μὲν Τελέοντος, ὁ δʼ Ἴρου Ἀκτορίδαο· < 1.73. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν Τελέοντος ἐυκλειὴς Ἐρυβώτης, < 1.74. Ἴρου δʼ Εὐρυτίων. σὺν καὶ τρίτος ἦεν Ὀιλεύς, < 1.75. ἔξοχος ἠνορέην καὶ ἐπαΐξαι μετόπισθεν < 1.76. εὖ δεδαὼς δῄοισιν, ὅτε κλίνωσι φάλαγγας. < 1.77. αὐτὰρ ἀπʼ Εὐβοίης Κάνθος κίε, τόν ῥα Κάνηθος < 1.78. πέμπεν Ἀβαντιάδης λελιημένον· οὐ μὲν ἔμελλεν < 1.79. νοστήσειν Κήρινθον ὑπότροπος. αισα γὰρ ἦεν < 1.80. αὐτὸν ὁμῶς Μόψον τε δαήμονα μαντοσυνάων < 1.81. πλαγχθέντας Λιβύης ἐνὶ πείρασι δῃωθῆναι, < 1.82. ὡς οὐκ ἀνθρώποισι κακὸν μήκιστον ἐπαυρεῖν, < 1.83. ὁππότε κἀκείνους Λιβύῃ ἔνι ταρχύσαντο, < 1.84. τόσσον ἑκὰς Κόλχων, ὅσσον τέ περ ἠελίοιο < 1.85. μεσσηγὺς δύσιές τε καὶ ἀντολαὶ εἰσορόωνται. < 1.86. τῷ δʼ ἄρʼ ἐπὶ Κλυτίος τε καὶ Ἴφιτος ἠγερέθοντο, < 1.87. Οἰχαλίης ἐπίουροι, ἀπηνέος Εὐρύτου υἷες, < 1.88. Εὐρύτου, ᾧ πόρε τόξον Ἑκηβόλος· οὐδʼ ἀπόνητο < 1.89. δωτίνης· αὐτῷ γὰρ ἑκὼν ἐρίδηνε δοτῆρι. < 1.90. τοῖσι δʼ ἐπʼ Αἰακίδαι μετεκίαθον· οὐ μὲν ἅμʼ ἄμφω, < 1.91. οὐδʼ ὁμόθεν· νόσφιν γὰρ ἀλευάμενοι κατένασθεν < 1.92. Αἰγίνης, ὅτε Φῶκον ἀδελφεὸν ἐξενάριξαν < 1.93. ἀφραδίῃ. Τελαμὼν μὲν ἐν Ἀτθίδι νάσσατο νήσῳ· < 1.94. Πηλεὺς δὲ Φθίῃ ἐνὶ δώματα ναῖε λιασθείς. < 1.95. τοῖς δʼ ἐπὶ Κεκροπίηθεν ἀρήιος ἤλυθε Βούτης, < 1.96. παῖς ἀγαθοῦ Τελέοντος, ἐυμμελίης τε Φάληρος. < 1.97. Ἄλκων μιν προέηκε πατὴρ ἑός· οὐ μὲν ἔτʼ ἄλλους < 1.98. γήραος υἷας ἔχεν βιότοιό τε κηδεμονῆας. < 1.99. ἀλλά ἑ τηλύγετόν περ ὁμῶς καὶ μοῦνον ἐόντα < 1.100. πέμπεν, ἵνα θρασέεσσι μεταπρέποι ἡρώεσσιν. < 1.101. Θησέα δʼ, ὃς περὶ πάντας Ἐρεχθεΐδας ἐκέκαστο, < 1.102. Ταιναρίην ἀίδηλος ὑπὸ χθόνα δεσμὸς ἔρυκεν, < 1.103. Πειρίθῳ ἑσπόμενον κοινὴν ὁδόν· ἦ τέ κεν ἄμφω < 1.104. ῥηίτερον καμάτοιο τέλος πάντεσσιν ἔθεντο. < 1.105. Τῖφυς δʼ Ἁγνιάδης Σιφαέα κάλλιπε δῆμον < 1.106. Θεσπιέων, ἐσθλὸς μὲν ὀρινόμενον προδαῆναι < 1.107. κῦμʼ ἁλὸς εὐρείης, ἐσθλὸς δʼ ἀνέμοιο θυέλλας < 1.108. καὶ πλόον ἠελίῳ τε καὶ ἀστέρι τεκμήρασθαι. < 1.109. αὐτή μιν Τριτωνὶς ἀριστήων ἐς ὅμιλον < 1.110. ὦρσεν Ἀθηναίη, μετὰ δʼ ἤλυθεν ἐλδομένοισιν. < 1.111. αὐτὴ γὰρ καὶ νῆα θοὴν κάμε· σὺν δέ οἱ Ἄργος < 1.112. τεῦξεν Ἀρεστορίδης κείνης ὑποθημοσύνῃσιν. < 1.113. τῶ καὶ πασάων προφερεστάτη ἔπλετο νηῶν, < 1.114. ὅσσαι ὑπʼ εἰρεσίῃσιν ἐπειρήσαντο θαλάσσης. < 1.115. Φλίας δʼ αὖτʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν Ἀραιθυρέηθεν ἵκανεν, < 1.116. ἔνθʼ ἀφνειὸς ἔναιε Διωνύσοιο ἕκητι, < 1.117. πατρὸς ἑοῦ, πηγῇσιν ἐφέστιος Ἀσωποῖο. < 1.118. Ἀργόθεν αὖ Ταλαὸς καὶ Ἀρήιος, υἷε Βίαντος, < 1.119. ἤλυθον ἴφθιμός τε Λεώδοκος, οὓς τέκε Πηρὼ < 1.120. Νηληίς· τῆς δʼ ἀμφὶ δύην ἐμόγησε βαρεῖαν < 1.121. Αἰολίδης σταθμοῖσιν ἐν Ἰφίκλοιο Μελάμπους. < 1.122. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδὲ βίην κρατερόφρονος Ἡρακλῆος < 1.123. πευθόμεθʼ Αἰσονίδαο λιλαιομένου ἀθερίξαι. < 1.124. ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ ἄιε βάξιν ἀγειρομένων ἡρώων, < 1.125. νεῖον ἀπʼ Ἀρκαδίης Λυρκήιον Ἄργος ἀμείψας < 1.126. τὴν ὁδόν, ᾗ ζωὸν φέρε κάπριον, ὅς ῥʼ ἐνὶ βήσσῃς < 1.127. φέρβετο Λαμπείης, Ἐρυμάνθιον ἂμ μέγα τῖφος, < 1.128. τὸν μὲν ἐνὶ πρώτῃσι Μυκηναίων ἀγορῇσιν < 1.129. δεσμοῖς ἰλλόμενον μεγάλων ἀπεθήκατο νώτων· < 1.130. αὐτὸς δʼ ᾗ ἰότητι παρὲκ νόον Εὐρυσθῆος < 1.131. ὡρμήθη· σὺν καί οἱ Ὕλας κίεν, ἐσθλὸς ὀπάων, < 1.132. πρωθήβης, ἰῶν τε φορεὺς φύλακός τε βιοῖο. < 1.133. τῷ δʼ ἐπὶ δὴ θείοιο κίεν Δαναοῖο γενέθλη, < 1.134. Ναύπλιος. ἦ γὰρ ἔην Κλυτονήου Ναυβολίδαο· < 1.135. Ναύβολος αὖ Λέρνου· Λέρνον γε μὲν ἴδμεν ἐόντα < 1.136. Προίτου Ναυπλιάδαο· Ποσειδάωνι δὲ κούρη. < 1.137. πρίν ποτʼ Ἀμυμώνη Δαναῒς τέκεν εὐνηθεῖσα < 1.138. Ναύπλιον, ὃς περὶ πάντας ἐκαίνυτο ναυτιλίῃσιν. < 1.139. Ἴδμων δʼ ὑστάτιος μετεκίαθεν, ὅσσοι ἔναιον < 1.140. Ἄργος, ἐπεὶ δεδαὼς τὸν ἑὸν μόρον οἰωνοῖσιν < 1.141. ἤιε, μή οἱ δῆμος ἐυκλείης ἀγάσαιτο. < 1.142. οὐ μὲν ὅγʼ ἦεν Ἄβαντος ἐτήτυμον, ἀλλά μιν αὐτὸς < 1.143. γείνατο κυδαλίμοις ἐναρίθμιον Αἰολίδῃσιν < 1.144. Λητοΐδης· αὐτὸς δὲ θεοπροπίας ἐδίδαξεν < 1.145. οἰωνούς τʼ ἀλέγειν ἠδʼ ἔμπυρα σήματʼ ἰδέσθαι. < 1.146. καὶ μὴν Αἰτωλὶς κρατερὸν Πολυδεύκεα Λήδη < 1.147. Κάστορά τʼ ὠκυπόδων ὦρσεν δεδαημένον ἵππων < 1.148. Σπάρτηθεν· τοὺς δʼ ἥγε δόμοις ἔνι Τυνδαρέοιο < 1.149. τηλυγέτους ὠδῖνι μιῇ τέκεν· οὐδʼ ἀπίθησεν < 1.150. νισσομένοις· Ζηνὸς γὰρ ἐπάξια μήδετο λέκτρων. < 1.151. οἵ τʼ Ἀφαρητιάδαι Λυγκεὺς καὶ ὑπέρβιος Ἴδας < 1.152. Ἀρήνηθεν ἔβαν, μεγάλῃ περιθαρσέες ἀλκῇ < 1.153. ἀμφότεροι· Λυγκεὺς δὲ καὶ ὀξυτάτοις ἐκέκαστο < 1.154. ὄμμασιν, εἰ ἐτεόν γε πέλει κλέος, ἀνέρα κεῖνον < 1.155. ῥηιδίως καὶ νέρθε κατὰ χθονὸς αὐγάζεσθαι. < 1.156. σὺν δὲ Περικλύμενος Νηλήιος ὦρτο νέεσθαι, < 1.157. πρεσβύτατος παίδων, ὅσσοι Πύλῳ ἐξεγένοντο < 1.158. Νηλῆος θείοιο· Ποσειδάων δέ οἱ ἀλκὴν < 1.159. δῶκεν ἀπειρεσίην ἠδʼ ὅττι κεν ἀρήσαιτο < 1.160. μαρνάμενος, τὸ πέλεσθαι ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ πολέμοιο. < 1.161. καὶ μὴν Ἀμφιδάμας Κηφεύς τʼ ἴσαν Ἀρκαδίηθεν, < 1.162. οἳ Τεγέην καὶ κλῆρον Ἀφειδάντειον ἔναιον, < 1.163. υἷε δύω Ἀλεοῦ· τρίτατός γε μὲν ἕσπετʼ ἰοῦσιν < 1.164. Ἀγκαῖος, τὸν μέν ῥα πατὴρ Λυκόοργος ἔπεμπεν, < 1.165. τῶν ἄμφω γνωτὸς προγενέστερος. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν ἤδη < 1.166. γηράσκοντʼ Ἀλεὸν λίπετʼ ἂμ πόλιν ὄφρα κομίζοι, < 1.167. παῖδα δʼ ἑὸν σφετέροισι κασιγνήτοισιν ὄπασσεν. < 1.168. βῆ δʼ ὅγε Μαιναλίης ἄρκτου δέρος, ἀμφίτομόν τε < 1.169. δεξιτερῇ πάλλων πέλεκυν μέγαν. ἔντεα γάρ οἱ < 1.170. πατροπάτωρ Ἀλεὸς μυχάτῃ ἐνέκρυψε καλιῇ, < 1.171. αἴ κέν πως ἔτι καὶ τὸν ἐρητύσειε νέεσθαι. < 1.172. βῆ δὲ καὶ Αὐγείης, ὃν δὴ φάτις Ἠελίοιο < 1.173. ἔμμεναι· Ἠλείοισι δʼ ὅγʼ ἀνδράσιν ἐμβασίλευεν, < 1.174. ὄλβῳ κυδιόων· μέγα δʼ ἵετο Κολχίδα γαῖαν < 1.175. αὐτόν??τʼ Αἰήτην ἰδέειν σημάντορα Κόλχων. < 1.176. Ἀστέριος δὲ καὶ Ἀμφίων Ὑπερασίου υἷες < 1.177. Πελλήνης ἀφίκανον Ἀχαιίδος, ἥν ποτε Πέλλης < 1.178. πατροπάτωρ ἐπόλισσεν ἐπʼ ὀφρύσιν Αἰγιαλοῖο. < 1.179. Ταίναρον αὖτʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσι λιπὼν Εὔφημος ἵκανεν, < 1.180. τόν ῥα Ποσειδάωνι ποδωκηέστατον ἄλλων < 1.181. Εὐρώπη Υιτυοῖο μεγασθενέος τέκε κούρη. < 1.182. κεῖνος ἀνὴρ καὶ πόντου ἐπὶ γλαυκοῖο θέεσκεν < 1.183. οἴδματος, οὐδὲ θοοὺς βάπτεν πόδας, ἀλλʼ ὅσον ἄκροις < 1.184. ἴχνεσι τεγγόμενος διερῇ πεφόρητο κελεύθῳ. < 1.185. καὶ δʼ ἄλλω δύο παῖδε Ποσειδάωνος ἵκοντο· < 1.186. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν πτολίεθρον ἀγαυοῦ Μιλήτοιο < 1.187. νοσφισθεὶς Ἐργῖνος, ὁ δʼ Ἰμβρασίης ἕδος Ἥρης, < 1.188. παρθενίην, Ἀγκαῖος ὑπέρβιος· ἴστορε δʼ ἄμφω < 1.189. ἠμὲν ναυτιλίης ἠδʼ ἄρεος εὐχετόωντο. < 1.190. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἀφορμηθεὶς Καλυδῶνος < 1.191. ἀλκήεις Μελέαγρος ἀνήλυθε, Λαοκόων τε, < 1.192. Λαοκόων Οἰνῆος ἀδελφεός, οὐ μὲν ἰῆς γε < 1.193. μητέρος· ἀλλά ἑ θῆσσα γυνὴ τέκε· τὸν μὲν ἄρʼ Οἰνεὺς < 1.194. ἤδη γηραλέον κοσμήτορα παιδὸς ἴαλλεν· < 1.195. ὧδʼ ἔτι κουρίζων περιθαρσέα δῦνεν ὅμιλον < 1.196. ἡρώων. τοῦ δʼ οὔτινʼ ὑπέρτερον ἄλλον ὀίω, < 1.197. νόσφιν γʼ Ἡρακλῆος, ἐπελθέμεν, εἴ κʼ ἔτι μοῦνον < 1.198. αὖθι μένων λυκάβαντα μετετράφη Αἰτωλοῖσιν. < 1.199. καὶ μήν οἱ μήτρως αὐτὴν ὁδόν, εὖ μὲν ἄκοντι, < 1.200. εὖ δὲ καὶ ἐν σταδίῃ δεδαημένος ἀντιφέρεσθαι, < 1.201. Θεστιάδης Ἴφικλος ἐφωμάρτησε κιόντι. < 1.202. σὺν δὲ Παλαιμόνιος Λέρνου πάις Ὠλενίοιο, < 1.203. Λέρνου ἐπίκλησιν, γενεήν γε μὲν Ἡφαίστοιο· < 1.204. τούνεκʼ ἔην πόδα σιφλός· ἀτὰρ δέμας οὔ κέ τις ἔτλη < 1.205. ἠνορέην τʼ ὀνόσασθαι, ὃ καὶ μεταρίθμιος ἦεν < 1.206. πᾶσιν ἀριστήεσσιν, Ἰήσονι κῦδος ἀέξων. < 1.207. ἐκ δʼ ἄρα Φωκήων κίεν Ἴφιτος Ὀρνυτίδαο < 1.208. Ναυβόλου ἐκγεγαώς· ξεῖνος δέ οἱ ἔσκε πάροιθεν, < 1.209. ἦμος ἔβη Πυθώδε θεοπροπίας ἐρεείνων < 1.210. ναυτιλίης· τόθι γάρ μιν ἑοῖς ὑπέδεκτο δόμοισιν. < 1.211. Ζήτης αὖ Κάλαΐς τε Βορήιοι υἷες ἵκοντο, < 1.212. οὕς ποτʼ Ἐρεχθηὶς Βορέῃ τέκεν Ὠρείθυια < 1.213. ἐσχατιῇ Θρῄκης δυσχειμέρου· ἔνθʼ ἄρα τήνγε < 1.214. Θρηίκιος Βορέης ἀνερέψατο Κεκροπίηθεν < 1.215. Ἰλισσοῦ προπάροιθε χορῷ ἔνι δινεύουσαν. < 1.216. καί μιν ἄγων ἕκαθεν, Σαρπηδονίην ὅθι πέτρην < 1.217. κλείουσιν, ποταμοῖο παρὰ ῥόον Ἐργίνοιο, < 1.218. λυγαίοις ἐδάμασσε περὶ νεφέεσσι καλύψας. < 1.219. τὼ μὲν ἐπʼ ἀκροτάτοισι ποδῶν ἑκάτερθεν ἐρεμνὰς < 1.220. σεῖον ἀειρομένω πτέρυγας, μέγα θάμβος ἰδέσθαι, < 1.221. χρυσείαις φολίδεσσι διαυγέας· ἀμφὶ δὲ νώτοις < 1.222. κράατος ἐξ ὑπάτοιο καὶ αὐχένος ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα < 1.223. κυάνεαι δονέοντο μετὰ πνοιῇσιν ἔθειραι. < 1.224. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ αὐτοῖο πάις μενέαινεν Ἄκαστος < 1.225. ἰφθίμου Πελίαο δόμοις ἔνι πατρὸς ἑῆος < 1.226. μιμνάζειν, Ἄργος τε θεᾶς ὑποεργὸς Ἀθήνης· < 1.227. ἀλλʼ ἄρα καὶ τὼ μέλλον ἐνικρινθῆναι ὁμίλῳ. < 1.228. τόσσοι ἄρʼ Αἰσονίδῃ συμμήστορες ἠγερέθοντο. < 1.229. τοὺς μὲν ἀριστῆας Μινύας περιναιετάοντες < 1.230. κίκλησκον μάλα πάντας, ἐπεὶ Μινύαο θυγατρῶν < 1.231. οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ ἄριστοι ἀφʼ αἵματος εὐχετόωντο < 1.232. ἔμμεναι· ὧς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν Ἰήσονα γείνατο μήτηρ < 1.233. Ἀλκιμέδη, Κλυμένης Μινυηίδος ἐκγεγαυῖα. < 1.603. ὅσσον ἐς ἔνδιόν κεν ἐύστολος ὁλκὰς ἀνύσσαι, < 1.653. Λημνιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἀνὰ πτόλιν ἷζον ἰοῦσαι < 1.654. εἰς ἀγορήν· αὐτὴ γὰρ ἐπέφραδεν Ὑψιπύλεια. < 1.819. ἔν τε χοροῖς ἀγορῇ τε καὶ εἰλαπίνῃσι μέλοντο· < 1.850. ῥηιδίως. Κύπρις γὰρ ἐπὶ γλυκὺν ἵμερον ὦρσεν < 1.851. Ἡφαίστοιο χάριν πολυμήτιος, ὄφρα κεν αὖτις < 1.852. ναίηται μετόπισθεν ἀκήρατος ἀνδράσι Λῆμνος. < 1.869. οὐ μὰν εὐκλειεῖς γε σὺν ὀθνείῃσι γυναιξὶν < 1.870. ἐσσόμεθʼ ὧδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν ἐελμένοι· οὐδέ τι κῶας < 1.936. ἔστι δέ τις αἰπεῖα Προποντίδος ἔνδοθι νῆσος < 1.937. τυτθὸν ἀπὸ Φρυγίης πολυληίου ἠπείροιο < 1.938. εἰς ἅλα κεκλιμένη, ὅσσον τʼ ἐπιμύρεται ἰσθμὸς < 1.939. χέρσῳ ἐπιπρηνὴς καταειμένος· ἐν δέ οἱ ἀκταὶ < 1.940. ἀμφίδυμοι, κεῖνται δʼ ὑπὲρ ὕδατος Λἰσήποιο. < 1.941. Λ̓́ρκτων μιν καλέουσιν ὄρος περιναιετάοντες· < 1.942. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑβρισταί τε καὶ ἄγριοι ἐνναίουσιν < 1.943. Γηγενέες, μέγα θαῦμα περικτιόνεσσιν ἰδέσθαι. < 1.944. ἓξ γὰρ ἑκάστῳ χεῖρες ὑπέρβιοι ἠερέθονται, < 1.945. αἱ μὲν ἀπὸ στιβαρῶν ὤμων δύο, ταὶ δʼ ὑπένερθεν < 1.946. τέσσαρες αἰνοτάτῃσιν ἐπὶ πλευρῇς ἀραρυῖαι. < 1.947. ἰσθμὸν δʼ αὖ πεδίον τε Δολίονες ἀμφενέμοντο < 1.948. ἀνέρες· ἐν δʼ ἥρως Λἰνήιος υἱὸς ἄνασσεν < 1.949. Κύζικος, ὃν κούρη δίου τέκεν Εὐσώροιο < 1.950. Αἰνήτη. τοὺς δʼ οὔτι καὶ ἔκπαγλοί περ ἐόντες < 1.951. Γηγενέες σίνοντο, Ποσειδάωνος ἀρωγῇ· < 1.952. τοῦ γὰρ ἔσαν τὰ πρῶτα Δολίονες ἐκγεγαῶτες. < 1.953. ἔνθʼ Ἀργὼ προύτυψεν ἐπειγομένη ἀνέμοισιν < 1.954. Θρηικίοις, Καλὸς δὲ λιμὴν ὑπέδεκτο θέουσαν. < 1.955. κεῖσε καὶ εὐναίης ὀλίγον λίθον ἐκλύσαντες < 1.956. Τίφυος ἐννεσίῃσιν ὑπὸ κρήνῃ ἐλίποντο, < 1.957. κρήνῃ ὑπʼ Ἀρτακίῃ· ἕτερον δʼ ἔλον, ὅστις ἀρήρει, < 1.958. βριθύν· ἀτὰρ κεῖνόν γε θεοπροπίαις Ἑκάτοιο < 1.959. Νηλεΐδαι μετόπισθεν Ἰάονες ἱδρύσαντο < 1.960. ἱερόν, ἣ θέμις ἦεν, Ἰησονίης ἐν Ἀθήνης. < 1.961. τοὺς δʼ ἄμυδις φιλότητι Δολίονες ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς < 1.962. Κύζικος ἀντήσαντες ὅτε στόλον ἠδὲ γενέθλην < 1.963. ἔκλυον, οἵτινες εἶεν, ἐυξείνως ἀρέσαντο, < 1.964. καί σφεας εἰρεσίῃ πέπιθον προτέρωσε κιόντας < 1.965. ἄστεος ἐν λιμένι πρυμνήσια νηὸς ἀνάψαι, < 1.966. ἔνθʼ οἵγʼ Ἐκβασίῳ βωμὸν θέσαν Ἀπόλλωνι < 1.967. εἱσάμενοι παρὰ θῖνα, θυηπολίης τʼ ἐμελοντο. < 1.968. δῶκεν δʼ αὐτὸς ἄναξ λαρὸν μέθυ δευουένοισιν < 1.969. μῆλά θʼ ὁμοῦ· δὴ γάρ οἱ ἔην φάτις, εὖτʼ ἂν ἵκωνται < 1.970. ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖος στόλος, αὐτίκα τόνγε < 1.971. μείλιχον ἀντιάαν, μηδὲ πτολέμοιο μέλεσθαι. < 1.972. ἶσόν που κἀκείνῳ ἐπισταχύεσκον ἴουλοι, < 1.973. οὐδέ νύ πω παίδεσσιν ἀγαλλόμενος μεμόρητο· < 1.974. ἀλλʼ ἔτι οἱ κατὰ δώματʼ ἀκήρατος ἦεν ἄκοιτις < 1.975. ὠδίνων, Μέροπος Περκωσίου ἐκγεγαυῖα, < 1.976. Κλείτη ἐυπλόκαμος, τὴν μὲν νέον ἐξέτι πατρὸς < 1.977. θεσπεσίοις ἕδνοισιν ἀνήγαγεν ἀντιπέρηθεν. < 1.978. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧς θάλαμόν τε λιπὼν καὶ δέμνια νύμφης < 1.979. τοῖς μέτα δαῖτʼ ἀλέγυνε, βάλεν δʼ ἀπὸ δείματα θυμοῦ. < 1.980. ἀλλήλους δʼ ἐρέεινον ἀμοιβαδίς· ἤτοι ὁ μέν σφεων < 1.981. πεύθετο ναυτιλίης ἄνυσιν, Πελίαό τʼ ἐφετμάς· < 1.982. οἱ δὲ περικτιόνων πόλιας καὶ κόλπον ἅπαντα < 1.983. εὐρείης πεύθοντο Προποντίδος· οὐ μὲν ἐπιπρὸ < 1.984. ἠείδει καταλέξαι ἐελδομένοισι δαῆναι. < 1.985. ἠοῖ δʼ εἰσανέβαν μέγα Δίνδυμον, ὄφρα καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.986. θηήσαιντο πόρους κείνης ἁλός· ἐκ δʼ ἄρα τοίγε < 1.987. νῆα Χυτοῦ λιμένος προτέρω ἐξήλασαν ὅρμον· < 1.988. ἥδε δʼ Ἰησονίη πέφαται ὁδός, ἥνπερ ἔβησαν. < 1.989. Γηγενέες δʼ ἑτέρωθεν ἀπʼ οὔρεος ἀίξαντες < 1.990. φράξαν ἀπειρεσίοιο Χυτοῦ στόμα νειόθι πέτρῃς < 1.991. πόντιον, οἷά τε θῆρα λοχώμενοι ἔνδον ἐόντα. < 1.992. ἀλλὰ γὰρ αὖθι λέλειπτο σὺν ἀνδράσιν ὁπλοτέροισιν < 1.993. Ἡρακλέης, ὃς δή σφι παλίντονον αἶψα τανύσσας < 1.994. τόξον ἐπασσυτέρους πέλασε χθονί· τοὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.995. πέτρας ἀμφιρρῶγας ἀερτάζοντες ἔβαλλον. < 1.996. δὴ γάρ που κἀκεῖνα θεὰ τρέφεν αἰνὰ πέλωρα < 1.997. Ἥρη, Ζηνὸς ἄκοιτις, ἀέθλιον Ἡρακλῆι. < 1.998. σὺν δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι δῆθεν ὑπότροποι ἀντιόωντες, < 1.999. πρίν περ ἀνελθέμεναι σκοπιήν, ἥπτοντο φόνοιο < 1.1000. γηγενέων ἥρωες ἀρήιοι, ἠμὲν ὀιστοῖς < 1.1001. ἠδὲ καὶ ἐγχείῃσι δεδεγμένοι, εἰσόκε πάντας < 1.1002. ἀντιβίην ἀσπερχὲς ὀρινομένους ἐδάιξαν. < 1.1003. ὡς δʼ ὅτε δούρατα μακρὰ νέον πελέκεσσι τυπέντα < 1.1004. ὑλοτόμοι στοιχηδὸν ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι βάλωσιν, < 1.1005. ὄφρα νοτισθέντα κρατεροὺς ἀνεχοίατο γόμφους· < 1.1006. ὧς οἱ ἐνὶ ξυνοχῇ λιμένος πολιοῖο τέταντο < 1.1007. ἑξείης, ἄλλοι μὲν ἐς ἁλμυρὸν ἀθρόοι ὕδωρ < 1.1008. δύπτοντες κεφαλὰς καὶ στήθεα, γυῖα δʼ ὕπερθεν < 1.1009. χέρσῳ τεινάμενοι· τοὶ δʼ ἔμπαλιν, αἰγιαλοῖο < 1.1010. κράατα μὲν ψαμάθοισι, πόδας δʼ εἰς βένθος ἔρειδον, < 1.1011. ἄμφω ἅμʼ οἰωνοῖσι καὶ ἰχθύσι κύρμα γενέσθαι. < 1.1012. ἥρωες δʼ, ὅτε δή σφιν ἀταρβὴς ἔπλετʼ ἄεθλος, < 1.1013. δὴ τότε πείσματα νηὸς ἐπὶ πνοιῇς ἀνέμοιο < 1.1014. λυσάμενοι προτέρωσε διὲξ ἁλὸς οἶδμα νέοντο. < 1.1015. ἡ δʼ ἔθεεν λαίφεσσι πανήμερος· οὐ μὲν ἰούσης < 1.1016. νυκτὸς ἔτι ῥιπὴ μένεν ἔμπεδον, ἀλλὰ θύελλαι < 1.1017. ἀντίαι ἁρπάγδην ὀπίσω φέρον, ὄφρʼ ἐπέλασσαν < 1.1018. αὖτις ἐυξείνοισι Δολίοσιν ἐκ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔβησαν < 1.1019. αὐτονυχί· ἱερὴ δὲ φατίζεται ἥδʼ ἔτι πέτρη, < 1.1020. ᾗ πέρι πείσματα νηὸς ἐπεσσύμενοι ἐβάλοντο. < 1.1021. οὐδέ τις αὐτὴν νῆσον ἐπιφραδέως ἐνόησεν < 1.1022. ἔμμεναι· οὐδʼ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ Δολίονες ἂψ ἀνιόντας < 1.1023. ἥρωας νημερτὲς ἐπήισαν· ἀλλά που ἀνδρῶν < 1.1024. Μακριέων εἴσαντο Πελασγικὸν ἄρεα κέλσαι. < 1.1025. τῶ καὶ τεύχεα δύντες ἐπὶ σφίσι χεῖρας ἄειραν. < 1.1026. σὺν δʼ ἔλασαν μελίας τε καὶ ἀσπίδας ἀλλήλοισιν < 1.1027. ὀξείῃ ἴκελοι ῥιπῇ πυρός, ἥ τʼ ἐνὶ θάμνοις < 1.1028. αὐαλέοισι πεσοῦσα κορύσσεται· ἐν δὲ κυδοιμὸς < 1.1029. δεινός τε ζαμενής τε Δολιονίῳ πέσε δήμῳ. < 1.1030. οὐδʼ ὅγε δηιοτῆτος ὑπὲρ μόρον αὖτις ἔμελλεν < 1.1031. οἴκαδε νυμφιδίους θαλάμους καὶ λέκτρον ἱκέσθαι. < 1.1032. ἀλλά μιν Λἰσονίδης τετραμμένον ἰθὺς ἑοῖο < 1.1033. πλῆξεν ἐπαΐξας στῆθος μέσον, ἀμφὶ δὲ δουρὶ < 1.1034. ὀστέον ἐρραίσθη· ὁ δʼ ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἐλυσθεὶς < 1.1035. μοῖραν ἀνέπλησεν. τὴν γὰρ θέμις οὔποτʼ ἀλύξαι < 1.1036. θνητοῖσιν· πάντῃ δὲ περὶ μέγα πέπταται ἕρκος. < 1.1037. ὧς τὸν ὀιόμενόν που ἀδευκέος ἔκτοθεν ἄτης < 1.1038. εἶναι ἀριστήων αὐτῇ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ πέδησεν < 1.1039. μαρνάμενον κείνοισι· πολεῖς δʼ ἐπαρηγόνες ἄλλοι < 1.1040. ἔκταθεν· Ἡρακλέης μὲν ἐνήρατο Τηλεκλῆα < 1.1041. ἠδὲ Μεγαβρόντην· Σφόδριν δʼ ἐνάριξεν Ἄκαστος· < 1.1042. Πηλεὺς δὲ Ζέλυν εἷλεν ἀρηίθοόν τε Γέφυρον. < 1.1043. αὐτὰρ ἐυμμελίης Τελαμὼν Βασιλῆα κατέκτα. < 1.1044. Ἴδας δʼ αὖ Προμέα, Κλυτίος δʼ Ὑάκινθον ἔπεφνεν, < 1.1045. Τυνδαρίδαι δʼ ἄμφω Μεγαλοσσάκεα Φλογίον τε. < 1.1046. Οἰνεΐδης δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἕλεν θρασὺν Ἰτυμονῆα < 1.1047. ἠδὲ καὶ Ἀρτακέα, πρόμον ἀνδρῶν· οὓς ἔτι πάντας < 1.1048. ἐνναέται τιμαῖς ἡρωίσι κυδαίνουσιν. < 1.1049. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι εἴξαντες ὑπέτρεσαν, ἠύτε κίρκους < 1.1050. ὠκυπέτας ἀγεληδὸν ὑποτρέσσωσι πέλειαι. < 1.1051. ἐς δὲ πύλας ὁμάδῳ πέσον ἀθρόοι· αἶψα δʼ ἀυτῆς < 1.1052. πλῆτο πόλις στονόεντος ὑποτροπίῃ πολέμοιο. < 1.1053. ἠῶθεν δʼ ὀλοὴν καὶ ἀμήχανον εἰσενόησαν < 1.1054. ἀμπλακίην ἄμφω· στυγερὸν δʼ ἄχος εἷλεν ἰδόντας < 1.1055. ἥρωας Μινύας Αἰνήιον υἷα πάροιθεν < 1.1056. Κύζικον ἐν κονίῃσι καὶ αἵματι πεπτηῶτα. < 1.1057. ἤματα δὲ τρία πάντα γόων, τίλλοντό τε χαίτας < 1.1058. αὐτοὶ ὁμῶς λαοί τε Δολίονες. αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα < 1.1059. τρὶς περὶ χαλκείοις σὺν τεύχεσι δινηθέντες < 1.1060. τύμβῳ ἐνεκτερέιξαν, ἐπειρήσαντό τʼ ἀέθλων, < 1.1061. ἣ θέμις, ἂμ πεδίον λειμώνιον, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ < 1.1062. ἀγκέχυται τόδε σῆμα καὶ ὀψιγόνοισιν ἰδέσθαι. < 1.1063. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ ἄλοχος Κλείτη φθιμένοιο λέλειπτο < 1.1064. οὗ πόσιος μετόπισθε· κακῷ δʼ ἐπὶ κύντερον ἄλλο < 1.1065. ἤνυσεν, ἁψαμένη βρόχον αὐχένι. τὴν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ < 1.1066. νύμφαι ἀποφθιμένην ἀλσηίδες ὠδύραντο· < 1.1067. καί οἱ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ὅσα δάκρυα χεῦαν ἔραζε, < 1.1068. πάντα τάγε κρήνην τεῦξαν θεαί, ἣν καλέουσιν < 1.1069. Κλείτην, δυστήνοιο περικλεὲς οὔνομα νύμφης. < 1.1070. αἰνότατον δὴ κεῖνο Δολιονίῃσι γυναιξὶν < 1.1071. ἀνδράσι τʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἦμαρ ἐπήλυθεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν < 1.1072. ἔτλη τις πάσσασθαι ἐδητύος, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ δηρὸν < 1.1073. ἐξ ἀχέων ἔργοιο μυληφάτου ἐμνώοντο· < 1.1074. ἀλλʼ αὔτως ἄφλεκτα διαζώεσκον ἔδοντες. < 1.1075. ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν, εὖτʼ ἄν σφιν ἐτήσια χύτλα χέωνται < 1.1076. Κύζικον ἐνναίοντες Ἰάονες, ἔμπεδον αἰεὶ < 1.1077. πανδήμοιο μύλης πελάνους ἐπαλετρεύουσιν. < 1.1078. ἐκ δὲ τόθεν τρηχεῖαι ἀνηέρθησαν ἄελλαι < 1.1079. ἤμαθʼ ὁμοῦ νύκτας τε δυώδεκα, τοὺς δὲ καταῦθι < 1.1080. ναυτίλλεσθαι ἔρυκον. ἐπιπλομένῃ δʼ ἐνὶ νυκτὶ < 1.1081. ὧλλοι μέν ῥα πάρος δεδμημένοι εὐνάζοντο < 1.1082. ὕπνῳ ἀριστῆες πύματον λάχος· αὐτὰρ Ἄκαστος < 1.1083. Μόψος τʼ Ἀμπυκίδης ἀδινὰ κνώσσοντας ἔρυντο. < 1.1084. ἡ δʼ ἄρʼ ὑπὲρ ξανθοῖο καρήατος Αἰσονίδαο < 1.1085. πωτᾶτʼ ἀλκυονὶς λιγυρῇ ὀπὶ θεσπίζουσα < 1.1086. λῆξιν ὀρινομένων ἀνέμων· συνέηκε δὲ Μόψος < 1.1087. ἀκταίης ὄρνιθος ἐναίσιμον ὄσσαν ἀκούσας. < 1.1088. καὶ τὴν μὲν θεὸς αὖτις ἀπέτραπεν, ἷζε δʼ ὕπερθεν < 1.1089. νηίου ἀφλάστοιο μετήορος ἀίξασα. < 1.1090. τὸν δʼ ὅγε κεκλιμένον μαλακοῖς ἐνὶ κώεσιν οἰῶν. < 1.1091. κινήσας ἀνέγειρε παρασχεδόν, ὧδέ τʼ ἔειπεν· < 1.1092. ‘Αἰσονίδη, χρειώ σε τόδʼ ἱερὸν εἰσανιόντα < 1.1093. Δινδύμου ὀκριόεντος ἐύθρονον ἱλάξασθαι < 1.1094. μητέρα συμπάντων μακάρων· λήξουσι δʼ ἄελλαι < 1.1095. ζαχρηεῖς· τοίην γὰρ ἐγὼ νέον ὄσσαν ἄκουσα < 1.1096. ἀλκυόνος ἁλίης, ἥ τε κνώσσοντος ὕπερθεν < 1.1097. σεῖο πέριξ τὰ ἕκαστα πιφαυσκομένη πεπότηται. < 1.1098. ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ἄνεμοί τε θάλασσά τε νειόθι τε χθὼν < 1.1099. πᾶσα πεπείρανται νιφόεν θʼ ἕδος Οὐλύμποιο· < 1.1100. καί οἱ, ὅτʼ ἐξ ὀρέων μέγαν οὐρανὸν εἰσαναβαίνῃ, < 1.1101. Ζεὺς αὐτὸς Κρονίδης ὑποχάζεται. ὧς δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι < 1.1102. ἀθάνατοι μάκαρες δεινὴν θεὸν ἀμφιέπουσιν.’ < 1.1103. ὧς φάτο· τῷ δʼ ἀσπαστὸν ἔπος γένετʼ εἰσαΐοντι. < 1.1104. ὤρνυτο δʼ ἐξ εὐνῆς κεχαρημένος· ὦρσε δʼ ἑταίρους < 1.1105. πάντας ἐπισπέρχων, καί τέ σφισιν ἐγρομένοισιν < 1.1106. Ἀμπυκίδεω Μόψοιο θεοπροπίας ἀγόρευεν. < 1.1107. αἶψα δὲ κουρότεροι μὲν ἀπὸ σταθμῶν ἐλάσαντες < 1.1108. ἔνθεν ἐς αἰπεινὴν ἄναγον βόας οὔρεος ἄκρην. < 1.1109. οἱ δʼ ἄρα λυσάμενοι Ἱερῆς ἐκ πείσματα πέτρης < 1.1110. ἤρεσαν ἐς λιμένα Θρηίκιον· ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ < 1.1111. βαῖνον, παυροτέρους ἑτάρων ἐν νηὶ λιπόντες. < 1.1112. τοῖσι δὲ Μακριάδες σκοπιαὶ καὶ πᾶσα περαίη < 1.1113. Θρηικίης ἐνὶ χερσὶν ἑαῖς προυφαίνετʼ ἰδέσθαι· < 1.1114. φαίνετο δʼ ἠερόεν στόμα Βοσπόρου ἠδὲ κολῶναι < 1.1115. Μυσίαι· ἐκ δʼ ἑτέρης ποταμοῦ ῥόος Αἰσήποιο < 1.1116. ἄστυ τε καὶ πεδίον Νηπήιον Ἀδρηστείης. < 1.1117. ἔσκε δέ τι στιβαρὸν στύπος ἀμπέλου ἔντροφον ὕλῃ, < 1.1118. πρόχνυ γεράνδρυον· τὸ μὲν ἔκταμον, ὄφρα πέλοιτο < 1.1119. δαίμονος οὐρείης ἱερὸν βρέτας· ἔξεσε δʼ Ἄργος < 1.1120. εὐκόσμως, καὶ δή μιν ἐπʼ ὀκριόεντι κολωνῷ < 1.1121. ἵδρυσαν φηγοῖσιν ἐπηρεφὲς ἀκροτάτῃσιν, < 1.1122. αἵ ῥά τε πασάων πανυπέρταται ἐρρίζωνται. < 1.1123. βωμὸν δʼ αὖ χέραδος παρενήνεον· ἀμφὶ δὲ φύλλοις < 1.1124. στεψάμενοι δρυΐνοισι θυηπολίης ἐμέλοντο < 1.1125. μητέρα Δινδυμίην πολυπότνιαν ἀγκαλέοντες, < 1.1126. ἐνναέτιν Φρυγίης, Τιτίην θʼ ἅμα Κύλληνόν τε, < 1.1127. οἳ μοῦνοι πολέων μοιρηγέται ἠδὲ πάρεδροι < 1.1128. μητέρος Ἰδαίης κεκλήαται, ὅσσοι ἔασιν < 1.1129. δάκτυλοι Ἰδαῖοι Κρηταιέες, οὕς ποτε νύμφη < 1.1130. Ἀγχιάλη Δικταῖον ἀνὰ σπέος ἀμφοτέρῃσιν < 1.1131. δραξαμένη γαίης Οἰαξίδος ἐβλάστησεν. < 1.1132. πολλὰ δὲ τήνγε λιτῇσιν ἀποστρέψαι ἐριώλας < 1.1133. Λἰσονίδης γουνάζετʼ ἐπιλλείβων ἱεροῖσιν < 1.1134. αἰθομένοις· ἄμυδις δὲ νέοι Ὀρφῆος ἀνωγῇ < 1.1135. σκαίροντες βηταρμὸν ἐνόπλιον ὠρχήσαντο, < 1.1136. καὶ σάκεα ξιφέεσσιν ἐπέκτυπον, ὥς κεν ἰωὴ < 1.1137. δύσφημος πλάζοιτο διʼ ἠέρος, ἣν ἔτι λαοὶ < 1.1138. κηδείῃ βασιλῆος ἀνέστενον. ἔνθεν ἐσαιεὶ < 1.1139. ῥόμβῳ καὶ τυπάνῳ Ῥείην Φρύγες ἱλάσκονται. < 1.1140. ἡ δέ που εὐαγέεσσιν ἐπὶ φρένα θῆκε θυηλαῖς < 1.1141. ἀνταίη δαίμων· τὰ δʼ ἐοικότα σήματʼ ἔγεντο. < 1.1142. δένδρεα μὲν καρπὸν χέον ἄσπετον, ἀμφὶ δὲ ποσσὶν < 1.1143. αὐτομάτη φύε γαῖα τερείνης ἄνθεα ποίης. < 1.1144. θῆρες δʼ εἰλυούς τε κατὰ ξυλόχους τε λιπόντες < 1.1145. οὐρῇσιν σαίνοντες ἐπήλυθον. ἡ δὲ καὶ ἄλλο < 1.1146. θῆκε τέρας· ἐπεὶ οὔτι παροίτερον ὕδατι νᾶεν < 1.1147. Δίνδυμον· ἀλλά σφιν τότʼ ἀνέβραχε διψάδος αὔτως < 1.1148. ἐκ κορυφῆς ἄλληκτον· Ἰησονίην δʼ ἐνέπουσιν < 1.1149. κεῖνο ποτὸν κρήνην περιναιέται ἄνδρες ὀπίσσω. < 1.1150. καὶ τότε μὲν δαῖτʼ ἀμφὶ θεᾶς θέσαν οὔρεσιν Ἄρκτων, < 1.1151. μέλποντες Ῥείην πολυπότνιαν· αὐτὰρ ἐς ἠὼ < 1.1152. ληξάντων ἀνέμων νῆσον λίπον εἰρεσίῃσιν. < 3.404. δώσω τοι χρύσειον ἄγειν δέρος, αἴ κʼ ἐθέλῃσθα, < 3.405. πειρηθείς. ἐσθλοῖς γὰρ ἐπʼ ἀνδράσιν οὔτι μεγαίρω, < 3.406. ὡς αὐτοὶ μυθεῖσθε τὸν Ἑλλάδι κοιρανέοντα. < 3.407. πεῖρα δέ τοι μένεός τε καὶ ἀλκῆς ἔσσετʼ ἄεθλος, < 3.427. ‘Αἰήτη, μάλα τοί με δίκῃ περιπολλὸν ἐέργεις. < 3.428. τῶ καὶ ἐγὼ τὸν ἄεθλον ὑπερφίαλόν περ ἐόντα < 3.429. τλήσομαι, εἰ καί μοι θανέειν μόρος. οὐ γὰρ ἔτʼ ἄλλο < 4.176. τόσσον ἔην πάντῃ χρύσεον ἐφύπερθεν ἄωτον. < 4.279. οἳ δή τοι γραπτῦς πατέρων ἕθεν εἰρύονται, < 4.280. κύρβιας, οἷς ἔνι πᾶσαι ὁδοὶ καὶ πείρατʼ ἔασιν < 4.281. ὑγρῆς τε τραφερῆς τε πέριξ ἐπινισσομένοισιν. < 4.477. ἥρως δʼ Αἰσονίδης ἐξάργματα τάμνε θανόντος, < 4.478. τρὶς δʼ ἀπέλειξε φόνου, τρὶς δʼ ἐξ ἄγος ἔπτυσʼ ὀδόντων, < 4.700. τῶ καὶ ὀπιζομένη Ζηνὸς θέμιν Ἱκεσίοιο, < 4.701. ὃς μέγα μὲν κοτέει, μέγα δʼ ἀνδροφόνοισιν ἀρήγει, < 4.702. ῥέζε θυηπολίην, οἵῃ τʼ ἀπολυμαίνονται < 4.703. νηλειεῖς ἱκέται, ὅτʼ ἐφέστιοι ἀντιόωσιν. < 4.704. πρῶτα μὲν ἀτρέπτοιο λυτήριον ἥγε φόνοιο < 4.705. τειναμένη καθύπερθε συὸς τέκος, ἧς ἔτι μαζοὶ < 4.706. πλήμμυρον λοχίης ἐκ νηδύος, αἵματι χεῖρας < 4.707. τέγγεν, ἐπιτμήγουσα δέρην· αὖτις δὲ καὶ ἄλλοις < 4.708. μείλισσεν χύτλοισι, καθάρσιον ἀγκαλέουσα < 4.709. Ζῆνα, παλαμναίων τιμήορον ἱκεσιάων. < 4.710. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀθρόα πάντα δόμων ἐκ λύματʼ ἔνεικαν < 4.711. νηιάδες πρόπολοι, ταί οἱ πόρσυνον ἕκαστα. < 4.712. ἡ δʼ εἴσω πελάνους μείλικτρά τε νηφαλίῃσιν < 4.713. καῖεν ἐπʼ εὐχωλῇσι παρέστιος, ὄφρα χόλοιο < 4.714. σμερδαλέας παύσειεν Ἐρινύας, ἠδὲ καὶ αὐτὸς < 4.715. εὐμειδής τε πέλοιτο καὶ ἤπιος ἀμφοτέροισιν, < 4.716. εἴτʼ οὖν ὀθνείῳ μεμιασμένοι αἵματι χεῖρας, < 4.717. εἴτε καὶ ἐμφύλῳ προσκηδέες ἀντιόωσιν. < 4.1477. τυτθὸν ἁλὸς προπάροιθεν. ἀτὰρ τότε γʼ Ἡρακλῆα < 4.1478. μοῦνον ἀπειρεσίης τηλοῦ χθονὸς εἴσατο Λυγκεὺς < 4.1479. τὼς ἰδέειν, ὥς τίς τε νέῳ ἐνὶ ἤματι μήνην < 4.1480. ἢ ἴδεν, ἢ ἐδόκησεν ἐπαχλύουσαν ἰδέσθαι. < 4.1743. ἀλλά με Νηρῆος παρακάτθεο παρθενικῇσιν < 4.1744. ἂμ πέλαγος ναίειν Ἀνάφης σχεδόν· εἶμι δʼ ἐς αὐγὰς < 4.1745. ἠελίου μετόπισθε, τεοῖς νεπόδεσσιν ἑτοίμη.’ < 4.1749. ‘ὦ πέπον, ἦ μέγα δή δε καὶ ἀγλαὸν ἔμμορε κῦδος. < 4.1750. βώλακα γὰρ τεύξουσι θεοὶ πόντονδε βαλόντι < 4.1751. νῆσον, ἵνʼ ὁπλότεροι παίδων δέθεν ἐννάσσονται < 4.1752. παῖδες· ἐπεὶ Τρίτων ξεινήιον ἐγγυάλιξεν < 4.1753. τήνδε τοι ἠπείροιο Λιβυστίδος. οὔ νύ τις ἄλλος < 4.1754. ἀθανάτων, ἢ κεῖνος, ὅ μιν πόρεν ἀντιβολήσας.’ < 4.1757. ἧκεν ὑποβρυχίην. τῆς δʼ ἔκτοθι νῆσος ἀέρθη < 4.1758. καλλίστη, παίδων ἱερὴ τροφὸς Εὐφήμοιο, < 4.1759. οἳ πρὶν μέν ποτε δὴ Σιντηίδα Λῆμνον ἔναιον, < 4.1760. Λήμνου τʼ ἐξελαθέντες ὑπʼ ἀνδράσι Τυρσηνοῖσιν < 4.1761. Σπάρτην εἰσαφίκανον ἐφέστιοι· ἐκ δὲ λιπόντας < 4.1762. Σπάρτην Αὐτεσίωνος ἐὺς πάις ἤγαγε Θήρας < 4.1763. καλλίστην ἐπὶ νῆσον, ἀμείψατο δʼ οὔνομα Θήρης < 4.1764. ἐξ ἕθεν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν μετόπιν γένετʼ Εὐφήμοιο. < | 1.23. First then let us name Orpheus whom once Calliope bare, it is said, wedded to Thracian Oiagrus, near the Pimpleian height. Men say that he by the music of his songs charmed the stubborn rocks upon the mountains and the course of rivers. And the wild oak-trees to this day, tokens of that magic strain, that grow at Zone on the Thracian shore, stand in ordered ranks close together, the same which under the charm of his lyre he led down from Pieria. Such then was Orpheus whom Aeson's son welcomed to share his toils, in obedience to the behest of Cheiron, Orpheus ruler of Bistonian Pieria. 1.35. Straightway came Asterion, whom Cometes begat by the waters of eddying Apidanus; he dwelt at Peiresiae near the Phylleian mount, where mighty Apidanus and bright Enipeus join their streams, coming together from afar. 1.40. Next to them from Larisa came Polyphemus, son of Eilatus, who aforetime among the mighty Lapithae, when they were arming themselves against the Centaurs, fought in his younger days; now his limbs were grown heavy with age, but his martial spirit still remained, even as of old. 1.45. Nor was Iphiclus long left behind in Phylace, the uncle of Aeson's son; for Aeson had wedded his sister Alcimede, daughter of Phylacus: his kinship with her bade him be numbered in the host. 1.49. Nor did Admetus, the lord of Pherae rich in sheep, stay behind beneath the peak of the Chalcodonian mount. 1.51. Nor at Alope stayed the sons of Hermes, rich in corn-land, well skilled in craftiness, Erytus and Echion, and with them on their departure their kinsman Aethalides went as the third; him near the streams of Amphrysus Eupolemeia bare, the daughter of Myrmidon, from Phthia; the two others were sprung from Antianeira, daughter of Menetes. 1.57. From rich Gyrton came Coronus, son of Caeneus, brave, but not braver than his father. For bards relate that Caeneus though still living perished at the hands of the Centaurs, when apart from other chiefs he routed them; and they, rallying against him, could neither bend nor slay him; but unconquered and unflinching he passed beneath the earth, overwhelmed by the downrush of massy pines. 1.65. There came too Titaresian Mopsus, whom above all men the son of Leto taught the augury of birds; and Eurydamas the son of Ctimenus; he dwelt at Dolopian Ctimene near the Xynian lake. 1.69. Moreover Actor sent his son Menoetius from Opus that he might accompany the chiefs. 1.71. Eurytion followed and strong Eribotes, one the son of Teleon, the other of Irus, Actor's son; the son of Teleon renowned Eribotes, and of Irus Eurytion. A third with them was Oileus, peerless in courage and well skilled to attack the flying foe, when they break their ranks. 1.77. Now from Euboea came Canthus eager for the quest, whom Canethus son of Abas sent; but he was not destined to return to Cerinthus. For fate had ordained that he and Mopsus, skilled in the seer's art, should wander and perish in the furthest ends of Libya. For no ill is too remote for mortals to incur, seeing that they buried them in Libya, as far from the Colchians as is the space that is seen between the setting and the rising of the sun. 1.86. To him Clytius and Iphitus joined themselves, the warders of Oichalia, sons of Eurytus the ruthless, Eurytus, to whom the Far-shooting god gave his bow; but he had no joy of the gift; for of his own choice he strove even with the giver. 1.90. After them came the sons of Aeacus, not both together, nor from the same spot; for they settled far from Aigina in exile, when in their folly they had slain their brother Phocus. Telamon dwelt in the Attic island; but Peleus departed and made his home in Phthia. 1.95. After them from Cecropia came warlike Butes, son of brave Teleon, and Phalerus of the ashen spear. Alcon his father sent him forth; yet no other sons had he to care for his old age and livelihood. But him, his well-beloved and only son, he sent forth that amid bold heroes he might shine conspicuous. But Theseus, who surpassed all the sons of Erechtheus, an unseen bond kept beneath the land of Taenarus, for he had followed that path with Peirithous; assuredly both would have lightened for all the fulfilment of their toil. 1.105. Tiphys, son of Hagnias, left the Siphaean people of the Thespians, well skilled to foretell the rising wave on the broad sea, and well skilled to infer from sun and star the stormy winds and the time for sailing. Tritonian Athena herself urged him to join the band of chiefs, and he came among them a welcome comrade. She herself too fashioned the swift ship; and with her Argus, son of Arestor, wrought it by her counsels. Wherefore it proved the most excellent of all ships that have made trial of the sea with oars. 1.115. After them came Phlias from Araethyrea, where he dwelt in affluence by the favour of his father Dionysus, in his home by the springs of Asopus. 1.118. From Argos came Talaus and Areius, sons of Bias, and mighty Leodocus, all of whom Pero daughter of Neleus bare; on her account the Aeolid Melampus endured sore affliction in the steading of Iphiclus. 1.122. Nor do we learn that Heracles of the mighty heart disregarded the eager summons of Aeson's son. But when he heard a report of the heroes' gathering and had reached Lyrceian Argos from Arcadia by the road along which he carried the boar alive that fed in the thickets of Lampeia, near the vast Erymanthian swamp, the boar bound with chains he put down from his huge shoulders at the entrance to the market-place of Mycenae; and himself of his own will set out against the purpose of Eurystheus; and with him went Hylas, a brave comrade, in the flower of youth, to bear his arrows and to guard his bow. 1.133. Next to him came a scion of the race of divine Danaus, Nauplius. He was the son of Clytonaeus son of Naubolus; Naubolus was son of Lernus; Lernus we know was the son of Proetus son of Nauplius; and once Amymone daughter of Danaus, wedded to Poseidon, bare Nauplius, who surpassed all men in naval skill. 1.139. Idmon came last of all them that dwelt at Argos, for though he had learnt his own fate by augury, he came, that the people might not grudge him fair renown. He was not in truth the son of Abas, but Leto's son himself begat him to be numbered among the illustrious Aeolids; and himself taught him the art of prophecy — to pay heed to birds and to observe the signs of the burning sacrifice. 1.146. Moreover Aitolian Leda sent from Sparta strong Polydeuces and Castor, skilled to guide swift-footed steeds; these her dearly-loved sons she bare at one birth in the house of Tyndareus; nor did she forbid their departure; for she had thoughts worthy of the bride of Zeus. 1.151. The sons of Aphareus, Lynceus and proud Idas, came from Arene, both exulting in their great strength; and Lynceus too excelled in keenest sight, if the report is true that that hero could easily direct his sight even beneath the earth. 1.156. And with them Neleian Periclymenus set out to come, eldest of all the sons of godlike Neleus who were born at Pylos; Poseidon had given him boundless strength and granted him that whatever shape he should crave during the fight, that he should take in the stress of battle. 1.161. Moreover from Arcadia came Amphidamas and Cepheus, who inhabited Tegea and the allotment of Apheidas, two sons of Aldus; and Ancaeus followed them as the third, whom his father Lycurgus sent, the brother older than both. But he was left in the city to care for Aleus now growing old, while he gave his son to join his brothers. Antaeus went clad in the skin of a Maenalian bear, and wielding in his right hand a huge two-edged battleaxe. For his armour his grandsire had hidden in the house's innermost recess, to see if he might by some means still stay his departure. 1.172. There came also Augeias, whom fame declared to be the son of Helios; he reigned over the Eleans, glorying in his wealth; and greatly he desired to behold the Colchian land and Aeetes himself the ruler of the Colchians. 1.176. Asterius and Amphion, sons of Hyperasius, came from Achaean Pellene, which once Pelles their grandsire founded on the brows of Aegialus. 1.179. After them from Taenarus came Euphemus whom, most swift-footed of men, Europe, daughter of mighty Tityos, bare to Poseidon. He was wont to skim the swell of the grey sea, and wetted not his swift feet, but just dipping the tips of his toes was borne on the watery path. 1.185. Yea, and two other sons of Poseidon came; one Erginus, who left the citadel of glorious Miletus, the other proud Ancaeus, who left Parthenia, the seat of Imbrasian Hera; both boasted their skill in seacraft and in war. 1.190. After them from Calydon came the son of Oineus, strong Meleagrus, and Laocoon — Laocoon the brother of Oineus, though not by the same mother, for a serving-woman bare him; him, now growing old, Oineus sent to guard his son: thus Meleagrus, still a youth, entered the bold band of heroes. No other had come superior to him, I ween, except Heracles, if for one year more he had tarried and been nurtured among the Aitolians. Yea, and his uncle, well skilled to fight whether with the javelin or hand to hand, Iphiclus son of Thestius, bare him company on his way. 1.202. With him came Palaemonius, son of Olenian Lernus, of Lernus by repute, but his birth was from Hephaestus; and so he was crippled in his feet, but his bodily frame and his valour no one would dare to scorn. Wherefore he was numbered among all the chiefs, winning fame for Jason. 1.207. From the Phocians came Iphitus sprung from Naubolus son of Ornytus; once he had been his host when Jason went to Pytho to ask for a response concerning his voyage; for there he welcomed him in his own hails. 1.221. Next came Zetes and Calais, sons of Boreas, whom once Oreithyia, daughter of Erechtheus, bare to Boreas on the verge of wintry Thrace; thither it was that Thracian Boreas snatched her away from Cecropia as she was whirling in the dance, hard by Ilissus' stream. And, carrying her far off, to the spot that men called the rock of Sarpedon, near the river Erginus, he wrapped her in dark clouds and forced her to his will. There they were making their dusky wings quiver upon their ankles on both sides as they rose, a great wonder to behold, wings that gleamed with golden scales: and round their backs from the top of the head and neck, hither and thither, their dark tresses were being shaken by the wind. 1.224. No, nor had Acastus son of mighty Pelias himself any will to stay behind in the palace of his brave sire, nor Argus, helper of the goddess Athena; but they too were ready to be numbered in the host. 1.228. So many then were the helpers who assembled to join the son of Aeson. All the chiefs the dwellers thereabout called Minyae, for the most and the bravest avowed that they were sprung from the blood of the daughters of Minyas; thus Jason himself was the son of Alcimede who was born of Clymene the daughter of Minyas. 1.653. Now the Lemnian women fared through the city and sat down to the assembly, for Hypsipyle herself had so bidden. And when they were all gathered together in one great throng straightway she spake among them with stirring words: "O friends, come let us grant these men gifts to their hearts' desire, such as it is fitting that they should take on ship-board, food and sweet wine, in order that they may steadfastly remain outside our towers, and may not, passing among us for need's sake, get to know us all too well, and so an evil report be widely spread; for we have wrought a terrible deed and in nowise will it be to their liking, should they learn it. Such is our counsel now, but if any of you can devise a better plan let her rise, for it was on this account that I summoned you hither." 1.936. There is a lofty island inside the Propontis, a short distance from the Phrygian mainland with its rich cornfields, sloping to the sea, where an isthmus in front of the mainland is flooded by the waves, so low does it lie. And the isthmus has double shores, and they lie beyond the river Aesepus, and the inhabitants round about call the island the Mount of Bears. And insolent and fierce men dwell there, Earthborn, a great marvel to the neighbours to behold; for each one has six mighty hands to lift up, two from his sturdy shoulders, and four below, fitting close to his terrible sides. And about the isthmus and the plain the Doliones had their dwelling, and over them the son of Aeneus was king, whom Aenete the daughter of goodly Eusorus bare. But these men the Earthborn monsters, fearful though they were, in nowise harried, owing to the protection of Poseidon; for from him had the Doliones first sprung. Thither Argo pressed on, driven by the winds of Thrace, and the Fair haven received her as she sped. There they cast away their small anchor-stone by the advice of Tiphys and left it beneath a fountain, the fountain of Artacie; and they took another meet for their purpose, a heavy one; but the first, according to the oracle of the Far-Darter, the sons of Neleus, Ionians in after days, laid to be a sacred stone, as was right, in the sanctuary of Jasonian Athena. 1.961. Now the Doliones and Cyzicus himself all came together to meet them with friendliness, and when they knew of the quest and their lineage welcomed them with hospitality, and persuaded them to row further and to fasten their ship's hawsers at the city harbour. Here they built an altar to Ecbasian Apollo and set it up on the beach, and gave heed to sacrifices. And the king of his own bounty gave them sweet wine and sheep in their need; for he had heard a report that whenever a godlike band of heroes should come, straightway he should meet it with gentle words and should have no thought of war. As with Jason, the soft down was just blooming on his chin, nor yet had it been his lot to rejoice in children, but still in his palace his wife was untouched by the pangs of child-birth, the daughter of Percosian Merops, fair-haired Cleite, whom lately by priceless gifts he had brought from her father's home from the mainland opposite. But even so he left his chamber and bridal bed and prepared a banquet among the strangers, casting all fears from his heart. And they questioned one another in turn. of them would he learn the end of their voyage and the injunctions of Pelias; while they enquired about the cities of the people round and all the gulf of the wide Propontis; but further he could not tell them for all their desire to learn. In the morning they climbed mighty Dindymum that they might themselves behold the various paths of that sea; and they brought their ship from its former anchorage to the harbour, Chytus; and the path they trod is named the path of Jason. 1.989. But the Earthborn men on the other side rushed down from the mountain and with crags below blocked up the mouth of vast Chytus towards the sea, like men lying in wait for a wild beast within. But there Heracles had been left behind with the younger heroes and he quickly bent his back-springing bow against the monsters and brought them to earth one after another; and they in their turn raised huge ragged rocks and hurled them. For these dread monsters too, I ween, the goddess Hera, bride of Zeus, had nurtured to be a trial for Heracles. And therewithal came the rest of the martial heroes returning to meet the foe before they reached the height of outlook, and they fell to the slaughter of the Earthborn, receiving them with arrows and spears until they slew them all as they rushed fiercely to battle. And as when woodcutters cast in rows upon the beach long trees just hewn down by their axes, in order that, once sodden with brine, they may receive the strong bolts; so these monsters at the entrance of the foam-fringed harbour lay stretched one after another, some in heaps bending their heads and breasts into the salt waves with their limbs spread out above on the land; others again were resting their heads on the sand of the shore and their feet in the deep water, both alike a prey to birds and fishes at once. 1.1012. But the heroes, when the contest was ended without fear, loosed the ship's hawsers to the breath of the wind and pressed on through the sea-swell. And the ship sped on under sail all day; but when night came the rushing wind did not hold steadfast, but contrary blasts caught them and held them back till they again approached the hospitable Doliones. And they stepped ashore that same night; and the rock is still called the Sacred Rock round which they threw the ship's hawsers in their haste. Nor did anyone note with care that it was the same island; nor in the night did the Doliones clearly perceive that the heroes were returning; but they deemed that Pelasgian war-men of the Macrians had landed. Therefore they donned their armour and raised their hands against them. And with clashing of ashen spears and shields they fell on each other, like the swift rush of fire which falls on dry brushwood and rears its crest; and the din of battle, terrible and furious, fell upon the people of the Doliones. Nor was the king to escape his fate and return home from battle to his bridal chamber and bed. But Aeson's son leapt upon him as he turned to face him, and smote him in the middle of the breast, and the bone was shattered round the spear; he rolled forward in the sand and filled up the measure of his fate. For that no mortal may escape; but on every side a wide snare encompasses us. And so, when he thought that he had escaped bitter death from the chiefs, fate entangled him that very night in her toils while battling with them; and many champions withal were slain; Heracles killed Telecles and Megabrontes, and Acastus slew Sphodris; and Peleus slew Zelus and Gephyrus swift in war. Telamon of the strong spear slew Basileus. And Idas slew Promeus, and Clytius Hyacinthus, and the two sons of Tyndareus slew Megalossaces and Phlogius. And after them the son of Oineus slew bold Itomeneus, and Artaceus, leader of men; all of whom the inhabitants still honour with the worship due to heroes. And the rest gave way and fled in terror just as doves fly in terror before swift-winged hawks. And with a din they rustled in a body to the gates; and quickly the city was filled with loud cries at the turning of the dolorous fight. But at dawn both sides perceived the fatal and cureless error; and bitter grief seized the Minyan heroes when they saw before them son of Aeneus fallen in the midst of dust and blood. And for three whole days they lamented and rent their hair, they and the Doliones. Then three times round his tomb they paced in armour of bronze and performed funeral rites and celebrated games, as was meet, upon the meadow-plain, where even now rises the mound of his grave to be seen by men of a later day. No, nor was his bride Cleite left behind her dead husband, but to crown the ill she wrought an ill yet more awful, when she clasped a noose round her neck. Her death even the nymphs of the grove bewailed; and of all the tears for her that they shed to earth from their eyes the goddesses made a fountain, which they call Cleite, the illustrious name of the hapless maid. Most terrible came that day from Zeus upon the Doliones, women and men; for no one of them dared even to taste food, nor for a long time by reason of grief did they take thought for the toil of the cornmill, but they dragged on their lives eating their food as it was, untouched by fire. Here even now, when the Ionians that dwell in Cyzicus pour their yearly libations for the dead, they ever grind the meal for the sacrificial cakes at the common mill. 1.1079. After this, fierce tempests arose for twelve days and nights together and kept them there from sailing. But in the next night the rest of the chieftains, overcome by sleep, were resting during the latest period of the night, while Acastus and Mopsus the son of Ampycus kept guard over their deep slumbers. And above the golden head of Aeson's son there hovered a halcyon prophesying with shrill voice the ceasing of the stormy winds; and Mopsus heard and understood the cry of the bird of the shore, fraught with good omen. And some god made it turn aside, and flying aloft it settled upon the stern-ornament of the ship. And the seer touched Jason as he lay wrapped in soft sheepskins and woke him at once, and thus spake: "Son of Aeson, thou must climb to this temple on rugged Dindymum and propitiate the mother of all the blessed gods on her fair throne, and the stormy blasts shall cease. For such was the voice I heard but now from the halcyon, bird of the sea, which, as it flew above thee in thy slumber, told me all. For by her power the winds and the sea and all the earth below and the snowy seat of Olympus are complete; and to her, when from the mountains she ascends the mighty heaven, Zeus himself, the son of Cronos, gives place. In like manner the rest of the immortal blessed ones reverence the dread goddess." 1.1103. Thus he spake, and his words were welcome to Jason's ear. And he arose from his bed with joy and woke all his comrades hurriedly and told them the prophecy of Mopsus the son of Ampycus. And quickly the younger men drove oxen from their stalls and began to lead them to the mountain's lofty summit. And they loosed the hawsers from the sacred rock and rowed to the Thracian harbour; and the heroes climbed the mountain, leaving a few of their comrades in the ship. And to them the Macrian heights and all the coast of Thrace opposite appeared to view close at hand. And there appeared the misty mouth of Bosporus and the Mysian hills; and on the other side the stream of the river Aesepus and the city and Nepeian plain of Adrasteia. Now there was a sturdy stump of vine that grew in the forest, a tree exceeding old; this they cut down, to be the sacred image of the mountain goddess; and Argus smoothed it skilfully, and they set it upon that rugged hill beneath a canopy of lofty oaks, which of all trees have their roots deepest. And near it they heaped an altar of small stones, and wreathed their brows with oak leaves and paid heed to sacrifice, invoking the mother of Dindymum, most venerable, dweller in Phrygia, and Titias and Cyllenus, who alone of many are called dispensers of doom and assessors of the Idaean mother, — the Idaean Dactyls of Crete, whom once the nymph Anchiale, as she grasped with both hands the land of Oaxus, bare in the Dictaean cave. And with many prayers did Aeson's son beseech the goddess to turn aside the stormy blasts as he poured libations on the blazing sacrifice; and at the same time by command of Orpheus the youths trod a measure dancing in full armour, and clashed with their swords on their shields, so that the ill-omened cry might be lost in the air the wail which the people were still sending up in grief for their king. Hence from that time forward the Phrygians propitiate Rhea with the wheel and the drum. And the gracious goddess, I ween, inclined her heart to pious sacrifices; and favourable signs appeared. The trees shed abundant fruit, and round their feet the earth of its own accord put forth flowers from the tender grass. And the beasts of the wild wood left their lairs and thickets and came up fawning on them with their tails. And she caused yet another marvel; for hitherto there was no flow of water on Dindymum, but then for them an unceasing stream gushed forth from the thirsty peak just as it was, and the dwellers around in after times called that stream, the spring of Jason. And then they made a feast in honour of the goddess on the Mount of Bears, singing the praises of Rhea most venerable; but at dawn the winds had ceased and they rowed away from the island. |
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| 145. Sosibius, Fragments, f20 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59 |
| 146. Cato, Marcus Porcius, Origines, fr. 76 cornell, f2.22 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti, Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries (2018) 51 |
| 147. Alcaeus, Epigrams, f34 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59 |
| 148. Phylarchus of Athens, Fragments, f44, 81 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 213 |
| 149. Ennius, Annales, fr. 472 sk. (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Giusti, Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries (2018) 57 |
| 150. Ephorus Iunior, Fragments, 149 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 285 |
151. Cicero, Republic, 2.13, 2.34-2.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75, 76| 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.34. Sed hoc loco primum videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Fuisse enim quendam ferunt Demaratum Corinthium et honore et auctoritate et fortunis facile civitatis suae principem; qui cum Corinthiorum tyrannum Cypselum ferre non potuisset, fugisse cum magna pecunia dicitur ac se contulisse Tarquinios, in urbem Etruriae florentissimam. Cumque audiret dominationem Cypseli confirmari, defugit patriam vir liber ac fortis et adscitus est civis a Tarquiniensibus atque in ea civitate domicilium et sedes collocavit. Ubi cum de matre familias Tarquiniensi duo filios procreavisset, omnibus eos artibus ad Graecorum disciplinam eru diit | 2.13. When the Sabines, thus provoked, made war on the Romans, and the fortunes of the conflict were various and its issue doubtful, Romulus made a treaty with Titus Tatius, the Sabine king, the stolen women themselves petitioning that this be done. By this treaty he not only added the Sabines to the body of Roman citizens, giving them participation in the religious rites of the State, but also made their king a partner in his royal power. ** 2.34. Still it was at this time that the commonwealth appeals first to have become familiar with an alien system of education. For it was indeed no little rivulet that flowed from Greece into our city, but a mighty river of culture and learning. For we are told that a certain Demaratus of Corinth, easily pre-eminent in his own city in rank, influence, and wealth, fled with his great riches, not being able to endure the tyranny of Cypselus at Corinth, and came to Tarquinii, the most prosperous city of Etruria. And when he heard that the despotism of Cypselus was firmly established, this bold lover of liberty became a permanent exile from his country, and, being received as a citizen at Tarquinii, made his home there. When his Tarquinian wife had borne him two sons, he educated them in all the arts in accordance with the Greek system . . . |
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152. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.34-2.41, 12.6-12.18, 12.20-12.23, 14.16-14.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 179; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 304, 305 | 2.34. But they said, "We will not come out, nor will we do what the king commands and so profane the sabbath day." 2.35. Then the enemy hastened to attack them. 2.36. But they did not answer them or hurl a stone at them or block up their hiding places, 2.37. for they said, "Let us all die in our innocence; heaven and earth testify for us that you are killing us unjustly." 2.38. So they attacked them on the sabbath, and they died, with their wives and children and cattle, to the number of a thousand persons. 2.39. When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 41 So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 42 Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 43 And all who became fugitives to escape their troubles joined them and reinforced them. 44 They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety. 45 And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 46 they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel. 47 They hunted down the arrogant men, and the work prospered in their hands. 48 They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand. 49 Now the days drew near for Mattathias to die, and he said to his sons: "Arrogance and reproach have now become strong; it is a time of ruin and furious anger. 2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41. So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 12.6. "Jonathan the high priest, the senate of the nation, the priests, and the rest of the Jewish people to their brethren the Spartans, greeting. 12.7. Already in time past a letter was sent to Onias the high priest from Arius, who was king among you, stating that you are our brethren, as the appended copy shows. 12.8. Onias welcomed the envoy with honor, and received the letter, which contained a clear declaration of alliance and friendship. 12.9. Therefore, though we have no need of these things, since we have as encouragement the holy books which are in our hands, 12.10. we have undertaken to send to renew our brotherhood and friendship with you, so that we may not become estranged from you, for considerable time has passed since you sent your letter to us. 11 We therefore remember you constantly on every occasion, both in our feasts and on other appropriate days, at the sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brethren. 12 And we rejoice in your glory. 13 But as for ourselves, many afflictions and many wars have encircled us; the kings round about us have waged war against us. 14 We were unwilling to annoy you and our other allies and friends with these wars, 15 for we have the help which comes from Heaven for our aid; and we were delivered from our enemies and our enemies were humbled. 16 We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them. 17 We have commanded them to go also to you and greet you and deliver to you this letter from us concerning the renewal of our brotherhood. 18 And now please send us a reply to this." 19 This is a copy of the letter which they sent to Onias: 12.10. we have undertaken to send to renew our brotherhood and friendship with you, so that we may not become estranged from you, for considerable time has passed since you sent your letter to us. 12.11. We therefore remember you constantly on every occasion, both in our feasts and on other appropriate days, at the sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brethren. 12.12. And we rejoice in your glory. 12.13. But as for ourselves, many afflictions and many wars have encircled us; the kings round about us have waged war against us. 12.14. We were unwilling to annoy you and our other allies and friends with these wars, 12.15. for we have the help which comes from Heaven for our aid; and we were delivered from our enemies and our enemies were humbled. 12.16. We therefore have chosen Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent them to Rome to renew our former friendship and alliance with them. 12.17. We have commanded them to go also to you and greet you and deliver to you this letter from us concerning the renewal of our brotherhood. 12.18. And now please send us a reply to this." 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 21 It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 22 And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 23 we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." 24 Now Jonathan heard that the commanders of Demetrius had returned, with a larger force than before, to wage war against him. 25 So he marched away from Jerusalem and met them in the region of Hamath, for he gave them no opportunity to invade his own country. 26 He sent spies to their camp, and they returned and reported to him that the enemy were being drawn up in formation to fall upon the Jews by night. 27 So when the sun set, Jonathan commanded his men to be alert and to keep their arms at hand so as to be ready all night for battle, and he stationed outposts around the camp. 28 When the enemy heard that Jonathan and his men were prepared for battle, they were afraid and were terrified at heart; so they kindled fires in their camp and withdrew. 29 But Jonathan and his men did not know it until morning, for they saw the fires burning. 12.20. "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22. And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23. we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly." 14.16. It was heard in Rome, and as far away as Sparta, that Jonathan had died, and they were deeply grieved. 14.17. When they heard that Simon his brother had become high priest in his place, and that he was ruling over the country and the cities in it, 14.18. they wrote to him on bronze tablets to renew with him the friendship and alliance which they had established with Judas and Jonathan his brothers. 14.19. And these were read before the assembly in Jerusalem. 14.20. This is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent: "The rulers and the city of the Spartans to Simon the high priest and to the elders and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people, our brethren, greeting. 21 The envoys who were sent to our people have told us about your glory and honor, and we rejoiced at their coming. 22 And what they said we have recorded in our public decrees, as follows, `Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, envoys of the Jews, have come to us to renew their friendship with us. 23 It has pleased our people to receive these men with honor and to put a copy of their words in the public archives, so that the people of the Spartans may have a record of them. And they have sent a copy of this to Simon the high priest.'" 24 After this Simon sent Numenius to Rome with a large gold shield weighing a thousand minas, to confirm the alliance with the Romans. 25 When the people heard these things they said, "How shall we thank Simon and his sons? 26 For he and his brothers and the house of his father have stood firm; they have fought and repulsed Israel's enemies and established its freedom." 27 So they made a record on bronze tablets and put it upon pillars on Mount Zion. This is a copy of what they wrote: "On the eighteenth day of Elul, in the one hundred and seventy-second year, which is the third year of Simon the great high priest, 28 in Asaramel, in the great assembly of the priests and the people and the rulers of the nation and the elders of the country, the following was proclaimed to us: 29 "Since wars often occurred in the country, Simon the son of Mattathias, a priest of the sons of Joarib, and his brothers, exposed themselves to danger and resisted the enemies of their nation, in order that their sanctuary and the law might be perserved; and they brought great glory to their nation. 14.20. This is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent: "The rulers and the city of the Spartans to Simon the high priest and to the elders and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people, our brethren, greeting. 14.21. The envoys who were sent to our people have told us about your glory and honor, and we rejoiced at their coming. 14.22. And what they said we have recorded in our public decrees, as follows, `Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, envoys of the Jews, have come to us to renew their friendship with us. 14.23. It has pleased our people to receive these men with honor and to put a copy of their words in the public archives, so that the people of the Spartans may have a record of them. And they have sent a copy of this to Simon the high priest." |
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153. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 5.6-5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 304 | 5.6. But Jason kept relentlessly slaughtering his fellow citizens, not realizing that success at the cost of one's kindred is the greatest misfortune, but imagining that he was setting up trophies of victory over enemies and not over fellow countrymen.' 5.7. He did not gain control of the government, however; and in the end got only disgrace from his conspiracy, and fled again into the country of the Ammonites.' 5.8. Finally he met a miserable end. Accused before Aretas the ruler of the Arabs, fleeing from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as a rebel against the laws, and abhorred as the executioner of his country and his fellow citizens, he was cast ashore in Egypt;' 5.9. and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.' 5.10. He who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers." 5.10. He who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers. 11 When news of what had happened reached the king, he took it to mean that Judea was in revolt. So, raging inwardly, he left Egypt and took the city by storm. 12 And he commanded his soldiers to cut down relentlessly every one they met and to slay those who went into the houses. 13 Then there was killing of young and old, destruction of boys, women, and children, and slaughter of virgins and infants. 14 Within the total of three days eighty thousand were destroyed, forty thousand in hand-to-hand fighting; and as many were sold into slavery as were slain. 15 Not content with this, Antiochus dared to enter the most holy temple in all the world, guided by Menelaus, who had become a traitor both to the laws and to his country. 16 He took the holy vessels with his polluted hands, and swept away with profane hands the votive offerings which other kings had made to enhance the glory and honor of the place. 17 Antiochus was elated in spirit, and did not perceive that the Lord was angered for a little while because of the sins of those who dwelt in the city, and that therefore he was disregarding the holy place. 18 But if it had not happened that they were involved in many sins, this man would have been scourged and turned back from his rash act as soon as he came forward, just as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the king sent to inspect the treasury. 19 But the Lord did not choose the nation for the sake of the holy place, but the place for the sake of the nation. |
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| 154. Cicero, Letters, #374, #359 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58 |
| 155. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, f120 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59 |
| 156. Polybius, Histories, 6.11a.7, 34.14.2, 34.14.3, 34.14.4, 34.14.5, 34.14.6, 34.14.7, 34.14.8, 34.14.1, 29.7.7, 27.13.1, 5.107.3, 5.35.10, 5.107.1, 5.107.2, 10.29.5, 31.25.6, 31.25.7, 31.25.4, 31.25.5, 7.1, 35.3, 35.2, 35.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 76 |
| 157. Cicero, On Laws, 1.2.5-3.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 277 |
158. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 2.14, 2.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 530| 2.14. Dolorem existimo maxumum malorum omnium. Etiamne maius quam dedecus? decus X corr. K 2 R c V c Non audeo id dicere equidem, equidem Ha. quidem (id quidem dicere We. ) et me pudet tam cito de sententia esse deiectum. Magis esset esse X corr. K 2 R c? V c ) pudendum, si in sententia permaneres. quid enim minus est dignum minus est indignum K 1 minus te dignum V (te in r. V c ) quam tibi peius quicquam videri dedecore flagitio turpitudine? quae ut effugias, quis est non modo recusandus, sed non ultro adpetendus app. KV 2? subeundus excipiendus dolor? Ita prorsus existimo. non ultro ... 287,1 existimo Char. GL. I 211,24 (sed sub. et exc. d. est) non om. V 1 add. 2 quare ne sit sane sane om. K summum malum dolor, malum certe est. Videsne igitur, quantum breviter admonitus de doloris terrore deieceris? deiceris V 1 deieceris K sed alt. e del. 2 | |
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| 159. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75 |
160. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.51-1.53, 1.308-1.309, 3.43-3.44, 4.177-4.178 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 306 | 1.51. And he receives all persons of a similar character and disposition, whether they were originally born so, or whether they have become so through any change of conduct, having become better people, and as such entitled to be ranked in a superior class; approving of the one body because they have not defaced their nobility of birth, and of the other because they have thought fit to alter their lives so as to come over to nobleness of conduct. And these last he calls proselytes (proseµlytou 1.52. Accordingly, having given equal rank and honour to all those who come over, and having granted to them the same favours that were bestowed on the native Jews, he recommends those who are ennobled by truth not only to treat them with respect, but even with especial friendship and excessive benevolence. And is not this a reasonable recommendation? What he says is this. "Those men, who have left their country, and their friends, and their relations for the sake of virtue and holiness, ought not to be left destitute of some other cities, and houses, and friends, but there ought to be places of refuge always ready for those who come over to religion; for the most effectual allurement and the most indissoluble bond of affectionate good will is the mutual honouring of the one God." 1.53. Moreover, he also enjoins his people that, after they have given the proselytes an equal share in all their laws, and privileges, and immunities, on their forsaking the pride of their fathers and forefathers, they must not give a license to their jealous language and unbridled tongues, blaspheming those beings whom the other body looks upon as gods, lest the proselytes should be exasperated at such treatment, and in return utter impious language against the true and holy God; for from ignorance of the difference between them, and by reason of their having from their infancy learnt to look upon what was false as if it had been true, and having been bred up with it, they would be likely to err. 1.308. But, nevertheless, though he is so great in excellence and in power, he feels pity and compassion for all those who are most completely sunk in want and distress, not considering it beneath his dignity to be the judge in the causes of proselytes, and orphans, and widows, and disregarding kings and tyrants, and men in high commands, and honouring the humility of those men above mentioned, I mean the proselytes, with precedence, on this account. 1.309. These men, having forsaken their country and their national customs in which they were bred up, which, however, were full of the inventions of falsehood and pride, becoming genuine lovers of truth, have come over to piety; and becoming in all worthiness suppliants and servants of the true and living God, they very properly receive a precedence which they have deserved, having found the reward of their fleeing to God in the assistance which they now receive from him. 3.43. But some persons, imitating the sensual indulgences of the Sybarites and of other nations more licentious still, have in the first place devoted themselves to gluttony and wine-bibbing, and other pleasures affecting the belly and the parts adjacent to the belly, and then when fully sated have behaved with such extraordinary insolence (and it is natural for satiety to produce insolence 3.44. and became very violent in her passion from her despair of being able to gratify it (for love which fails in its object is usually increased in no ordinary degree 4.177. for when Moses, that holy interpreter of the will of God, is raising a hymn in praise of the virtues of the living God in these terms, "God is great and mighty, one who is no respecter of persons, and who does not take gifts to guide him in his Judgment."{40}{#de 10:17.} he adds, in whose case it is that he gives judgment, not in the case of satraps, and tyrants, and men who have the power by land and sea, but he gives judgment respecting the stranger, and the orphan, and the widow. 4.178. In the case of the first, because he has made his own kinsmen, whom alone it was natural for him to have as allies and champions, his irreconcileable enemies, by quitting their camp and taking up his abode with the truth, and with the honour of the one Being who is entitled to honour, abandoning all the fabulous inventions and polytheistic notions which his fathers, and grandfathers, and ancestors, and all his kindred, who cleave to the beautiful settlement which he has forsaken, were wont to honour. In the case of the second, because he is deprived of his father and mother, his natural defenders and protectors, and by consequence of the only power which was bound to show itself as his ally. And lastly, in the case of the woman who is a widow because she has been deprived of her husband, who succeeded her parents as her guardian and protector; for a husband is to his wife in point of relationship what her parents are to a virgin. |
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161. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 267 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 36 | 267. Moreover, the greater part of the irrational animals enjoy excellent health, and are as far as possible entirely exempt from disease. And also in any competition in respect of beauty, some things which are even destitute of vitality, appear to me to surpass the elegance of either men or women ; as, for instance, images, and statues, and pictures, and in a word all the works of either the pictorial or plastic art which arrive at excellence in either branch, and which are the objects of study and desire both to Greeks and barbarians, who erect them in the most conspicuous places for the ornament of their cities. XLVI. |
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| 162. Sallust, Iugurtha, 94, 93 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig, The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture (2022) 186 |
| 163. Nepos, Vitae, 7.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 323 |
164. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 73, 75-76, 74 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 36 | 74. And in the land of the barbarians, in which the same men are authorities both as to words and actions, there are very numerous companies of virtuous and honourable men celebrated. Among the Persians there is the body of the Magi, who, investigating the works of nature for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the truth, do at their leisure become initiated themselves and initiate others in the divine virtues by very clear explanations. And among the Indians there is the class of the gymnosophists, who, in addition to natural philosophy, take great pains in the study of moral science likewise, and thus make their whole existence a sort of lesson in virtue. XII. |
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165. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 90-97 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 36 | 97. For the eye of the living God does not need any other light to enable him to perceive things, but being himself archetypal light he pours forth innumerable rays, not one of which is capable of being comprehended by the outward sense, but they are all only intelligible to the intellect; in consequence of which God alone uses them who is only comprehensible to the intellect, and nothing that has any portion in creation uses them at all; for that which has been created is perceptible to the outward senses, but that nature which is only perceptible to the intellect cannot be comprehended by the outward sense. XXIX. |
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166. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 128 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 36 | 128. These things, and more still are said in a philosophical spirit about the number seven, on account of which it has received the highest honours, in the highest nature. And it is honoured by those of the highest reputation among both Greeks and barbarians, who devote themselves to mathematical sciences. It was also greatly honoured by Moses, a man much attached to excellence of all sorts, who described its beauty on the most holy pillars of the law, and wrote it in the hearts of all those who were subject to him, commanding them at the end of each period of six days to keep the seventh holy; abstaining from all other works which are done in the seeking after and providing the means of life, devoting that day to the single object of philosophizing with a view to the improvement of their morals, and the examination of their consciences: for conscience being seated in the soul as a judge, is not afraid to reprove men, sometimes employing pretty vehement threats; at other times by milder admonitions, using threats in regard to matters where men appear to be disobedient, of deliberate purpose, and admonitions when their offences seem involuntary, through want of foresight, in order to prevent their hereafter offending in a similar manner. XLIV. |
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167. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.38, 1.3.2, 1.4.9, 2.3.7, 2.5.24, 2.5.33, 3.4.5, 3.4.8, 3.4.19, 5.2.2, 5.3.12, 5.4.12, 6.1.5, 6.2.2, 6.3.1-6.3.2, 6.3.8, 7.3.7, 7.5.1, 7.7.1, 7.7.5, 7.7.11, 8.1.1, 8.3.22, 8.3.31-8.3.33, 8.6.6, 8.6.8, 9.1.10, 9.2.3, 9.2.13, 10.3.9, 10.3.12-10.3.14, 10.3.19-10.3.20, 10.4.16-10.4.17, 10.4.20-10.4.21, 11.14.9, 12.3.11, 12.5.3, 12.8.4, 13.1.1, 13.1.13, 14.2.16, 14.5.25, 15.3.23, 16.2.38, 17.2.1, 17.3.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 528; Finkelberg, Homer and Early Greek Epic: Collected Essays (2019) 303; Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 285; Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 28, 76; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 145, 475; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 25, 32, 184, 313, 327, 336, 342; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 85, 160, 188, 199, 269 | 1.3.2. However, this is not all we have to say against him. of many places he tells us that nothing is known, when in fact they have every one been accurately described. Then he warns us to be very cautious in believing what we are told on such matters, and endeavours by long and tedious arguments to show the value of his advice; swallowing at the same time the most ridiculous absurdities himself concerning the Euxine and Adriatic. Thus he believed the Gulf of Issos to be the most easterly point of the Mediterranean, though Dioscurias, which is nearly at the bottom of the Pontus Euxinus, is, according to his own calculations, farther east by a distance of 3000 stadia. In describing the northern and farther parts of the Adriatic he cannot refrain from similar romancing, and gives credit to many strange narrations concerning what lies beyond the Pillars of Hercules, informing us of an Isle of Kerne there, and other places now nowhere to be found, which we shall speak of presently. Having remarked that the ancients, whether out on piratical excursions, or for the purposes of commerce, never ventured into the high seas, but crept along the coast, and instancing Jason, who leaving his vessels at Colchis penetrated into Armenia and Media on foot, he proceeds to tell us that formerly no one dared to navigate either the Euxine or the seas by Libya, Syria, and Cilicia. If by formerly he means periods so long past that we possess no record of them, it is of little consequence to us whether they navigated those seas or not, but if [he speaks] of times of which we know any thing, and if we are to place any trust in the accounts which have come down to us, every one will admit that the ancients appear to have made longer journeys both by sea and land than their successors; witness Bacchus, Hercules, nay Jason himself, and again Ulysses and Menelaus, of whom Homer tells us. It seems most probable that Theseus and Pirithous are indebted to some long voyages for the credit they afterwards obtained of having visited the infernal regions; and in like manner the Dioscuri gained the appellation of guardians of the sea, and the deliverers of sailors. The sovereignty of the seas exercised by Minos, and the navigation carried on by the Phoenicians, is well known. A little after the period of the Trojan war they had penetrated beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and founded cities as well there as to the midst of the African coast. Is it not correct to number amongst the ancients Aeneas, Antenor, the Heneti, and all the crowd of warriors, who, after the destruction of Troy, wandered over the face of the whole earth? For at the conclusion of the war both the Greeks and Barbarians found themselves deprived, the one of their livelihood at home, the other of the fruits of their expedition; so that when Troy was overthrown, the victors, and still more the vanquished, who had survived the conflict, were compelled by want to a life of piracy; and we learn that they became the founders of many cities along the sea-coast beyond Greece, besides several inland settlements. 1.4.9. At the close of the book Eratosthenes blames the system of those who would divide all mankind into Greeks and Barbarians, and likewise those who recommended Alexander to treat the Greeks as friends, but the Barbarians as enemies. He suggests, as a better course, to distinguish them according to their virtues and their vices, since amongst the Greeks there are many worthless characters, and many highly civilized are to be found amongst the Barbarians; witness the Indians and Ariani, or still better the Romans and Carthaginians, whose political system is so beautifully perfect. Alexander, considering this, disregarded the advice which had been offered him, and patronized without distinction any man he considered to be deserving. But we would inquire whether those men who thus divided the human race, abandoning one portion to contempt, and exalting to dignity the other, were not actuated to this because they found that on one side justice, knowledge, and the force of reason reigned supreme, but their contraries on the other. Alexander did not disregard the advice tendered him, but gladly embraced and followed it, respecting the wisdom of those who gave it; and so far from taking the opposite course, he closely pursued that which they pointed out. 2.3.7. Next he undertakes to find fault with those who gave to the continents their present division, instead of marking them out by lines drawn parallel to the equator, by which means the different animals, plants, and temperatures would have been distinguished, according as they approached the frigid or the torrid zones; so that each continent would have formed a kind of zone. Afterwards, however, he overturns and gives up altogether this view, bestowing every commendation on the existing system, and thus making his argument altogether worthless and of no avail. In fact, the various arrangements [of a country] are not the result of premeditation, any more than the diversities of nations or languages; they all depend on circumstances and chance. Arts, forms of government, and modes of life, arising from certain [internal] springs, flourish under whatever climate they may be situated; climate, however, has its influence, and therefore while some peculiarites are due to the nature of the country, others are the result of institutions and education. It is not owing to the nature of the country, but rather to their education, that the Athenians cultivate eloquence, while the Lacedemonians do not; nor yet the Thebans, who are nearer still. Neither are the Babylonians and Egyptians philosophers by nature, but by reason of their institutions and education. In like manner the excellence of horses, oxen, and other animals, results not alone from the places where they dwell, but also, from their breeding. Posidonius confounds all these distinctions. In praising the division of the continents as it now stands, he advances as an argument the difference between the Indians and the Ethiopians of Libya, the former being more robust, and less dried by the heat of the climate. It is on this account that Homer, who includes them all under the title of Ethiopians, describes them as being separated into two divisions, These eastward situate, those toward the west. [Od. i, 23. [Crates], to support his hypothesis, supposes another inhabited earth, of which Homer certainly knew nothing; and says that the passage ought to be read thus, towards the descending sun, viz. when having passed the meridian, it begins to decline. 2.5.24. Such and so great is the extent of the Aegean Sea towards the north. Again, starting from Rhodes, the [Mediterranean] forms the seas of Egypt, Pamphylia, and Issus, extending in an easterly direction from Cilicia to Issus, a distance of 5000 stadia, along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia, and the whole of Cilicia. From thence Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt surround the sea to the south and west as far as Alexandria. The Island of Cyprus is situated in the Gulfs of Issos and Pamphylia, close to the Sea of Egypt. The passage between Rhodes and Alexandria from north [to south] is about 4000 stadia; sailing round the coasts it is double this distance. Eratosthenes informs us that, although the above is the distance according to some mariners, others avow distinctly that it amounts to 5000 stadia; while he himself, from observations of the shadows indicated by the gnomon, calculates it at 3750. That part of the Mediterranean Sea which washes the coasts of Cilicia and Pamphylia together with the right side of the Euxine, the Propontis, and the sea-coast beyond this as far as Pamphylia, form a kind of extensive Chersonesus, the isthmus of which is also large, and reaches from the sea near Tarsus to the city of Amisus, and thence to Themiscyra, the plain of the Amazons. In fact the whole region within this line as far as Caria and Ionia, and the nations dwelling on this side the Halys, is entirely surrounded by the Aegean and the aforementioned parts of the Mediterranean and Euxine Seas. This is what we call Asia properly, although the whole continent bears the same name. 2.5.33. After Asia comes Libya, which adjoins Egypt and Ethiopia. The coast next us, from Alexandria almost to the Pillars, is in a straight line, with the exception of the Syrtes, the sinuosities of some moderately sized bays, and the projection of the promontories by which they are formed. The side next the ocean from Ethiopia up to a certain point is almost parallel to the former; but after this the southern portions become narrowed into a sharp peak, extending a little beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and giving to the country something the figure of a trapezium. Its appearance, both by the accounts of other writers, and also the description given to ourselves by Cnaeus Piso, who was governor of this province, is that of a panther's skin, being dotted over with habitations surrounded by parched and desert land: these habitations the Egyptians call Auases. This continent offers besides several other peculiarities, which may be said to divide it into three distinct portions. Most of the coast next us is very fertile, more especially about the Cyrenaic and the parts about Carthage, as far as Maurusia and the Pillars of Hercules. Next the ocean it is likewise tolerably fitted for the habitation of man; but not so the centre of the country, which produces silphium; this for the most part is barren, rugged, and sandy; and the same is the case with regard to the whole of Asia lying under the same right line which traverses Ethiopia, the Troglodytic, Arabia, and the part of Gedrosia occupied by the Ichthyophagi. The people inhabiting Libya are for the most part unknown to us, as it has rarely been entered, either by armies or adventurers. But few of its inhabitants from the farther parts come amongst us, and their accounts are both incomplete and not to be relied on. The sum of what they say is as follows. Those which are most southern are called Ethiopians. North of these the principal nations are the Garamantes, the Pharusians, and the Nigritae. Still farther north are the Gaetuli. Close to the sea, and adjoining it next Egypt, and as far as the Cyrenaic, dwell the Marmaridae. Above the Cyrenaic and the Syrtes are the Psylli and Nasamones, and certain of the Gaetuli; and after them the Asbystae and Byzacii, as far as Carthage. Carthage is vast. Adjoining it are the Numidae ;of these people the tribes best known to us are called the Masylies and the Masuaesylii. The most westerly are the Maurusians. The whole land, from Carthage to the Pillars of Hercules, is fertile. Nevertheless it abounds in wild beasts no less than the interior; and it does not seem improbable that the cause why the name of Nomades, or Wanderers, was bestowed on certain of these people originated in their not being able anciently to devote themselves to husbandry on account of the wild beasts. At the present day, when they are well skilled in hunting, and are besides assisted by the Romans in their rage for the spectacle of fights with beasts, they are both masters of the beasts and of husbandry. This finishes what we have to say on the continents. 3.4.5. The settlement of the Grecians amongst these barbarous nations may be regarded as the result of the division of these latter into small tribes and sovereignties, having on account of their moroseness no union amongst themselves, and therefore powerless against attacks from without. This moroseness is remarkably prevalent amongst the Iberians, who are besides crafty in their manner, devoid of sincerity, insidious, and predatory in their mode of life; they are bold in little adventures, but never undertake any thing of magnitude, inasmuch as they have never formed any extended power or confederacy. If they had had but the will to assist each other, neither could the Carthaginians by making an incursion have so easily deprived them of the greater part of their country, nor before them the Tyrians, then the Kelts, now called the Keltiberians and Berones, nor after these the brigand Viriathus, and Sertorius, nor any others who desired power. On this account the Romans, having carried the war into Iberia, lost much time by reason of the number of different sovereignties, having to conquer first one, then another; in fact, it occupied nearly two centuries, or even longer, before they had subdued the whole. — I return to my description. 3.4.8. The whole coast from the Pillars up to this place wants harbours, but all the way from here to Emporium, the countries of the Leetani, the Lartolaeetae, and others, are both furnished with excellent harbours and fertile. Emporium was founded by the people of Marseilles, and is about 4000 stadia distant from the Pyrenees, and the confines of Iberia and Keltica. This is a very fine region, and possesses good ports. Here also is Rhode, a small town of the Emporitae, but some say it was founded by the Rhodians. Both here and in Emporium they reverence the Ephesian Diana. The cause of this we will explain when we come to speak of Massalia. in former times the Emporitae dwelt on a small island opposite, now called the old city, but at the present day they inhabit the mainland. The city is double, being divided by a wall, for in past times some of the Indiceti dwelt close by, who, although they had a separate polity to themselves, desired, for the sake of safety, to be shut in by a common enclosure with the Greeks; but at the same time that this enclosure should be two-fold, being divided through its middle by a wall. In time, however, they came to have but one government, a mixture of Barbarian and Greek laws; a result which has taken place in many other [states]. 3.4.19. Some, as I have said, state that this country is separated into four divisions; others, into five. It is not easy to state any thing precisely on these points, both on account of the changes which the places have undergone, and by reason of their obscurity. In well-known and notable countries both the migrations are known, and the divisions of the land, and the changes of their names, and every thing else of the same kind. Such matters being the common topics with everybody, and especially with the Greeks, who are more talkative than any other people. But in barbarous and out-of-the-way countries, and such as are cut up into small divisions, and lie scattered, the remembrance of such occurrences is not nearly so certain, nor yet so full. If these countries are far removed from the Greeks [our] ignorance is increased. For although the Roman historians imitate the Greeks, they fall far short of them. What they relate is taken from the Greeks, very little being the result of their own ardour in acquiring information. So that whenever any thing has been omitted by the former there is not much supplied by the latter. Add to this, that the names most celebrated are generally Grecian. Formerly the name of Iberia was given to the whole country between the Rhone and the isthmus formed by the two Galatic gulfs; whereas now they make the Pyrenees its boundary, and call it indifferently Iberia or Hispania; others have restricted Iberia to the country on this side the Ebro. Still earlier it bore the name of the Igletes, who inhabited but a small district, according to Asclepiades the Myrlean. The Romans call the whole indifferently Iberia and Hispania, but designate one portion of it Ulterior, and the other Citerior. However, at different periods they have divided it differently, according to its political aspect at various times. 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 5.3.12. But within-side the chain of mountains, [where these cities are situated, ] there is another ridge, leaving a valley between it and Mount Algidus; it is lofty, and extends as far as Mount Albanus. It is on this ridge that Tusculum is situated, a city which is not wanting in adornment, being entirely surrounded by ornamental plantations and edifices, particularly that part of it which looks towards Rome. For on this side Tusculum presents a fertile hill, well irrigated, and with numerous gentle slopes embellished with majestic palaces. Contiguous are the undulating slopes of Mount Albanus, which are equally fertile and ornamented. Beyond are plains which extend some of them to Rome and its environs, others to the sea; these latter are unhealthy, but the others are salubrious and well cultivated. Next after Albanum is the city Aricia, on the Appian Way. It is 160 stadia from Rome. This place is situated in a hollow, and has a strong citadel. Beyond it on one side of the way is Lanuvium, a Roman city on the right of the Via Appia, and from which both the sea and Antium may be viewed. On the other side is the Artemisium, which is called Nemus, on the left side of the way, leading from Aricia to the sanctuary. They say that it is consecrated to Diana Taurica, and certainly the rites performed in this sanctuary are something barbarous and Scythic. They appoint as priest a fugitive who has murdered the preceding priest with his own hand. Apprehensive of an attack upon himself, the priest is always armed with a sword, ready for resistance. The sanctuary is in a grove, and before it is a lake of considerable size. The sanctuary and water are surrounded by abrupt and lofty precipices, so that they seem to be situated in a deep and hollow ravine. The springs by which the lake is filled are visible. One of these is denominated Egeria, after the name of a certain divinity; however, their course on leaving the lake is subterraneous, but they may be observed at some distance, when they rise to the surface of the ground. 5.4.12. Concerning the Samnitae there is another story current to this effect: The Sabini, since they had long been at war with the Ombrici, vowed (just as some of the Greeks do) to dedicate everything that was produced that year; and, on winning the victory, they partly sacrificed and partly dedicated all that was produced; then a dearth ensued, and some one said that they ought to have dedicated the babies too; this they did, and devoted to Mars all the children born that year; and these children, when grown to manhood, they sent away as colonists, and a bull led the way; and when the bull lay down to rest in the land of the Opici (who, as it chanced, were living only in villages), the Sabini ejected them and settled on the spot, and, in accordance with the utterance of their seers, slaughtered the bull as a sacrifice to Mars who had given it for a guide. It is reasonable to suppose therefore that their name Sabelli is a nickname derived from the name of their forefathers, while their name Samnitae (the Greeks say Saunitai) is due to a different cause. Some say, moreover, that a colony of Laconians joined the Samnitae, and that for this reason the Samnitae actually became philhellenes, and that some of them were even called Pitanatae. But it is thought that the Tarantini simply fabricated this, to flatter, and at the same time to win the friendship of, a powerful people on their borders; because, on a time, the Samnitae were wont to send forth an army of as many as eighty thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry. And they say that among the Samnitae there is a law which is indeed honourable and conducive to noble qualities; for they are not permitted to give their daughters in marriage to whom they wish, but every year ten virgins and ten young men, the noblest of each sex, are selected, and, of these, the first choice of the virgins is given to the first choice of the young men, and the second to the second, and so on to the end; but if the young man who wins the meed of honour changes and turns out bad, they disgrace him and take away from him the woman given him. Next after the Samnitae come the Hirpini, and they too are Samnitae; they got their name from the wolf that led the way for their colony (for hirpus is what the Samnitae call the wolf); and their territory adjoins that of those Leucani who live in the interior. So much, then, for the Samnitae. 6.1.5. The next city after Laus belongs to Brettium, and is named Temesa, though the men of today call it Tempsa; it was founded by the Ausones, but later on was settled also by the Aitolians under the leadership of Thoas; but the Aitolians were ejected by the Brettii, and then the Brettii were crushed by Hannibal and by the Romans. Near Temesa, and thickly shaded with wild olive trees, is the hero-sanctuary of Polites, one of the companions of Odysseus, who was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and for that reason became so exceedingly wroth against the country that, in accordance with an oracle, the people of the neighborhood collected tribute for him; and hence, also, the popular saying applied to those who are merciless, that they are beset by the hero of Temesa. But when the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus, the pugilist, so the story goes, entered the lists against Polites, defeated him in the fight and forced him to release the natives from the tribute. People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways), when he says to Temesa, in quest of copper. And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighborhood, although now they have been abandoned. Near Temesa is Terina, which Hannibal destroyed, because he was unable to guard it, at the time when he had taken refuge in Brettium itself. Then comes Consentia, the metropolis of the Brettii; and a little above this city is Pandosia, a strong fortress, near which Alexander the Molossian was killed. He, too, was deceived by the oracle at Dodona, which bade him be on his guard against Acheron and Pandosia; for places which bore these names were pointed out to him in Thesprotia, but he came to his end here in Brettium. Now the fortress has three summits, and the River Acheron flows past it. And there was another oracle that helped to deceive him: Three-hilled Pandosia, much people shalt thou kill one day; for he thought that the oracle clearly meant the destruction of the enemy, not of his own people. It is said that Pandosia was once the capital of the Oinotrian Kings. After Consentia comes Hipponium, which was founded by the Locrians. Later on, the Brettii were in possession of Hipponium, but the Romans took it away from them and changed its name to Vibo Valentia. And because the country round about Hipponium has luxuriant meadows abounding in flowers, people have believed that Kore used to come hither from Sicily to gather flowers; and consequently it has become the custom among the women of Hipponium to gather flowers and to weave them into garlands, so that on festival days it is disgraceful to wear bought garlands. Hipponium has also a naval station, which was built long ago by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes, when he made himself master of the city. Thence one sails to the Harbor of Heracles, which is the point where the headlands of Italy near the Strait begin to turn towards the west. And on this voyage one passes Medma, a city of the same Locrians aforementioned, which has the same name as a great fountain there, and possesses a naval station near by, called Emporium. Near it is also the Metaurus River, and a mooring-place bearing the same name. off this coast lie the islands of the Liparaei, at a distance of two hundred stadia from the Strait. According to some, they are the islands of Aeolus, of whom the Poet makes mention in the Odyssey. They are seven in number and are all within view both from Sicily and from the continent near Medma. But I shall tell about them when I discuss Sicily. After the Metaurus River comes a second Metaurus. Next after this river comes Scyllaion, a lofty rock which forms a peninsula, its isthmus being low and affording access to ships on both sides. This isthmus Anaxilaus, the tyrant of the Rhegini, fortified against the Tyrrheni, building a naval station there, and thus deprived the pirates of their passage through the strait. For Caenys, too, is near by, being two hundred and fifty stadia distant from Medma; it is the last cape, and with the cape on the Sicilian side, Pelorias, forms the narrows of the Strait. Cape Pelorias is one of the three capes that make the island triangular, and it bends towards the summer sunrise, just as Caenys bends towards the west, each one thus turning away from the other in the opposite direction. Now the length of the narrow passage of the Strait from Caenys as far as the Poseidonium, or the Columna Rheginorum, is about six stadia, while the shortest passage across is slightly more; and the distance is one hundred stadia from the Columna to Rhegium, where the Strait begins to widen out, as one proceeds towards the east, towards the outer sea, the sea which is called the Sicilian Sea. 6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. 7.3.7. Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just, because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: they say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Pontus was called Axine, but that he invents certain proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just — people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea Axine if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also Hippemolgi, not also Galactophagi and Abii? In fact, even now there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people Hippemolgi and Galactophagi? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians Hippemolgi, Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi. Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called most just and proud those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk. And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. 7.5.1. The remainder of Europe consists of the country which is between the Ister and the encircling sea, beginning at the recess of the Adriatic and extending as far as the Sacred Mouth of the Ister. In this country are Greece and the tribes of the Macedonians and of the Epeirotes, and all those tribes above them whose countries reach to the Ister and to the seas on either side, both the Adriatic and the Pontic — to the Adriatic, the Illyrian tribes, and to the other sea as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, the Thracian tribes and whatever Scythian or Celtic tribes are intermingled with them. But I must make my beginning at the Ister, speaking of the parts that come next in order after the regions which I have already encompassed in my description. These are the parts that border on Italy, on the Alps, and on the counties of the Germans, Dacians, and Getans. This country also might be divided into two parts, for, in a way, the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains are parallel to the Ister, thus completing what is almost a straight line that reaches from the Adrias as far as the Pontus; and to the north of this line are the parts that are between the Ister and the mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the barbarian country which borders thereon and extends as far as the mountainous country. Now the mountain called Haemus is near the Pontus; it is the largest and highest of all mountains in that part of the world, and cleaves Thrace almost in the center. Polybius says that both seas are visible from the mountain, but this is untrue, for the distance to the Adrias is great and the things that obscure the view are many. On the other hand, almost the whole of Ardia is near the Adrias. But Paeonia is in the middle, and the whole of it too is high country. Paeonia is bounded on either side, first, towards the Thracian parts, by Rhodope, a mountain next in height to the Haemus, and secondly, on the other side, towards the north, by the Illyrian parts, both the country of the Autariatae and that of the Dardanians. So then, let me speak first of the Illyrian parts, which join the Ister and that part of the Alps which lies between Italy and Germany and begins at the lake which is near the country of the Vindelici, Rhaeti, and Toenii. 7.7.1. EpirusThese alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called the left parts of the Pontus, and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaid mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: Pelops brought over peoples from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and Danaus from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus — and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus, Daulis in Phocis by Tereus, Cadmeia by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called Syes. Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names — Cecrops, Godrus, Aiclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acaria and Aitolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes. 7.7.5. Now as for the Epeirotes, there are fourteen tribes of them, according to Theopompus, but of these the Chaones and the Molossi are the most famous, because of the fact that they once ruled over the whole of the Epeirote country — the Chaones earlier and later the Molossi; and the Molossi grew to still greater power, partly because of the kinship of their kings, who belonged to the family of the Aeacidae, and partly because of the fact that the oracle at Dodona was in their country, an oracle both ancient and renowned. Now the Chaones and the Thesproti and, next in order after these, the Cassopaei (these, too, are Thesproti) inhabit the seaboard which extends from the Ceraunian Mountains as far as the Ambracian Gulf, and they have a fertile country. The voyage, if one begins at the country of the Chaones and sails towards the rising sun and towards the Ambracian Gulf and Corinthian Gulf, keeping the Ausonian Sea on the right and Epeirus on the left, is one thousand three hundred stadia, that is, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. In this interval is Panormus, a large harbor at the center of the Ceraunian Mountains, and after these mountains one comes to Onchesmus, another harbor, opposite which lie the western extremities of Corcyraea, and then still another harbor, Cassiope, from which the distance to Brentesium is one thousand seven hundred stadia. And the distance to Taras from another cape, which is farther south than Cassiope and is called Phalacrum, is the same. After Onchesmus comes Poseidium, and also Buthrotum (which is at the mouth of what is called Pelodes Harbor, is situated on a place that forms a peninsula, and has alien settlers consisting of Romans), and the Sybota. The Sybota are small islands situated only a short distance from the mainland and opposite Leucimma, the eastern headland of Corcyraea. And there are still other small islands as one sails along this coast, but they are not worth mentioning. Then comes Cape Cheimerium, and also Glycys Limen, into which the River Acheron empties. The Acheron flows from the Acherusian Lake and receives several rivers as tributaries, so that it sweetens the waters of the gulf. And also the Thyamis flows near by. Cichyrus, the Ephyra of former times, a city of the Thesprotians, lies above this gulf, whereas Phoinike lies above that gulf which is at Buthrotum. Near Cichyrus is Buchetium, a small town of the Cassopaeans, which is only a short distance above the sea; also Elatria, Pandosia, and Batiae, which are in the interior, though their territory reaches down as far as the gulf. Next in order after Glycys Limen come two other harbors — Comarus, the nearer and smaller of the two, which forms an isthmus of sixty stadia with the Ambracian Gulf, and Nicopolis, a city founded by Augustus Caesar, and the other, the more distant and larger and better of the two, which is near the mouth of the gulf and is about twelve stadia distant from Nicopolis. 7.7.11. In ancient times, then, Dodona was under the rule of the Thesprotians; and so was Mount Tomarus, or Tmarus (for it is called both ways), at the base of which the sanctuary is situated. And both the tragic poets and Pindar have called Dodona Thesprotian Dodona. But later on it came under the rule of the Molossi. And it is after the Tomarus, people say, that those whom the poet calls interpreters of Zeus — whom he also calls men with feet unwashen, men who sleep upon the ground — were called tomouroi; and in the Odyssey some so write the words of Amphinomus, when he counsels the wooers not to attack Telemachus until they inquire of Zeus: If the tomouroi of great Zeus approve, I myself shall slay, and I shall bid all the rest to aid, whereas if god averts it, I bid you stop. For it is better, they argue, to write tomouroi than themistes; at any rate, nowhere in the poet are the oracles called themistes, but it is the decrees, statutes, and laws that are so called; and the people have been called tomouroi because tomouroi is a contraction of tomarouroi, the equivalent of tomarophylakes. Now although the more recent critics say tomouroi, yet in Homer one should interpret themistes (and also boulai) in a simpler way, though in a way that is a misuse of the term, as meaning those orders and decrees that are oracular, just as one also interprets themistes as meaning those that are made by law. For example, such is the case in the following: to give ear to the decree of Zeus from the oak-tree of lofty foliage. 8.1.1. Acaria I began my description by going over all the western parts of Europe comprised between the inner and the outer sea; and now that I have encompassed in my survey all the barbarian tribes in Europe as far as the Tanais and also a small part of Greece, Macedonia, I now shall give an account of the remainder of the geography of Greece. This subject was first treated by Homer; and then, after him, by several others, some of whom have written special treatises entitled Harbours, or Coasting Voyages, or General Descriptions of the Earth, or the like; and in these is comprised also the description of Greece. Others have set forth the topography of the continents in separate parts of their general histories, for instance, Ephorus and Polybius. Still others have inserted certain things on this subject in their treatises on physics and mathematics, for instance, Poseidonius and Hipparchus. Now although the statements of the others are easy to pass judgment upon, yet those of Homer require critical inquiry, since he speaks poetically, and not of things as they now are, but of things as they were in antiquity, which for the most part have been obscured by time. Be this as it may, as far as I can I must undertake the inquiry; and I shall begin where I left off. My account ended, on the west and the north, with the tribes of the Epeirotes and of the Illyrians, and, on the east, with those of the Macedonians as far as Byzantium. After the Epeirotes and the Illyrians, then, come the following peoples of the Greeks: the Acarians, the Aitolians, and the Ozolian Locrians; and, next, the Phocians and Boeotians; and opposite these, across the arm of the sea, is the Peloponnesus, which with these encloses the Corinthian Gulf, and not only shapes the gulf but also is shaped by it; and after Macedonia, the Thessalians (extending as far as the Malians) and the countries of the rest of the peoples outside the Isthmus, 3 as also of those inside. 8.3.31. Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oinomaus, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus, too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the sanctuary at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oinomaus and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called Pisa, the equivalent of pistra, that is potistra; and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term city for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the city of Macar; so Euripides in his Ion, there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens; and in his Rhadamanthys, who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city; and Sophocles in his Mysians, The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia. 8.3.33. Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aitolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aitolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms, and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aitolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aitolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aitolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the sanctuary at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals) — Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia. So much for Eleia. 8.6.6. But critics are in dispute in regard to the terms Hellas, Hellenes, and Panhellenes. For Thucydides says that the poet nowhere speaks of barbarians, because the Hellenes had not as yet been designated by a common distinctive name opposed to that of the barbarians. And Apollodorus says that only the Greeks in Thessaly were called Hellenes: and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes. He says, however, that Hesiod and Archilochus already knew that all the Greeks were called, not only Hellenes, but also Panhellenes, for Hesiod, in speaking of the daughters of Proteus, says that the Panhellenes wooed them, and Archilochus says that the woes of the Panhellenes centered upon Thasos. But others oppose this view, saying that the poet also speaks of barbarians, since he speaks of the Carians as men of barbarous speech, and of all the Greeks as Hellenes, the man whose fame is wide throughout Hellas and mid-Agros, and again, If thou wishest to journey throughout Hellas and mid-Agros. 8.6.8. Now one of the rivers that flows through Argeia is the Inachus, but there is another river in Argeia, the Erasinus. The latter has its source in Stymphalus in Arcadia, that is, in the lake there which is called the Stymphalian Lake, which mythology makes the home of the birds that were driven out by the arrows and drums of Heracles; and the birds themselves are called Stymphalides. And they say that the Erasinus sinks beneath the ground and then issues forth in Argeia and waters the plain. The Erasinus is also called the Arsinus. And another river of the same name flows from Arcadia to the coast near Bura; and there is another Erasinus in the territory of Eretria, and still another in Attica near Brauron. And a spring Amymone is also pointed out near Lerne. And Lake Lerne, the scene of the story of the Hydra, lies in Argeia and the Mycenaean territory; and on account of the cleansings that take place in it there arose a proverb, A Lerne of ills. Now writers agree that the county has plenty of water, and that, although the city itself lies in a waterless district, it has an abundance of wells. These wells they ascribe to the daughters of Danaus, believing that they discovered them; and hence the utterance of this verse, The daughters of Danaus rendered Argos, which was waterless, Argos the well watered; but they add that four of the wells not only were designated as sacred but are especially revered, thus introducing the false notion that there is a lack of water where there is an abundance of it. 9.1.10. At the present time the island is held by the Athenians, although in early times there was strife between them and the Megarians for its possession. Some say that it was Peisistratus, others Solon, who inserted in the Catalogue of Ships immediately after the verse, and Aias brought twelve ships from Salamis, the verse, and, bringing them, halted them where the battalions of the Athenians were stationed, and then used the poet as a witness that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the beginning. But the critics do not accept this interpretation, because many of the verses bear witness to the contrary. For why is Aias found in the last place in the ship-camp, not with the Athenians, but with the Thessalians under Protesilaus? Here were the ships of Aias and Protesilaus. And in the Visitation of the troops, Agamemnon found Menestheus the charioteer, son of Peteos, standing still; and about him were the Athenians, masters of the battle-cry. And near by stood Odysseus of many wiles, and about him, at his side, the ranks of the Cephallenians. And back again to Aias and the Salaminians, he came to the Aiantes, and near them, Idomeneus on the other side, not Menestheus. The Athenians, then, are reputed to have cited alleged testimony of this kind from Homer, and the Megarians to have replied with the following parody: Aias brought ships from Salamis, from Polichne, from Aegeirussa, from Nisaea, and from Tripodes; these four are Megarian places, and, of these, Tripodes is called Tripodiscium, near which the present marketplace of the Megarians is situated. 9.2.3. Be that as it may, Boeotia in earlier times was inhabited by barbarians, the Aones and the Temmices, who wandered thither from Sounion, and by the Leleges and the Hyantes. Then the Phoenicians occupied it, I mean the Phoenicians with Cadmus, the man who fortified the Cadmeia and left the dominion to his descendants. Those Phoenicians founded Thebes in addition to the Cadmeia, and preserved their dominion, commanding most of the Boeotians until the expedition of the Epigoni. On this occasion they left Thebes for a short time, but came back again. And, in the same way, when they were ejected by the Thracians and the Pelasgians, they established their government in Thessaly along with the Arnaei for a long time, so that they were all called Boeotians. Then they returned to the homeland, at the time when the Aeolian fleet, near Aulis in Boeotia, was now ready to set sail, I mean the fleet which the sons of Orestes were despatching to Asia. After adding the Orchomenian country to Boeotia (for in earlier times the Orchomenians were not a part of the Boeotian community, nor did Homer enumerate them with the Boeotians, but as a separate people, for he called them Minyae), they, with the Orchomenians, drove out the Pelasgians to Athens (it was after these that a part of the city was named Pelasgicon, though they took up their abode below Hymettus), and the Thracians to Parnassus; and the Hyantes founded a city Hyas in Phocis. 10.3.9. But I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names have been used of one and the same thing, and the theological element contained in their history. Now this is common both to the Greeks and to the barbarians, to perform their sacred rites in connection with the relaxation of a festival, these rites being performed sometimes with religious frenzy, sometimes without it; sometimes with music, sometimes not; and sometimes in secret, sometimes openly. And it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in the first place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human occupations and turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and, secondly, the religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration and to be very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy with which the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the divine, since it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being perceived by our human senses; and, fourthly, music, which includes dancing as well as rhythm and melody, at the same time, by the delight it affords and by its artistic beauty, brings us in touch with the divine, and this for the following reason; for although it has been well said that human beings then act most like the gods when they are doing good to others, yet one might better say, when they are happy; and such happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals, pursuing philosophy, and engaging in music; for, if music is perverted when musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums and in orchestric and scenic performances and the like, we should not lay the blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature of our system of education, since this is based on music. 10.3.12. But as for the Berecyntes, a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the Gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe. The Greeks use the same name Curetes for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story, but regarding them as a different set of Curetes, helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes. 10.3.13. The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out, mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees, he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the Gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity: But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down Bromius, god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian: O thou hiding-bower of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me the triple-crested Corybantes in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, in whom Dionysus takes delight. And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines. 10.3.14. And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaus as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice. 10.3.19. Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers. And the author of Phoronis speaks of the Curetes as flute-players and Phrygians; and others as earth-born and wearing brazen shields. Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, but the Curetes Cretes, and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called Chalcidians; still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called rearers of Zeus, and protectors of Zeus, having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and reared Zeus in his youth were named Curetes; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. 10.3.20. But though the Scepsian, who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides, that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city Hierapytna was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians. 10.4.16. As for their constitution, which is described by Ephorus, it might suffice to tell in a cursory way its most important provisions. The lawgiver, he says, seems to take it for granted that liberty is a state's greatest good, for this alone makes property belong specifically to those who have acquired it, whereas in a condition of slavery everything belongs to the rulers and not to the ruled; but those who have liberty must guard it; now harmony ensues when dissension, which is the result of greed and luxury, is removed; for when all citizens live a self-restrained and simple life there arises neither envy nor arrogance nor hatred towards those who are like them; and this is why the lawgiver commanded the boys to attend the Troops, as they are called, and the full grown men to eat together at the public messes which they call the Andreia, so that the poorer, being fed at public expense, might be on an equality with the well-to-do; and in order that courage, and not cowardice, might prevail, he commanded that from boyhood they should grow up accustomed to arms and toils, so as to scorn heat, cold, marches over rugged and steep roads, and blows received in gymnasiums or regular battles; and that they should practise, not only archery, but also the war-dance, which was invented and made known by the Curetes at first, and later, also, by the man who arranged the dance that was named after him, I mean the Pyrrhic dance, so that not even their sports were without a share in activities that were useful for warfare; and likewise that they should use in their songs the Cretic rhythms, which were very high pitched, and were invented by Thales, to whom they ascribe, not only their Paeans and other local songs, but also many of their institutions; and that they should use military dress and shoes; and that arms should be to them the most valuable of gifts. 10.4.17. It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, The Cretan does not know the sea, is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists. 10.4.20. The following are the most important provisions in the Cretan institutions as stated by Ephorus. In Crete all those who are selected out of the Troop of boys at the same time are forced to marry at the same time, although they do not take the girls whom they have married to their own homes immediately, but as soon as the girls are qualified to manage the affairs of the house. A girl's dower, if she has brothers, is half of the brother's portion. The children must learn, not only their letters, but also the songs prescribed in the laws and certain forms of music. Now those who are still younger are taken to the public messes, the Andreia; and they sit together on the ground as they eat their food, clad in shabby garments, the same both winter and summer, and they also wait on the men as well as on themselves. And those who eat together at the same mess join battle both with one another and with those from different messes. A boy director presides over each mess. But the older boys are taken to the Troops; and the most conspicuous and influential of the boys assemble the Troops, each collecting as many boys as he possibly can; the leader of each Troop is generally the father of the assembler, and he has authority to lead them forth to hunt and to run races, and to punish anyone who is disobedient; and they are fed at public expense; and on certain appointed days Troop contends with Troop, marching rhythmically into battle, to the tune of flute and lyre, as is their custom in actual war; and they actually bear marks of the blows received, some inflicted by the hand, others by iron weapons. 10.4.21. They have a peculiar custom in regard to love affairs, for they win the objects of their love, not by persuasion, but by abduction; the lover tells the friends of the boy three or four days beforehand that he is going to make the abduction; but for the friends to conceal the boy, or not to let him go forth by the appointed road, is indeed a most disgraceful thing, a confession, as it were, that the boy is unworthy to obtain such a lover; and when they meet, if the abductor is the boy's equal or superior in rank or other respects, the friends pursue him and lay hold of him, though only in a very gentle way, thus satisfying the custom; and after that they cheerfully turn the boy over to him to lead away; if, however, the abductor is unworthy, they take the boy away from him. And the pursuit does not end until the boy is taken to the Andreium of his abductor. They regard as a worthy object of love, not the boy who is exceptionally handsome, but the boy who is exceptionally manly and decorous. After giving the boy presents, the abductor takes him away to any place in the country he wishes; and those who were present at the abduction follow after them, and after feasting and hunting with them for two months (for it is not permitted to detain the boy for a longer time), they return to the city. The boy is released after receiving as presents a military habit, an ox, and a drinking-cup (these are the gifts required by law), and other things so numerous and costly that the friends, on account of the number of the expenses, make contributions thereto. Now the boy sacrifices the ox to Zeus and feasts those who returned with him; and then he makes known the facts about his intimacy with his lover, whether, perchance, it has pleased him or not, the law allowing him this privilege in order that, if any force was applied to him at the time of the abduction, he might be able at this feast to avenge himself and be rid of the lover. It is disgraceful for those who are handsome in appearance or descendants of illustrious ancestors to fail to obtain lovers, the presumption being that their character is responsible for such a fate. But the parastathentes (for thus they call those who have been abducted) receive honors; for in both the dances and the races they have the positions of highest honor, and are allowed to dress in better clothes than the rest, that is, in the habit given them by their lovers; and not then only, but even after they have grown to manhood, they wear a distinctive dress, which is intended to make known the fact that each wearer has become kleinos, for they call the loved one kleinos and the lover philetor. So much for their customs in regard to love affairs. 11.14.9. There are gold mines in Syspiritis near Caballa, to which Menon was sent by Alexander with soldiers, and he was led up to them by the natives. There are also other mines, in particular those of sandyx, as it is called, which is also called Armenian color, like chalce The country is so very good for horse-pasturing, not even inferior to Media, that the Nesaean horses, which were used by the Persian kings, are also bred there. The satrap of Armenia used to send to the Persian king twenty thousand foals every year at the time of the Mithracina. Artavasdes, at the time when he invaded Media with Antony, showed him, apart from the rest of the cavalry, six thousand horses drawn up in battle array in full armour. Not only the Medes and the Armenians pride themselves upon this kind of cavalry, but also the Albanians, for they too use horses in full armour. 12.3.11. Then one comes to Sinope itself, which is fifty stadia distant from Armene; it is the most noteworthy of the cities in that part of the world. This city was founded by the Milesians; and, having built a naval station, it reigned over the sea inside the Cyaneae, and shared with the Greeks in many struggles even outside the Cyaneae; and, although it was independent for a long time, it could not eventually preserve its freedom, but was captured by siege, and was first enslaved by Pharnaces and afterwards by his successors down to Eupator and to the Romans who overthrew Eupator. Eupator was both born and reared at Sinope; and he accorded it especial honor and treated it as the metropolis of his kingdom. Sinope is beautifully equipped both by nature and by human foresight, for it is situated on the neck of a peninsula, and has on either side of the isthmus harbors and roadsteads and wonderful pelamydes-fisheries, of which I have already made mention, saying that the Sinopeans get the second catch and the Byzantians the third. Furthermore, the peninsula is protected all round by ridgy shores, which have hollowed-out places in them, rock-cavities, as it were, which the people call choenicides; these are filled with water when the sea rises, and therefore the place is hard to approach, not only because of this, but also because the whole surface of the rock is prickly and impassable for bare feet. Higher up, however, and above the city, the ground is fertile and adorned with diversified market-gardens; and especially the suburbs of the city. The city itself is beautifully walled, and is also splendidly adorned with gymnasium and marked place and colonnades. But although it was such a city, still it was twice captured, first by Pharnaces, who unexpectedly attacked it all of a sudden, and later by Lucullus and by the tyrant who was garrisoned within it, being besieged both inside and outside at the same time; for, since Bacchides, who had been set up by the king as commander of the garrison, was always suspecting treason from the people inside, and was causing many outrages and murders, he made the people, who were unable either nobly to defend themselves or to submit by compromise, lose all heart for either course. At any rate, the city was captured; and though Lucullus kept intact the rest of the city's adornments, he took away the globe of Billarus and the work of Sthenis, the statue of Autolycus, whom they regarded as founder of their city and honored as god. The city had also an oracle of Autolycus. He is thought to have been one of those who went on the voyage with Jason and to have taken possession of this place. Then later the Milesians, seeing the natural advantages of the place and the weakness of its inhabitants, appropriated it to themselves and sent forth colonists to it. But at present it has received also a colony of Romans; and a part of the city and the territory belong to these. It is three thousand five hundred stadia distant from the Hieron, two thousand from Heracleia, and seven hundred from Carambis. It has produced excellent men: among the philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus Patrion; among the poets, Diphilus the comic poet; and, among the historians, Baton, who wrote the work entitled The Persica. 12.5.3. Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the sanctuary famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others, — habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deiotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. 13.1.1. TROADLet this, then, mark the boundary of Phrygia. I shall now return again to the Propontis and the coast that comes next after the Aesepus River, and follow the same order of description as before. The first country on this seaboard is the Troad, the fame of which, although it is left in ruins and in desolation, nevertheless prompts in writers no ordinary prolixity. With this fact in view, I should ask the pardon of my readers and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the length of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who strongly yearn for knowledge of the things that are famous and ancient. And my discussion is further prolonged by the number of the peoples who have colonized the country, both Greeks and barbarians, and by the historians, who do not write the same things on the same subjects, nor always clearly either; among the first of these is Homer, who leaves us to guess about most things. And it is necessary for me to arbitrate between his statements and those of the others, after I shall first have described in a summary way the nature of the region in question. 14.2.16. Then to Halicarnassus, the royal residence of the dynasts of Caria, which was formerly called Zephyra. Here is the tomb of Mausolus, one of the Seven Wonders, a monument erected by Artemisia in honor of her husband; and here is the fountain called Salmacis, which has the slanderous repute, for what reason I do not know, of making effeminate all who drink from it. It seems that the effeminacy of man is laid to the charge of the air or of the water; yet it is not these, but rather riches and wanton living, that are the cause of effeminacy. Halicarnassus has an acropolis; and off the city lies Arconnesus. Its colonizers were, among others, Anthes and a number of Troezenians. Natives of Halicarnassus have been: Herodotus the historian, whom they later called a Thurian, because he took part in the colonization of Thurii; and Heracleitus the poet, the comrade of Callimachus; and, in my time, Dionysius the historian. 14.5.25. And who are the mixed tribes? For we would be unable to say that, as compared with the aforesaid places, others were either named or omitted by him which we shall assign to the mixed tribes; neither can we call mixed any of these peoples themselves whom he has mentioned or omitted; for, even if they had become mixed, still the predomit element has made them either Hellenes or barbarians; and I know nothing of a third tribe of people that is mixed. 15.3.23. of the barbarians the Persians were the best known to the Greeks, for none of the other barbarians who governed Asia governed Greece. The barbarians were not acquainted with the Greeks, and the Greeks were but slightly acquainted, and by distant report only, with the barbarians. As an instance, Homer was not acquainted with the empire of the Syrians nor of the Medes, for otherwise as he mentions the wealth of Egyptian Thebes and of Phoenicia, he would not have passed over in silence the wealth of Babylon, of Ninus, and of Ecbatana.The Persians were the first people that brought Greeks under their dominion; the Lydians (before them) did the same, they were not however masters of the whole, but of a small portion only of Asia, that within the river Halys; their empire lasted for a short time, during the reigns of Croesus and Alyattes; and they were deprived of what little glory they had acquired, when conquered by the Persians.The Persians, (on the contrary, increased in power and,)as soon as they had destroyed the Median empire, subdued the Lydians and brought the Greeks of Asia under their dominion. At a later period they even passed over into Greece and were worsted in many great battles, but still they continued to keep possession of Asia, as far as the places on the sea-coast, until they were completely subdued by the Macedonians. 16.2.38. This is according to nature, and common both to Greeks and barbarians. For, as members of a civil community, they live according to a common law; otherwise it would be impossible for the mass to execute any one thing in concert (in which consists a civil state), or to live in a social state at all. Law is twofold, divine and human. The ancients regarded and respected divine, in preference to human, law; in those times, therefore, the number of persons was very great who consulted oracles, and, being desirous of obtaining the advice of Jupiter, hurried to Dodona, to hear the answer of Jove from the lofty oak.The parent went to Delphi, anxious to learn whether the child which had been exposed (to die) was still living;while the child itself was gone to the temple of Apollo, with the hope of discovering its parents.And Minos among the Cretans, the king who in the ninth year enjoyed converse with Great Jupiter, every nine years, as Plato says, ascended to the cave of Jupiter, received ordices from him, and conveyed them to men. Lycurgus, his imitator, acted in a similar manner; for he was often accustomed, as it seemed, to leave his own country to inquire of the Pythian goddess what ordices he was to promulgate to the Lacedaemonians. 17.2.1. IN the preceding part of this work we have spoken at length of Ethiopia, so that its description may be said to be included in that of Egypt.In general, then, the extreme parts of the habitable world adjacent to the intemperate region, which is not habitable by reason either of heat or cold, must necessarily be defective and inferior, in respect to physical advantages, to the temperate region. This is evident from the mode of life of the inhabitants, and their want of what is requisite for the use and subsistence of man. For the mode of life [of the Ethiopians] is wretched; they are for the most part naked, and wander from place to place with their flocks. Their flocks and herds are small in size, whether sheep, goats, or oxen; the dogs also, though fierce and quarrelsome, are small. It was perhaps from the diminutive size of these people, that the story of the Pygmies originated, whom no person, worthy of credit, has asserted that he himself has seen. 17.3.2. Here dwell a people called by the Greeks Maurusii, and by the Romans and the natives Mauri, a populous and flourishing African nation, situated opposite to Spain, on the other side of the strait, at the Pillars of Hercules, which we have frequently mentioned before. On proceeding beyond the strait at the Pillars, with Africa on the left hand, we come to a mountain which the Greeks call Atlas, and the barbarians Dyris. Thence projects into the sea a point formed by the foot of the mountain towards the west of Mauretania, and called the Coteis. Near it is a small town, a little above the sea, which the barbarians call Trinx; Artemidorus, Lynx; and Eratosthenes, Lixus. It lies on the side of the strait opposite to Gadeira, from which it is separated by a passage of 800 stadia, the width of the strait at the Pillars between both places. To the south, near Lixus and the Coteis, is a bay called Emporicus, having upon it Phoenician mercantile settlements. The whole coast continuous with this bay abounds with them. Subtracting these bays, and the projections of land in the triangular figure which I have described, the continent may rather be considered as increasing in magnitude in the direction of south and east. The mountain which extends through the middle of Mauretania, from the Coteis to the Syrtes, is itself inhabited, as well as others running parallel to it, first by the Maurusii, but deep in the interior of the country by the largest of the African tribes, called Gaetuli. |
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| 168. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 157, 113 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 303 |
| 169. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 303 |
170. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 103, 102 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 306 | 102. Moreover, after the lawgiver has established commandments respecting one's fellow countrymen, he proceeds to show that he looks upon strangers also as worthy of having their interests attended to by his laws, since they have forsaken their natural relations by blood, and their native land and their national customs, and the sacred temples of their gods, and the worship and honour which they had been wont to pay to them, and have migrated with a holy migration, changing their abode of fabulous inventions for that of the certainty and clearness of truth, and of the worship of the one true and living God. |
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| 171. Nepos, Epaminondas, 6.1-6.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, athenian relations with over time •sparta, spartans, in the post-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 43 |
| 172. Nepos, Chronica, 12.1, 13.2.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 192, 197, 198 |
| 173. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.437-2.438 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 63 |
| 174. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 1.87-1.89, 16.193-16.194 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 63 |
| 175. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.21, 2.23.1, 4.57-4.58, 4.68.1-4.68.2, 7.12.2, 7.12.8, 8.18, 8.29-8.30, 10.4.3, 11.44, 11.46, 11.46.4-11.46.5, 11.68.7, 11.87.4, 12.4.5, 12.9.5-12.9.6, 12.10.3-12.10.4, 12.65.1-12.65.2, 12.80.5, 13.69.1, 13.74.3-13.74.4, 14.2.1, 14.4.2, 14.26.4, 14.79-14.80, 14.81.2, 14.82.2, 14.83.4-14.83.7, 14.84.4, 14.91.2-14.91.3, 15.31.3, 15.32.5, 15.33.4, 15.35.1, 15.36.5, 15.54.2, 15.62-15.66, 15.62.3, 15.63.2, 15.65.1, 16.7.3-16.7.4, 16.8.2-16.8.3, 16.53-16.55, 16.53.2, 17.8.5-17.8.6, 17.77, 17.104, 17.108, 19.17.2-19.17.3, 20.104.4-20.104.5, 34.33.1-34.33.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 203 |
176. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 6.317-6.381, 8.304 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 125; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52| 6.318. non impune deam veteres sprevere coloni. 6.339. Iamque Chimaeriferae, cum sol gravis ureret arva, 6.340. finibus in Lyciae longo dea fessa labore 6.341. sidereo siccata sitim conlegit ab aestu, 6.342. uberaque ebiberant avidi lactantia nati. 6.343. Forte lacum mediocris aquae prospexit in imis 6.344. vallibus; agrestes illic fruticosa legebant 6.345. vimina cum iuncis gratamque paludibus ulvam. 6.346. Accessit positoque genu Titania terram 6.347. pressit, ut hauriret gelidos potura liquores. 6.348. Rustica turba vetat. Dea sic adfata vetantes: 6.349. “Quid prohibetis aquis? usus communis aquarum est. 6.350. Nec solem proprium natura nec aera fecit 6.351. nec tenues undas: ad publica munera veni. 6.352. Quae tamen ut detis, supplex peto. Non ego nostros 6.353. abluere hic artus lassataque membra parabam, 6.354. sed relevare sitim. Caret os umore loquentis 6.355. et fauces arent, vixque est via vocis in illis. 6.356. Haustus aquae mihi nectar erit, vitamque fatebor 6.357. accepisse simul: vitam dederitis in unda. 6.358. Hi quoque vos moveant, qui nostro bracchia tendunt 6.359. parva sinu:” et casu tendebant bracchia nati. 6.360. Quem non blanda deae potuissent verba movere? 6.361. Hi tamen orantem perstant prohibere minasque, 6.362. ni procul abscedat, conviciaque insuper addunt. 6.363. Nec satis est, ipsos etiam pedibusque manuque 6.364. turbavere lacus imoque e gurgite mollem 6.365. huc illuc limum saltu movere maligno. 6.366. Distulit ira sitim: neque enim iam filia Coei 6.367. supplicat indignis nec dicere sustinet ultra 6.368. verba minora dea, tollensque ad sidera palmas 6.369. “aeternum stagno” dixit “vivatis in isto.” 6.370. Eveniunt optata deae: iuvat esse sub undis 6.371. et modo tota cava submergere membra palude, 6.372. nunc proferre caput, summo modo gurgite nare, 6.373. saepe super ripam stagni consistere, saepe 6.374. in gelidos resilire lacus. Sed nunc quoque turpes 6.375. litibus exercent linguas pulsoque pudore, 6.376. quamvis sint sub aqua, sub aqua maledicere temptant. 6.377. Vox quoque iam rauca est, inflataque colla tumescunt, 6.378. ipsaque dilatant patulos convicia rictus. 6.379. Terga caput tangunt, colla intercepta videntur, 6.380. spina viret, venter, pars maxima corporis, albet, 6.381. limosoque novae saliunt in gurgite ranae.”” | 6.318. and must no longer worship, in despite 6.339. Even so deprived, I could not be reduced 6.340. to only two, as this Latona , who, 6.341. might quite as well be childless.—Get you gone 6.342. from this insensate sacrifice. Make haste! 6.343. Cast off the wreathing laurels from your brows!” 6.345. the sacrifice, obedient to her will, 6.346. although in gentle murmurs they adored 6.347. the goddess Niobe had so defamed. 6.349. flew swiftly to the utmost peak of Cynthus, 6.350. and spoke to her two children in these words: 6.352. uch glorious children! I will yield 6.353. prestige before no goddess—save alone 6.354. immortal Juno ! I have been debased, 6.355. and driven for all ages from my own— 6.356. my altars, unto me devoted long, 6.357. and so must languish through eternity, 6.358. unless by you sustained. Nor is this all;. 6.359. That daughter of Tantalus, bold Niobe, 6.360. has added curses to her evil deeds, 6.361. and with a tongue as wicked as her sire's, 6.362. has raised her base-born children over mine. 6.363. Has even called me childless! A sad fate 6.364. more surely should be hers! Oh, I entreat”— 6.366. is necessary, for it only serve 6.367. to hinder the swift sequel of her doom.” 6.368. And with the same words Phoebe answered her. 6.369. And having spoken, they descended through 6.370. the shielding shadows of surrounding clouds, 6.371. and hovered on the citadel of Cadmus . 6.373. which swept around those walls; where trampling steeds, 6.374. with horny hoofs, and multitudinous wheels, 6.375. had beaten a wide track. And on the field 6.376. the older sons of Niobe on steed 6.377. emblazoned with bright dyes and harness rich 6.378. with studded gold were circling.—One of these, 6.379. Ismenus, first-born of his mother, while 6.380. controlling his fleet courser's foaming mouth, 6.381. cried out, “Ah wretched me!” A shaft had pierced |
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177. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.11.3, 2.49.2, 2.49.4-2.49.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 160 | 2.49.2. But Porcius Cato says that the Sabine race received its name from Sabus, the son of Sancus, a divinity of that country, and that this Sancus was by some called Jupiter Fidius. He says also that their first place of abode was a certain village called Testruna, situated near the city of Amiternum; that from there the Sabines made an incursion at that time into the Reatine territory, which was inhabited by the Aborigines together with the Pelasgians, and took their most famous city, Cutiliae, by force of arms and occupied it; < |
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178. Livy, History, 1.9-1.13, 1.13.4, 1.34, 1.43, 8.24, 21.1, 22.1.8, 29.10.4-29.10.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Giusti, Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries (2018) 152; Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75, 76; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 154; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59, 160| 1.13.4. movet res cum multitudinem turn tum duces; 29.10.4. civitatem eo tempore repens religio invaserat invento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis, 29.10.5. quandoque hostis alienigena terrae Italiae bellum intulisset, eum pelli Italia vincique posse, si mater Idaea a Pessinunte Romam advecta foret. 29.10.6. id carmen ab decemviris inventum eo magis patres movit, quod et legati, qui donum Delphos portaverant, referebant et sacrificantibus ipsis Pythio Apollini laeta exta fuisse et responsum oraculo editum, maiorem multo victoriam, quam cuius ex Bpoliis spoliis dona portarent, adesse populo Romano. | 1.9. The Roman State had now become so strong that it was a match for any of its neighbours in war, but its greatness threatened to last for only one generation, since through the absence of women there was no hope of offspring, and there was no right of intermarriage with their neighbours. [2] Acting on the advice of the senate, Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage on behalf of his new community., It was represented that cities, like everything else, sprung from the humblest beginnings, and those who were helped on by their own courage and the favour of heaven won for themselves great power and great renown. [4] As to the origin of Rome, it was well known that whilst it had received divine assistance, courage and self-reliance were not wanting. There should, therefore, be no reluctance for men to mingle their blood with their fellow-men. [5] Nowhere did the envoys meet with a favourable reception. Whilst their proposals were treated with contumely, there was at the same time a general feeling of alarm at the power so rapidly growing in their midst. Usually they were dismissed with the question, ‘whether they had opened an asylum for women, for nothing short of that would secure for them inter-marriage on equal terms.’, The Roman youth could ill brook such insults, and matters began to look like an appeal to force. To secure a favourable place and time for such an attempt, Romulus, disguising his resentment, made elaborate preparations for the celebration of games in honour of ‘Equestrian Neptune,’ which he called ‘the Consualia.’ [7] He ordered public notice of the spectacle to be given amongst the adjoining cities, and his people supported him in making the celebration as magnificent as their knowledge and resources allowed, so that expectations were raised to the highest pitch. [8] There was a great gathering; people were eager to see the new City, all their nearest neighbours — the people of Caenina, Antemnae, and Crustumerium-were there, and the whole Sabine population came, with their wives and families., They were invited to accept hospitality at the different houses, and after examining the situation of the City, its walls and the large number of dwelling-houses it included, they were astonished at the rapidity with which the Roman State had grown. [10] When the hour for the games had come, and their eyes and minds were alike riveted on the spectacle before them, the preconcerted signal was given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions to carry off the maidens who were present. [11] The larger part were carried off indiscriminately, but some particularly beautiful girls who had been marked out for the leading patricians were carried to their houses by plebeians told off for the task., One, conspicuous amongst them all for grace and beauty, is reported to have been carried off by a group led by a certain Talassius, and to the many inquiries as to whom she was intended for, the invariable answer was given, ‘For Talassius.’ [13] Hence the use of this word in the marriage rites. Alarm and consternation broke up the games, and the parents of the maidens fled, distracted with grief, uttering bitter reproaches on the violators of the laws of hospitality and appealing to the god to whose solemn games they had come, only to be the victims of impious perfidy. [14] The abducted maidens were quite as despondent and indigt. Romulus, however, went round in person, and pointed out to them that it was all owing to the pride of their parents in denying right of intermarriage to their neighbours. They would live in honourable wedlock, and share all their property and civil rights, and — dearest of all to human nature — would be the mothers of freemen., He begged them to lay aside their feelings of resentment and give their affections to those whom fortune had made masters of their persons. An injury had often led to reconciliation and love; they would find their husbands all the more affectionate because each would do his utmost, so far as in him lay to make up for the loss of parents and country. [16] These arguments were reinforced by the endearments of their husbands who excused their conduct by pleading the irresistible force of their passion — a plea effective beyond all others in appealing to a woman's nature. 1.10. The feelings of the abducted maidens were now pretty completely appeased, but not so those of their parents. They went about in mourning garb, and tried by their tearful complaints to rouse their countrymen to action. Nor did they confine their remonstrances to their own cities; they flocked from all sides to Titus Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and sent formal deputations to him, for his was the most influential name in those parts. [2] The people of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae were the greatest sufferers; they thought Tatius and his Sabines were too slow in moving, so these three cities prepared to make war conjointly., Such, however, were the impatience and anger of the Caeninensians that even the Crustuminians and Antemnates did not display enough energy for them, so the men of Caenina made an attack upon Roman territory on their own account. [4] Whilst they were scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying, Romulus came upon them with an army, and after a brief encounter taught them that anger is futile without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and following them up, killed their king and despoiled his body; then after slaying their leader took their city at the first assault. [5] He was no less anxious to display his achievements than he had been great in performing them, so, after leading his victorious army home, he mounted to the Capitol with the spoils of his dead foe borne before him on a frame constructed for the purpose. He hung them there on an oak, which the shepherds looked upon as a sacred tree, and at the same time marked out the site for the temple of Jupiter, and addressing the god by a new title, uttered the following invocation: ‘Jupiter Feretrius!, these arms taken from a king, I, Romulus a king and conqueror, bring to thee, and on this domain, whose bounds I have in will and purpose traced, I dedicate a temple to receive the spolia opima which posterity following my example shall bear hither, taken from the kings and generals of our foes slain in battle.’ [7] Such was the origin of the first temple dedicated in Rome. And the gods decreed that though its founder did not utter idle words in declaring that posterity would thither bear their spoils, still the splendour of that offering should not be dimmed by the number of those who have rivalled his achievement. For after so many years have elapsed and so many wars been waged, only twice have the spolia opima been offered. So seldom has Fortune granted that glory to men. 1.11. Whilst the Romans were thus occupied, the army of the Antemnates seized the opportunity of their territory being unoccupied and made a raid into it. Romulus hastily led his legion against this fresh foe and surprised them as they were scattered over the fields. [2] At the very first battle-shout and charge the enemy were routed and their city captured. Whilst Romulus was exulting over this double victory, his wife, Hersilia, moved by the entreaties of the abducted maidens, implored him to pardon their parents and receive them into citizenship, for so the State would increase in unity and strength., He readily granted her request. He then advanced against the Crustuminians, who had commenced war, but their eagerness had been damped by the successive defeats of their neighbours, and they offered but slight resistance. [4] Colonies were planted in both places; owing to the fertility of the soil of the Crustumine district, the majority gave their names for that colony. On the other hand there were numerous migrations to Rome, mostly of the parents and relatives of the abducted maidens. [5] The last of these wars was commenced by the Sabines and proved the most serious of all, for nothing was done in passion or impatience; they masked their designs till war had actually commenced., Strategy was aided by craft and deceit, as the following incident shows. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman citadel. Whilst his daughter had gone outside the fortifications to fetch water for some religious ceremonies, Tatius bribed her to admit his troops within the citadel. [7] Once admitted, they crushed her to death beneath their shields, either that the citadel might appear to have been taken by assault, or that her example might be left as a warning that no faith should be kept with traitors. [8] A further story runs that the Sabines were in the habit of wearing heavy gold armlets on their left arms and richly jeweled rings, and that the girl made them promise to give her ‘what they had on their left arms,’ accordingly they piled their shields upon her instead of golden gifts., Some say that in bargaining for what they had in their left hands, she expressly asked for their shields, and being suspected of wishing to betray them, fell a victim to her own bargain. 1.12. However this may be, the Sabines were in possession of the citadel. And they would not come down from it the next day, though the Roman army was drawn up in battle array over the whole of the ground between the Palatine and the Capitoline hill, until, exasperated at the loss of their citadel and determined to recover it, the Romans mounted to the attack. [2] Advancing before the rest, Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Sabines, and Hostius Hostilius, on the side of the Romans, engaged in single combat., Hostius, fighting on disadvantageous ground, upheld the fortunes of Rome by his intrepid bravery, but at last he fell; the Roman line broke and fled to what was then the gate of the Palatine. [4] Even Romulus was being swept away by the crowd of fugitives, and lifting up his hands to heaven he exclaimed: ‘Jupiter, it was thy omen that I obeyed when I laid here on the Palatine the earliest foundations of the City. Now the Sabines hold its citadel, having bought it by a bribe, and coming thence have seized the valley and are pressing hitherwards in battle. [5] Do thou, Father of gods and men, drive hence our foes, banish terror from Roman hearts, and stay our shameful flight!, Here do I vow a temple to thee, ‘Jove Stator (the Stayer),’ as a memorial for the generations to come that it is through thy present help that the City has been saved.’ [7] Then, as though he had become aware that his prayer had been heard, he cried, ‘Back, Romans! Jupiter Optimus Maximus bids you stand and renew the battle.’ [8] They stopped as though commanded by a voice from heaven-Romulus dashed up to the foremost line, just as Mettius Curtius had run down from the citadel in front of the Sabines and driven the Romans in headlong flight over the whole of the ground now occupied by the Forum. He was now not far from the gate of the Palatine, and was shouting: ‘We have conquered our faithless hosts, our cowardly foes; now they know that to carry off maidens is a very different thing from fighting with men.’, In the midst of these vaunts Romulus, with a compact body of valiant troops, charged down on him. Mettius happened to be on horseback, so he was the more easily driven back, the Romans followed in pursuit, and, inspired by the courage of their king, the rest of the Roman army routed the Sabines. [10] Mettius, unable to control his horse, maddened by the noise of his pursuers, plunged into a morass. The danger of their general drew off the attention of the Sabines for a moment from the battle; they called out and made signals to encourage him, so, animated to fresh efforts, he succeeded in extricating himself. Thereupon the Romans and Sabines renewed the fighting in the middle of the valley, but the fortune of Rome was in the ascendant. 1.13. Then it was that the Sabine women, whose wrongs had led to the war, throwing off all womanish fears in their distress, went boldly into the midst of the flying missiles with dishevelled hair and rent garments. [2] Running across the space between the two armies they tried to stop any further fighting and calm the excited passions by appealing to their fathers in the one army and their husbands in the other not to bring upon themselves a curse by staining their hands with the blood of a father-in-law or a son-in-law, nor upon their posterity the taint of parricide., ‘If,’ they cried, ‘you are weary of these ties of kindred, these marriage-bonds, then turn your anger upon us; it is we who are the cause of the war, it is we who have wounded and slain our husbands and fathers. Better for us to perish rather than live without one or the other of you, as widows or as orphans.’ [4] The armies and their leaders were alike moved by this appeal. There was a sudden hush and silence. Then the generals advanced to arrange the terms of a treaty. It was not only peace that was made, the two nations were united into one State, the royal power was shared between them, and the seat of government for both nations was Rome. [5] After thus doubling the City, a concession was made to the Sabines in the new appellation of Quirites, from their old capital of Cures. As a memorial of the battle, the place where Curtius got his horse out of the deep marsh on to safer ground was called the Curtian lake., The joyful peace, which put an abrupt close to such a deplorable war, made the Sabine women still dearer to their husbands and fathers, and most of all to Romulus himself. [7] Consequently when he effected the distribution of the people into the thirty curiae, he affixed their names to the curiae. No doubt there were many more than thirty women, and tradition is silent as to whether those whose names were given to the curiae were selected on the ground of age, or on that of personal distinction — either their own or their husbands' — or merely by lot. [8] The enrolment of the three centuries of knights took place at the same time; the Ramnenses were called after Romulus, the Titienses from T. Tatius. The origin of the Luceres and why they were so called is uncertain. Thenceforward the two kings exercised their joint sovereignty with perfect harmony. 1.34. During the reign of Ancus a wealthy and ambitious man named Lucumo removed to Rome, mainly with the hope and desire of winning high distinction, for which no opportunity had existed in Tarquinii, since there also he was an alien He was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, who had been driven from home by a revolution, and who happened to settle in Tarquinii. [2] There he married and had two sons, their names were Lucumo and Arruns. Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife with child; Lucumo survived his father and inherited all his property. For Demaratus died shortly after Arruns, and being unaware of the condition of his daughter in law, had made no provision in his will for a grandchild., The boy, thus excluded from any share of his grandfathers property was called in consequence of his poverty, Egerius. Lucumo, on the other hand, heir to all the property, became elated by his wealth and his ambition was stimulated by his marriage with Tanaquil. [4] This woman was descended from one of the foremost families in the State and could not bear the thought of her position by marriage being inferior to the one she claimed by birth. The Etruscans looked down upon Lucumo as the son of a foreign refugee; she could not brook this indignity and, forgetting all ties of patriotism if only she could see her husband honoured, resolved to emigrate from Tarquinii. [5] Rome seemed the most suitable place for her purpose. She felt that among a young nation where all nobility is a thing of recent growth and won by personal merit, there would be room for a man of courage and energy., She remembered that the Sabine Tatius had reigned there, that Numa had been summoned from Cures to fill the throne, that Ancus himself was sprung from a Sabine mother, and could not trace his nobility beyond Numa. Her husband's ambition and the fact that Tarquinii was his native country only on the mother's side, made him give a ready ear to her proposals. [7] They accordingly packed up their goods and removed to Rome. [8] They had got as far as the Janiculum when a hovering eagle swooped gently down and took off his cap as he was sitting by his wife's side in the carriage, then circling round the vehicle with loud cries, as though commissioned by heaven for this service, replaced it carefully upon his head and soared away. It is said that Tanaquil, who, like most Etruscans, was expert in interpreting celestial prodigies, was delighted at the omen., She threw her arms round her husband and bade him look for a high and majestic destiny, for such was the import of the eagle's appearance, of the particular part of the sky where it appeared, and of the deity who sent it. The omen was directed to the crown and summit of his person, the bird had raised aloft an adornment put on by human hands, to replace it as the gift of heaven. [10] Full of these hopes and surmises they entered the City, and after procuring a domicile there, they announced his name as Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. [11] The fact of his being a stranger, and a wealthy one, brought him into notice, and he increased the advantage which Fortune gave him by his courteous demeanour, his lavish hospitality, and the many acts of kindness by which he won all whom it was in his power to win, until his reputation even reached the palace., Once introduced to the king's notice, he soon succeeded by adroit complaisance in getting on to such familiar terms that he was consulted in matters of state, as much as in private matters, whether they referred to either peace or war. At last, after passing every test of character and ability, he was actually appointed by the king's will guardian to his children. |
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| 179. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Character of Thucydides, 6.427.7-6.427.8, 6.427.12-6.427.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, reopening peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, responsibility for peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans, and fear Found in books: Joho, Style and Necessity in Thucydides (2022) 164, 166 |
180. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 3.10.3-3.10.7, 3.14, 7.14-7.28, 7.80 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 277 | 3.14. Caesar had taken several towns by assault, when he perceived that all his labour availed nothing, since the flight of the enemy could not be checked by the capture of towns, nor damage done to them; accordingly he determined to await the fleet. It assembled in due course, and so soon as it was sighted by the enemy about two hundred and twenty of their ships, fully prepared and provided with every kind of equipment, sailed out of harbour and took station opposite ours. Brutus, who commanded the fleet, and his tribunes and centurions in charge of single ships, were by no means certain what to do or what plan of battle they were to pursue. For our commanders knew the enemy could not be damaged by the ram; while, even when turrets were set up on board, the lofty sterns of the native ships commanded even these, so that from the lower level missiles could not be hurled properly, while those discharged by the Gauls gained a heavier impact. One device our men had prepared to great advantage — sharp-pointed hooks let in and fastened to long poles, in shape not unlike siege-hooks. When by these contrivances the halyards which fastened the yards to the masts were caught and drawn taut, the ship was rowed hard ahead and they were snapped short. With the halyards cut, the yards of necessity fell down; and as all the hope of the Gallic ships lay in their sails and tackle, when those were torn away all chance of using their ships was taken away also. The rest of the conflict was a question of courage, in which our own troops easily had the advantage — the more so because the engagement took place in sight of Caesar and of the whole army, so that no exploit a little more gallant than the rest could escape notice. The army, in fact, was occupying all the hills and higher ground from which there was a near view down upon the sea. |
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| 181. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.3.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 277 |
| 182. Ovid, Tristia, 5.1.43-5.1.44 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 63 |
| 183. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 746, 745 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 63 |
| 184. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Lysias, 12.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 196 |
| 185. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 9. prae, 6.1.3, 6.1.4, 6.1.10, 6.1.11, 6.1.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 120 |
186. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248| 1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, | 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, |
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187. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 36 | 2.12. But that he himself is the most admirable of all the lawgivers who have ever lived in any country either among the Greeks or among the barbarians, and that his are the most admirable of all laws, and truly divine, omitting no one particular which they ought to comprehend, there is the clearest proof possible in this fact, the laws of other lawgivers, |
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| 188. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 1.104, 2.17, 3.139, 3.236 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 303 |
189. Vergil, Georgics, 1.365-1.369 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59| 1.365. Saepe etiam stellas vento inpendente videbis 1.366. praecipitis caelo labi noctisque per umbram 1.367. flammarum longos a tergo albescere tractus; 1.368. saepe levem paleam et frondes volitare caducas 1.369. aut summa tis in aqua colludere plumas. | 1.365. To reap light stubble, and parched fields by night; 1.366. For nights the suppling moisture never fails. 1.367. And one will sit the long late watches out 1.368. By winter fire-light, shaping with keen blade 1.369. The torches to a point; his wife the while, |
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| 190. Philo of Byblos, Fragments, f4.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48 |
191. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.75, 1.142, 1.165, 1.187, 1.211, 1.266, 1.281, 1.288-1.290, 1.315, 2.78, 2.94, 2.98, 2.165, 2.179, 2.181, 2.202-2.203, 2.205, 2.207-2.208, 2.211, 2.216, 2.225, 3.64, 3.88, 3.191-3.192, 3.313, 4.14, 4.19, 4.122, 4.127, 4.201, 4.236, 4.309, 5.43, 5.56, 5.97, 5.100, 5.102, 5.105, 5.111-5.512, 6.82, 6.203, 6.210, 6.244, 6.247, 6.291, 6.360-6.361, 7.47, 7.83, 7.315, 7.380, 8.76, 8.120, 9.3, 9.117, 9.130, 9.186, 9.211, 9.216, 9.291, 10.80, 10.122, 10.183, 10.230, 10.237, 11.70, 11.114, 11.207, 11.209, 11.211, 11.269, 11.277, 12.4-12.6, 12.226, 12.229, 12.260, 12.274-12.277, 12.296, 12.403, 13.80, 13.109, 13.131, 13.164-13.170, 13.212, 14.63, 14.78, 15.253, 15.257, 15.266, 15.384, 17.9, 17.48-17.49, 17.78, 17.141, 17.324, 17.327, 17.330, 18.103, 18.167, 18.180, 18.196, 18.221, 18.314, 18.318-18.324, 18.359, 19.17, 20.81, 20.100, 20.123, 20.142, 20.147, 20.163, 20.173, 20.214, 20.252 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 179; Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 168, 182; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 304, 305| 1.75. ̔Ο δὲ θεὸς τοῦτον μὲν τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἠγάπησε, κατεδίκαζε δ' οὐκ ἐκείνων μόνων τῆς κακίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ἦν ἀνθρώπινον τότε δόξαν αὐτῷ διαφθεῖραι καὶ ποιῆσαι γένος ἕτερον πονηρίας καθαρόν, ἐπιτεμόμενος αὐτῶν τὸν βίον καὶ ποιήσας ἐτῶν οὐχ ὅσα πρότερον ἔζων, ἀλλ' ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν, εἰς θάλασσαν τὴν ἤπειρον μετέβαλε. 1.142. καὶ Νῶχος αἰσθόμενος τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις παισὶν εὐδαιμονίαν εὔχεται, τῷ δὲ Χαμᾷ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν αὐτῷ μὲν οὐ κατηράσατο, τοῖς δ' ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ: καὶ τῶν ἄλλων διαπεφευγότων τὴν ἀρὰν τοὺς Χαναναίου παῖδας μέτεισιν ὁ θεός. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς ἐροῦμεν. 1.165. ὁ δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἠρώτα τὴν Σάρραν, τίς τε εἴη καὶ τίνα τοῦτον ἐπάγοιτο, πυθόμενός τε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ̔́Αβραμον παρῃτεῖτο: νομίζων γὰρ ἀδελφὴν ἀλλ' οὐ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ σπουδάσαι περὶ αὐτὴν συγγένειαν ποιήσασθαι βουλόμενος, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἐνυβρίσαι κατ' ἐπιθυμίαν ὡρμημένος: δωρεῖταί τε αὐτὸν πολλοῖς χρήμασι, καὶ συνῆν Αἰγυπτίων τοῖς λογιωτάτοις τήν τε ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῇ δόξαν ἐντεῦθεν ἐπιφανεστέραν συνέβη γενέσθαι. 1.187. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ θαρσεῖν αὐτὸν παρακελευομένου τοῖς τε ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ὡς ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας ἠγμένον καὶ παίδων ἐσομένων, Σάρρα τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος ἐπικλίνει μίαν τῶν θεραπαινίδων ̓Αγάρην ὄνομα γένος οὖσαν Αἰγυπτίαν ὡς ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδοποιησομένῳ. 1.281. καὶ γὰρ ἄφθονος ἐκδέξεταί σε μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν παρουσία πρὸς τὸ πᾶν κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν ἐπικουρίαν. ̔́Αβραμόν τε γὰρ ἐγὼ ἐκ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας δεῦρο ἤγαγον ἐλαυνόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν συγγενῶν, καὶ πατέρα τὸν σὸν εὐδαίμονα ἀπέφηνα: ὧν οὐχ ἥττω μοῖραν εἰς σὲ καταθήσομαι: 1.288. ̓Ιάκωβος δὲ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς συγγενείας οὐδὲ τῆς διὰ ταύτην εὐνοίας, ἀλλ' ἔρωτι τῆς παιδὸς ἡττηθεὶς ἐκπέπληκτό τε τοῦ κάλλους ὁρῶν οὕτως ἔχουσαν, ὡς ὀλίγαι τῶν τότε γυναικῶν ἤνθουν, καὶ φησίν: “ἀλλ' ἐμοὶ πρὸς σὲ καὶ πατέρα τὸν σόν, εἴπερ Λαβάνου παῖς τυγχάνεις, οἰκειότης ἐστὶ πρεσβυτέρα τῆς τε σῆς καὶ ἐμῆς γενέσεως: 1.289. ἐκ Θάρρου γὰρ ̔́Αβραμος καὶ ̓Αρράνης καὶ Ναχώρης ἦσαν υἱοί, ὧν Βαθουῆλος ὁ σὸς πάππος Ναχώρου γίνεται παῖς, ̔Αβράμου δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Αρράνου Σάρρας ̓́Ισακος ὁ ἐμὸς πατήρ. ἔγγιον δὲ καὶ νεώτερον τοῦθ' ἡμεῖς τῆς συγγενείας ὁμήρευμα ἔχομεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους: 1.315. σὺ δὲ οὔτε τῆς μητρὸς τῆς σαυτοῦ καὶ ἧς ἔχεις πρὸς ἐμὲ συγγενείας οὔτε γυναικῶν ἃς ἔγημας αἰδῶ ποιησάμενος, οὐδὲ τέκνων ὧν εἰμι πάππος φροντίσας, ἐχρήσω μοι πολέμου νόμῳ, κτῆσιν μὲν ἄγων τὴν ἐμὴν θυγατέρας δὲ ἀναπείσας ἀποδρᾶναι τὸν γεγεννηκότα, 2.78. δεδέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον μὲν ὑπὸ Πετεφροῦ τοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν μαγείρων ὡς δοῦλον, λέγειν δ' αὐτὸν ̔Εβραίων ἐν ὀλίγοις εἶναι γένους ἅμα καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς δόξης. τοῦτον οὖν μεταπεμψάμενος καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν ἄρτι κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ καταγνοὺς μαθήσῃ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν ὀνειράτων σοι δηλούμενα.” 2.94. ὁ δὲ ̓Ιώσηπον ἐκάλει, κἀκεῖνος τὸν σῖτον αὐτοῖς ἀπεδίδοτο γεγενημένος σωτὴρ ὁμολογουμένως τοῦ πλήθους, καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν οὐ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις προὐτίθει μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ξένοις ὠνεῖσθαι παρῆν πάντας ἀνθρώπους κατὰ συγγένειαν ἀξιοῦντος ἐπικουρίας τυγχάνειν ̓Ιωσήπου παρὰ τῶν εὐδαιμονίᾳ χρωμένων. 2.98. τόν τε γὰρ σῖτον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἀπεδίδοτο κατασκόπους τε τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ἥκειν καὶ πολλαχόθεν μὲν αὐτοὺς συνεληλυθέναι, προφασίζεσθαι δὲ συγγένειαν: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δυνατὸν ἀνδρὶ ἰδιώτῃ τοιούτους παῖδας καὶ τὰς μορφὰς οὕτως ἐπιφανεῖς ἐκτραφῆναι, δυσκόλου καὶ βασιλεῦσιν οὔσης τοιαύτης παιδοτροφίας. 2.165. αὐτὸν δὲ τοῦτον καὶ γυναῖκας ὑμετέρας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν συγγένειαν ὑμῶν ἀναλαβόντες ἐνθάδε μετοικίζεσθε: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀποδήμους εἶναι δεῖ τῶν ἀγαθῶν τῶν ἡμετέρων τοὺς ἐμοὶ φιλτάτους ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ λιμοῦ λοιπὴν ἔτι πενταετίαν περιμενοῦντος.” ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ̓Ιώσηπος περιβάλλει τοὺς ἀδελφούς: 2.179. τρεῖς δὲ Ζαβουλὼν ἦγεν υἱούς, Σάραδον ̔́Ηλωνα ̓Ιάνηλον. τοῦτο μὲν τὸ ἐκ Λείας γένος: καὶ αὐτῇ συνανῄει καὶ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς Δεῖνα. 2.181. καὶ τὸ μὲν γνήσιον γένος τῷ ̓Ιακώβῳ τοῦτο ἦν, ἐκ Βάλλας δὲ αὐτῷ γίνονται τῆς ̔Ραχήλας θεραπαινίδος Δάνος καὶ Νεφθαλίς, ᾧ τέσσαρες εἵποντο παῖδες, ̓Ελιῆλος Γοῦνις Σάρης τε καὶ Σέλλιμος, Δάνῳ δὲ μονογενὲς ἦν παιδίον Οὖσις. 2.202. ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸ τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν γένος ἀκμάζον καὶ δι' ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πονεῖν εὐφυί̈αν πλήθει χρημάτων ἤδη καὶ λαμπρούς, κατ' αὐτῶν αὔξεσθαι τούτους ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν τ' ἦσαν ὑπὸ ̓Ιωσήπου τετυχηκότες διὰ χρόνου μῆκος λήθην λαβόντες καὶ τῆς βασιλείας εἰς ἄλλον οἶκον μετεληλυθυίας δεινῶς ἐνύβριζόν τε τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις καὶ ταλαιπωρίας αὐτοῖς ποικίλας ἐπενόουν. 2.203. τόν τε γὰρ ποταμὸν εἰς διώρυχας αὐτοῖς πολλὰς προσέταξαν διατεμεῖν τείχη τε οἰκοδομῆσαι ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ χώματα, ὅπως ἂν εἴργοι τὸν ποταμὸν μὴ λιμνάζειν ἐπεκβαίνοντα, πυραμίδας τε ἀνοικοδομοῦντες ἐξετρύχουν ἡμῶν τὸ γένος, ὡς τέχνας τε παντοίας ἀναδιδάσκεσθαι καὶ τοῖς πόνοις γενέσθαι συνήθεις. 2.205. ̓Εν τούτοις δ' ὄντων αὐτῶν τοῖς πράγμασιν αἰτία τοῦ μᾶλλον σπουδάσαι περὶ τὸν ἀφανισμὸν τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις προσεγένετο τοιαύτη: τῶν ἱερογραμματέων τις, καὶ γάρ εἰσι δεινοὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων τὴν ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν, ἀγγέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ τεχθήσεσθαί τινα κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις, ὃς ταπεινώσει μὲν τὴν Αἰγυπτίων ἡγεμονίαν, αὐξήσει δὲ τοὺς ̓Ισραηλίτας τραφεὶς ἀρετῇ τε πάντας ὑπερβαλεῖ καὶ δόξαν ἀείμνηστον κτήσεται. 2.207. ὑπὸ γὰρ τούτων αὐτὰς ἐκέλευε μαιοῦσθαι, αἳ διὰ συγγένειαν ἔμελλον μὴ παραβήσεσθαι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βούλησιν: τοὺς μέντοι καταφρονήσαντας τοῦ προστάγματος καὶ σώζειν λάθρα τολμήσαντας τὸ τεχθὲν αὐτοῖς ἀναιρεῖσθαι σὺν τῇ γενεᾷ προσέταξεν. 2.211. πρὸς ἱκετείαν τοῦ θεοῦ τρέπεται παρακαλῶν οἶκτον ἤδη τινὰ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείας παραβεβηκότων δοῦναί τ' ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτοῖς ὧν παρ' ἐκεῖνον ἐκακοπάθουν τὸν καιρὸν καὶ τῆς ἐπ' ἀπωλείᾳ τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν ἐλπίδος. 2.216. τραφεὶς δὲ παραδόξως τὸ μὲν ̔Εβραίων γένος τῆς παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις ἀνάγκης ἀπολύσει, μνήμης δὲ ἐφ' ὅσον μενεῖ χρόνον τὰ σύμπαντα τεύξεται παρ' ἀνθρώποις οὐχ ̔Εβραίοις μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις, ἐμοῦ τοῦτο χαριζομένου σοί τε καὶ τοῖς ἐκ σοῦ γενησομένοις. ἔσται δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοιοῦτος, ὥστε τὴν ἐμὴν ἕξειν ἱερωσύνην αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἐγγόνους αὐτοῦ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου.” 2.225. τοσαύτῃ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς περὶ Μωυσῆν ἐχρήσατο σπουδῇ, ὡς ὑπ' αὐτῶν τῶν ψηφισαμένων διὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γένεσιν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ̔Εβραίων γένους ἀπώλειαν ποιῆσαι τροφῆς καὶ ἐπιμελείας ἀξιωθῆναι. κελεύει τε γύναιον ἡ Θέρμουθις ἀχθῆναι παρέξον θηλὴν τῷ παιδίῳ. 3.64. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος κατὰ συγγένειαν ὡς ἕκαστοι τῆς εὐωχίας μετελάμβανον, ̓Ααρὼν δὲ σὺν τοῖς παροῦσι ̔Ραγουῆλον προσλαβόμενος ὕμνους τε ᾖδον εἰς τὸν θεὸν ὡς τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας αἴτιον καὶ ποριστὴν γεγενημένον, 3.88. σεβάσμιοι δ' ὑμῖν γενέσθωσαν καὶ παίδων περιμαχητότεροι καὶ γυναικῶν: εὐδαίμονα γὰρ διάξετε βίον τούτοις ἑπόμενοι καὶ γῆς ἀπολαύοντες καρπίμου καὶ θαλάσσης ἀχειμάστου καὶ τέκνων γονῆς κατὰ φύσιν τικτομένων καὶ πολεμίοις ἔσεσθε φοβεροί: τῷ θεῷ γὰρ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν ἀκροατὴς ἀφθάρτου φωνῆς ἐγενόμην: οὕτως ἐκείνῳ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν καὶ τῆς τούτου μέλει διαμονῆς.” 3.191. ὡς οὗτος ἐνδύσεται στολὴν τῷ θεῷ καθωσιωμένην καὶ βωμῶν ἐπιμέλειαν ἕξει καὶ πρόνοιαν ἱερείων καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν εὐχὰς ποιήσεται πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἡδέως ἀκουσόμενον, ὅτι τε κήδεται γένους τοῦ ἡμετέρου καὶ παρ' ἀνδρὸς ὃν αὐτὸς ἐπελέξατο γινομένας προσδέχεται ταύτας.” 3.192. ̔Εβραῖοι δὲ ἠρέσκοντο τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ συνῄνουν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ χειροτονίᾳ: ἦν γὰρ ̓Ααρὼν διά τε τὸ γένος καὶ τὴν προφητείαν καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τἀδελφοῦ πρὸς τιμὴν ἁπάντων ἀξιολογώτερος. ἦσαν δ' αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον τέσσαρες Νάβαδος ̓Αβιοῦς ̓Ελεάζαρος ̓Ιθάμαρος. 3.313. καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἀπολεῖ μὲν ἅπαντας οὐδ' ἐξαφανίσει τὸ γένος αὐτῶν, ὃ πάντων μᾶλλον ἀνθρώπων ἔσχε διὰ τιμῆς, τὴν μέντοι Χαναναίαν οὐ παρέξειν γῆν αὐτοῖς λαβεῖν οὐδὲ τὴν ἀπ' αὐτῆς εὐδαιμονίαν, 4.14. Κορῆς τις ̔Εβραίων ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ γένει καὶ πλούτῳ διαφόρων ἱκανὸς δ' εἰπεῖν καὶ δήμοις ὁμιλεῖν πιθανώτατος, ὁρῶν ἐν ὑπερβαλλούσῃ τιμῇ τὸν Μωυσῆν καθεστῶτα χαλεπῶς εἶχεν ὑπὸ φθόνου, καὶ γὰρ φυλέτης ὢν ἐτύγχανεν αὐτοῦ καὶ συγγενής, ἀχθόμενος ὅτι ταύτης τῆς δόξης δικαιότερον ἂν τῷ πλουτεῖν ἐκείνου μᾶλλον μὴ χείρων ὢν κατὰ γένος αὐτὸς ἀπέλαυε. 4.14. ὡς διὰ παντὸς ἤδη τοῦ στρατοῦ τὴν παρανομίαν χωρεῖν τῶν νέων καὶ στάσιν αὐτοῖς πολὺ χείρω τῆς προτέρας ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ κίνδυνον παντελοῦς τῶν ἰδίων ἐθισμῶν ἀπωλείας. ἅπαξ γὰρ τὸ νέον γευσάμενον ξενικῶν ἐθισμῶν ἀπλήστως ἐνεφορεῖτο, καὶ εἴ τινες τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν διὰ πατέρων ἀρετὰς ἐπιφανεῖς ἦσαν συνδιεφθείροντο, 4.19. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Λευίτιδος φυλῆς τὴν τιμὴν ὁ θεός τινι παρασχεῖν ἔκρινεν, ἐγὼ ταύτης δικαιότερος τυγχάνειν γένει μὲν ὁ αὐτὸς ὢν Μωυσεῖ, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ διαφέρων: εἰ δὲ τῇ πρεσβυτάτῃ τῶν φυλῶν, εἰκότως ἂν ἡ ̔Ρουβήλου τὴν τιμὴν ἔχοι λαμβανόντων αὐτὴν Δαθάμου καὶ ̓Αβιράμου καὶ Φαλαοῦς: πρεσβύτατοι γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν ταύτην τὴν φυλὴν νεμομένων καὶ δυνατοὶ χρημάτων περιουσίᾳ. 4.19. ἐπεὶ προαχθέντες εἰς καταφρόνησιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ὀλιγωρίαν ἀπολεῖτε καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, ποιήσαντες δὲ τοῦτον ἐχθρὸν τήν τε γῆν, ἣν κτήσεσθε, κρατηθέντες ὅπλοις ὑπὸ τῶν αὖθις ἀφαιρεθήσεσθε μετὰ μεγίστων ὀνειδῶν καὶ σκεδασθέντες διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης πᾶσαν ἐμπλήσετε καὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν τῆς αὑτῶν δουλείας. 4.122. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐν ἡμῖν ἔτι φθάσαντος εἰσελθεῖν ἐκείνου ἡμέτερον. ἔγωγ' οὖν τὸν στρατὸν τοῦτον οὔτ' ἐπαινέσαι προεθέμην οὔτ' ἐφ' οἷς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ὁ θεὸς ἀγαθοῖς ἐμηχανήσατο διελθεῖν, ἀλλ' εὐμενὴς αὐτοῖς οὗτος ὢν καὶ σπεύδων αὐτοῖς εὐδαίμονα βίον καὶ κλέος αἰώνιον παρασχεῖν ἐμοὶ τοιούτων ἀπαγγελίαν λόγων ὑπέθετο. 4.127. “Βάλακε, φησί, καὶ Μαδιηνιτῶν οἱ παρόντες, χρὴ γὰρ καὶ παρὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ χαρίσασθαι ὑμῖν, τὸ μὲν ̔Εβραίων γένος οὐκ ἂν ὄλεθρος παντελὴς καταλάβοι οὔτ' ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτ' ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ σπάνει τῶν ἀπὸ γῆς καρπῶν, οὔτ' ἄλλη τις αἰτία παράλογος διαφθείρειεν. 4.201. ἡ δ' ἐπὶ τοῦτον πρόσβασις ἔστω μὴ διὰ βαθμίδων, ἀλλὰ προσχώσεως αὐτῷ καταπρανοῦς γενομένης. ἐν ἑτέρᾳ δὲ πόλει μήτε βωμὸς μήτε νεὼς ἔστω: θεὸς γὰρ εἷς καὶ τὸ ̔Εβραίων γένος ἕν. 4.236. ὡς τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον ἂν εἴη, κἂν ὑπ' αἰσχύνης τινὰς ὀκνοῦντας ἅψασθαι λαβεῖν παρακαλῶσιν, ὄντας μὲν ̓Ισραηλίτας ὡς κοινωνοὺς καὶ δεσπότας διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἀφιγμένους δ' ἀλλαχόθεν ἀνθρώπους ξενίων τυχεῖν ἀξιοῦντας ὧν ὁ θεὸς καθ' ὥραν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν. 4.309. Τῇ δ' ὑστεραίᾳ τὸν λαὸν σὺν γυναιξὶν ἅμα καὶ τέκνοις εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγών, ὡς παρεῖναι καὶ τὰ ἀνδράποδα, ὥρκου τῶν νόμων αὐτοὺς φυλακὴν ποιήσασθαι καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ διανοίας ἀκριβεῖς λογιστὰς γινομένους εἰ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς μήτε συγγενείᾳ χαριζομένους μήτε εἴκοντας φόβῳ μήτε ἄλλην καθάπαξ αἰτίαν κυριωτέραν τῆς τῶν νόμων φυλακῆς ὑπολαμβάνοντας παραβῆναι τούτους, 5.43. καὶ καλέσας ̓Ελεάζαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει κατὰ φυλὴν ἐκλήρου. τούτου δὲ τὸ τετολμημένον ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς δηλοῦντος κατὰ φατρίας πάλιν ταύτης προτίθησι τὸν κλῆρον. τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς τοῦ κακουργήματος περὶ τὴν ̓Αχάρου συγγένειαν ηὑρίσκετο. 5.56. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὧν ἤθελον τυχόντες ἐξ ἀπάτης ἀπῄεσαν πρὸς αὑτούς. ̓Ιησοῦς δὲ τῆς Χαναναίας στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν ὑπώρειον καὶ μαθὼν οὐ πόρρω τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων τοὺς Γεβεωνίτας κατῳκημένους καὶ τοῦ γένους ὄντας τῶν Χαναναίων, μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐν τέλει τῆς ἀπάτης αὐτοῖς ἐνεκάλει. 5.113. μάρτυς δ' ἡμῖν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ τὸν βωμὸν αἰτίᾳ κατασκευάσαι γένοιτο ὁ θεὸς ἀξιόχρεως, ὅθεν ἀμείνονα περὶ ἡμῶν ἔχοντες ὑπόληψιν μηδὲν καταγινώσκετε τούτων, ἐφ' οἷς ἐξώλεις εἶναι δίκαιοι πάντες ὅσοι τοῦ ̔Αβράμου γένους ὄντες νεωτέροις ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἔθεσι καὶ τοῦ συνήθους τρόπου παρηλλαγμένοις”. 5.125. ̔́Οθεν μετεστρατοπέδευσαν εἰς Νεβρῶνα καὶ ταύτην ἑλόντες κτείνουσι πάντας: ὑπελείπετο δὲ τῶν γιγάντων ἔτι γένος, οἳ διὰ σωμάτων μεγέθη καὶ μορφὰς οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις παραπλησίας παράδοξον ἦσαν θέαμα καὶ δεινὸν ἄκουσμα. δείκνυται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι τούτων ὀστᾶ μηδὲν τοῖς ὑπὸ πύστιν ἐρχομένοις ἐοικότα. 5.132. Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους μαλακῶς εἶχον οἱ ̓Ισραηλῖται, τῆς δὲ γῆς καὶ τῶν ταύτης ἔργων ἐπεμελοῦντο. τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὸν πλοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐπιδιδόντων ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ ἡδονῆς τοῦ κόσμου ὠλιγώρουν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας τῶν νόμων οὐκέτ' ἦσαν ἀκριβεῖς ἀκροαταί. 5.133. παροξυνθὲν δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸ θεῖον ἀναιρεῖ, πρῶτον μὲν ὡς φείσαιντο παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην τῶν Χαναναίων, ἔπειθ' ὡς ἐκεῖνοι χρήσοιντο πολλῇ κατ' αὐτῶν ὠμότητι καιροῦ λαβόμενοι. 5.134. οἱ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ δυσθύμως εἶχον καὶ πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀηδῶς πολλά τε παρὰ τῶν Χαναναίων λαβόντες καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους ἤδη διὰ τὴν τρυφὴν ἐκλελυμένοι. 5.135. καὶ συνέβαινεν ἤδη τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν διεφθάρθαι, καὶ τὰς γερουσίας οὐκ ἀπεδείκνυσαν οὐδ' ἀρχὴν ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν τῶν πρότερον νενομισμένων, ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἡδονῇ τοῦ κερδαίνειν προσδεδεμένοι. καὶ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν ἄδειαν στάσις αὐτοὺς πάλιν καταλαμβάνει δεινὴ καὶ προήχθησαν εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας. 5.136. Λευίτης ἀνὴρ τῶν δημοτικωτέρων τῆς ̓Εφράνου κληρουχίας ὢν καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ κατοικῶν ἄγεται γύναιον ἀπὸ Βηθλέμων, τῆς δὲ ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς τοῦτ' ἔστι τὸ χωρίον. ἐρῶν δὲ σφόδρα τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τοῦ κάλλους αὐτῆς ἡττημένος ἠτύχει τῶν παρ' ἐκείνης οὐχ ὁμοίων πειρώμενος. 5.137. ἀλλοτρίως δ' αὐτῆς ἐχούσης καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἐκκαιομένου τῷ πάθει μέμψεις συνεχεῖς αὐτοῖς ἐγίνοντο καὶ τέλος ἡ γυνὴ πρὸς αὐτὰς βαρυνομένη καταλιποῦσα τὸν ἄνδρα πρὸς τοὺς γονεῖς παραγίνεται μηνὶ τετάρτῳ. χαλεπῶς δὲ φέρων ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ τῷ ἔρωτι ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς πενθεροὺς καὶ διαλυσάμενος τὰς μέμψεις καταλλάττεται πρὸς αὐτήν. 5.138. καὶ τέτταρας μὲν ἡμέρας προσαυτόθι διαιτᾶται φιλοφρονουμένων αὐτὸν τῶν γονέων, τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ δόξαν ἀπιέναι πρὸς αὑτὸν περὶ δείλην ἔξεισι: βράδιον γὰρ ἀπέλυον οἱ γονεῖς τὴν θυγατέρα καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας τριβὴν ἐποιοῦντο. θεράπων δ' αὐτοῖς εἷς εἵπετο καὶ ὄνος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἐφ' ἧς ὠχεῖτο τὸ γύναιον. 5.139. γενομένων δ' αὐτῶν κατὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, σταδίους δ' ἐληλύθεσαν ἤδη τριάκοντα, συνεβούλευεν ὁ θεράπων καταχθῆναί που, μὴ καί τι τῆς νυκτὸς αὐτοὺς ὁδεύοντας καταλάβῃ δύσκολον καὶ ταῦτα οὐδὲ πόρρω πολεμίων ὄντας, τοῦ καιροῦ πολλάκις ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὕποπτα ποιοῦντος καὶ τὰ φίλα. 5.141. καὶ μηδενὸς ἐπὶ ξενίαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦντος πρεσβύτης ἐξ ἀγροῦ κατιὼν τῆς μὲν ̓Εφράμιος φυλῆς ὢν ἐν δὲ τῇ Γάβῃ διαιτώμενος συντυγχάνων αὐτῷ, τίς τε ὢν ἤρετο καὶ δι' ἃς αἰτίας στελλόμενος σκότους ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον αὑτῷ λαμβάνοι. 5.142. ὁ δὲ Λευίτης μὲν ἔφησεν εἶναι, γύναιον δὲ παρὰ τῶν γονέων ἄγων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι, τὴν δ' οἴκησιν ἐδήλου τυγχάνειν ἐν τῇ ̓Εφράμου κληρουχίᾳ. ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτης καὶ διὰ συγγένειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ τὴν αὐτὴν φυλὴν νέμειν καὶ διὰ τὴν συντυχίαν παρ' αὐτὸν ξενισθησόμενον ἦγε. 5.143. νεανίαι δέ τινες τῶν Γαβαηνῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ γύναιον θεασάμενοι καὶ τὴν εὐπρέπειαν θαυμάσαντες, ἐπεὶ παρὰ τῷ πρεσβύτῃ κατηγμένην ἔμαθον καταφρονήσαντες τῆς ἀσθενείας καὶ τῆς ὀλιγότητος ἧκον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας. τοῦ δὲ πρεσβύτου παρακαλοῦντος ἀπαλλάττεσθαι καὶ μὴ προσφέρειν βίαν μηδὲ ὕβριν ἠξίουν αὐτὸν παρασχόντα τὴν ξένην πραγμάτων ἀπηλλάχθαι. 5.144. συγγενῆ δὲ λέγοντος καὶ Λευῖτιν τοῦ πρεσβύτου καὶ δράσειν αὐτοὺς δεινὰ ὑφ' ἡδονῆς εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐξαμαρτάνοντας ὠλιγώρουν τοῦ δικαίου καὶ κατεγέλων, ἠπείλουν δὲ ἀποκτείνειν αὐτὸν ἐμποδίζοντα ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις αὐτῶν. 5.145. εἰς δ' ἀνάγκην περιηγμένος καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος τοὺς ξένους περιιδεῖν ὑβρισθέντας τῆς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατρὸς αὐτοῖς παρεχώρει, πληρώσειν τε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοὺς λέγων νομιμώτερον δίχα τῆς εἰς τοὺς ξένους ὕβρεως αὐτός τε μηδὲν ἀδικήσειν οὓς ὑπεδέξατο τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ νομίζων. 5.146. ὡς δ' οὐδὲν τῆς σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ξένην ἐνεδίδοσαν, ἀλλὰ ἐνέκειντο ταύτην παραλαβεῖν ἀξιοῦντες, ὁ μὲν ἱκέτευε μηδὲν τολμᾶν παράνομον, οἱ δ' ἁρπασάμενοι καὶ προσθέμενοι μᾶλλον τῷ βιαίῳ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἀπήγαγον πρὸς αὑτοὺς τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ δι' ὅλης νυκτὸς ἐμπλησθέντες τῆς ὕβρεως ἀπέλυσαν περὶ ἀρχομένην ἡμέραν. 5.147. ἡ δὲ τεταλαιπωρημένη τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν ξενίαν καὶ ὑπὸ λύπης ὧν ἐπεπόνθει καὶ τοῦ μὴ τολμᾶν ὑπ' αἰσχύνης εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν τἀνδρί, τοῦτον γὰρ μάλιστα τοῖς γεγενημένοις ἔχειν ἀνιάτως ἐλογίζετο, καταπεσοῦσα τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφίησιν. 5.148. ὁ δὲ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς οἰόμενος ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κατεισχῆσθαι τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ μηδὲν σκυθρωπὸν ὑφορώμενος ἀνεγείρειν ἐπειρᾶτο παραμυθήσασθαι διεγνωκώς, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἑκουσίου γνώμης αὑτὴν παράσχοι τοῖς καθυβρίσασιν, ἀλλ' ἁρπασαμένων ἐπὶ τὴν ξενίαν ἐλθόντων αὐτῶν. 5.149. ὡς δὲ τελευτήσασαν ἔμαθε, σωφρόνως πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῶν κακῶν ἐπιθέμενος τῷ κτήνει νεκρὰν τὴν γυναῖκα κομίζει πρὸς αὑτόν, καὶ διελὼν αὐτὴν κατὰ μέλος εἰς μέρη δώδεκα διέπεμψεν εἰς ἑκάστην φυλὴν ἐντειλάμενος τοῖς κομίζουσι λέγειν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς τελευτῆς τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τὴν παροινίαν τῆς φυλῆς. 5.151. ἐπέσχε δ' αὐτοὺς ἡ γερουσία πείσασα μὴ δεῖν ὀξέως οὕτως πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἐκφέρειν πόλεμον πρὶν ἢ λόγοις διαλεχθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, τοῦ νόμου μηδ' ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους ἐφιέντος δίχα πρεσβείας καὶ τοιαύτης πρὸς τὸ μετανοῆσαι πείρας τοὺς δόξαντας ἀδικεῖν στρατιὰν ἀγαγεῖν: 5.152. καλῶς οὖν ἔχει τῷ νόμῳ πειθομένους πρὸς τοὺς Γαβαηνοὺς ἐξαιτοῦντας τοὺς αἰτίους ἐκπέμψαι καὶ παρεχομένων μὲν ἀρκεῖσθαι τῇ τούτων κολάσει, καταφρονησάντων δὲ τότε τοῖς ὅπλοις αὐτοὺς ἀμύνασθαι. 5.153. πέμπουσιν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Γαβαηνοὺς κατηγοροῦντες τῶν νεανίσκων τὰ περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ πρὸς τιμωρίαν αἰτοῦντες τοὺς δράσαντας μὲν οὐ νόμιμα, γενομένους δὲ δικαίους ἀντ' αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἀποθανεῖν. 5.154. οἱ δὲ Γαβαηνοὶ οὔτε τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐξέδοσαν καὶ δεινὸν ἀλλοτρίοις ὑπακούειν προστάγμασιν ἡγοῦντο πολέμου φόβῳ μηδενὸς ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι χείρους ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις μήτε διὰ πλῆθος μήτε δι' εὐψυχίαν. ἦσαν δὲ ἐν παρασκευῇ μεγάλῃ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φυλετῶν, συναπενοήθησαν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀμυνούμενοι βιαζομένους. 5.155. ̔Ως δὲ τοιαῦτα τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις τὰ παρὰ τῶν Γαβαηνῶν ἀπηγγέλθη, ὅρκους ποιοῦνται μηδένα σφῶν ἀνδρὶ Βενιαμίτῃ δώσειν πρὸς γάμον θυγατέρα στρατεύσειν τε ἐπ' αὐτούς, μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς δι' ὀργῆς ὄντες ἢ τοῖς Χαναναίοις τοὺς προγόνους ἡμῶν παρειλήφαμεν γενομένους. 5.156. παραχρῆμά τε ἐξῆγον ἐπ' αὐτοὺς τὸ στρατόπεδον μυριάδας τεσσαράκοντα ὁπλιτῶν: καὶ Βενιαμιτῶν τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν ἦν ὑπὸ δισμυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων καὶ ἑξακοσίων, ὧν ἦσαν εἰς πεντακοσίους ταῖς λαιαῖς τῶν χειρῶν σφενδονᾶν ἄριστοι, 5.157. ὥστε καὶ μάχης πρὸς τῇ Γαβᾷ γενομένης τρέπουσι τοὺς ̓Ισραηλίτας οἱ Βενιαμῖται ἄνδρες τε πίπτουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν εἰς δισμυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους, ἐφθάρησαν δὲ ἴσως ἂν καὶ πλείονες, εἰ μὴ νὺξ αὐτοὺς ἐπέσχε καὶ διέλυσε μαχομένους. 5.158. καὶ οἱ μὲν Βενιαμῖται χαίροντες ἀνεχώρουν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δ' ̓Ισραηλῖται καταπεπληγότες ὑπὸ τῆς ἥττης εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ πάλιν συμβαλόντων οἱ Βενιαμῖται κρατοῦσι καὶ θνήσκουσι τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ὀκτακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι, καὶ δείσαντες τὸν φόνον ἐξέλιπον τὸ στρατόπεδον. 5.159. παραγενόμενοι δὲ εἰς Βέθηλα πόλιν ἔγγιστα κειμένην καὶ νηστεύσαντες κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον διὰ Φινεέσου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως παύσασθαι τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ ταῖς δυσὶν αὐτῶν ἥτταις ἀρκεσθέντα δοῦναι νίκην καὶ κράτος κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἐπαγγέλλεται ταῦτα διὰ Φινεέσου προφητεύσαντος. 5.161. ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει πρεσβύτας καὶ νέους ὑπολειφθέντας διεκδραμεῖν δι' ἀσθένειαν αὐτοῖς πασσυδὶ βουλομένους χειρώσασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους. ὡς δὲ πολὺ τῆς πόλεως ἀπέσχον, ἐπαύσαντο μὲν φεύγοντες οἱ ̔Εβραῖοι, ἐπιστραφέντες δ' ἵστανται πρὸς μάχην καὶ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ἐνέδραις οὖσι τὸ σημεῖον αἴρουσιν ὃ συνέκειτο. 5.162. οἱ δ' ἐξαναστάντες μετὰ βοῆς ἐπῄεσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις. οἱ δὲ ἅμα τε ἠπατημένους αὑτοὺς ᾔσθοντο καὶ ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ συνεστήκεσαν, καὶ εἴς τι κοῖλον συνελαθέντας καὶ φαραγγῶδες χωρίον περιστάντες κατηκόντισαν, ὥστε πάντας διαφθαρῆναι πλὴν ἑξακοσίων. 5.163. οὗτοι δὲ συστραφέντες καὶ πυκνώσαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ διὰ μέσων ὠσάμενοι τῶν πολεμίων ἔφυγον ἐπὶ τὰ πλησίον ὄρη, καὶ κατασχόντες ἱδρύθησαν. οἱ δ' ἄλλοι πάντες περὶ δισμυρίους ὄντες καὶ πεντακισχιλίους ἀπέθανον. 5.164. οἱ δ' ̓Ισραηλῖται τήν τε Γάβαν ἐμπιπρᾶσι καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τῶν ἀρρένων τοὺς μὴ ἐν ἀκμῇ διεχρήσαντο, τάς τε ἄλλας τῶν Βενιαμιτῶν πόλεις ταὐτὰ δρῶσιν, οὕτως τε ἦσαν παρωξυμμένοι, ὡς καὶ ̓Ιάβησον τῆς Γαλαδίτιδος οὖσαν, ὅτι μὴ συμμαχήσειεν αὐτοῖς κατὰ τῶν Βενιαμιτῶν, πέμψαντες μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους ἐκ τῶν τάξεων ἐκέλευσαν ἀνελεῖν. 5.165. καὶ φονεύουσι τὸ μάχιμον τῆς πόλεως οἱ πεμφθέντες σὺν τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξὶ πλὴν τετρακοσίων παρθένων. ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὑπ' ὀργῆς προήχθησαν τῷ κατὰ τὴν γυναῖκα πάθει προσλαβόντες καὶ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. 5.166. Μετάνοια δ' αὐτοὺς λαμβάνει τῆς τῶν Βενιαμιτῶν συμφορᾶς καὶ νηστείαν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς προέθεντο καίτοι δίκαια παθεῖν αὐτοὺς ἀξιοῦντες εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐξαμαρτάνοντας, καὶ τοὺς διαφυγόντας αὐτῶν ἑξακοσίους διὰ πρεσβευτῶν ἐκάλουν: καθίδρυντο γὰρ ὑπὲρ πέτρας τινὸς ̔Ροᾶς καλουμένης κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον. 5.167. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις τῆς συμφορᾶς μόνοις γεγενημένης ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπολωλότων ὀδυρόμενοι πρᾴως ἔπειθον φέρειν καὶ συνελθεῖν εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ μὴ παντελῆ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς ὄλεθρον τό γε ἐπ' αὐτοῖς καταψηφίσασθαι. “συγχωροῦμεν δὲ ὑμῖν, ἔλεγον, τὴν ἁπάσης τῆς φυλῆς γῆν καὶ λείαν ὅσην ἂν ἄγειν δυνηθῆτε”. 5.168. οἱ δὲ τῶν καθ' ἑαυτοὺς θεοῦ ψήφῳ γεγονότων καὶ κατ' ἀδικίαν τὴν αὐτῶν γνωσιμαχήσαντες κατῄεσαν εἰς τὴν πάτριον φυλὴν πειθόμενοι τοῖς προκαλουμένοις. οἱ δ' ̓Ισραηλῖται γυναῖκας αὐτοῖς τὰς τετρακοσίας ἔδοσαν παρθένους τὰς ̓Ιαβίτιδας, περὶ δὲ τῶν διακοσίων ἐσκόπουν, ὅπως κἀκεῖνοι γυναικῶν εὐπορήσαντες παιδοποιῶνται. 5.169. γεγενημένων δὲ αὐτοῖς ὅρκων ὥστε μηδενὶ Βενιαμίτῃ συνοικίσαι θυγατέρα πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου, οἱ μὲν ὀλιγωρεῖν συνεβούλευον τῶν ὀμωμοσμένων ὡς ὑπ' ὀργῆς ὀμόσαντες οὐ γνώμῃ καὶ κρίσει, τῷ δὲ θεῷ μηδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσειν εἰ φυλὴν ὅλην κινδυνεύουσαν ἀπολέσθαι σῶσαι δυνηθεῖεν, τάς τε ἐπιορκίας οὐχ ὅταν ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης γένωνται χαλεπὰς εἶναι καὶ ἐπισφαλεῖς, ἀλλ' ὅταν ἐν κακουργίᾳ τολμηθῶσι. 5.172. καὶ οἱ μὲν τούτοις πεισθέντες ψηφίζονται τὸν διὰ τῆς ἁρπαγῆς γάμον τοῖς Βενιαμίταις. ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς οἱ μὲν διακόσιοι κατὰ δύο καὶ τρεῖς πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐνήδρευον παρεσομένας τὰς παρθένους ἔν τε ἀμπελῶσι καὶ χωρίοις ἐν οἷς λήσειν ἔμελλον, 5.173. αἱ δὲ μετὰ παιδιᾶς οὐδὲν ὑφορώμεναι τῶν μελλόντων ἀφυλάκτως ὥδευον: οἱ δὲ σκεδασθεισῶν εἴχοντο ἐξαναστάντες. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν οὕτως γαμήσαντες ἐπ' ἔργα τῆς γῆς ἐχώρησαν καὶ πρόνοιαν ἐποιήσαντο πάλιν εἰς τὴν προτέραν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐπανελθεῖν. 5.174. Βενιαμιτῶν μὲν οὖν ἡ φυλὴ κινδυνεύσασα τελέως ἐκφθαρῆναι τῷ προειρημένῳ τρόπῳ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν σοφίαν σώζεται ἤνθησέ τε παραχρῆμα καὶ ταχεῖαν εἴς τε πλῆθος καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπίδοσιν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ πόλεμος οὕτως παύεται. 5.175. ̔́Ομοια δὲ τούτοις παθεῖν καὶ τὴν Δάνην συνέβη φυλὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης εἰς τοῦτο προαχθεῖσαν. 5.176. τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ἐκλελοιπότων ἤδη τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἄσκησιν καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἔργοις ὄντων τῆς γῆς Χαναναῖοι καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν συνεποιήσαντο δύναμιν, οὐδὲν μὲν αὐτοὶ πείσεσθαι προσδοκῶντες, ὡς δὲ βεβαίαν τὴν τοῦ ποιήσειν κακῶς τοὺς ̔Εβραίους ἐλπίδα λαβόντες ἐπ' ἀδείας τὸ λοιπὸν οἰκεῖν τὰς πόλεις ἠξίουν. 5.177. ἅρματά τε οὖν παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν συνεκρότουν αἵ τε πόλεις αὐτῶν συνεφρόνουν καὶ τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς τὴν ̓Ασκάλωνα καὶ ̓Ακαρῶνα παρεσπάσαντο ἄλλας τε πολλὰς τῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ Δανίτας εἰς τὸ ὄρος ἠνάγκασαν συμφυγεῖν οὐδὲ ὀλίγον αὐτοῖς ἐπιβατὸν τοῦ πεδίου καταλιπόντες. 5.178. οἱ δ' οὔτε πολεμεῖν ὄντες ἱκανοὶ γῆν τε οὐκ ἔχοντες ἀρκοῦσαν πέμπουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν πέντε ἄνδρας εἰς τὴν μεσόγειον κατοψομένους γῆν, εἰς ἣν μετοικήσαιντο. οἱ δ' οὐ πόρρω τοῦ Λιβάνου ὄρους καὶ ἐλάσσονος ̓Ιορδάνου τῶν πηγῶν κατὰ τὸ μέγα πεδίον Σιδῶνος πόλεως ὁδὸν ἡμέρας μιᾶς προελθόντες καὶ κατασκεψάμενοι γῆν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πάμφορον σημαίνουσι τοῖς αὑτῶν: οἱ δ' ὁρμηθέντες στρατῷ κτίζουσιν αὐτόθι πόλιν Δάνα ὁμώνυμον τῷ ̓Ιακώβου παιδὶ φυλῆς δ' ἐπώνυμον τῆς αὐτῶν. 5.179. Τοῖς δ' ̓Ισραηλίταις προύβαινεν ὑπό τε ἀπειρίας τοῦ πονεῖν τὰ κακὰ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ θεῖον ὀλιγωρίας: μετακινηθέντες γὰρ ἅπαξ τοῦ κόσμου τῆς πολιτείας ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὸ καθ' ἡδονὴν καὶ βούλησιν ἰδίαν βιοῦν, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἐπιχωριαζόντων παρὰ τοῖς Χαναναίοις ἀναπίμπλασθαι κακῶν. 5.182. Τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς τις Κενίαζος ὄνομα δραστήριος ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸ φρόνημα γενναῖος, χρησθὲν αὐτῷ μὴ περιορᾶν ἐν τοιαύτῃ τοὺς ̓Ισραηλίτας ἀνάγκῃ κειμένους ἀλλ' εἰς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοὺς ἐξαιρεῖσθαι τολμᾶν, παρακελευσάμενος συλλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν κινδύνων αὐτῷ τινάς, ὀλίγοι δ' ἦσαν, οἷς αἰδὼς ἐπὶ τοῖς τότε παροῦσιν ἐτύγχανε καὶ προθυμία μεταβολῆς, 5.185. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ τούτου πάλιν τὰ τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ὑπὸ ἀναρχίας ἐνόσει πράγματα, καὶ τῷ μὴ διὰ τιμῆς ἄγειν τὸν θεὸν μηδὲ τοῖς νόμοις ὑπακούειν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκακοῦτο, 5.186. ὡς καταφρονήσαντα αὐτῶν τῆς ἀκοσμίας τῆς κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν ̓Εγλῶνα τὸν Μωαβιτῶν βασιλέα πόλεμον πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ πολλαῖς μάχαις αὐτῶν κρατήσαντα καὶ τοὺς φρονήματι τῶν ἄλλων διαφέροντας ὑποτάξαντα πρὸς τὸ παντελὲς αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν ταπεινῶσαι καὶ φόρους αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξαι τελεῖν. 5.187. καθιδρύσας δ' αὐτῷ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι βασίλειον ταύτην ἀποδείξας οὐδὲν τῆς εἰς τὸ πλῆθος κακώσεως παρέλιπεν εἴς τε πενίαν αὐτοὺς κατέστησεν ἐπὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη. λαβὼν δ' οἶκτον ὁ θεὸς τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ἐφ' οἷς ἔπασχον καὶ ταῖς ἱκετείαις αὐτῶν ἐπικλασθεὶς ἀπήλλαξε τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς Μωαβίταις ὕβρεως. ἠλευθερώθησαν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ. 5.188. Τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς νεανίας ̓Ιούδης μὲν τοὔνομα Γήρα τε πατρὸς τολμῆσαί τε ἀνδρειότατος καὶ τῷ σώματι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα χρῆσθαι δυνατὸς τῶν χειρῶν τὴν ἀριστερὰν ἀμείνων κἀπ' ἐκείνης τὴν ἅπασαν ἰσχὺν ἔχων κατῴκει μὲν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι καὶ αὐτός, 5.189. συνήθης δὲ γίνεται τῷ ̓Εγλῶνι δωρεαῖς αὐτὸν θεραπεύων καὶ ὑπερχόμενος, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν βασιλέα προσφιλῆ τυγχάνειν αὐτόν. 5.191. δοὺς οὖν τὰ δῶρα τῷ ̓Εγλῶνι ὁ νεανίσκος, διέτριβε δ' ἔν τινι δωματίῳ δεξιῶς πρὸς θέρος ἔχοντι, πρὸς ὁμιλίαν ἐτράποντο. μόνοι δ' ἦσαν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοὺς ἐπεισιόντας τῶν θεραπόντων ἀπιέναι κελεύσαντος διὰ τὸ πρὸς ̓Ιούδην ὁμιλεῖν. 5.192. καθῆστο δ' ἐπὶ θρόνου καὶ δέος εἰσῄει τὸν ̓Ιούδην, μὴ διαμάρτῃ καὶ μὴ δῷ καιρίαν πληγήν. ἀνίστησιν οὖν αὐτὸν ὄναρ εἰπὼν ἔχειν ἐκ προστάγματος αὐτῷ δηλῶσαι τοῦ θεοῦ. 5.193. καὶ ὁ μὲν πρὸς τὴν χαρὰν τὴν τοῦ ὀνείρατος ἀνεπήδησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου, πλήξας δ' αὐτὸν ̓Ιούδης εἰς τὴν καρδίαν καὶ τὸ ξιφίδιον ἐγκαταλιπὼν ἔξεισι προσκλίνας τὴν θύραν. οἵ τε θεράποντες ἠρέμουν εἰς ὕπνον τετράφθαι νομίζοντες τὸν βασιλέα. 5.194. ̔Ο δ' ̓Ιούδης τοῖς ̔Ιεριχουντίοις ἀποσημαίνων κρυπτῶς παρεκάλει τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. οἱ δ' ἀσμένως ἀκούσαντες αὐτοί τε εἰς τὰ ὅπλα ᾔεσαν καὶ διέπεμπον εἰς τὴν χώραν τοὺς ἀποσημαίνοντας κέρασιν οἰῶν: τούτοις γὰρ συγκαλεῖν τὸ πλῆθος πάτριον. 5.195. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ̓Εγλῶνα πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἠγνόουν τὸ συμβεβηκὸς αὐτῷ πάθος, ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἦν, δείσαντες μή τι νεώτερον εἴη περὶ αὐτὸν γεγονός, εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον καὶ νεκρὸν εὑρόντες ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ καθειστήκεσαν, καὶ πρὶν τὴν φρουρὰν συστραφῆναι τὸ τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπέρχεται πλῆθος. 5.196. καὶ οἱ μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀναιροῦνται, οἱ δ' εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Μωαβῖτιν σωθησόμενοι, ἦσαν δὲ ὑπὲρ μυρίους. καὶ ̓Ισραηλῖται προκατειληφότες τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου τὴν διάβασιν διώκοντες ἔκτεινον καὶ κατὰ τὴν διάβασιν πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦσι, διέφυγέ τε οὐδεὶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῶν. 5.197. καὶ οἱ μὲν ̔Εβραῖοι τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς Μωαβίταις δουλείας ἀπηλλάγησαν, ̓Ιούδης δ' ἐκ τῆς αἰτίας ταύτης τιμηθεὶς τῇ τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς ἡγεμονίᾳ τελευτᾷ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔτεσιν ὀγδοήκοντα κατασχών, ἀνὴρ καὶ δίχα τῆς προειρημένης πράξεως ἐπαίνου δίκαιος τυγχάνειν. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Σαάγαρος ὁ ̓Ανάθου παῖς αἱρεθεὶς ἄρχειν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. 5.198. ̓Ισραηλῖται δὲ πάλιν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ διδαχῇ τοῦ κρείττονος ἐλάμβανον τῶν πρότερον ἠτυχημένων ὑπό τε τοῦ μήτε σέβειν τὸν θεὸν μήθ' ὑπακούειν τοῖς νόμοις, πρὶν ἢ καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ Μωαβίταις ἀναπνεῦσαι δουλείας πρὸς ὀλίγον ̓Αβίτω τοῦ Χαναναίων βασιλέως δουλοῦνται. 5.199. οὗτος γὰρ ἐξ ̓Ασώρου πόλεως ὁρμώμενος, αὕτη δ' ὑπέρκειται τῆς Σεμαχωνίτιδος λίμνης, στρατοῦ μὲν ὁπλιτῶν τριάκοντα ἔτρεφε μυριάδας μυρίους δὲ ἱππέας, τρισχιλίων δὲ ἁρμάτων ηὐπόρει. ταύτης οὖν στρατηγὸς τῆς δυνάμεως Σισάρης τιμῆς πρώτης παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ τυγχάνων συνελθόντας πρὸς αὐτὸν τοὺς ̓Ισραηλίτας ἐκάκωσε δεινῶς, ὥστε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξαι τελεῖν φόρους. 5.201. μέλισσαν δὲ σημαίνει τοὔνομα κατὰ τὴν ̔Εβραίων γλῶσσαν, ἱκέτευον δεηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτῶν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀπολλυμένους αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ Χαναναίων. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἐπένευσε σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς καὶ στρατηγὸν αἱρεῖται Βάρακον τῆς Νεφθαλίδος ὄντα φυλῆς: βάρακος δέ ἐστιν ἀστραπὴ κατὰ τὴν ̔Εβραίων γλῶσσαν. 5.202. Μεταπεμψαμένη δ' ἡ Δαβώρα τὸν Βάρακον ἐπιλέξαντα τῶν νέων μυρίους ἐκέλευε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους: ἀποχρῆναι γὰρ τοσούτους τοῦ θεοῦ προειρηκότος καὶ νίκην ἀποσημήναντος. 5.203. Βαράκου δὲ φαμένου οὐ στρατηγήσειν μὴ κἀκείνης αὐτῷ συστρατηγούσης ἀγανακτήσασα, “σὺ μέν, εἶπε, γυναικὶ παραχωρεῖς ἀξίωμα ὃ σοὶ δέδωκεν ὁ θεός, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ παραιτοῦμαι”. καὶ συναριθμήσαντες μυρίους ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο πρὸς ̓Ιταβυρίῳ ὄρει. 5.204. ἀπήντα δ' αὐτοῖς ὁ Σισάρης τοῦ βασιλέως κελεύσαντος καὶ στρατοπεδεύονται τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἄπωθεν. τοὺς δ' ̓Ισραηλίτας καὶ τὸν Βάρακον καταπλαγέντας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν διεγνωκότας ἡ Δεβώρα κατεῖχε τὴν συμβολὴν ποιεῖσθαι κατ' ἐκείνην κελεύουσα τὴν ἡμέραν: νικήσειν γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ συλλήψεσθαι τὸν θεόν. 5.208. ὁ δὲ πιὼν τοῦ μέτρου δαψιλέστερον εἰς ὕπνον τρέπεται. ἡ δὲ ̓Ιάλη κοιμωμένου σιδήρεον ἧλον ἐλάσασα σφύρῃ κατὰ τοῦ στόματος καὶ τοῦ χελυνίου διέπειρε τὸ ἔδαφος καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Βάρακον μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐλθοῦσιν ἐπεδείκνυε τῇ γῇ προσηλωμένον. 5.209. καὶ οὕτως μὲν ἡ νίκη αὕτη περιέστη κατὰ τὰ ὑπὸ Δαβώρας εἰρημένα εἰς γυναῖκα. Βάρακος δὲ στρατεύσας ἐπ' ̓́Ασωρον ̓Ιοαβινόν τε ὑπαντιάσαντα κτείνει καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πεσόντος καθελὼν εἰς ἔδαφος τὴν πόλιν στρατηγεῖ τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ἐπ' ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα. 5.212. οἱ γὰρ Μαδιηνῖται κατὰ ὥραν θέρους στρατεύοντες τὸν χειμῶνα γεωργεῖν τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις ἐπέτρεπον, ὅπως ἔχωσι πεπονηκότων αὐτῶν εἰς ἃ βλάπτωσι. λιμὸς δ' ἦν καὶ σπάνις τροφῆς καὶ τρέπονται πρὸς ἱκετείαν τοῦ θεοῦ σώζειν αὐτοὺς παρακαλοῦντες. 5.213. Καὶ Γεδεὼν ὁ ̓Ιάσου παῖς Μανασσίδος φυλῆς ἐν ὀλίγοις δράγματα σταχύων φερόμενος κρυπτῶς εἰς τὴν ληνὸν ἔκοπτε: τοὺς γὰρ πολεμίους ἐδεδίει φανερῶς τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἅλωος. φαντάσματος δὲ αὐτῷ παραστάντος νεανίσκου μορφῇ καὶ φήσαντος εὐδαίμονα καὶ φίλον τῷ θεῷ, ὑποτυχών “τοῦτο γοῦν, ἔφη, τεκμήριον τῆς εὐμενείας αὐτοῦ μέγιστον τῇ ληνῷ με νῦν ἀντὶ ἅλωος χρῆσθαι”. 5.214. θαρσεῖν δὲ παρακελευσαμένου καὶ πειρᾶσθαι τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀνασώζειν ἀδυνάτως ἔχειν ἔλεγε: τήν τε γὰρ φυλὴν ἐξ ἧς ὑπῆρχε πλήθους ὑστερεῖν καὶ νέον αὐτὸν εἶναι καὶ τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ἀσθενέστερον. ὁ δὲ θεὸς αὐτὸς ἀναπληρώσειν τὸ λεῖπον ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ νίκην παρέξειν ̓Ισραηλίταις αὐτοῦ στρατηγοῦντος. 5.215. Τοῦτ' οὖν διηγούμενος ὁ Γεδεὼν τισὶ τῶν νέων ἐπιστεύετο, καὶ παραχρῆμα πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἕτοιμον ἦν τὸ στρατόπεδον μυρίων ἀνδρῶν. ἐπιστὰς δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς τῷ Γεδεῶνι τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν αὐτῷ φίλαυτον οὖσαν ἐδήλου καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀρετῇ διαφέροντας ἀπεχθανομένην, ὅπως τε τὴν νίκην παρέντες τοῦ θεοῦ δοκεῖν νομίζουσιν ἰδίαν ὡς πολὺς στρατὸς ὄντες καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀξιόμαχος. 5.216. ἵνα μάθωσιν οὖν βοηθείας τῆς αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον, συνεβούλευε περὶ μεσοῦσαν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ἀκμῇ τοῦ καύματος ὄντος ἄγειν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατακλιθέντας καὶ οὕτως πίνοντας εὐψύχους ὑπολαμβάνειν, ὅσοι δ' ἂν ἐσπευσμένως καὶ μετὰ θορύβου πίνοντες τύχοιεν τούτους δειλοὺς νομίζειν καὶ καταπεπληγότας τοὺς πολεμίους. 5.218. Γεδεῶνος δ' ἐν φόβῳ καθεστῶτος, καὶ γὰρ νυκτὸς ἐπιχειρεῖν αὐτῷ ὁ θεὸς προειρήκει, τοῦ δέους αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγεῖν βουλόμενος κελεύει προσλαβόντα ἕνα τῶν στρατιωτῶν πλησίον χωρεῖν ταῖς Μαδιηνιτῶν σκηναῖς: παρ' αὐτῶν γὰρ ἐκείνων λήψεσθαι φρόνημα καὶ θάρσος. 5.219. πεισθεὶς δὲ ᾔει Φρουρὰν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θεράποντα παραλαβών, καὶ πλησιάσας σκηνῇ τινι καταλαμβάνει τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ ἐγρηγορότας καὶ τὸν ἕτερον ὄναρ διηγούμενον τῷ συσκηνοῦντι, ὥστε ἀκούειν τὸν Γεδεῶνα. τὸ δὲ τοιοῦτον ἦν: μᾶζαν ἐδόκει κριθίνην ὑπ' εὐτελείας ἀνθρώποις ἄβρωτον διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κυλιομένην τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως σκηνὴν καταβαλεῖν καὶ τὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν πάντων. 5.224. χωρίον δὲ πολὺ κατεῖχε τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στράτευμα, πλείστην γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι συνέβαινε κάμηλον, καὶ κατὰ τὰ ἔθνη νεμηθέντες ὑφ' ἑνὶ κύκλῳ πάντες ἦσαν. 5.227. καὶ φήμῃ πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ισραηλίτας τῆς Γεδεῶνος νίκης ἀφικομένης ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἦσαν, καὶ διώξαντες λαμβάνουσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν κοίλῳ τινὶ χαράδραις περιειλημμένῳ οὐ δυναμέναις διαπερᾶναι χωρίῳ καὶ περιστάντες κτείνουσιν ἅπαντας καὶ δύο τῶν βασιλέων ̓́Ωρηβόν τε καὶ Ζῆβον. 5.229. ἀπέθανον δ' ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ Μαδιηνιτῶν τε καὶ τῶν συστρατευσάντων αὐτοῖς ̓Αράβων περὶ μυριάδας δώδεκα, λεία τε πολλὴ χρυσὸς καὶ ἄργυρος καὶ ὕφη καὶ κάμηλος καὶ ὑποζύγια λαμβάνεται τοῖς ̔Εβραίοις. Γεδεὼν δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς ̓Εφρὰν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδα κτείνει τοὺς τῶν Μαδιηνιτῶν βασιλέας. 5.231. καὶ τούτοις παρηγορήσας αὐτῶν τὴν ὀργὴν τοῖς λόγοις μᾶλλον τοὺς ̔Εβραίους ὠφέλησε τῆς ἐπὶ τῶν πολεμίων εὐπραξίας φήσας αἰτίους: ἐμφυλίου γὰρ αὐτοὺς στάσεως ἄρχειν μέλλοντας ἐρρύσατο. τῆς μέντοι ὕβρεως ταύτης ἡ φυλὴ δίκην ἐξέτισεν, ἣν δηλώσομεν κατὰ καιρὸν ἴδιον. 5.234. ἀφικνεῖται σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον καὶ κτείνει πάντας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πλὴν ̓Ιωθάμου: σώζεται γὰρ οὗτος διαφυγεῖν εὐτυχήσας. ̓Αβιμέλεχος δὲ εἰς τυραννίδα τὰ πράγματα μεθίστησι κύριον αὑτὸν ὅ τι βούλεται ποιεῖν ἀντὶ τῶν νομίμων ἀποδείξας καὶ δεινῶς πρὸς τοὺς τοῦ δικαίου προϊσταμένους ἐκπικραινόμενος. 5.236. γενομένης δὲ σιγῆς εἶπεν, ὡς τὰ δένδρα φωνὴν ἀνθρώπειον προϊέμενα συνόδου γενομένης αὐτῶν δεηθείη συκῆς ἄρχειν αὐτῶν. ἀρνησαμένης δ' ἐκείνης διὰ τὸ τιμῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς καρποῖς οἰκείας οὔσης ἀπολαύειν οὐχ ὑπ' ἄλλων ἔξωθεν προσγινομένης, τὰ δένδρα τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχεσθαι φροντίδος οὐκ ἀπελείπετο, ἐδόκει δ' αὐτοῖς ἀμπέλῳ τὴν τιμὴν παρασχεῖν. 5.237. καὶ ἡ ἄμπελος χειροτονουμένη τοῖς τῆς συκῆς χρησαμένη λόγοις παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ἀρχήν. τὸ δ' αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἐλαιῶν ποιησαμένων ῥάμνος, ἐδεήθη γὰρ αὐτῆς ὥστε παραλαβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν τὰ δένδρα, 5.238. πυρεῖα δὲ ἀγαθὴ παρασχεῖν τῶν ξύλων ἐστίν, ὑπισχνεῖται τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ ἀόκνως ἔχειν. δεῖ μέντοι συνιζάνειν αὐτὰ ὑπὸ τὴν σκιάν, εἰ δ' ὄλεθρον ἐπ' αὐτῇ φρονοῖεν, ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐνόντος πυρὸς διαφθαρεῖεν. 5.239. ταῦτα δ' οὐ γέλωτος ἕνεκα, φησί, λέγω, ὅτι δὲ πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐκ Γεδεῶνος πεπειραμένοι περιορῶσιν ̓Αβιμέλεχον ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων ὄντα πραγμάτων σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀποκτείναντες, ὃν πυρὸς οὐδὲν διοίσειν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἰπὼν ὑπεχώρησε καὶ διῃτᾶτο λανθάνων ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι δεδιὼς ἐπ' ἔτη τρία τὸν ̓Αβιμέλεχον. 5.241. ἐπιδημήσαντος δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὸς Γυάλου σὺν ὁπλίταις καὶ συγγενέσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ φυλακὴν οἱ Σικιμῖται δέονται παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς, ἕως ἂν τρυγήσωσι. προσδεξαμένου δ' ἐκείνου τὴν ἀξίωσιν προῄεσαν καὶ Γυάλης σὺν αὐτοῖς τὸ οἰκεῖον ἄγων ὁπλιτικόν. 5.242. ὅ τε οὖν καρπὸς μετὰ ἀσφαλείας συνάγεται καὶ δειπνοῦντες κατὰ συμμορίαν φανερῶς ἀπετόλμων ἤδη βλασφημεῖν τὸν ̓Αβιμέλεχον, οἵ τε ἄρχοντες ἐνέδραις καταλαμβανόμενοι τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν πολλοὺς τῶν ̓Αβιμελέχου συλλαμβάνοντες ἀνῄρουν. 5.243. Ζάβουλος δέ τις τῶν Σικιμιτῶν ἄρχων ξένος ὢν ̓Αβιμελέχου ὅσα παροξύνειεν Γυάλης τὸν δῆμον πέμπων ἀγγέλους ἐμήνυεν αὐτῷ καὶ παρῄνει λοχᾶν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως: πείσειν γὰρ Γυάλην ἐξελθεῖν ἐπ' αὐτόν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ τυγχάνειν ὥστε ἀμύνασθαι: γενομένου γὰρ τούτου διαλλαγὰς αὐτῷ μνηστεύσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον. 5.244. ὅ τε οὖν ̓Αβιμέλεχος ἐκάθισεν ἐνεδρεύων καὶ ὁ Γυάλης ἀφυλακτοτέρως διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τοῦ προαστείου καὶ Ζάβουλος σὺν αὐτῷ. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁπλίτας ἐπιφερομένους Γυάλης πρὸς Ζάβουλον ἔλεγεν ἄνδρας αὐτοῖς ἐπιέναι καθωπλισμένους. 5.245. τοῦ δὲ σκιὰς εἶναι φαμένου τῶν πετρῶν, πλησίον ἤδη γινομένων τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατανοῶν οὐ σκιὰς ἔλεγε ταῦτ' εἶναι, λόχον δ' ἀνδρῶν. καὶ Ζάβουλος, “οὐ σὺ μέντοι, φησίν, ̓Αβιμελέχῳ κακίαν ἐπεκάλεις; τί οὖν οὐκ ἐπιδεικνύεις τὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς μέγεθος εἰς μάχην αὐτῷ συμβαλών”; 5.252. καὶ αὐτὸν πλησίον ὁρμῶντα τῶν πυλῶν γυνὴ θραύσματι μύλης βαλοῦσα κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς τυγχάνει, πεσὼν δὲ ̓Αβιμέλεχος τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν παρεκάλει κτείνειν αὐτόν, μὴ τῆς γυναικὸς ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ δόξειεν ἔργον. καὶ ὁ μὲν τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐποίει. 5.255. Πάντα δὲ τὰ τῶν ̔Εβραίων εἰς ἀκοσμίαν καὶ ὕβριν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν νόμων ὑπεφέρετο, καὶ καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν ̓Αμμανῖται καὶ Παλαιστῖνοι στρατῷ μεγάλῳ διήρπαζον τὴν χώραν καὶ τὴν Περαίαν ἅπασαν κατασχόντες καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν λοιπῶν ἤδη κτῆσιν διαβαίνειν ἐτόλμων. 5.256. ̔Εβραῖοι δὲ σωφρονισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶν εἰς ἱκετείαν ἐτράποντο τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ θυσίας ἐπέφερον παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν μετριάσαντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν δέησιν αὐτῶν ὑπαχθέντα παύσασθαι τῆς ὀργῆς: ὁ δὲ θεὸς μεταβαλόμενος εἰς τὸ ἡμερώτερον ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς βοηθεῖν. 5.257. ̓Αμμανιτῶν δ' ἐστρατευκότων ἐπὶ τὴν Γαλαδηνὴν ὑπήντων οἱ ἐπιχώριοι πρὸς τὸ ὄρος δεόμενοι τοῦ στρατηγήσοντος. ἦν δέ τις ̓Ιαφθᾶς ἀνὴρ διὰ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρετὴν δυνατὸς καὶ δι' οἰκείαν αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν ἣν ἔτρεφεν αὐτὸς μισθοφόρων. 5.258. πρὸς τοῦτον οὖν πέμψαντες ἠξίουν αὐτὸν συμμαχεῖν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι παρασχεῖν εἰς ἅπαντ' αὐτῷ τὸν χρόνον τὴν ἰδίαν ἡγεμονίαν. ὁ δ' οὐ προσίεται τὴν παράκλησιν αὐτῶν ἐγκαλῶν, ὅτι μὴ βοηθήσειαν αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀδικουμένῳ περιφανῶς: 5.263. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἀπέλυσεν: αὐτὸς δ' εὐξάμενος νίκην καὶ θυσιάσειν ὑποσχόμενος, ἂν σῶος εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ὑποστρέψῃ, καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι καὶ πρῶτον αὐτῷ συντύχοι ἱερουργήσειν, συμβαλών τε νικᾷ παρὰ πολὺ καὶ φονεύων ἐδίωκε μέχρι πόλεως Μανιάθης, καὶ διαβὰς εἰς τὴν ̓Αμμανῖτιν πόλεις τε ἠφάνισε πολλὰς καὶ λείαν ἤλασε καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους δουλείας ἀπήλλαξεν ἐν ἔτεσιν ὀκτωκαίδεκα ταύτην ὑπομείναντας. 5.264. ἀναστρέφων δὲ συμφορᾷ περιπίπτει κατ' οὐδὲν ὁμοίᾳ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις αὐτῷ: ὑπήντησε γὰρ ἡ θυγάτηρ αὐτῷ, μονογενὴς δ' ἦν, ἔτι παρθένος. ὁ δὲ ἀνοιμώξας ἐπὶ τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πάθους κατεμέμφετο τῆς περὶ τὴν ὑπάντησιν σπουδῆς τὴν θυγατέρα: καθιερῶσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν τῷ θεῷ. 5.265. τῇ δὲ τὸ συμβησόμενον οὐκ ἀηδῶς προσέπεσεν ἐπὶ νίκῃ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν τεθνηξομένῃ, παρεκάλεσε δὲ δύο μῆνας αὐτῇ παρασχόντα πρὸς τὸ μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποθρηνῆσαι τὴν νεότητα τότε ποιεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὴν εὐχήν. 5.266. συγχωρήσας δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὸν προειρημένον χρόνον μετὰ τοῦτον διελθόντα θύσας τὴν παῖδα ὡλοκαύτωσεν οὔτε νόμιμον οὔτε θεῷ κεχαρισμένην θυσίαν ἐπιτελῶν, μὴ διαβασανίσας τῷ λογισμῷ τὸ γενησόμενον οἷόν τε πραχθὲν δόξει τοῖς ἀκούσασι. 5.275. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Παλαιστῖνοι τελευτήσαντα κρατοῦσι τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν καὶ φόρους παρ' αὐτῶν ἐλάμβανον ἐπ' ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα. ταύτης δ' ἐλευθεροῦνται τῆς ἀνάγκης τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ: 5.276. Μανώχης τις Δανιτῶν ἐν ὀλίγοις ἄριστος καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ὁμολογούμενος πρῶτος εἶχε γύναιον ἐπ' εὐμορφίᾳ περίβλεπτον καὶ τῶν κατ' αὐτὸ διαφέρον. παίδων δ' οὐ γινομένων αὐτῷ δυσφορῶν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπαιδίᾳ θεὸν ἱκέτευεν ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον συνεχῶς φοιτῶν μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς δοῦναι διαδοχὴν αὐτοῖς γνησίαν: μέγα δέ ἐστι τοῦτο πεδίον. 5.277. ἦν δὲ καὶ μανιώδης ὑπ' ἔρωτος ἐπὶ τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ζηλότυπος ἀκρατῶς. μονωθείσῃ δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ φάντασμα ἐπιφαίνεται τοῦ θεοῦ νεανίᾳ καλῷ παραπλήσιον μεγάλῳ καὶ εὐαγγελιζόμενον αὐτῇ παιδὸς γονὴν κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν καλοῦ τε καὶ ῥώμην ἐπιφανοῦς, ὑφ' ᾧ πονήσειν Παλαιστίνους ἀνδρουμένῳ. 5.278. παρῄνει τε τὰς κόμας αὐτῷ μὴ ἀποκείρειν: “ἔσται δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς ἄλλο μὲν ποτὸν ἀποστροφὴ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦτο προστάσσοντος, πρὸς ὕδωρ δὲ μόνον οἰκειότης”. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ᾤχετο κατὰ βούλησιν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θεοῦ. 5.279. ̔Η δὲ τἀνδρὶ παραγενομένῳ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἐκδιηγήσατο ἐκθαυμάζουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος, ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἐκ τῶν ἐπαίνων εἰς ἔκπληξιν κατὰ ζηλοτυπίαν περιστῆναι καὶ ὑπόνοιαν τὴν ἐκ τοιούτου πάθους κινουμένην. 5.281. ὁ δὲ θεασάμενος οὐδ' οὕτως ἐπαύετο τῆς ὑπονοίας ἠξίωσέ τι καὶ αὐτῷ δηλοῦν ὅσα καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ μηνύσειεν. ἀρκέσειν δὲ φράσαντος ταύτην μόνην εἰδέναι, τίς εἴη λέγειν ἐκέλευεν, ἵνα τοῦ παιδὸς γενομένου χάριν αὐτῷ καὶ δωρεὰν παράσχωσι. 5.282. τοῦ δὲ μηδέ τινων αὐτῷ δεῖσθαι φήσαντος, οὐδὲ γὰρ κατὰ χρείαν ταῦτα εὐαγγελίσασθαι περὶ τῆς τοῦ παιδὸς γονῆς, τοῦ δὲ μεῖναι παρακαλοῦντος καὶ ξενίων μετασχεῖν οὐκ ἐπένευσε, πεισθεὶς δ' ὅμως λιπαροῦντος ἐπιμεῖναι ὡς ἂν ξένιον αὐτῷ τι κομίσῃ, 5.283. καὶ θύσαντος ἔριφον τοῦ Μανώχου καὶ τοῦτον ὀπτᾶν τῇ γυναικὶ κελεύσαντος, ἐπεὶ πάντ' ἦν εὐτρεπῆ, προσέταξεν ἐπὶ τῆς πέτρας ἀποθέσθαι τούς τε ἄρτους καὶ τὰ κρέα χωρὶς τῶν ἀγγείων. 5.284. καὶ ποιησάντων ἅπτεται τῇ ῥάβδῳ ᾗ εἶχε τῶν κρεῶν, τὰ δὲ λάμψαντος πυρὸς ἅμα τοῖς ἄρτοις ἐκαίετο καὶ ὁ ἄγγελος διὰ τοῦ καπνοῦ ὥσπερ ὀχήματος ἀνιὼν εἰς οὐρανὸν αὐτοῖς φανερὸς ἦν. Μανώχην δὲ φοβούμενον, μή τι σφαλερὸν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ θεοῦ γένοιτο, θαρσεῖν ἡ γυνὴ παρεκελεύετο: ἐπὶ γὰρ συμφέροντι τῷ αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς ὁραθῆναι. 5.285. Καὶ κύει τε ἐκείνη καὶ φυλακὴν εἶχε τῶν ἐντολῶν, καὶ γενόμενον τὸ παιδίον Σαμψῶνα καλοῦσιν, ἰσχυρὸν δ' ἀποσημαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. ηὔξετο δ' ὁ παῖς ῥᾳδίως καὶ δῆλος ἦν προφητεύσων ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν σωφροσύνης καὶ τῆς τῶν τριχῶν ἀνέσεως. 5.286. ̓Αφικόμενος δὲ μετὰ τῶν γονέων εἰς Θάμνα πόλιν τῶν Παλαιστίνων πανηγύρεως ἀγομένης ἐρᾷ παρθένου τῶν ἐπιχωρίων παρακαλεῖ τε τοὺς γονεῖς ἄγεσθαι πρὸς γάμον αὐτῷ τὴν κόρην. τῶν δὲ ἀρνουμένων διὰ τὸ μὴ ὁμόφυλον εἶναι, τοῦ θεοῦ κατὰ τὸ ̔Εβραίων σύμφορον ἐπινοοῦντος τὸν γάμον ἐκνικᾷ μνηστεύσασθαι τὴν παρθένον. 5.287. συνεχῶς δ' ἀπερχόμενος πρὸς τοὺς γονεῖς αὐτῆς συντυγχάνει λέοντι καὶ γυμνὸς ὢν ἐκδεξάμενος αὐτὸν ἄγχει ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ εἰς τὸ χωρίον τὸ ὑλῶδες ἐνδοτέρω τῆς ὁδοῦ ῥίπτει τὸ θηρίον. 5.288. Πάλιν τε ἀπιὼν πρὸς τὴν κόρην ἐπιτυγχάνει σμήνει μελιττῶν ἐν τῷ στήθει τοῦ λέοντος ἐκείνου νενοσσευκότων, καὶ ἀνελόμενος τρία μέλιτος κηρία σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς δώροις οἷς ἐκόμιζε δίδωσι τῇ παιδί. 5.289. τῶν δὲ Θαμνιτῶν παρὰ τὴν εὐωχίαν τὴν τῶν γάμων, εἱστία γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας, διὰ δέος τῆς ἰσχύος τοῦ νεανίσκου τριάκοντα δόντων αὐτῷ τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους λόγῳ μὲν ἑταίρους ἐσομένους ἔργῳ δὲ φύλακας, μή τι παρακινεῖν ἐθελήσειεν, τοῦ πότου προβάντος καὶ παιδιᾶς οὔσης, οἷα φιλεῖ παρὰ τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς, 5.291. τῶν δ' ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας οὐ δυναμένων ἐξευρεῖν τὸ νοούμενον παρακαλούντων δὲ τὴν κόρην μαθοῦσαν παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτοῖς μηνῦσαι, καὶ γὰρ ἠπείλουν ἐμπρήσειν αὐτὴν τοῦτο μὴ παρασχοῦσαν, ὁ Σαμψὼν δεομένης τῆς κόρης εἰπεῖν αὐτῇ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντέχειν ἐπειρᾶτο, 5.292. ἐγκειμένης δ' αὐτῆς καὶ εἰς δάκρυα προπιπτούσης καὶ τεκμήριον τιθεμένης τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν δυσνοίας τὸ μὴ λέγειν αὐτῇ, μηνύει τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτῇ τοῦ λέοντος καὶ ὡς τὰ τρία βαστάσας ἐξ αὐτοῦ κηρία μέλιτος γεγονότα κομίσειεν αὐτῇ. 5.293. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν ὑφορώμενος δολερὸν σημαίνει τὸ πᾶν, ἡ δ' ἐκφέρει τὸν λόγον τοῖς δεηθεῖσι. κατὰ οὖν τὴν ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν ἔδει τὸν προβληθέντα λόγον αὐτῷ διασαφεῖν, πρὶν ἢ δῦναι τὸν ἥλιον συνελθόντες φασίν, “οὔτε λέοντος ἀηδέστερόν τι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν οὔτε ἥδιον μέλιτος χρωμένοις”. 5.294. καὶ ὁ Σαμψὼν εἶπεν “οὐδὲ γυναικὸς εἶναί τι δολερώτερον, ἥτις ὑμῖν ἐκφέρει τὸν ἡμέτερον λόγον”. κἀκείνοις μὲν δίδωσιν ἃ ὑπέσχετο λείαν ποιησάμενος ̓Ασκαλωνιτῶν τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτῷ συντυχόντας, Παλαιστῖνοι δ' εἰσὶ καὶ οὗτοι, τὸν δὲ γάμον ἐκεῖνον παραιτεῖται καὶ ἡ παῖς ἐκφαυλίσασα τῆς ὀργῆς αὐτὸν συνῆν αὐτοῦ φίλῳ νυμφοστόλῳ γεγονότι. 5.295. Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὕβριν ταύτην Σαμψὼν παροξυνθεὶς ἅπαντας ἔγνω σὺν αὐτῇ Παλαιστίνους μετέρχεσθαι. θέρους δ' ὄντος καὶ πρὸς ἄμητον ἤδη τῶν καρπῶν ἀκμαζόντων συλλαβὼν τριακοσίας ἀλώπεκας καὶ τῶν οὐρῶν ἐξάψας λαμπάδας ἡμμένας ἀφίησιν εἰς τὰς ἀρούρας τῶν Παλαιστίνων. 5.296. καὶ φθείρεται μὲν οὕτως αὐτοῖς ὁ καρπός, Παλαιστῖνοι δὲ γνόντες Σαμψῶνος εἶναι τὸ ἔργον καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν δι' ἣν ἔπραξε, πέμψαντες τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰς Θαμνὰ τὴν γενομένην αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς ζῶντας κατέπρησαν ὡς αἰτίους τῶν κακῶν γεγονότας. 5.297. Σαμψὼν δὲ πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῶν Παλαιστίνων ἀποκτείνας Αἰτὰν κατῴκει, πέτρα δ' ἐστὶν ὀχυρὰ τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς. Παλαιστῖνοι δ' ἐστράτευον ἐπὶ τὴν φυλήν. τῶν δ' οὐ δικαίως λεγόντων τιμωρίαν αὐτοὺς εἰσπράττεσθαι περὶ τῶν Σαμψῶνος ἁμαρτημάτων φόρους αὐτοὺς τελοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μὴ ἔχειν αἰτίαν ἔφασαν αὐτοῖς ὑποχείριον Σαμψῶνα δοῦναι. 5.298. οἱ δὲ ἀνεπίκλητοι βουλόμενοι τυγχάνειν παρῆσαν ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν τρισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται καὶ καταμεμψάμενοι τῶν εἰς Παλαιστίνους αὐτῷ τετολμημένων ἄνδρας ἅπαντι τῷ γένει τῶν ̔Εβραίων συμφορὰν ἐπενεγκεῖν δυναμένους, ἥκειν τε λέγοντες ὅπως αὐτὸν λαβόντες ὑποχείριον δῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἠξίουν ἑκοντὶ τοῦθ' ὑπομένειν. 5.299. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν ὅρκους παρ' αὐτῶν μηδὲν τούτων ποιήσειν περισσότερον ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐγχειριεῖν μόνον, καταβὰς ἐκ τῆς πέτρας αὑτὸν ἐν τῇ τῶν φυλετῶν τίθησιν ἐξουσίᾳ, κἀκεῖνοι δήσαντες αὐτὸν δυσὶ καλωδίοις ἦγον παραδοῦναι τοῖς Παλαιστίνοις. 5.301. Σαμψὼν δὲ μεῖζον ἢ χρὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ φρονῶν οὐ κατὰ θεοῦ συνεργίαν ἔλεγε τοῦτο συμβῆναι, τὴν δ' ἰδίαν ἀρετὴν ἐπέγραψε τῷ γεγονότι, τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς μὲν πεσεῖν τοὺς δ' εἰς φυγὴν τραπῆναι διὰ τοῦ παρ' αὐτοῦ δέους αὐχῶν. 5.302. δίψους δ' αὐτὸν ἰσχυροῦ κατασχόντος κατανοῶν ὡς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπειος ἀρετὴ τῷ θεῷ πάντα προσεμαρτύρει καὶ καθικέτευε μηδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων πρὸς ὀργὴν λαβόντα τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι, παρασχεῖν δὲ βοήθειαν πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν καὶ ῥύσασθαι τοῦ κακοῦ. 5.303. καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἱκετείας ἐπικλασθεὶς ὁ θεὸς πηγὴν κατά τινος πέτρας ἀνίησιν ἡδεῖαν καὶ πολλήν, ὅθεν καὶ Σαμψὼν ἐκάλει τὸ χωρίον Σιαγόνα καὶ μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο τοῦτο λέγεται. 5.304. Μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν μάχην Σαμψὼν καταφρονῶν τῶν Παλαιστίνων εἰς Γάζαν ἀφικνεῖται καὶ ἔν τινι τῶν καταγωγίων διέτριβε. μαθόντες δὲ τῶν Γαζαίων οἱ ἄρχοντες τὴν αὐτόθι παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ τὰ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐνέδραις καταλαμβάνουσιν, ὅπως ἐξιὼν μὴ λάθῃ. 5.305. Σαμψὼν δέ, οὐ γὰρ λανθάνουσιν αὐτὸν ταῦτα μηχανησάμενοι, περὶ μεσοῦσαν ἤδη τὴν νύκτα ἀναστὰς ἐνράσσει ταῖς πύλαις, αὐταῖς τε φλιαῖς καὶ μοχλοῖς ὅση τε ἄλλη περὶ αὐταῖς ἦν ξύλωσις ἀράμενος κατωμαδὸν εἰς τὸ ὑπὲρ ̔Εβρῶνος ὄρος φέρων κατατίθησιν. 5.306. Παρέβαινε δ' ἤδη τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν δίαιταν παρεχάρασσεν ξενικῶν μιμήσει ἐθισμῶν καὶ τοῦτ' αὐτῷ ἀρχὴ κακοῦ γίνεται: γυναικὸς γὰρ ἑταιριζομένης παρὰ τοῖς Παλαιστίνοις ἐρασθεὶς Δαλάλης τοὔνομα συνῆν αὐτῇ. 5.307. καὶ τῶν Παλαιστίνων οἱ τοῦ κοινοῦ προεστῶτες ἐλθόντες πρὸς αὐτὴν πείθουσιν ἐπαγγελίαις μαθεῖν παρὰ τοῦ Σαμψῶνος τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἰσχύος, ὑφ' ἧς ἄληπτός ἐστι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς. ἡ δὲ παρὰ πότον καὶ τοιαύτην συνουσίαν θαυμάζουσα τὰς πράξεις αὐτοῦ ἐτεχνίτευε μαθεῖν, τίνι τρόπῳ τοσοῦτον προύχει κατ' ἀρετήν. 5.308. ὁ δὲ Σαμψών, ἔτι γὰρ φρονεῖν ἰσχυρὸς ἦν, ἀντηπάτα τὴν Δαλάλην φάμενος, εἰ κλήμασιν ἑπτὰ δεθείη ἀμπέλου ἔτι καὶ περιειλεῖσθαι δυναμένοις, ἀσθενέστερος ἂν πάντων ἔσοιτο. 5.309. ἡ δὲ τότε μὲν ἡσύχασεν, ἀποσημήνασα δὲ τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν Παλαιστίνων ἐνίδρυσε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔνδον τινὰς καὶ μεθύοντα κατέδει τοῖς κλήμασι κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρότατον, ἔπειτ' ἀνεγείρασα ἐδήλου παρεῖναί τινας ἐπ' αὐτόν. 5.311. τοῦ δὲ πάλιν ἀπατῶντος αὐτὴν καὶ φήσαντος ἑπτὰ κάλοις δεθέντα τὴν ἰσχὺν ἀπολέσειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσασα οὐδὲν ἤνυσεν, τρίτον συνυφῆναι τὰς κόμας αὐτοῦ ἐμήνυσεν. 5.312. ὡς δ' οὐδὲ τούτου γενομένου ἀληθὲς ηὑρίσκετο, δεομένης τελευταῖον ὁ Σαμψών, ἔδει γὰρ αὐτὸν συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν, χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμενος τῇ Δαλάλῃ, “ἐμοῦ, φησίν, ὁ θεὸς κήδεται καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου πρόνοιαν γεννηθεὶς κόμην ταύτην τρέφω παρεγγυήσαντος μὴ ἀποκείρειν τοῦ θεοῦ: τὴν γὰρ ἰσχὺν εἶναί μοι κατὰ τὴν ταύτης αὔξησιν καὶ παραμονήν”. 5.313. ταῦτα μαθοῦσα καὶ στερήσασα τῆς κόμης αὐτὸν παραδιδοῖ τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐκέτ' ὄντα ἰσχυρὸν ἀμύνασθαι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν. οἱ δ' ἐκκόψαντες αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς δεδεμένον ἄγειν παρέδοσαν. 5.314. Προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου ηὔξετο ἡ κόμη τῷ Σαμψῶνι, καὶ ἑορτῆς οὔσης τοῖς Παλαιστίνοις δημοτελοῦς καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ γνωριμωτάτων ἐν ταὐτῷ εὐωχουμένων, οἶκος δ' ἦν δύο κιόνων στεγόντων αὐτοῦ τὸν ὄροφον, ἄγεται μεταπεμψαμένων ὁ Σαμψὼν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον, ὅπως ἐνυβρίσωσιν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὸν πότον. 5.315. ὁ δὲ δεινότερον τῶν κακῶν ὑπολαμβάνων τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι ὑβριζόμενος ἀμύνασθαι, τὸν χειραγωγοῦντα παῖδα πείθει, προσαναπαύσασθαι χρῄζειν εἰπὼν ὑπὸ κόπου, τοῖς κίοσιν αὐτὸν ἐγγὺς ἀγαγεῖν. 5.316. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν, ἐνσεισθεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπικαταβάλλει τὸν οἶκον ἀνατραπέντων τῶν κιόνων τρισχιλίοις ἀνδράσιν, οἳ πάντες ἀπέθανον, ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ Σαμψών. καὶ τὸν μὲν τοιοῦτον κατέσχε τέλος ἄρξαντα τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν εἴκοσιν ἔτη. 5.317. θαυμάζειν δὲ ἄξιον τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τοῦ περὶ τὴν τελευτὴν μεγαλόφρονος τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς μέχρι τοῦ τελευτᾶν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἁλῶναι δεῖ τῇ φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων προσάπτειν ἥττονι ἁμαρτημάτων οὔσῃ, μαρτυρεῖν δὲ ἐκείνῳ τὴν εἰς τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τῆς ἀρετῆς περιουσίαν. οἱ δὲ συγγενεῖς ἀράμενοι τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ θάπτουσιν ἐν Σαρασᾶ τῇ πατρίδι μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν. 5.318. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σαμψῶνος τελευτὴν προέστη τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ̓Ηλὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεύς. ἐπὶ τούτου λιμῷ τῆς χώρας κακοπαθούσης αὐτῶν ̓Αβιμέλεχος ἐκ Βηθλέμων, ἔστι δὲ ἡ πόλις αὕτη τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς, ἀντέχειν τῷ δεινῷ μὴ δυνάμενος τήν τε γυναῖκα Νααμεὶν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς αὐτῷ γεγενημένους Χελλιῶνα καὶ Μαλαῶνα ἐπαγόμενος εἰς τὴν Μωαβῖτιν μετοικίζεται. 5.319. καὶ προχωρούντων αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄγεται τοῖς υἱοῖς γυναῖκας Μωαβίτιδας Χελλιῶνι μὲν ̓Ορφᾶν ̔Ρούθην δὲ Μαλαῶνι. διελθόντων δὲ δέκα ἐτῶν ὅ τε ̓Αβιμέλεχος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ παῖδες δι' ὀλίγου τελευτῶσι, 5.321. καὶ γὰρ ἤδη καλῶς τὰ κατ' αὐτὴν ἐπυνθάνετο χωρεῖν. οὐκ ἐκαρτέρουν δὲ διαζευγνύμεναι αὐτῆς αἱ νύμφαι, οὐδὲ παραιτουμένη βουλομένας συνεξορμᾶν πείθειν ἐδύνατο, ἀλλ' ἐγκειμένων εὐξαμένη γάμον εὐτυχέστερον αὐταῖς οὗ διημαρτήκεσαν παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς γαμηθεῖσαι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν κτῆσιν, ὅτε τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν οὕτως ἐστί, 5.322. μένειν αὐτόθι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ συμμεταλαμβάνειν αὐτῇ βούλεσθαι πραγμάτων ἀδήλων τὴν πάτριον γῆν καταλιπούσας. ἡ μὲν οὖν ̓Ορφᾶ μένει, τὴν δὲ ̔Ρούθην μὴ πεισθεῖσαν ἀπήγαγε κοινωνὸν παντὸς τοῦ προστυχόντος γενησομένην. 5.323. ̓Ελθοῦσαν δὲ ̔Ρούθην μετὰ τῆς πενθερᾶς εἰς τὴν Βηθλεέμων Βοώζης ̓Αβιμελέχου συγγενὴς ὢν δέχεται ξενίᾳ. καὶ ἡ Ναάμις, προσαγορευόντων αὐτὴν ὀνομαστί, δικαιότερον εἶπε Μαρὰν καλεῖτέ με: σημαίνει δὲ καθ' ̔Εβραίων γλῶτταν ναάμις μὲν εὐτυχίαν, μαρὰ δὲ ὀδύνην. 5.324. ἀμήτου δὲ γενομένου ἐξῄει καλαμησομένη κατὰ συγχώρησιν τῆς πενθερᾶς ἡ ̔Ρούθη, ὅπως τροφῆς εὐποροῖεν, καὶ εἰς τὸ Βοώζου τυχαίως ἀφικνεῖται χωρίον. παραγενόμενος δὲ Βόαζος μετ' ὀλίγον καὶ θεασάμενος τὴν κόρην ἀνέκρινε τὸν ἀγροκόμον περὶ τῆς παιδός. ὁ δὲ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν παρ' αὐτῆς ἅπαντα προπεπυσμένος ἐδήλου τῷ δεσπότῃ. 5.325. ὁ δὲ τῆς περὶ τὴν πενθερὰν εὐνοίας ἅμα καὶ μνήμης τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῆς ᾧ συνῴκησεν ἀσπασάμενος καὶ εὐξάμενος αὐτῇ πεῖραν ἀγαθῶν καλαμᾶσθαι μὲν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, θερίζειν δὲ πᾶν ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο καὶ λαμβάνειν ἐπιτρέπει προστάξας τῷ ἀγροκόμῳ μηδὲν αὐτὴν διακωλύειν λαμβάνειν, ἄριστόν τε παρέχειν αὐτῇ καὶ ποτόν, ὁπότε σιτίζοι τοὺς θερίζοντας. 5.326. ̔Ρούθη δὲ ἄλφιτα λαβοῦσα παρ' αὐτοῦ ἐφύλαξε τῇ ἑκυρᾷ καὶ παρῆν ὀψὲ κομίζουσα μετὰ τῶν σταχύων: ἐτετηρήκει δ' αὐτῇ καὶ ἡ Ναάμις ἀπομοίρας βρωμάτων τινῶν, οἷς αὐτὴν ἐπολυώρουν οἱ γειτονεύοντες: διηγεῖται δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Βοάζου πρὸς αὐτὴν εἰρημένα. 5.327. δηλωσάσης δ' ἐκείνης ὡς συγγενής ἐστι καὶ τάχα ἂν δι' εὐσέβειαν προνοήσειεν αὐτῶν, ἐξῄει πάλιν ταῖς ἐχομέναις ἡμέραις ἐπὶ καλάμης συλλογὴν σὺν ταῖς Βοάζου θεραπαινίσιν. 5.328. ̓Ελθών τε μετ' οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ Βόαζος ἤδη τῆς κριθῆς λελικμημένης ἐπὶ τῆς ἅλωος ἐκάθευδε. τοῦτο πυθομένη ἡ Ναάμις τεχνᾶται παρακατακλῖναι τὴν ̔Ρούθην αὐτῷ: καὶ γὰρ ἔσεσθαι χρηστὸν αὐταῖς ὁμιλήσαντα τῇ παιδί: καὶ πέμπει τὴν κόρην ὑπνωσομένην αὐτοῦ παρὰ τοῖς ποσίν. 5.329. ἡ δέ, πρὸς οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀντιλέγειν τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς ἑκυρᾶς κελευομένων ὅσιον ἡγεῖτο, παραγίνεται καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν λανθάνει τὸν Βόαζον βαθέως καθυπνωκότα, περιεγερθεὶς δὲ περὶ μέσην νύκτα καὶ αἰσθόμενος τῆς ἀνθρώπου παρακατακειμένης ἀνέκρινε τίς εἴη. 5.331. “περὶ μέντοι τοῦ παντὸς οὕτω, φησίν, ἔσται, ἐρωτᾶν τὸν ἔγγιστά μου τῷ γένει τυγχάνοντα, εἰ σοῦ χρεία γαμετῆς ἐστιν αὐτῷ, καὶ λέγοντι μὲν ἀκολουθήσεις ἐκείνῳ, παραιτουμένου δὲ νόμῳ σε συνοικήσουσαν ἄξομαι.” 5.332. Ταῦτα τῇ ἑκυρᾷ δηλωσάσης εὐθυμία κατεῖχεν αὐτὰς ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ πρόνοιαν ἕξειν αὐτῶν Βόαζον γενομένας. κἀκεῖνος ἤδη μεσούσης τῆς ἡμέρας κατελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε γερουσίαν συνῆγε καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ̔Ρούθην ἐκάλει καὶ τὸν συγγενῆ, καὶ παραγενομένου φησίν: 5.333. “̓Αβιμελέχου καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ κλήρων κρατεῖς;” ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ συγχωρούντων τῶν νόμων κατὰ ἀγχιστείαν, “οὐκοῦν, φησὶν ὁ Βόαζος, οὐκ ἐξ ἡμισείας δεῖ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν νόμων. ἀλλὰ πάντα ποιεῖν κατ' αὐτούς. Μαάλου γὰρ δεῦρ' ἥκει γύναιον, ὅπερ εἰ θέλεις τῶν ἀγρῶν κρατεῖν γαμεῖν σε δεῖ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους.” 5.334. ὁ δὲ Βοάζῳ καὶ τοῦ κλήρου καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς παρεχώρει συγγενεῖ μὲν ὄντι καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν τετελευτηκότων, εἶναι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκα λέγων αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδας ἤδη. 5.335. μαρτυράμενος οὖν ὁ Βόαζος τὴν γερουσίαν ἐκέλευε τῇ γυναικὶ ὑπολῦσαι αὐτὸν προσελθοῦσαν κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ πτύειν εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον. γενομένου δὲ τούτου Βόαζος γαμεῖ τὴν ̔Ρούθην καὶ γίνεται παιδίον αὐτοῖς μετ' ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρρεν. 5.336. τοῦτο ἡ Ναάμις τιτθευομένη κατὰ συμβουλίαν τῶν γυναικῶν ̓Ωβήδην ἐκάλεσεν ἐπὶ γηροκομίᾳ τῇ αὐτῆς τραφησόμενον: ὠβήδης γὰρ κατὰ διάλεκτον τὴν ̔Εβραίων ἀποσημαίνει δουλεύων. ̓Ωβήδου δὲ γίνεται παῖς ̓Ιεσσαῖος, τούτου Δαβίδης ὁ βασιλεύσας καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ καταλιπὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπὶ μίαν καὶ εἴκοσι γενεὰς ἀνδρῶν. 5.337. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ ̔Ρούθην ἀναγκαίως διηγησάμην ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ δύναμιν, ὅτι τούτῳ παράγειν ἐφικτόν ἐστιν εἰς ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτυχόντας, εἰς οἷον ἀνήγαγε καὶ Δαβίδην ἐκ τοιούτων γενόμενον. 5.339. οὗτοι καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ὑβρισταὶ γενόμενοι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀσεβεῖς οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο παρανομήματος, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐφέροντο τῶν γερῶν κατὰ τιμήν, ἃ δ' ἐλάμβανον αὐτοῖς ἁρπαγῆς τρόπῳ, γυναῖκάς τε τὰς ἐπὶ θρησκείᾳ παραγινομένας ὕβριζον φθοραῖς ταῖς μὲν βίαν προσφέροντες τὰς δὲ δώροις ὑπαγόμενοι: τυραννίδος δ' οὐθὲν ἀπέλειπεν ὁ βίος αὐτῶν. 5.342. ̓Αλκάνης Λευίτης ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν μέσῳ πολιτῶν τῆς ̓Εφράμου κληρουχίας ̔Ραμαθὰν πόλιν κατοικῶν ἐγάμει δύο γυναῖκας ̓́Ανναν τε καὶ Φενάνναν. ἐκ δὴ ταύτης καὶ παῖδες αὐτῷ γίνονται, τὴν δ' ἑτέραν ἄτεκνον οὖσαν ἀγαπῶν διετέλει. 5.344. καὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς παραμυθίας τῇ λύπῃ κρατήσασα εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν ᾤχετο τὸν θεὸν ἱκετεύουσα δοῦναι γονὴν αὐτῇ καὶ ποιῆσαι μητέρα, ἐπαγγελλομένη τὸ πρῶτον αὐτῇ γενησόμενον καθιερώσειν ἐπὶ διακονίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ δίαιταν οὐχ ὁμοίαν τοῖς ἰδιώταις ποιησόμενον. 5.347. ἀναμνησθεῖσα δ' ἡ γυνὴ τῆς εὐχῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ παιδὶ γεγενημένης παρεδίδου τῷ ̓Ηλὶ ἀνατιθεῖσα τῷ θεῷ προφήτην γενησόμενον: κόμη τε οὖν αὐτῷ ἀνεῖτο καὶ ποτὸν ἦν ὕδωρ. καὶ Σαμουῆλος μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διῆγε τρεφόμενος, ̓Αλκάνῃ δ' ἐκ τῆς ̓́Αννας υἱεῖς τε γίνονται καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρες. 5.348. Σαμουῆλος δὲ πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος ἤδη δωδέκατον προεφήτευε. καί ποτε κοιμώμενον ὀνομαστὶ ἐκάλεσεν ὁ θεός: ὁ δὲ νομίσας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πεφωνῆσθαι παραγίνεται πρὸς αὐτόν. οὐ φαμένου δὲ καλέσαι τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ θεὸς εἰς τρὶς τοῦτο ποιεῖ. 5.353. Δείσαντες δὲ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ̔Εβραῖοι πέμπουσιν ὡς τὴν γερουσίαν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα τὴν κιβωτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντες κομίζειν, ἵνα παρούσης αὐτῆς παρατασσόμενοι κρατῶσι τῶν πολεμίων ἀγνοοῦντες, ὅτι μείζων ἐστὶν ὁ καταψηφισάμενος αὐτῶν τὴν συμφορὰν τῆς κιβωτοῦ, δι' ὃν καὶ ταύτην συνέβαινεν εἶναι. 5.354. παρῆν τε οὖν ἡ κιβωτὸς καὶ οἱ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱεῖς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῖς ἐπιστείλαντος, εἰ ληφθείσης τῆς κιβωτοῦ ζῆν ἐθέλουσιν, εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγίνεσθαι. Φινεέσης δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἱερᾶτο τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παρακεχωρηκότος διὰ τὸ γῆρας. 5.355. θάρσος οὖν ἐπιγίνεται πολὺ τοῖς ̔Εβραίοις ὡς διὰ τὴν ἄφιξιν τῆς κιβωτοῦ περιεσομένοις τῶν πολεμίων, κατεπλήττοντο δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι δεδιότες τὴν παρουσίαν τῆς κιβωτοῦ τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις. ταῖς μέντοι γε ἑκατέρων προσδοκίαις οὐχ ὅμοιον ἀπήντησε τὸ ἔργον, 5.356. ἀλλὰ συμβολῆς γενομένης ἣν μὲν ἤλπιζον νίκην ̔Εβραῖοι τῶν Παλαιστίνων αὕτη γίνεται, ἣν δ' ἐφοβοῦντο ἧτταν οὗτοι ταύτην ̔Εβραῖοι παθόντες ἔγνωσαν αὐτοὺς μάτην ἐπὶ τῇ κιβωτῷ τεθαρσηκότας: ἐτράπησάν τε γὰρ εὐθὺς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἀπέβαλον εἰς τρισμυρίους, ἐν οἷς ἔπεσον καὶ οἱ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱεῖς, ἥ τε κιβωτὸς ἤγετο πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων. 8.76. Μεταπέμπεται δ' ἐκ Τύρου Σολόμων παρὰ Εἱρώμου τεχνίτην Χείρωμον ὄνομα μητρὸς μὲν ὄντα Νεφθαλίτιδος τὸ γένος, ἐκ γὰρ ταύτης ὑπῆρχε τῆς φυλῆς, πατρὸς δὲ Οὐρίου γένος ̓Ισραηλίτου. οὗτος ἅπαντος μὲν ἐπιστημόνως εἶχεν ἔργου, μάλιστα δὲ τεχνίτης ἦν χρυσὸν ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ χαλκόν, ὑφ' οὗ δὴ καὶ πάντα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βούλησιν τὰ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐμηχανήθη. 9.117. ὡς δὲ καὶ τοῦτ' ἐδήλωσεν ὁ σκοπὸς ̓Ιωράμῳ, τελευταῖον αὐτὸς ἐπιβὰς ἅρματος σὺν ̓Οχοζίᾳ τῷ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν βασιλεῖ, παρῆν γὰρ αὐτὸς ὡς ἔφην ἔμπροσθεν ὀψόμενος αὐτὸν πῶς ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος ἔχοι διὰ συγγένειαν, ἐξῆλθεν ὑπαντησόμενος. 9.211. κληρωσαμένων οὖν ὁ προφήτης λαγχάνει πυνθανομένων τε πόθεν τε εἴη καὶ τί μετέρχεται τὸ μὲν γένος ἔλεγεν ̔Εβραῖος εἶναι προφήτης τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ: συνεβούλευσεν οὖν αὐτοῖς, εἰ θέλουσιν ἀποδράναι τὸν παρόντα κίνδυνον, ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος: αἴτιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι τοῦ χειμῶνος. 9.291. οἳ πρὸς μεταβολὴν συγγενεῖς μὲν ὅταν εὖ πράττοντας βλέπωσι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀποκαλοῦσιν ὡς ἐξ ̓Ιωσήπου φύντες καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκεῖθεν τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντες οἰκειότητος, ὅταν δὲ πταίσαντας ἴδωσιν, οὐδαμόθεν αὐτοῖς προσήκειν λέγουσιν οὐδ' εἶναι δίκαιον οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς εὐνοίας ἢ γένους, ἀλλὰ μετοίκους ἀλλοεθνεῖς ἀποφαίνουσιν αὑτούς. περὶ μὲν τούτων ἕξομεν εὐκαιρότερον εἰπεῖν. 10.122. τῶν δ' οἰκετῶν τις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν τιμῇ τυγχάνων Αἰθίοψ τὸ γένος τὸ περὶ τὸν προφήτην πάθος ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ φάσκων οὐκ ὀρθῶς ταῦτα τοὺς φίλους καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῦ πεποιηκέναι καταποντίσαντας εἰς βόρβορον τὸν προφήτην καὶ τοῦ διὰ τῶν δεσμῶν θανάτου πικρότερον οὕτως ἐσόμενον ἐπινοήσαντας κατ' αὐτοῦ. 10.183. καὶ τὸ μὲν ̔Εβραίων γένος ἐν τοιούτῳ τέλει γενόμενον παρειλήφαμεν δὶς ἐλθὸν πέραν Εὐφράτου: ὑπὸ ̓Ασσυρίων μὲν γὰρ ἐξέπεσεν ὁ τῶν δέκα φυλῶν λαὸς ἀπὸ Σαμαρείας βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ωσήου, ἔπειτα τῶν δύο φυλῶν ὑπὸ Ναβουχοδονοσόρου τοῦ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλέως καὶ τῶν Χαλδαίων ὃς ὑπελείφθη τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἁλόντων. 10.237. ἀθυμοῦντα δ' ἐπὶ τούτῳ θεασαμένη τὸν βασιλέα ἡ μάμμη αὐτοῦ παραθαρσύνειν ἤρξατο καὶ λέγειν, ὡς ἔστι τις ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας αἰχμάλωτος ἐκεῖθεν τὸ γένος ἀχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ναβουχοδονοσόρου πορθήσαντος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα Δανίηλος ὄνομα, σοφὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δεινὸς εὑρεῖν τὰ ἀμήχανα καὶ μόνῳ τῷ θεῷ γνώριμα, ὃς Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ μηδενὸς ἄλλου δυνηθέντος εἰπεῖν περὶ ὧν ἔχρῃζεν εἰς φῶς ἤγαγε τὰ ζητούμενα. 11.114. Οἱ δὲ Σαμαρεῖς ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ βασκάνως διακείμενοι πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους εἰργάσαντο πλούτῳ τε πεποιθότες καὶ συγγένειαν προσποιούμενοι τὴν Περσῶν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐκεῖθεν ἦσαν. 11.207. Χρόνῳ δ' ὕστερον ἐπιβουλευσάντων τῷ βασιλεῖ Βαγαθώου καὶ Θεοδοσίτου Βαρνάβαζος τῶν εὐνούχων οἰκέτης τοῦ ἑτέρου τὸ γένος ὢν ̓Ιουδαῖος συνεὶς τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῷ θείῳ κατεμήνυσε τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ βασιλέως, Μαρδοχαῖος δὲ διὰ τῆς ̓Εσθήρας φανεροὺς ἐποίησε τῷ βασιλεῖ τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας. 11.209. ̓Αμάνην δὲ ̓Αμαδάθου μὲν υἱὸν τὸ γένος δὲ ̓Αμαληκίτην εἰσιόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα προσεκύνουν οἵ τε ξένοι καὶ Πέρσαι ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν τιμὴν παρ' αὐτῶν ̓Αρταξέρξου κελεύοντος γενέσθαι. 11.211. καὶ τιμωρήσασθαι θελήσας τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον αὐτὸν μὲν αἰτήσασθαι πρὸς κόλασιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως μικρὸν ἡγήσατο, τὸ ἔθνος δὲ αὐτοῦ διέγνω πᾶν ἀφανίσαι: καὶ γὰρ φύσει τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀπηχθάνετο, ὅτι καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν ̓Αμαληκιτῶν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν αὐτός, ὑπ' αὐτῶν διέφθαρτο. 11.269. ̓Αμάνης μὲν οὖν ἀμετρήτως τῇ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως χρώμενος τιμῇ τοῦτον διεφθάρη τὸν τρόπον, τὴν δὲ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ ἐχαρίσατο τῇ βασιλίσσῃ. Μαρδοχαῖον δὲ προσκαλεσάμενος, καὶ γὰρ ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν ̓Εσθήρα, ὃν ἔδωκεν ̓Αμάνῃ δακτύλιον τοῦτον Μαρδοχαίῳ δίδωσι. 11.277. ὡς μὲν ̓Αμάνης, ̓Αμαδάθου μὲν παῖς ̓Αμαληκίτης δὲ τὸ γένος, ἀλλότριος ὢν τοῦ Περσῶν αἵματος, ἐπιξενωθεὶς ἡμῖν ἀπέλαυσεν τῆς πρὸς ἅπαντας χρηστότητος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ὡς πατέρα μου τὸ λοιπὸν προσαγορεύεσθαι καὶ προσκυνούμενον διατελεῖν καὶ μεθ' ἡμᾶς τὰ δεύτερα τῆς βασιλικῆς παρὰ πάντων τιμῆς ἀποφέρεσθαι, τὴν εὐτυχίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν οὐδὲ σώφρονι λογισμῷ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐταμίευσεν, 12.4. κατέσχε δὲ οὗτος καὶ τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα δόλῳ καὶ ἀπάτῃ χρησάμενος: ἐλθὼν γὰρ σαββάτοις εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὡς θύσων, μήτε τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων αὐτὸν ἀμυνομένων, οὐδὲν γὰρ ὑπενόουν πολέμιον, καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνύποπτον καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ῥαθυμίᾳ τυγχανόντων, ἀπόνως ἐγκρατὴς γίγνεται τῆς πόλεως καὶ πικρῶς ἦρχεν αὐτῆς. 12.4. Τοιαύτης οὖν τῆς εἰσδόσεως γενομένης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ̓Ελεαζάρῳ γραφῆναι περὶ τούτων ἅμα καὶ τὴν ἄφεσιν τῶν δουλευόντων παρ' αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων δηλοῦντας αὐτῷ, καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν δὲ κρατήρων καὶ φιαλῶν καὶ σπονδείων ἔπεμψε χρυσίου μὲν ὁλκῆς τάλαντα πεντήκοντα, λίθων δὲ πολυτελῶν ἀσυλλόγιστόν τι πλῆθος. 12.4. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν ̓́Αλκιμον ἤδη μέγαν ὁ ̓Ιούδας γινόμενον καὶ πολλοὺς διεφθαρκότα τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ ὁσίων τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιπορευόμενος τὴν χώραν διέφθειρεν τοὺς ταὐτὰ ἐκείνῳ φρονοῦντας. βλέπων δὲ ἑαυτὸν ̓́Αλκιμος ἀντέχειν τῷ ̓Ιούδᾳ μὴ δυνάμενον, ἀλλ' ἡττώμενον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἰσχύος, ἐπὶ τὴν παρὰ Δημητρίου τοῦ βασιλέως συμμαχίαν ἔγνω τραπέσθαι. 12.5. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ καὶ ̓Αγαθαρχίδης ὁ Κνίδιος ὁ τὰς τῶν διαδόχων πράξεις συγγραψάμενος, ὀνειδίζων ἡμῖν δεισιδαιμονίαν ὡς δι' αὐτὴν ἀποβαλοῦσι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, λέγων οὕτως: 12.5. ἀπέσταλκα δέ σοι περὶ τούτων διαλεξομένους ̓Ανδρέαν τὸν ἀρχισωματοφύλακα καὶ ̓Αρισταῖον ἐμοὶ τιμιωτάτους, δι' ὧν καὶ ἀπαρχὰς ἀναθημάτων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ θυσιῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπέσταλκα τάλαντα ἀργυρίου ἑκατόν. καὶ σὺ δ' ἡμῖν ἐπιστέλλων περὶ ὧν ἂν θέλῃς ποιήσεις κεχαρισμένα.” 12.6. “ἔστιν ἔθνος ̓Ιουδαίων λεγόμενον, οἳ πόλιν ὀχυρὰν καὶ μεγάλην ἔχοντες ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ταύτην ὑπερεῖδον ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίῳ γενομένην ὅπλα λαβεῖν οὐ θελήσαντες, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἄκαιρον δεισιδαιμονίαν χαλεπὸν ὑπέμειναν ἔχειν δεσπότην.” 12.6. Πρῶτον δὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς τραπέζης ἐκθήσομαι. εἶχεν μὲν οὖν δι' ἐννοίας ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπερμεγεθέστατον τοῖς μέτροις ἀπεργάσασθαι τὸ κατασκεύασμα, προσέταξε δὲ μαθεῖν τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀνακειμένης ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις τραπέζης πόσον τέ ἐστιν καὶ εἰ δύναται τούτου μεῖζον κατασκευασθῆναι. 12.226. ἐντυχόντες γραφῇ τινι εὕρομεν, ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς εἶεν γένους ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ̓́Αβραμον οἰκειότητος. δίκαιον οὖν ἐστιν ἀδελφοὺς ὑμᾶς ὄντας διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς περὶ ὧν ἂν βούλησθε. 12.229. καὶ οἱ μὲν πλείους τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις συνεμάχουν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Σίμων διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν: ὁ δὲ ̔Υρκανὸς ἐπανελθεῖν μὲν οὐκέτι ἔγνω εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, προσκαθίσας δὲ τοῖς πέραν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου συνεχῶς ἐπολέμει τοὺς ̓́Αραβας, ὡς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ λαβεῖν αἰχμαλώτους. 12.274. μὴ προσδεχομένων δὲ τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ τἀναντία φρονούντων, συμβάλλουσιν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην σαββάτων ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ὡς εἶχον οὕτως ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις αὐτοὺς κατέφλεξαν οὐδὲ ἀμυνομένους ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τὰς εἰσόδους ἐμφράξαντας: τοῦ δὲ ἀμύνασθαι διὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀπέσχοντο μηδ' ἐν κακοῖς παραβῆναι τὴν τοῦ σαββάτου τιμὴν θελήσαντες: ἀργεῖν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν αὐτῇ νόμιμόν ἐστιν. 12.275. ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἐμπνιγέντες τοῖς σπηλαίοις ὡσεὶ χίλιοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διασωθέντες τῷ Ματταθίᾳ προσέθεντο κἀκεῖνον ἄρχοντα ἀπέδειξαν. 12.276. ὁ δὲ καὶ σαββάτοις αὐτοὺς ἐδίδαξε μάχεσθαι λέγων, ὡς εἰ μὴ ποιήσουσι τοῦτο φυλαττόμενοι τὸ νόμιμον, αὐτοῖς ἔσονται πολέμιοι, τῶν μὲν ἐχθρῶν κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῖς προσβαλλόντων, αὐτῶν δ' οὐκ ἀμυνομένων, κωλύσειν τε μηδὲν οὕτως ἀμαχητὶ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι. 12.277. ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἔπεισεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἄχρι δεῦρο μένει παρ' ἡμῖν τὸ καὶ σαββάτοις, εἴ ποτε δεήσειεν, μάχεσθαι. 12.403. ὁ δὲ Νικάνωρ παραγενόμενος εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα πολεμεῖν μὲν εὐθὺς οὐ διέγνω τῷ ̓Ιούδᾳ, δόλῳ δ' ὑποχείριον λαβεῖν κρίνας προσπέμπει λόγους εἰρηνικοὺς αὐτῷ, μηδεμίαν μὲν ἀνάγκην εἶναι φάσκων πολεμεῖν καὶ κινδυνεύειν, ὅρκους δ' αὐτῷ διδόναι περὶ τοῦ μηδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινόν: ἥκειν γὰρ μετὰ φίλων ἐπὶ τῷ ποιῆσαι φανερὰν αὐτοῖς τὴν Δημητρίου τοῦ βασιλέως διάνοιαν, ὡς περὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν φρονεῖ. 13.109. Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μεμψάμενος αὑτὸν τοῦ τε συνοικίσαι τὴν θυγατέρα ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τῆς τε συμμαχίας τῆς κατὰ Δημητρίου διαλύεται τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν: 13.131. ̓Αμέλει ταύτην νοήσας τὴν δύσνοιαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς Δημήτριον ̓Αλεξάνδρου τις στρατηγὸς ̓Απαμεὺς τὸ γένος Διόδοτος ὁ καὶ Τρύφων ἐπικληθείς, παραγίνεται πρὸς Μάλχον τὸν ̓́Αραβα, ὃς ἔτρεφε τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ̓Αντίοχον, καὶ δηλώσας αὐτῷ τὴν δυσμένειαν τὴν τῶν στρατευμάτων πρὸς Δημήτριον ἔπειθεν αὐτῷ δοῦναι τὸν ̓Αντίοχον: βασιλέα γὰρ αὐτὸν ποιήσειν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποκαταστήσειν. 13.164. τοῖς δ' αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἀπὸ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἀναστρέφουσιν πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἀφικέσθαι καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπομνῆσαι φιλίαν καὶ συγγένειαν. οἱ δ' ὡς ἦλθον εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην παρελθόντες εἰς τὴν βουλὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ παρὰ ̓Ιωνάθου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως εἰπόντες, ὡς πέμψειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς συμμαχίας βεβαιώσει, 13.166. τὸ δ' ἀντίγραφον ἦν τόδε: “ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιωνάθης τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἱερέων Λακεδαιμονίων ἐφόροις καὶ γερουσίᾳ καὶ δήμῳ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς χαίρειν. εἰ ἐρρωμένοις ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, οὕτως ἂν ἔχοι ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς. 13.167. ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις κομισθείσης ̓Ονίᾳ τῷ γενομένῳ ἀρχιερεῖ παρ' ἡμῖν παρὰ ̓Αρέως τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὑμῶν ἐπιστολῆς διὰ Δημοτέλους περὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ὑμῖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς συγγενείας, ἧς ὑποτέτακται τὸ ἀντίγραφον, τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμεθα προθύμως καὶ τῷ Δημοτέλει καὶ τῷ ̓Αρεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς διετέθημεν, οὐ δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀποδείξεως διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἡμῶν πεπιστεῦσθαι γραμμάτων, 13.168. τὸ μὲν προκατάρχειν τῆς ἀναγνωρίσεως οὐδὲ δοκιμάζομεν μὴ καὶ προαρπάζειν δοκῶμεν τὴν παρ' ὑμῶν διδομένην δόξαν, πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων διαγενομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναποληθείσης ἡμῖν οἰκειότητος ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς καὶ ἐπωνύμοις ἡμέραις θυσίας τῷ θεῷ προσφέροντες καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας τε καὶ νίκης αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦμεν. 13.169. πολλῶν δ' ἡμᾶς πολέμων περιστάντων διὰ τὴν τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν οὔθ' ὑμῖν οὔτ' ἄλλῳ τῶν προσηκόντων ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν ἐκρίναμεν. καταγωνισάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους πέμποντες πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους Νουμήνιον τὸν ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αντίπατρον τὸν ̓Ιάσονος τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὄντων παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν τιμῇ, ἐδώκαμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστολάς, ὅπως ἀνανεώσωνται τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν συγγένειαν. 14.63. εἰ δὲ μὴ πάτριον ἦν ἡμῖν ἀργεῖν τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἂν ἠνύσθη τὸ χῶμα κωλυόντων ἐκείνων: ἄρχοντας μὲν γὰρ μάχης καὶ τύπτοντας ἀμύνασθαι δίδωσιν ὁ νόμος, ἄλλο δέ τι δρῶντας τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἐᾷ. 14.78. καὶ προσέτι πλείω ἢ μύρια τάλαντα ̔Ρωμαῖοι ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παρ' ἡμῶν εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ ἡ βασιλεία πρότερον τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἀρχιερεῦσιν διδομένη, τιμὴ δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγένετο. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. 15.253. Κοστόβαρος ἦν γένει μὲν ̓Ιδουμαῖος, ἀξιώματος τῶν πρώτων παρ' αὐτοῖς καὶ προγόνων ἱερατευσάντων τῷ Κωζαι: θεὸν δὲ τοῦτον ̓Ιδουμαῖοι νομίζουσιν. 15.257. ἔπραττεν δὲ ταῦτα τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ μὲν οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀρεσκόμενος, εἰ δὲ παραιρεθείη τῶν πλειόνων ̔Ηρώδης, εὐεπιχείρητον ἤδη νομίζων καὶ κατ' αὐτὸν ἄρξαι τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιδουμαίων γένους καὶ μεῖζον πράξειν: ἐπιδιέβαινεν γὰρ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἀφορμὰς ἔχων γένους καὶ χρημάτων, ἃ μετὰ διηνεκοῦς αἰσχροκερδείας ἐπεπόριστο, καὶ μικρὸν οὐδὲν ἐπενόει. 15.266. περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὥστ' εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ συγγενείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ' ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις. 15.384. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσας ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν, περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν. τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, ᾗ νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἐπιβάλλομαι, παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ' ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ: 17.78. κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἡ θυγάτηρ, γυνὴ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς πάντων ἵστωρ τούτων γενομένη κρύπτειν προθυμηθεῖσα αὐτά. καὶ διὰ τάδε ̔Ηρώδης ἐκείνην τε ἐξέβαλεν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἐξήλειψε τῶν διαθηκῶν εἰς ὃ βασιλεύσοι μενουσῶν, καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφείλετο Σίμωνα τὸν τοῦ Βοηθοῦ, καθίσταται δὲ Ματθίαν τὸν Θεοφίλου ̔Ιεροσολυμίτην γένος. 17.141. ἦν δὲ ἡ ̓Ακμὴ ̓Ιουδαία μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐδούλευε δὲ ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ καὶ ἔπρασσε ταῦτα φιλίᾳ τῇ ̓Αντιπάτρου ὠνηθεῖσα ὑπ' αὐτοῦ μεγάλῃ δόσει χρημάτων συγκακουργεῖν κατά τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ κατὰ τῆς τηθίδος. 17.324. Τούτων δὲ ταύτῃ διαπεπραγμένων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος νεανίας ̓Ιουδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Σιδωνίων τεθραμμένος πόλεως παρά τινι τῶν ̔Ρωμαϊκῶν ἀπελευθέρων εἰσῴκισεν αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν ̔Ηρώδου συγγένειαν ὁμοιότητι μορφῆς, ἣ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον αὐτῷ τὸν ἀνῃρημένον ̔Ηρώδου υἱὸν ἐμαρτυρεῖτο παρὰ τοῖς θεωροῦσιν. 17.327. καὶ τούτοις αὐτός τε ἀνεπτέρωτο, καὶ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο ἀπατᾶν, ἀλλὰ Κρήτῃ προσενεχθεὶς ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπόσοις εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἀφίκετο ἐπηγάγετο εἰς πίστιν, καὶ χρημάτων εὐπορηθεὶς δόσει τῇ ἐκείνων ἐπὶ Μήλου διῆρεν. πολὺ πλέονα δὲ ἦν ἐντεῦθεν ὁπόσα αὐτῷ προσῄει χρήματα πίστει τῆς βασιλείου συγγενείας καὶ ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀπολαβεῖν τὴν πάτριον ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀμείψασθαι τοὺς εὐεργέτας. 18.103. καὶ ̓Αρτάβανος πέμπει Τιβερίῳ ὅμηρον Δαρεῖον τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρα ἑπτάπηχυν τὸ μέγεθος ̓Ιουδαῖον τὸ γένος ̓Ελεάζαρον ὄνομα: 18.167. καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος Καίσαρος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος: παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε ̓Αντωνίᾳ καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ' αὐτῷ. 18.196. καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ̓Αγρίππαν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, ̓Ιουδαῖον δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων: βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν. 18.221. μήτε τοῦ πρὸς Τιβέριον συγγενοῦς, ἀλλ' ἐπιστάμενον, ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ' αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής, ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα Τιβερίου φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν, ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν Τιβέριος, φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος. 18.314. καὶ ἦσαν γὰρ ̓Ασιναῖος καὶ ̓Ανιλαῖος Νεερδᾶται μὲν τὸ γένος, ἀλλήλων δὲ ἀδελφοί. καὶ αὐτούς, πατρὸς δ' ἦσαν ὀρφανοί, ἡ μήτηρ προσέταξεν ἱστῶν μαθήσει ποιήσεως, οὐκ ὄντος ἀπρεποῦς τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας ταλασιουργεῖν παρ' αὐτοῖς. τούτοις ὁ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐφεστώς, καὶ γὰρ ἐμεμαθήκεσαν παρ' αὐτῷ, βραδυτῆτα ἐπικαλέσας τῆς ἀφίξεως ἐκόλασε πληγαῖς. 18.318. ̔Ο δὲ τῆς Βαβυλωνίας σατράπης μαθὼν ταῦτα καὶ βουληθεὶς ἔτι φυομένους κωλῦσαι πρίν τι μεῖζον κακὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀναστῆναι, συλλέξας στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ τῶν Παρθυαίων καὶ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ἤλασε πρὸς αὐτοὺς, φθῆναι θέλων προσβαλὼν ἐξελεῖν πρὶν ἐξάγγελτος γενέσθαι κατασκευάζων τὸν στρατόν. 18.319. περικαθίσας δὲ τὸ ἕλος ἡσύχαζεν, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν, ἦν δὲ σάββατον ἀργίας παντὸς χρήματος ̓Ιουδαίοις ἡμέρα, οἰόμενος οὐ τολμήσειν ἀντιστατήσειν αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ ἀμαχεὶ λαβὼν ἄξειν δεδεμένους, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσῄει χρῄζων αἰφνίδιον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπίπτωσιν. 18.321. καὶ ᾤχοντό τινες προσκοποῦντες τὸ γινόμενον καὶ ᾗ τάχος παρελθόντες, “καὶ οὔτε αὐτὸς ψεύδῃ σαφὴς εἰκαστὴς εἶναι τῶν πρασσομένων τοῖς πολεμίοις οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι πλειόνως ἐπιτρέψειν ἤμελλον ἡμῖν ὑβριεῖν. 18.322. περιειλήμμεθα δόλῳ μηδὲν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες: τοσῆσδε ἵππου πλῆθος ἐπελαύνουσιν ἡμῖν ἐν ἀπορίᾳ χειρῶν κειμένοις διὰ τὸ κατείργεσθαι προαγορεύσει 18.323. τῶν πατρίων εἰς τὸ ἀργεῖν.” ̓Ασιναῖος δὲ οὐκ ἄρα γνώμῃ τοῦ κατασκόπου κρίνειν ἔμελλεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις, ἀλλὰ νομιμώτερον ἡγησάμενος τοῦ ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις τελευτῶντας εὐφραίνειν τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἀλκῆς δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνάγκης εἰς ἣν ἐνεπεπτώκει παρανομεῖν τιμωρίαν ἀπολαμβάνοι, εἰ δέοι τελευτᾶν, αὐτός τε ἀναλαμβάνει τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ θάρσος ἐνεποίει τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅμοια ἀρετῆς. 18.324. ὁμόσε ἴασι τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ πολλοὺς κτείναντες αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ὡς ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτοιμα χωρεῖν εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται τὸ λοιπόν. 19.17. ̔Οδοὺς μὲν δὴ τρεῖς ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ παρεσκευάζετο καὶ τούτων ἑκάστης ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν εἶχον. Αἰμίλιός τε γὰρ ̔Ρῆγλος ἐκ Κορδύβης τῆς ἐν ̓Ιβηρίᾳ γένος συνεῖχέν τινας ἢ δι' ἐκείνων ἢ δι' αὐτοῦ πρόθυμος ὢν ἄρασθαι Γάιον. 19.17. καὶ εἴη μὲν εἰς πᾶν τοῦ αἰῶνος τὸ ἐπιὸν παραμεῖναι τὴν ἄδειαν αὐτῆς, ἀρκοῦσα δ' ἂν γένοιτο καὶ ἥδε ἡ ἡμέρα τοῖς τε νεωτέροις ἡμῶν καὶ ὅσοι γεγηράκαμεν αἰὼν ὑπείληπται, τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις δόντων ἀγαθῶν αὐτῆς ἐν ὁμιλίᾳ γεγονότες μετασταῖεν, τοῖς δὲ 20.81. ̓Αποτυχόντες δὲ οἱ τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν μεγιστᾶνες τῆς πρώτης ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδόντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὐδ' ὣς ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ γράφουσιν πάλιν Οὐολογέσῃ, βασιλεὺς δὲ Πάρθων οὗτος ἦν, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν τὸν ̓Ιζάτην, καταστῆσαι δ' αὐτοῖς ἕτερον δυνάστην καὶ τῷ γένει Πάρθον: μισεῖν γὰρ ἔλεγον τὸν ἑαυτῶν βασιλέα καταλύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάτρια, ξένων δ' ἐραστὴν ἐθῶν γενόμενον. 20.123. οἱ δὲ πρῶτοι κατὰ τιμὴν καὶ γένος τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν, ὡς εἶδον εἰς οἷον κακῶν μέγεθος ἥκουσιν, μετενδυσάμενοι σάκκους καὶ σποδοῦ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀναπλήσαντες παντοῖοι τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας παρακαλοῦντες ἦσαν καὶ πείθοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν θεμένους κατασκαφησομένην μὲν αὐτῶν τὴν πατρίδα, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν πυρποληθησόμενον, αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ γυναικῶν σὺν τέκνοις ἀνδραποδισμοὺς ἐσομένους, μεταθέσθαι τὸν λογισμὸν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντας ἠρεμεῖν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἀποχωρήσαντας εἰς τὰ αὑτῶν. 20.142. καθ' ὃν χρόνον τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπετρόπευε Φῆλιξ θεασάμενος ταύτην, καὶ γὰρ ἦν κάλλει πασῶν διαφέρουσα, λαμβάνει τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίαν, καὶ ̓́Ατομον ὀνόματι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων ̓Ιουδαῖον, Κύπριον δὲ τὸ γένος, μάγον εἶναι σκηπτόμενον πέμπων πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔπειθεν τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσαν αὐτῷ γήμασθαι, μακαρίαν ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος μὴ ὑπερηφανήσασαν αὐτόν. 20.147. τῷ αὐτῷ δὲ καιρῷ καὶ Μαριάμμη παραιτησαμένη τὸν ̓Αρχέλαον συνῴκησε Δημητρίῳ τῶν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίων πρωτεύοντι γένει τε καὶ πλούτῳ: τότε δὴ καὶ τὴν ἀλαβαρχίαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν. γενόμενον δ' αὐτῇ παιδίον ἐξ ἐκείνου ̓Αγριππῖνον προσηγόρευσεν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ἑκάστου τούτων μετὰ ἀκριβείας ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.163. καὶ δὴ διὰ τοιαύτης αἰτίας ὁ Φῆλιξ τὸν πιστότατον τῶν ̓Ιωνάθου φίλων ̔Ιεροσολυμίτην τὸ γένος Δωρᾶν ὀνόματι πείθει πολλὰ χρήματα δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος ἐπαγαγεῖν τῷ ̓Ιωνάθῃ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἀναιρήσοντας, κἀκεῖνος ὑπακούσας ἐμηχανήσατο διὰ τῶν λῃστῶν πραχθῆναι τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὸν φόνον: 20.173. Γίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν Καισάρειαν οἰκούντων ̓Ιουδαίων στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Σύρους περὶ ἰσοπολιτείας: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρωτεύειν ἠξίουν διὰ τὸ τὸν κτίστην τῆς Καισαρείας ̔Ηρώδην αὐτῶν βασιλέα γεγονέναι τὸ γένος ̓Ιουδαῖον, Σύροι δὲ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὡμολόγουν, ἔφασκον δὲ τὴν Καισάρειαν Στράτωνος πύργον τὸ πρότερον καλεῖσθαι καὶ τότε μηδένα γεγονέναι τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαῖον οἰκήτορα. 20.214. Κοστόβαρος δὲ καὶ Σαοῦλος αὐτοὶ καθ' αὑτοὺς μοχθηρὰ πλήθη συνῆγον γένους μὲν ὄντες βασιλικοῦ καὶ διὰ τὴν πρὸς ̓Αγρίππαν συγγένειαν εὐνοίας τυγχάνοντες, βίαιοι δὲ καὶ ἁρπάζειν τὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων ἕτοιμοι. ἐξ ἐκείνου μάλιστα τοῦ καιροῦ συνέβη τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν νοσεῖν προκοπτόντων πάντων ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον. 20.252. Γέσσιος δὲ Φλῶρος ὁ πεμφθεὶς ̓Αλβίνου διάδοχος ὑπὸ Νέρωνος πολλῶν ἐνέπλησε κακῶν ̓Ιουδαίους. Κλαζομένιος μὲν ἦν τὸ γένος οὗτος, ἐπήγετο δὲ γυναῖκα Κλεοπάτραν, δι' ἣν φίλην οὖσαν Ποππαίας τῆς Νέρωνος γυναικὸς καὶ πονηρίᾳ μηδὲν αὐτοῦ διαφέρουσαν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπέτυχεν. | 1.75. 2. Now God loved this man for his righteousness: yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only, he turned the dry land into sea; 1.142. And when Noah was made sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his prosperity: and when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter. 1.165. He then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before. 1.187. and God required of him to be of good courage, and said that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God’s command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; 1.281. for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things, by my assistance: for I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: 1.288. 5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, “There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; 1.289. for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. of the last of whom, Nahor, Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which we bear to one another, 1.315. but thou hast had no regard to either thy mother’s relations to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, by driving away my cattle; and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father; 2.78. That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great splendor. “If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify.” 2.94. and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly a savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers had liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happiness. 2.98. for he refused to sell them corn, and said they were come as spies of the king’s affairs; and that they came from several countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countece as they were, such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings themselves. 2.165. Bring, therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and all your kindred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must endure five more years of famine.” 2.179. Zabulon had with him three sons—Sarad, Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her daughter Dinah. These are thirty-three. 2.181. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephtliali; which last had four sons that followed him—Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. 2.202. for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; 2.203. for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain the river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. 2.205. 2. While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous for the extinction of our nation. One of those sacred scribes, who are very sagacious in foretelling future events truly, told the king, that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a glory that would be remembered through all ages. 2.207. for those were the women who were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey him, and venture to save their male children alive, they and their families should be destroyed. 2.211. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and entreated him to have compassion on those men who had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their enemies’ hopes of the destruction of their nation. 2.216. and when he is brought up in a surprising way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among the Hebrews, but foreigners also:—all which shall be the effect of my favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the world. 2.225. for God had taken such great care in the formation of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on account of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child; 3.64. which multitude, every one according to their families, partook of the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to him who had been the author and procurer of their deliverance and their freedom. 3.88. And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them, you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete, as nature requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies for I have been admitted into the presence of God and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his concern for your nation, and its duration.” 3.191. So that he is to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself solicitous for your nation, but also because he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office.” 3.192. The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approbation to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them all the most deserving of this honor, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his brother’s virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar. 3.313. and that on this account, though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; 4.14. 2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account both by his family and by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity, and was uneasy at it, and envied him on that account (he was of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him), was particularly grieved, because he thought he better deserved that honorable post on account of his great riches, and not inferior to him in his birth. 4.19. for if God had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest tribe, that of Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their great wealth also.” 4.122. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me: 4.127. and spake thus to them:—“O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; 4.201. Let the ascent to it be not by steps but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one. 4.236. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; 4.309. 45. On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the women and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were present also, that they might engage themselves to the observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favor of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and so might transgress them. 5.43. and calling for Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar; 5.56. So these men, having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put upon him; 5.113. and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices.” 5.125. 3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and counteces so entirely different from other men, that they were surprising to the sight, and terrible to the hearing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any credible relations of other men. 5.132. 7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more against their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the regular disposition of their settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged to their political government: 5.133. whereupon God was provoked to anger, and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions, they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportunity served, used them very barbarously. 5.134. But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, 5.135. they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion:— 5.136. 8. There was a Levite a man of a vulgar family, that belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like return of affection from her, 5.137. for she was averse to him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they quarreled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being very uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, 5.138. and lived with them there four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his wife’s parents were loath to part with their daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; 5.139. and when they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to take up their lodgings some where, lest some misfortune should befall them if they traveled in the night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that season often giving reason for suspicion of dangers from even such as are friends; 5.140. but the husband was not pleased with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired rather to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Benjamin, when it was just dark; 5.141. and while no one that lived in the market-place invited him to lodge with him, there came an old man out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper when it was dark? 5.142. To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus accidentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. 5.143. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the old man, came to the doors, as condemning the weakness and fewness of the old man’s family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to yield them up the strange woman, and then he should have no harm done to him: 5.144. and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kindred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; 5.145. whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. 5.146. When they no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let her go about daybreak. 5.147. So she came to the place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered, and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: 5.148. but her husband supposed that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened, endeavored to raise her up, resolving to speak comfortably to her, since she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men’s lust, but was forced away to their house; 5.149. but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would admit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his wife’s death, and of the violence they had offered to her. 5.150. 9. Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw, and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembling in a great congregation before the tabernacle, they immediately resolved to take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of Gibeah as enemies; 5.151. but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not: 5.152. and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms against them. 5.153. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite’s wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done; 5.154. but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men’s demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force. 5.155. 10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the Canaanites; 5.156. and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while the Benjamites’ army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred; five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left hands, 5.157. insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; 5.158. o the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. 5.159. So they came to Bethel, a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas. 5.160. 11. When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by night, while the other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, 5.161. till both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush, 5.162. who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, 5.163. which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. 5.164. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. 5.165. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Levite’s wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own soldiers. 5.166. 12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that account, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for their offense against the laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These had seated themselves on a certain rock called Rimmon, which was in the wilderness. 5.167. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this destruction of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it patiently; and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, “We give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you are able to carry away with you.” 5.168. So these men with sorrow confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives; but as to the remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; 5.169. and whereas they had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in danger of perishing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention. 5.170. But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, “That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: 5.172. So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed. 5.173. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. 5.174. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war. 5.175. 1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion following:— 5.176. When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Canaanites despised them, and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in their own cities the more securely; 5.177. they prepared therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together, and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least portion of the plain country to set their foot on. 5.178. Since then these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land enough to sustain them, they sent five of their men into the midland country, to seek for a land to which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighborhood of Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the great plain of Sidon, a day’s journey from the city; and when they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name with the son of Jacob, and of the same name with their own tribe. 5.179. 2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their contempt of the divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. 5.180. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force; 5.182. 3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribe of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from God not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured some to assist him in this dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who, either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) 5.185. 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, 5.186. till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. 5.187. And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner;— 5.188. 2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. 5.189. Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. 5.190. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer time, and the middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. 5.191. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. 5.192. He was now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; 5.193. o he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the king’s servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep. 5.194. 3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams’ horns; for it was our custom to call the people together by them. 5.195. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the multitude of the Israelites came upon them, 5.196. o that some of them were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands; 5.197. and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government. 5.198. 1. And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worshipping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the Moabites; 5.199. for this Jabin came out of Hazor, a city that was situate over the lake Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, with no fewer than three thousand chariots. Sisera was the commander of all his army, and was the principal person in the king’s favor. He so sorely beat the Israelites when they fought with him, that he ordered them to pay tribute. 5.200. 2. So they continued to undergo that hardship for twenty years, as not good enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and ingratitude towards himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them, (which name in the Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee,) 5.201. to pray to God to take pity on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites. So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning. 5.202. 3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number was sufficient, and promised them victory. 5.203. But when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he said, and replied, “Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do not reject it!” So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at Mount Tabor, 5.204. where, at the king’s command, Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and Barak himself, were so affrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah retained them, and commanded them to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God would be their assistance. 5.208. of which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his temples into the floor; and when Barak came a little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the ground: 5.209. and thus was this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years. 5.210. 1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against them; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they carried off the prey. 5.212. for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permitted them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their supplications to God, and besought him to save them. 5.213. 2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a young man, and told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he immediately replied, “A mighty indication of God’s favor to me, that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!” 5.214. But the appearance exhorted him to be of good courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered, that it was impossible for him to recover it, because the tribe to which he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other promised him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and would afford the Israelites victory under his conduct. 5.215. 3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men, they believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told him that mankind were too fond of themselves, and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they were a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, 5.216. but might confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out of fear, and as in dread of their enemies. 5.218. 4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near to the Midianites’ tents, for that he should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow bold. 5.219. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered that those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was telling to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so plainly that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this:—He thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers. 5.224. The enemy’s camp took up a large space of ground, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into different nations, so they were all contained in one circle. 5.227. And as the report of Gideon’s victory came to the Israelites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents, a place which these could not get over; so they encompassed them, and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and Zeeb. 5.229. Now there were slain in this battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arabians, about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Midianites. 5.231. And by this method of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage to the Hebrews, than by the success he had against these enemies, for he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe afterwards suffer the punishment of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will give an account in due time. 5.234. and when he had got money of such of them as were eminent for many instances of injustice, he came with them to his father’s house, and slew all his brethren, except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and constituted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against those that were the patrons of justice. 5.236. o when silence was made, he said, That when the trees had a human voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honor which belonged peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine; 5.237. but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree had used before, and excused itself from accepting the government: and when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier, whom the trees had desired to take the kingdom, 5.238. (it is a sort of wood good for firing,) it promised to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit down under its shadow, and if they should plot against it to destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them. 5.239. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter; for that when they had experienced many blessings from Gideon, they overlooked Abimelech, when he overruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren; and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when he had said this, he went away, and lived privately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of Abimelech. 5.240. 3. A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abimelech away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might distress their city. 5.241. Now at the season of vintage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man of authority, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the head of his soldiery. 5.242. So they gathered their fruit with safety; and when they were at supper in several companies, they then ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech’s followers, and destroyed them. 5.243. 4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to be revenged on him; and when that was once done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. 5.244. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; 5.245. but the other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and said, They were not shadows, but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, “Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?” 5.252. Now as he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell down, and desired his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death should be thought to be the work of a woman:—who did what he was bid to do. 5.255. 7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly, and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest. 5.256. But the Hebrews, being now amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him, beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them. 5.257. 8. When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father’s virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was a potent man: 5.258. the Israelites therefore sent to him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; 5.263. 10. And when he had given them this answer, he sent the ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living creature soever should first meet him, he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his pursuit slew the enemies all along as far as the city of Minnith. He then passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had undergone for eighteen years. 5.264. But as he came back, he fell into a calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter that came to meet him; she was also an only child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his affliction, and blamed his daughter for being so forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God. 5.265. However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she should die upon the occasion of her father’s victory, and the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth with her fellow citizens; and then she agreed, that at the forementioned time he might do with her according to his vow. 5.266. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice. 5.275. 1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were delivered after this manner:— 5.276. 2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contemporaries. He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that intent he came constantly into the suburbs together with his wife; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. 5.277. Now he was fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young man beautiful and tall, and brought her the good news that she should have a son, born by God’s providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength; by whom, when he was grown up to man’s estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. 5.278. He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God. 5.279. 3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration of the beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by that passion: 5.280. but she was desirous of having her husband’s unreasonable sorrow taken away; accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again, that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the favor of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was alone without her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call Manoah. 5.281. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then requested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return him thanks, and give him a present. 5.282. He replied that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing. And when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as while he brought him one mark of his hospitality; 5.283. o he slew a kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock; 5.284. which when they had done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some danger would come to them from this sight of God; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit. 5.285. 4. So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson, which name signifies one that is strong. So the child grew apace; and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet, both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow. 5.286. 5. Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to procure her to be espoused to him. 5.287. And as he was continually coming to her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset, and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road. 5.288. 6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion; and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents, to the damsel. 5.289. Now the people of Timhath, out of a dread of the young man’s strength, gave him during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt to give them any disturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such times, 5.290. “Come, if I propose you a riddle, and you can expound it in these seven days’ time, I will give you every one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom.” So they being very ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains, desired him to propose his riddle. He said, “That a devourer produced sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable.” 5.291. And when they were not able, in three days’ time, to find out the meaning of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her husband, and tell it them; and they threatened to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the damsel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it; 5.292. but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his breast, and carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to her. 5.293. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to expound the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, “Nothing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it, and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it.” 5.294. To which Samson made this rejoinder: “Nothing is more deceitful than a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation to you.” Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his companion, who made the former match between them. 5.295. 7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time, and the fruits of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and joining lighted torches to their tails, he sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the fields perished. 5.296. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson’s doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortunes. 5.297. 8. Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an expedition against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting punishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of Samson’s offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power. 5.298. So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves, came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they desired him to bear this willingly. 5.299. Accordingly, when he had received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies’ hands, he came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of his countrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and lead him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; 5.300. and when they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder. 5.301. 9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the assistance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell and the rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; 5.302. but when a great thirst came upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. 5.303. Accordingly God was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, and so it is called to this day. 5.304. 10. After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being perceived; 5.305. but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron, and there laid them down. 5.306. 11. However, he at length transgressed the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was a harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived with her. 5.307. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson what was the cause of that his strength, by which he became unconquerable to his enemies. Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together, she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others in strength. 5.308. Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were bound with seven such green withs of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. 5.309. The woman said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with the withs; 5.310. and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the people were upon him; but he broke the withs, and endeavored to defend himself, as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Samson had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she knew it was for his interest to have concealed. 5.311. However, he deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when, upon doing this, she gained nothing, he told her the third time, that his hair should be woven into a web; 5.312. but when, upon doing this, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah’s prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was born by his providence, and that “thence it is that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase and continuance of my hair.” 5.313. When she had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had him led about among them. 5.314. 12. But in process of time Samson’s hair grew again. And there was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and those of the most eminent character, were feasting together; (now the room wherein they were had its roof supported by two pillars;) so they sent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast, that they might insult him in their cups. 5.315. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the boy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself, and desired he would bring him near the pillars; 5.316. and as soon as he came to them, he rushed with force against them, and overthrew the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the Israelites twenty years. 5.317. And indeed this man deserves to be admired for his courage and strength, and magimity at his death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak to resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat his own country, with the rest of his family. 5.318. 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; 5.319. and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; 5.320. and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. 5.321. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; 5.322. and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove. 5.323. 2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, “You might more truly call me Mara.” Now Naomi signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. 5.324. It was now reaping time; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz’s field; and after some time Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, 5.325. who kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. 5.326. Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; 5.327. and when the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz’s maidservants. 5.328. 3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; 5.329. who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was;— 5.330. and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done that was ill. 5.331. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here,—“He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law.” 5.332. 4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; 5.333. and when he was come, he said, “Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?” He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, “Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.” 5.334. So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; 5.335. o Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year’s time. 5.336. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for oneandtwenty generations. 5.337. I was therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such mean parents. 5.339. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety towards God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable employment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God at the tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than tyranny. 5.340. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli’s sons, which he did both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for his sons’ destruction. 5.342. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, although she was barren. 5.344. and suffering her grief to prevail over her husband’s consolations to her, she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she should bear to the service of God, and this in such a way, that his manner of living should not be like that of ordinary men. 5.347. but the woman remembered the vows she had made concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters. 5.348. 4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he, supposing he had been called by the high priest, came to him: but when the high priest said he did not call him, God did so thrice. 5.353. 2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark came to be honored. 5.354. So the ark came, and the sons of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their father, that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark, they should come no more into his presence, for Phineas officiated already as high priest, his father having resigned his office to him, by reason of his great age. 5.355. So the Hebrews were full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark’s coming to the Israelites: however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the expectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined, 5.356. that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high priest; but the ark was carried away by the enemies. 6.210. A man who hath delivered the people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our enemies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in marriage; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before she can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. 7.380. 10. Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular did David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers, and the priests, and of all the rest; and he began to bless God with a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, with which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom which he hath given his son. 8.76. 4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram; he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother’s side, (for she was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This man was skillful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, and silver, and brass; by whom were made all the mechanical works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon. 9.117. and as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had been wounded, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly, and in good order; 9.211. When they had cast lots, the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was upon them. 9.291. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition, they say they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from other countries. But of these we shall have a more seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter. 10.80. Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place. 10.122. but there was one of the king’s servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. 10.183. And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. 10.237. Now when the king’s grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted. 11.114. 9. But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came; 11.207. 4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen’s uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king. 11.209. 5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him; 11.211. And when he desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them. 11.269. 12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman. 11.277. This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; 12.4. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a Sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. 12.5. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander’s successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: 12.6. “There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition.” 12.226. “Areus, King of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. |
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192. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.145-1.146, 1.432, 1.477, 1.513, 1.576, 2.119, 2.308, 2.355-2.394, 2.466, 2.482, 2.517, 2.566, 3.435, 4.240, 4.311, 4.358, 4.416, 4.503, 4.506, 5.443, 5.532, 6.54, 7.66, 7.199, 7.204, 7.329, 7.349, 7.375 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 179; Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 168, 182| 1.145. Αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα τήν τε τάφρον ἔχου καὶ τὴν φάραγγα πᾶσαν ὕλην συμφορούσης τῆς δυνάμεως. χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν τὸ ἀναπληροῦν διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πάντα τρόπον εἰργόντων ἄνωθεν, 1.146. κἂν ἀτέλεστος ἔμεινεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ὁ πόνος, εἰ μὴ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἐπιτηρῶν ὁ Πομπήιος, ἐν αἷς παντὸς ἔργου διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν χεῖρας ἀπίσχουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τὸ χῶμα ὕψου τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμβολῆς εἴργων τοὺς στρατιώτας: ὑπὲρ μόνου γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἀμύνονται τοῖς σαββάτοις. 1.432. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν παρῆλθεν, ἀποπεμψάμενος ἣν ἰδιώτης ἦκτο γαμετήν, γένος ἦν ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων Δωρὶς ὄνομα, γαμεῖ Μαριάμμην τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ̓Αριστοβούλου θυγατέρα, δι' ἣν αὐτῷ στασιασθῆναι συνέβη τὸν οἶκον καὶ τάχιον μέν, μάλιστα δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ ̔Ρώμης ἄφιξιν. 1.477. πολλὰ δὲ ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀγένειαν τήν τε ἀδελφὴν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας, ὧν ἑκάστη δι' εὐμορφίαν οὐκ ἀπὸ γένους ᾑρέθη. πολλαὶ δ' ἦσαν, ὡς ἂν ἐφειμένου τε πατρίως ̓Ιουδαίοις γαμεῖν πλείους καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡδομένου πλείοσιν, αἳ πᾶσαι διὰ τὸ μεγάλαυχον τὸ Γλαφύρας καὶ τὰς λοιδορίας ἐμίσουν ̓Αλέξανδρον. 1.513. Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν παρέβαλεν ἀνὴρ πολὺ τῶν ̓Αρχελάου στρατηγημάτων δυνατώτερος, ὃς οὐ μόνον τὰς ὑπ' ἐκείνου πολιτευθείσας ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ διαλλαγὰς ἀνέτρεψεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπωλείας αἴτιος αὐτῷ κατέστη. γένος ἦν Λάκων, Εὐρυκλῆς τοὔνομα, πόθῳ χρημάτων εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν εἰσφθαρείς: οὐ γὰρ ἀντεῖχεν ἔτι ἡ ̔Ελλὰς αὐτοῦ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ. 1.576. ἐφ' οἷς ὀργισθεὶς Φάβατος, ἦν δ' ἔτι παρὰ ̔Ηρώδῃ μάλιστα τιμώμενος, γίνεται προδότης Συλλαίου τῶν ἀπορρήτων τῷ τε βασιλεῖ φησιν, ὅτι Συλλαῖος διαφθείρειεν αὐτοῦ τὸν σωματοφύλακα Κόρινθον χρήμασιν, ὃν δεῖ φυλάττεσθαι. πείθεται δ' ὁ βασιλεύς: καὶ γὰρ τέθραπτο μὲν ὁ Κόρινθος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ, γένος δ' ἦν ̓́Αραψ. 2.119. Τρία γὰρ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, ̓Εσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον. 2.308. βαρυτέραν τε ἐποίει τὴν συμφορὰν τὸ καινὸν τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ὠμότητος: ὃ γὰρ μηδεὶς πρότερον τότε Φλῶρος ἐτόλμησεν, ἄνδρας ἱππικοῦ τάγματος μαστιγῶσαί τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ σταυρῷ προσηλῶσαι, ὧν εἰ καὶ τὸ γένος ̓Ιουδαίων ἀλλὰ γοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα ̔Ρωμαϊκὸν ἦν. 2.355. ἀλλὰ μὴν τό γε νῦν ἐλευθερίας ἐπιθυμεῖν ἄωρον, δέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ ἀποβαλεῖν αὐτὴν ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρότερον: ἡ γὰρ πεῖρα τῆς δουλείας χαλεπή, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδ' ἄρξασθαι ταύτης ὁ ἀγὼν δίκαιος. 2.356. ὁ δ' ἅπαξ χειρωθείς, ἔπειτα ἀφιστάμενος, αὐθάδης δοῦλός ἐστιν, οὐ φιλελεύθερος. τότε τοιγαροῦν ἐχρῆν πάνθ' ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δέξασθαι ̔Ρωμαίους ποιεῖν, ὅτε ἐπέβαινεν τῆς χώρας Πομπήιος. 2.357. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν καὶ χρήμασιν καὶ σώμασιν καὶ ψυχαῖς ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πολλῷ διακείμενοι πρὸς μοῖραν ὀλίγην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀντέσχον: ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὸ μὲν ὑπακούειν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρειληφότες, τοῖς πράγμασιν δὲ τῶν πρώτων ὑπακουσάντων τοσοῦτον ἐλαττούμενοι, πρὸς ὅλην ἀνθίστασθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; 2.358. καὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον Ξέρξην διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν, πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα, οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες, περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην ̓Ασίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς ̔Ελλάδος πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας προστάγματα. 2.359. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ Θερμοπύλας καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ τὸν ἐρευνήσαντα τὴν ̓Ασίαν ̓Αγησίλαον ἀγαπῶσιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεσπότας, 2.361. ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί; 2.362. πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ἄρα καὶ πρὸς ̓́Αραβας οἴεσθε κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον; οὐ περισκέψεσθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; οὐ μετρήσετε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσθένειαν; οὐ τὰ μὲν ἡμέτερα καὶ τῶν προσοίκων ἐθνῶν ἡττήθη πολλάκις, ἡ δὲ ἐκείνων ἰσχὺς διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀνίκητος; 2.363. μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησάν τι πλέον: οὐ γὰρ ἐξήρκεσεν αὐτοῖς ὅλος Εὐφράτης ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οὐδὲ τῶν προσαρκτίων ὁ ̓́Ιστρος ἥ τε μεσημβρινὴ μέχρι τῶν ἀοικήτων ἐρευνηθεῖσα Λιβύη καὶ Γάδειρα πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν ἑτέραν ἐζήτησαν οἰκουμένην καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνιστορήτων πρότερον Βρεττανῶν διήνεγκαν τὰ ὅπλα. 2.364. τί οὖν; ὑμεῖς πλουσιώτεροι Γαλατῶν, ἰσχυρότεροι Γερμανῶν, ̔Ελλήνων συνετώτεροι, πλείους τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐστὲ πάντων; τί τὸ πεποιθὸς ὑμᾶς κατὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπαίρει; χαλεπὸν τὸ δουλεύειν, ἐρεῖ τις. 2.365. πόσῳ μᾶλλον ̔́Ελλησιν, οἳ τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις, τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι. 2.366. τί δ' αἱ πεντακόσιαι τῆς ̓Ασίας πόλεις; οὐ δίχα φρουρᾶς ἕνα προσκυνοῦσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς ῥάβδους; τί χρὴ λέγειν ̔Ηνιόχους τε καὶ Κόλχους καὶ τὸ τῶν Ταύρων φῦλον, Βοσπορανούς τε καὶ τὰ περίοικα τοῦ Πόντου καὶ τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἔθνη; 2.367. παρ' οἷς πρὶν μὲν οὐδ' οἰκεῖος ἐγιγνώσκετο δεσπότης, νῦν δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ὑποτάσσεται, καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς μακραὶ τὴν πρὶν ἄπλωτον καὶ ἀγρίαν εἰρηνεύουσι θάλασσαν. 2.368. πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς; 2.369. οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τούτων ̓Ιλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας ἀποτεμνομένην ̓́Ιστρῳ κατοικοῦντες, οὐ δυσὶν μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσιν, μεθ' ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰς Δακῶν ἀνακόπτουσιν ὁρμάς; 2.371. ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γέ τινας εἰς ἀπόστασιν ὤφειλον ἀφορμαὶ μεγάλαι παροξύνειν, μάλιστα Γαλάτας ἐχρῆν τοὺς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως τετειχισμένους, ἐξ ἀνατολῆς μὲν ταῖς ̓́Αλπεσιν πρὸς ἄρκτῳ δὲ ̔Ρήνῳ ποταμῷ, μεσημβρινοῖς δὲ τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν, ὠκεανῷ δὲ πρὸς δυσμῶν. 2.372. ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι, πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν, τὰς δὲ πηγάς, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἀνέχονται ̔Ρωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν. 2.373. καὶ τοῦθ' ὑπομένουσιν οὐ διὰ φρονημάτων μαλακίαν οὐδὲ δι' ἀγένειαν, οἵ γε διήνεγκαν ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τὴν τύχην καταπλαγέντες, ἥτις αὐτοῖς κατορθοῖ πλείονα τῶν ὅπλων. τοιγαροῦν ὑπὸ χιλίοις καὶ διακοσίοις στρατιώταις δουλεύουσιν, ὧν ὀλίγου δεῖν πλείους ἔχουσι πόλεις. 2.374. οὐδὲ ̓́Ιβηρσιν ὁ γεωργούμενος χρυσὸς εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐξήρκεσεν πόλεμον οὐδὲ τὸ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης διάστημα φῦλά τε Λουσιτανῶν καὶ Καντάβρων ἀρειμάνια οὐδὲ γείτων ὠκεανὸς φοβερὰν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἄμπωτιν ἐπάγων, 2.375. ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ τὰς ̔Ηρακλείους στήλας ἐκτείναντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διὰ νεφῶν ὁδεύσαντες τὰ Πυρηναῖα ὄρη καὶ τούτους ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι: φρουρὰ δ' ἤρκεσεν τῶν οὕτως δυσμάχων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπῳκισμένων ἓν τάγμα. 2.376. τίς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀκοῇ παρείληφεν τὸ Γερμανῶν πλῆθος; ἀλκὴν μὲν γὰρ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων εἴδετε δήπου πολλάκις, ἐπεὶ πανταχοῦ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τοὺς τούτων αἰχμαλώτους ἔχουσιν. 2.377. ἀλλ' οὗτοι γῆν μὲν ἄπειρον νεμόμενοι, μείζω δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἔχοντες τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν θανάτου καταφρονοῦσαν, τοὺς δὲ θυμοὺς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων σφοδροτέρους, ̔Ρῆνον τῆς ὁρμῆς ὅρον ἔχουσιν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ὀκτὼ τάγμασιν δαμαζόμενοι δουλεύουσιν μὲν ἁλόντες, τὸ δ' ὅλον αὐτῶν ἔθνος φυγῇ διασώζεται. 2.378. σκέψασθε δὲ καὶ τὸ Βρεττανῶν τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων τείχεσιν πεποιθότες: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν καὶ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι, τέσσαρα δὲ τάγματα τὴν τοσαύτην νῆσον φυλάσσει. 2.379. καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν, ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι, τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον, τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν. 2.381. οὔτε δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, τὸ Λακώνων γένος, οὔτε Μαρμαρίδαι, τὸ μέχρι τῆς διψάδος ἐκτεταμένον φῦλον, οὔθ' αἱ φοβεραὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν Σύρτεις Νασαμῶνές τε καὶ Μαῦροι καὶ τὸ Νομάδων ἄπειρον πλῆθος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων ἀνέκοψαν ἀρετάς. 2.382. τὴν δὲ τρίτην τῆς οἰκουμένης μοῖραν, ἧς οὐδὲ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι τὰ ἔθνη ῥᾴδιον, ὁριζομένην ̓Ατλαντικῷ τε πελάγει καὶ στήλαις ̔Ηρακλείοις καὶ μέχρι τῆς ̓Ερυθρᾶς θαλάσσης τοὺς ἀπείρους νέμουσαν Αἰθίοπας ἐχειρώσαντο μὲν ὅλην, 2.383. χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν, οἳ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην πλῆθος τρέφουσιν, καὶ ἔξωθεν παντοίως φορολογοῦνται καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας παρέχουσιν ἑτοίμους τὰς εἰσφοράς, οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς ὕβριν ἡγούμενοι καίπερ ἑνὸς τάγματος αὐτοῖς παραμένοντος. 2.384. καὶ τί δεῖ πόρρωθεν ὑμῖν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ὑποδεικνύναι δύναμιν παρὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τῆς γειτνιώσης, 2.385. ἥτις ἐκτεινομένη μέχρις Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος ̓Αραβίας ὅρμος τε οὖσα τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς, πεντήκοντα πρὸς ταῖς ἑπτακοσίαις ἔχουσα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων δίχα τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν κατοικούντων, ὡς ἔνεστιν ἐκ τῆς καθ' ἑκάστην κεφαλὴν εἰσφορᾶς τεκμήρασθαι, τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἀδοξεῖ, καίτοι πηλίκον ἀποστάσεως κέντρον ἔχουσα τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πλήθους τε ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου πρὸς δὲ μεγέθους: 2.386. μῆκος μέν γε αὐτῆς τριάκοντα σταδίων, εὖρος δ' οὐκ ἔλαττον δέκα, τοῦ δὲ ἐνιαυσιαίου παρ' ὑμῶν φόρου καθ' ἕνα μῆνα πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις παρέχει καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξωθεν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ σῖτον μηνῶν τεσσάρων: τετείχισται δὲ πάντοθεν ἢ δυσβάτοις ἐρημίαις ἢ θαλάσσαις ἀλιμένοις ἢ ποταμοῖς ἢ ἕλεσιν. 2.387. ἀλλ' οὐδὲν τούτων ἰσχυρότερον εὑρέθη τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων τύχης, δύο δ' ἐγκαθήμενα τῇ πόλει τάγματα τὴν βαθεῖαν Αἴγυπτον ἅμα τῇ Μακεδόνων εὐγενείᾳ χαλινοῖ. 2.388. τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν ̔Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν, 2.389. οἱ δ' οὔτε δι' αἰτίαν ἄλογον τηλικούτῳ πολέμῳ συνεμπλέξουσιν ἑαυτούς, οὔτε βουλευσαμένοις κακῶς ὁ Πάρθος ἐπιτρέψει: πρόνοια γὰρ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκεχειρίας, καὶ παραβαίνειν οἰήσεται τὰς σπονδάς, ἄν τις τῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ̔Ρωμαίους ἴῃ. 2.391. σκέψασθε δ' ὡς ὑμῖν τὸ τῆς θρησκείας ἄκρατον, εἰ καὶ πρὸς εὐχειρώτους πολεμοίητε, δυσδιοίκητον, καὶ δι' ἃ μᾶλλον τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζετε σύμμαχον, ταῦτ' ἀναγκαζόμενοι παραβαίνειν ἀποστρέψετε. 2.392. τηροῦντές γε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἑβδομάδων ἔθη καὶ πρὸς μηδεμίαν πρᾶξιν κινούμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἁλώσεσθε, καθάπερ οἱ πρόγονοι Πομπηίῳ ταύτας μάλιστα τὰς ἡμέρας ἐνεργοὺς ποιησαμένῳ τῆς πολιορκίας, ἐν αἷς ἤργουν οἱ πολιορκούμενοι: 2.393. παραβαίνοντες δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν πάτριον νόμον οὐκ οἶδ' ὑπὲρ ὅτου λοιπὸν ποιήσεσθε τὸν ἀγῶνα: σπουδὴ γὰρ ὑμῖν μία τὸ μὴ τῶν πατρίων τι καταλῦσαι. 2.394. πῶς δὲ ἐπικαλέσεσθε τὸ θεῖον πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οἱ παραβάντες ἑκουσίως τὴν εἰς αὐτὸ θεραπείαν; ἐπαναιροῦνται δὲ ἕκαστοι πόλεμον ἢ θείᾳ πεποιθότες ἢ ἀνθρωπίνῃ βοηθείᾳ: ὅταν δὲ τὴν παρ' ἀμφοῖν τὸ εἰκὸς ἀποκόπτῃ, φανερὰν ἅλωσιν οἱ πολεμοῦντες αἱροῦνται. 2.466. Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτων ̓Ιουδαίοις πρὸς τὸ ἀλλόφυλον ἦσαν προσβολαί, κατατρέχοντες δὲ εἰς Σκυθόπολιν τοὺς παρ' ἐκείνοις ̓Ιουδαίους ἐπείρασαν πολεμίους: ταξάμενοι γὰρ μετὰ τῶν Σκυθοπολιτῶν καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας ἐν δευτέρῳ θέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν ὁμόσε τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις ἐχώρουν. ὑπωπτεύθη δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ λίαν πρόθυμον: 2.482. ἧκον δ' ἐκ τῆς Βαταναίας ἑβδομήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες οἱ κατὰ γένος καὶ σύνεσιν τῶν πολιτῶν δοκιμώτατοι στρατιὰν αἰτοῦντες, ἵν' εἴ τι γένοιτο κίνημα καὶ περὶ σφᾶς, ἔχοιεν ἀξιόχρεω φυλακὴν κωλύειν τοὺς ἐπανισταμένους. 2.517. Οἱ δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι κατιδόντες ἤδη πλησιάζοντα τῇ μητροπόλει τὸν πόλεμον, ἀφέμενοι τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ μέγα τῷ πλήθει θαρροῦντες ἄτακτοι μετὰ κραυγῆς ἐξεπήδων ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην μηδὲ τῆς ἀργῆς ἑβδομάδος ἔννοιαν λαβόντες: ἦν γὰρ δὴ τὸ μάλιστα παρ' αὐτοῖς θρησκευόμενον σάββατον. 2.566. Εἰς δὲ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ἑτέρους ἐπελέξαντο στρατηγοὺς ̓Ιησοῦν υἱὸν Σαπφᾶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἕνα καὶ ̓Ελεάζαρον ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν Νέου: τῷ δ' ἄρχοντι τότε τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας Νίγερι, γένος δ' ἦν ἐκ τῆς περὶ ̓Ιορδάνην Περαίας, διὸ καὶ Περαί̈της ἐκαλεῖτο, προσέταξαν ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. 4.416. συλλαβόντες δὴ τὸν Δόλεσον, οὗτος γὰρ ἦν οὐ μόνον ἀξιώματι καὶ γένει τῆς πόλεως πρῶτος, ἀλλ' ἐδόκει καὶ τῆς πρεσβείας αἴτιος, κτείνουσί τε αὐτὸν καὶ δι' ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς νεκρὸν αἰκισάμενοι διέδρασαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. 4.503. ̓Επανίσταται δὲ ἄλλος τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις πόλεμος. υἱὸς ἦν Γιώρα Σίμων τις, Γερασηνὸς τὸ γένος, νεανίας πανουργίᾳ μὲν ἡττώμενος ̓Ιωάννου τοῦ προκατέχοντος ἤδη τὴν πόλιν, ἀλκῇ δὲ σώματος καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέρων, 4.506. αὖθις δὲ διὰ συγγένειαν ἠθῶν καὶ ὅτι πιστὸς ἐδόκει, συμπροενόμευε γοῦν αὐτοῖς ἐξιὼν καὶ συνεπόρθει τὰ περὶ τὴν Μασάδαν .* 5.443. οἵ γε τελευταῖον καὶ τὸ γένος ἐφαύλιζον τῶν ̔Εβραίων, ὡς ἧττον ἀσεβεῖς δοκοῖεν πρὸς ἀλλοτρίους, ἐξωμολογήσαντο δ' ὅπερ ἦσαν εἶναι δοῦλοι καὶ σύγκλυδες καὶ νόθα τοῦ ἔθνους φθάρματα. 5.532. μετὰ τούτους ἱερεύς τις ̓Ανανίας υἱὸς Μασβάλου τῶν ἐπισήμων καὶ ὁ γραμματεὺς τῆς βουλῆς ̓Αριστεύς, γένος ἐξ ̓Αμμαοῦς, καὶ σὺν τούτοις πεντεκαίδεκα τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου λαμπρῶν ἀναιροῦνται. 6.54. Τοιαῦτα τοῦ Τίτου διεξιόντος τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔδεισε τοῦ κινδύνου τὸ μέγεθος, τῶν δ' ἐν ταῖς σπείραις στρατευομένων Σαβῖνος τοὔνομα, γένος ἀπὸ Συρίας, ἀνὴρ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα καὶ κατὰ ψυχὴν ἄριστος ἐφάνη. 7.66. καὶ μὴν ὁ δῆμος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν τετρυχωμένος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν ἔσπευδε, τότε δὴ βεβαίως μὲν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν συμφορῶν ὑπολαμβάνων, ἀπολήψεσθαι δὲ τὴν ἄδειαν μετὰ τῆς εὐετηρίας πεπιστευκώς. 7.199. ὁρᾷ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ ̔Ρωμαϊκοῦ τις στρατοπέδου ̔Ροῦφος, γένος Αἰγύπτιος, καὶ μηδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος ἐξαίφνης ἐπιδραμὼν σὺν αὐτοῖς ἀράμενος αὐτὸν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἕως κατεῖχε τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἰδόντας ἔκπληξις, φθάνει τὸν ἄνδρα μεταθεὶς πρὸς τὸ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατόπεδον. 7.204. οἱ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκείνου λόγους κατακλώμενοι καὶ πολλῶν ἔνδον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δεομένων, ἦν γὰρ ἐκ μεγάλης καὶ σφόδρα πολυανθρώπου συγγενείας, παρὰ τὴν αὐτῶν φύσιν εἰς οἶκτον ἐνέδωκαν: 7.329. ἡμεῖς δ' ἄρα καὶ μόνοι τοῦ παντὸς ̓Ιουδαίων γένους ἠλπίσαμεν περιέσεσθαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν φυλάξαντες, ὥσπερ ἀναμάρτητοι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν γενόμενοι καὶ μηδεμιᾶς μετασχόντες,* οἳ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδιδάξαμεν; 7.349. ὕπνος δὲ τεκμήριον ὑμῖν ἔστω τῶν λόγων ἐναργέστατον, ἐν ᾧ ψυχαὶ τοῦ σώματος αὐτὰς μὴ περισπῶντος ἡδίστην μὲν ἔχουσιν ἀνάπαυσιν ἐφ' αὑτῶν γενόμεναι, θεῷ δ' ὁμιλοῦσαι κατὰ συγγένειαν πάντη μὲν ἐπιφοιτῶσι, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν ἐσομένων προθεσπίζουσι. 7.375. ποῦ δ' ἡ μεγάλη πόλις, ἡ τοῦ παντὸς ̓Ιουδαίων γένους μητρόπολις, ἡ τοσούτοις μὲν ἐρυμνὴ τειχῶν περιβόλοις, τοσαῦτα δ' αὑτῆς φρούρια καὶ μεγέθη πύργων προβεβλημένη, μόλις δὲ χωροῦσα τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς, τοσαύτας δὲ μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν ἔχουσα τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς μαχομένων; | 1.145. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146. nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.432. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches. 1.513. 1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Archelaus’s stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. 1.576. Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus’s grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod’s kingdom, yet was by birth an Arabian; 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.466. 3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; 2.482. Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. 2.517. 2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath was the day to which they had the greatest regard; 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 4.416. o they seized upon Dolesus (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy) and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. 4.503. 3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who had already seized upon the city, 4.506. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; 5.443. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, 5.532. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Aias, the son of Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrin, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. 6.54. 6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were affrighted at so great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; 7.66. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; 7.199. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while in the meantime, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. 7.204. These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family; 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. 7.349. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. 7.375. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? |
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193. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.7.3, 1.59, 1.71, 1.106, 1.129, 1.160, 1.164, 1.173, 1.219, 1.250, 1.252, 1.265, 1.268, 1.275, 1.278, 1.298, 1.314, 1.317, 2.8, 2.28, 2.31, 2.138, 2.200, 2.202, 2.225-2.235, 2.296 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and jews Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 168, 182; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 306| 1.59. εἶτα δὲ τὰς μαρτυρίας τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἐκ τῶν παρ' ἄλλοις γραμμάτων παρέξω καὶ τοὺς βεβλασφημηκότας ἡμῶν τὸ γένος ἀποδείξω λίαν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις βλασφημοῦντας. 1.71. Αἰγύπτιοι, Φοινίκων δὲ Τύριοι. περὶ μέντοι Χαλδαίων οὐκέτι ταὐτὸ τοῦτο δυναίμην ἂν λέγειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχηγοὶ καθεστήκασιν καὶ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν ἀναγραφαῖς ̓Ιουδαίων μνημονεύουσιν. 1.106. Βούλομαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τούτων ἤδη μετελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς Φοίνιξιν ἀναγεγραμμένα περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἐκείνων μαρτυρίας παρασχεῖν. 1.129. μάρτυς δὲ τούτων Βηρῶσος ἀνὴρ Χαλδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς περὶ παιδείαν ἀναστρεφομένοις, ἐπειδὴ περί τε ἀστρονομίας καὶ περὶ τῶν παρὰ Χαλδαίοις φιλοσοφουμένων αὐτὸς εἰς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας ἐξήνεγκε τὰς συγγραφάς. 1.164. ἐστιν ̔́Ερμιππος ἀνὴρ περὶ πᾶσαν ἱστορίαν ἐπιμελής. λέγει τοίνυν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ Πυθαγόρου βιβλίων, ὅτι Πυθαγόρας ἑνὸς αὐτοῦ τῶν συνουσιαστῶν τελευτήσαντος τοὔνομα Καλλιφῶντος τὸ γένος Κροτωνιάτου τὴν ἐκείνου ψυχὴν ἔλεγε συνδιατρίβειν αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ' ἡμέραν: καὶ ὅτι παρεκελεύετο μὴ διέρχεσθαι τόπον, ἐφ' ὃν ὄνος ὀκλάσῃ, καὶ τῶν διψίων ὑδάτων ἀπέχεσθαι 1.173. τῶν δ' ὄπιθεν διέβαινε γένος θαυμαστὸν ἰδέσθαι, γλῶσσαν μὲν Φοίνισσαν ἀπὸ στομάτων ἀφιέντες, ᾤκεον δ' ἐν Σολύμοις ὄρεσι πλατέῃ παρὰ λίμνῃ αὐχμαλέοι κορυφὰς τροχοκουράδες, αὐτὰρ ὕπερθεν ἵππων δαρτὰ πρόσωπ' ἐφόρουν ἐσκληκότα καπνῷ. 1.252. ταῦτα μὲν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα Μανεθὼς συνέγραψεν. ὅτι δὲ ληρεῖ καὶ ψεύδεται περιφανῶς, ἐπιδείξω προδιαστειλάμενος ἐκεῖνο τῶν ὕστερον πρὸς ἄλλους λεχθησομένων ἕνεκα: δέδωκε γὰρ οὗτος ἡμῖν καὶ ὡμολόγηκεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε μὴ εἶναι τὸ γένος Αἰγυπτίους, ἀλλ' αὐτοὺς ἔξωθεν ἐπελθόντας κρατῆσαι 1.265. παρανομίας μηδὲ ὠμότητος. ὁ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καταβαλόμενος ἱερεύς, φησίν, ἦν τὸ γένος ̔Ηλιοπολίτης, ὄνομα δ' ̓Οσαρσὴφ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν ̔Ηλιουπόλει θεοῦ ̓Οσίρεως, 2.8. ̔́Οτι μὲν οὖν οὔτε Αἰγύπτιοι τὸ γένος ἦσαν ἡμῶν οἱ πατέρες οὔτε διὰ λύμην σωμάτων ἢ τοιαύτας ἄλλας συμφοράς τινας ἐκεῖθεν ἐξηλάθησαν, οὐ μετρίως μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πέρα τοῦ συμμέτρου προαποδεδεῖχθαι νομίζω. 2.8. ιν ηοξ ενιμ σαξραριο απιον πραεσυμπσιτ εδιξερε ασινι ξαπυτ ξολλοξασσε ιυδαεος ετ ευμ ξολερε αξ διγνυμ φαξερε ταντα ρελιγιονε, ετ ηοξ αφφιρματ φυισσε δεπαλατυμ, δυμ αντιοξηυς επιπηανες εχπολιασσετ τεμπλυμ ετ ιλλυδ ξαπυτ ινυεντυμ εχ αυρο ξομποσιτυμ μυλτις πεξυνιις διγνυμ. 2.28. Τοιαῦτα μέν τινα περὶ Μωσέως καὶ τῆς ἐξ Αἰγύπτου γενομένης τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀπαλλαγῆς ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ̓Απίων ἐκαινοποίησεν παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπινοήσας. καὶ τί γε δεῖ θαυμάζειν, εἰ περὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων ψεύδεται προγόνων λέγων αὐτοὺς εἶναι τὸ γένος Αἰγυπτίους; 2.28. ὑφ' ἡμῶν τε διηλέγχθησαν οἱ νόμοι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν 2.31. πρὸς ἡμᾶς δὲ δυοῖν θάτερον Αἰγύπτιοι πεπόνθασιν: ἢ γὰρ ὡς ἐπισεμνυνόμενοι προσποιοῦνται τὴν συγγένειαν ἢ κοινωνοὺς ἡμᾶς ἐπισπῶνται τῆς αὑτῶν κακοδοξίας. 2.138. οὐκ ἐσθίομεν καὶ τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων χλευάζει περιτομήν. τὸ μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς τῶν ἡμέρων ζῴων ἀναιρέσεως κοινόν ἐστι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας, ̓Απίων δὲ τοῖς θύουσιν ἐγκαλῶν αὑτὸν ἐξήλεγξεν ὄντα τὸ γένος Αἰγύπτιον: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ̔́Ελλην ὢν ἢ Μακεδὼν ἐχαλέπαινεν: οὗτοι γὰρ εὔχονται θύειν ἑκατόμβας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ χρῶνται τοῖς ἱερείοις πρὸς εὐωχίαν, καὶ οὐ διὰ τοῦτο συμβέβηκεν ἐρημοῦσθαι τὸν κόσμον τῶν βοσκημάτων, ὅπερ ̓Απίων ἔδεισεν. 2.202. τέκνα τρέφειν ἅπαντα προσέταξεν, καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀπεῖπεν μήτ' ἀμβλοῦν τὸ σπαρὲν μήτε διαφθείρειν ἀλλὰ ἢν φανείη τεκνοκτόνος ἂν εἴη ψυχὴν ἀφανίζουσα καὶ τὸ γένος ἐλαττοῦσα. τοιγαροῦν οὐδ' εἴ τις ἐπὶ λέχους 2.225. ἀσφαλὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Πλάτωνος λόγους τινὲς εἶναι κενοὺς νομίζουσι κατὰ πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν κεκαλλιγραφημένους, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν νομοθετῶν Λυκοῦργον τεθαυμάκασι καὶ τὴν Σπάρτην ἅπαντες ὑμνοῦσιν, ὅτι τοῖς ἐκείνου νόμοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐνεκαρτέρησαν. 2.226. οὐκοῦν τοῦτο μὲν ὡμολογήσθω τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς εἶναι τὸ πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις: οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους θαυμάζοντες τὸν ἐκείνων χρόνον ἀντιπαραβαλλέτωσαν τοῖς πλείοσιν ἢ δισχιλίοις 2.227. ἔτεσι τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας, καὶ προσέτι λογιζέσθωσαν, ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσον ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν χρόνον εἶχον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀκριβῶς ἔδοξαν τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάττειν, ἐπεὶ μέντοι περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐγένοντο μεταβολαὶ τῆς τύχης, μικροῦ δεῖν ἁπάντων ἐπελάθοντο τῶν νόμων. 2.228. ἡμεῖς δ' ἐν τύχαις γεγονότες μυρίαις διὰ τὰς τῶν βασιλευσάντων τῆς ̓Ασίας μεταβολὰς οὐδ' ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῶν δεινῶν τοὺς νόμους προύδομεν οὐκ ἀργίας οὐδὲ τρυφῆς αὐτοὺς χάριν περιέποντες, ἀλλ' εἴ τις ἐθέλοι σκοπεῖν, πολλῷ τινι τῆς δοκούσης ἐπιτετάχθαι Λακεδαιμονίοις καρτερίας μείζονας ἄθλους καὶ πόνους ἡμῖν ἐπιτεθέντας 2.229. * οἱ μέν γε μήτε γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι μήτε περὶ τέχνας πονοῦντες ἀλλὰ πάσης ἐργασίας ἄφετοι λιπαροὶ καὶ τὰ σώματα 2.231. τὸ κρατεῖν πάντων, ἐφ' οὓς ἂν στρατεύωσιν. ὅτι δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο κατώρθωσαν, ἐῶ λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ καθ' ἕνα μόνον, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἀθρόως τῶν τοῦ νόμου προσταγμάτων ἀμελήσαντες αὑτοὺς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων παρέδοσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις. 2.232. ̓͂Αρ' οὖν καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν, οὐ λέγω τοσούτους, ἀλλὰ δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔγνω τις προδότας γενομένους τῶν νόμων ἢ θάνατον φοβηθέντας, οὐχὶ τὸν ῥᾷστον ἐκεῖνον λέγω τὸν συμβαίνοντα τοῖς μαχομένοις, ἀλλὰ τὸν μετὰ λύμης τῶν σωμάτων, ὁποῖος εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων χαλεπώτατος; 2.233. ὃν ἔγωγε νομίζω τινὰς κρατήσαντας ἡμῶν οὐχ ὑπὸ μίσους προσφέρειν τοῖς ὑποχειρίοις, ἀλλὰ [ὡς] θαυμαστόν τι θέαμα βουλομένους ἰδεῖν, εἴ τινές εἰσιν ἄνθρωποι μόνον εἶναι κακὸν αὐτοῖς πεπιστευκότες, εἰ πρᾶξαί τι παρὰ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νόμους εἰ λόγον εἰπεῖν παρ' ἐκείνοις παραβιασθεῖεν. 2.234. οὐ χρὴ δὲ θαυμάζειν, εἰ πρὸς θάνατον ἀνδρείως ἔχομεν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας: οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰ ῥᾷστα δοκοῦντα τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἄλλοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπομένουσιν, αὐτουργίαν λέγω καὶ τροφῆς λιτότητα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἰκῆ μηδ' ὡς ἔτυχεν ἕκαστος ἐπιτεθυμηκὼς φαγεῖν ἢ πιεῖν ἢ συνουσίᾳ προσελθεῖν ἢ πολυτελείᾳ 2.235. καὶ πάλιν ἀργίας ὑπομεῖναι τάξιν ἀμετακίνητον. ἀλλ' οἱ τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὁμόσε χωροῦντες καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξ ἐφόδου τρεπόμενοι τοῖς προστάγμασιν τοῖς περὶ διαίτης οὐκ ἀντέβλεψαν. ἡμῖν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τοῦ περὶ ταῦτα τῷ νόμῳ πειθαρχεῖν ἡδέως κἀκεῖ περίεστιν ἐπιδείκνυσθαι τὸ γενναῖον. 2.296. καὶ λοιδορεῖν χαίρουσιν ἐξεληλέγχθωσαν. σοὶ δέ, ̓Επαφρόδιτε, μάλιστα τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶντι καὶ διὰ σὲ τοῖς ὁμοίως βουλησομένοις περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν εἰδέναι τοῦτο καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγράφθω βιβλίον. | 1.59. after which I shall produce testimonies for our antiquity out of the writings of foreigners: I shall also demonstrate that such as cast reproaches upon our nation do it very unjustly. |
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194. Josephus Flavius, Life, 126, 382, 427, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 168| 16. διασωθεὶς δ' εἰς τὴν Δικαιάρχειαν, ἣν Ποτιόλους ̓Ιταλοὶ καλοῦσιν, διὰ φιλίας ἀφικόμην ̔Αλιτύρῳ, μιμολόγος δ' ἦν οὗτος μάλιστα τῷ Νέρωνι καταθύμιος ̓Ιουδαῖος τὸ γένος, καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ Ποππαίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ γνωσθεὶς προνοῶ ὡς τάχιστα παρακαλέσας αὐτὴν τοὺς ἱερεῖς λυθῆναι. μεγάλων δὲ δωρεῶν πρὸς τῇ εὐεργεσίᾳ ταύτῃ τυχὼν παρὰ τῆς Ποππαίας ὑπέστρεφον ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν. | |
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| 195. Longinus, On The Sublime, 10.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, revolt of, against alexander Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 276 |
| 196. Dioscorides Pedanius, De Materia Medica, 3.82 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58 |
197. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 6.4, 10.5-10.6, 14.2, 33.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 28, 341, 345, 346| 3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 6.4. ἀθροιζομένης δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Γεραιστόν, αὐτὸς εἰς Αὐλίδα κατελθὼν μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ νυκτερεύσας ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν τινα πρὸς αὐτόν· ὦ βασιλεῦ Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅτι μὲν οὐδεὶς τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὁμοῦ συμπάσης ἀπεδείχθη στρατηγὸς ἢ πρότερον Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ σὺ νῦν μετʼ ἐκεῖνον, ἐννοεῖς δήπουθεν ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν μὲν αὐτῶν ἄρχεις ἐκείνῳ, τοῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν τόπων ὁρμᾷς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον, εἰκός ἐστι καὶ θῦσαί σε τῇ θεῷ θυσίαν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἐνταῦθα θύσας ἐξέπλευσεν. 10.5. ὅμως δὲ τῷ Τιθραύστῃ χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμενος, ὅτι τὸν κοινὸν ἐχθρὸν Ἑλλήνων ἐτετιμώρητο Τισαφέρνην, ἀπήγαγεν εἰς Φρυγίαν τὸ στράτευμα, λαβὼν ἐφόδιον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τριάκοντα τάλαντα. καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὢν σκυτάλην δέχεται παρὰ τῶν οἴκοι τελῶν κελεύουσαν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ, τοῦτο μόνῳ πάντων ὑπῆρξεν Ἀγησιλάῳ. καὶ μέγιστος μὲν ἦν ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν τότε ζώντων ἐπιφανέστατος, ὡς εἴρηκέ που καὶ Θεόπομπος, ἑαυτῷ γε μὴν ἐδίδου διʼ ἀρετὴν φρονεῖν μεῖζον ἢ διὰ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 10.6. τότε δὲ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καταστήσας ἄρχοντα Πείσανδρον ἁμαρτεῖν ἔδοξεν, ὅτι πρεσβυτέρων καὶ φρονιμωτέρων παρόντων οὐ σκεψάμενος τὸ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα τιμῶν καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ χαριζόμενος, ἧς ἀδελφὸς ἦν ὁ Πείσανδρος, ἐκείνῳ παρέδωκε τὴν ναυαρχίαν· 14.2. πρός τε θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν ὥσπερ μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεκραμέναις ὥραις πεφυκώς. ἥδιστον δὲ θέαμα τοῖς κατοικοῦσι τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἕλλησιν ἦσαν οἱ πάλαι βαρεῖς καὶ ἀφόρητοι καὶ διαρρέοντες ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ὕπαρχοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ δεδιότες καὶ θεραπεύοντες ἄνθρωπον ἐν τρίβωνι περιϊόντα λιτῷ, καὶ πρὸς ἓν ῥῆμα βραχὺ καὶ Λακωνικὸν ἁρμόζοντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετασχηματίζοντες, ὥστε πολλοῖς ἐπῄει τὰ τοῦ Τιμοθέου λέγειν, Ἄρης τύραννος· χρυσὸν δὲ Ἕλλας οὐ δέδοικε. | 3.1. It was during the reign of Agis that Alcibiades came from Sicily as an exile to Sparta, and he had not been long in the city when he incurred the charge of illicit intercourse with Timaea, the wife of the king. The child, too, that was born of her, Agis refused to recognize as his own, declaring that Alcibiades was its father. Duris says that Timaea was not very much disturbed at this, but in whispers to her Helot maids at home actually called the child Alcibiades, not Leotychides; 3.2. moreover, that Alcibiades himself also declared that he had not approached Timaea out of wanton passion, but because he was ambitious to have the Spartans reigned over by his descendants. On this account Alcibiades withdrew from Sparta, being in fear of Agis; and the boy was always an object of suspicion to Agis, and was not honoured by him as legitimate. But when the king lay sick, the supplications and tears of Leotychides prevailed upon him to declare him his son in the presence of many witnesses. 3.3. Notwithstanding this, after the death of Agis, Lysander, who by this time had subdued the Athenians at sea and was a man of the greatest influence in Sparta, tried to advance Agesilaüs to the throne, on the plea that Leotychides was a bastard and had no claim upon it. Many of the other citizens also, owing to the excellence of Agesilaüs and the fact that he had been reared with them under the common restraints of the public training, warmly espoused the plan of Lysander and co-operated with him. But there was a diviner in Sparta, named Diopeithes, who was well supplied with ancient prophecies, and was thought to be eminently wise in religious matters. 3.4. This man declared it contrary to the will of Heaven that a lame man should be king of Sparta, and cited at the trial of the case the following oracle:â "Bethink thee now, O Sparta, though thou art very glorious, lest from thee, sound of foot, there spring a maimed royalty; for long will unexpected toils oppress thee, and onward-rolling billows of man-destroying war." 3.5. To this Lysander answered that, in case the Spartans stood in great fear of the oracle, they must be on their guard against Leotychides; for it mattered not to the god that one who halted in his gait should be king, but if one who was not lawfully begotten, nor even a descendant of Heracles, should be king, this was what the god meant by "maimed royalty." And Agesilaüs declared that Poseidon also had borne witness to the bastardy of Leotychides, for he had cast Agis forth from his bed-chamber by an earthquake, and after this more than ten months elapsed before Leotychides was born. 4 6.4. While his forces were assembling at Geraestus, Agesilaüs himself went to Aulis with his friends and spent the night. As he slept, he thought a voice came to him, saying: 599"King of the Lacedaemonians, thou art surely aware that no one has ever been appointed general of all Hellas together except Agamemnon, in former times, and now thyself, after him. And since thou commandest the same hosts that he did, and wagest war on the same foes, and settest out for the war from the same place, it is meet that thou shouldst sacrifice also to the goddess the sacrifice which he made there before he set sail." 10.5. Nevertheless, desiring to gratify Tithraustes, because he had punished Tisaphernes, that common enemy of the Greeks, he led his army back into Phrygia, taking thirty talents from the viceroy to cover the expenses of the march. On the road he received a dispatch-roll from the magistrates at home, which bade him assume control of the navy as well as of the army. This was an honour which no one ever received but Agesilaüs. And he was confessedly the greatest and most illustrious man of his time, as Theopompus also has somewhere said, although he prided himself more on his virtues than on his high command. 10.6. But in putting Peisander in charge of the navy at this time, he was thought to have made a mistake; for there were older and more competent men to be had, and yet he gave the admiralty to him, not out of regard for the public good, but in recognition of the claims of relationship and to gratify his wife, who was a sister of Peisander. 11 14.2. while to heat and cold he was as indifferent as if nature had given him alone the power to adapt himself to the seasons as God has tempered them. And it was most pleasing to the Greeks who dwelt in Asia to see the Persian viceroys and generals, who had long been insufferably cruel, and had revelled in wealth and luxury, now fearful and obsequious before a man who went about in a paltry cloak, and at one brief and laconic speech from him conforming themselves to his ways and changing their dress and mien, insomuch that many were moved to cite the words of Timotheus:â "Ares is Lord; of gold Greece has no fear." 15 |
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198. Plutarch, Themistocles, 3.4, 6.4, 16.2, 17.1-17.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta, spartans, athenian relations with over time •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 247; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 29, 202; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 151| 3.4. ἃ δῆλον ὅτι νοήσας ὁ Πιτθεύς, ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἢ διηπάτησε τῇ Αἴθρᾳ συγγενέσθαι. συνελθὼν δὲ καὶ γνοὺς ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τῇ Πιτθέως θυγατρὶ συγγέγονε, καὶ κύειν αὐτὴν ὑπονοήσας, ἀπέλιπε ξίφος καὶ πέδιλα κρύψας ὑπὸ πέτραν μεγάλην, ἐντὸς ἔχουσαν κοιλότητα συμμέτρως ἐμπεριλαμβάνουσαν τὰ κείμενα. 6.4. ὁ γὰρ δὴ χρόνος ἐκεῖνος ἤνεγκεν ἀνθρώπους χειρῶν μὲν ἔργοις καὶ ποδῶν τάχεσι καὶ σωμάτων ῥώμαις, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπερφυεῖς καὶ ἀκαμάτους, πρὸς οὐδὲν δὲ τῇ φύσει χρωμένους ἐπιεικὲς οὐδὲ ὠφέλιμον, ἀλλʼ ὕβρει τε χαίροντας ὑπερηφάνῳ, καὶ ἀπολαύοντας τῆς δυνάμεως ὠμότητι καὶ πικρίᾳ, καὶ τῷ κρατεῖν τε καὶ βιάζεσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν τὸ παραπῖπτον, αἰδῶ δὲ καὶ δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, ὡς ἀτολμίᾳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν καὶ φόβῳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖσθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας, οὐδὲν οἰομένους προσήκειν τοῖς πλέον ἔχειν δυναμένοις. | |
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| 199. Plutarch, Solon, 1.2, 1.3, 3.4, 4, 10, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 14-15.1, 14.8, 18.5, 19.2, 19.4, 21, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 53 |
200. Plutarch, Romulus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248 | 19. Here, as they were preparing to renew the battle, they were checked by a sight that was wonderful to behold and a spectacle that passes description. Cf. Livy, i. 13. The ravished daughters of the Sabines were seen rushing from every direction, with shouts and lamentations, through the armed men and the dead bodies, as if in a frenzy of possession, up to their husbands and their fathers, some carrying young children in their arms, some veiled in their dishevelled hair, and all calling with the most endearing names now upon the Sabines and now upon the Romans.,So then both armies were moved to compassion, and drew apart to give the women place between the lines of battle; sorrow ran through all the ranks, and abundant pity was stirred by the sight of the women, and still more by their words, which began with argument and reproach, and ended with supplication and entreaty.,Wherein, pray (they said), have we done you wrong or harm, that we must suffer in the past, and must still suffer now, such cruel evils? We were violently and lawlessly ravished away by those to whom we now belong, but though thus ravished, we were neglected by our brethren and fathers and kinsmen until time had united us by the strongest ties with those whom we had most hated, and made us now fear for those who had treated us with violence and lawlessness, when they go to battle, and mourn for them when they are slain.,For ye did not come to avenge us upon our ravishers while we were still maidens, but now ye would tear wives from their husbands and mothers from their children, and the succour wherewith ye would now succour us, wretched women that we are, is more pitiful than your former neglect and abandonment of us. Such is the love which we have here enjoyed, such the compassion shown to us by you. Even if ye were fighting on other grounds, it were meet that ye should cease for our sakes, now that ye are become fathers-in-law and grandsires and have family ties among your enemies.,If, however, the war is on our behalf, carry us away with your sons-in-law and their children, and so restore to us our fathers and kindred, but do not rob us of our children and husbands. Let us not, we beseech you, become prisoners of war again. Many such appeals were made by Hersilia, and the other women added their entreaties, until a truce was made and the leaders held a conference.,Meanwhile the women brought their husbands and their children and presented them to their fathers and brothers; they also carried food and drink to those that wanted, and bore the wounded to their homes for tender nursing; here they also made it evident that they were mistresses of their own households, and that their husbands were attentive to them and showed them all honour with good will.,Thereupon agreements were made that such women as wished to do so might continue to live with their husbands, exempt, as aforesaid, Cf. chapter xv. 4. from all labour and all drudgery except spinning; also that the city should be inhabited by Romans and Sabines in common; and that the city should be called Rome, from Romulus, but all its citizens Quirites, from the native city of Tatius Cures, a Sabine town. ; and that Romulus and Tatius should be joint kings and leaders of the army. The place where these agreements were made is to this day called Comitium, from the Roman word conire, or coire, to come together. |
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201. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, 801c, 816e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 242 | 816e. For that sort of thing is not only honourable and kind, but it also takes the sting out of any envy of our reputation. And therefore great men ascribe to God and to Fortune a share in their successes, as Timoleon, who put down the tyrannies in Sicily, founded a sanctuary of Automatia (Chance); and Python, when he was admired and honoured by the Athenians for slaying Cotys, said "God did this, borrowing from me the hand that did the deed." And Theopompus, King of the Lacedaemonians, replied to the man who said that Sparta was preserved because the kings were fitted to rule, "No, it is rather because the people are fitted to obey." |
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| 202. Plutarch, Phocion, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 108 |
203. Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3, 6.2, 7.1, 10.1-10.3, 16.1, 17.1-17.3, 18.1-18.3, 32.1, 37.3, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 289, 313, 319, 336, 341; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 111, 116; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 108, 213, 257| 3.3. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μὲν Κρατῖνος ἐν Χείρωσι· στάσις δὲ (φησὶ) καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Κρόνος ἀλλήλοισι μιγέντε μέγιστον τίκτετον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ καλέουσι· καὶ πάλιν ἐν Νεμέσει· μόλʼ, ὦ Ζεῦ ξένιε καὶ καραιέ. 6.2. λέγεται δέ ποτε κριοῦ μονόκερω κεφαλὴν ἐξ ἀγροῦ τῷ Περικλεῖ κομισθῆναι, καὶ Λάμπωνα μὲν τὸν μάντιν, ὡς εἶδε τὸ κέρας ἰσχυρὸν καὶ στερεὸν ἐκ μέσου τοῦ μετώπου πεφυκός, εἰπεῖν ὅτι δυεῖν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει δυναστειῶν, τῆς Θουκυδίδου καὶ Περικλέους, εἰς ἕνα περιστήσεται τὸ κράτος παρʼ ᾧ γένοιτο τὸ σημεῖον· τὸν δʼ Ἀναξαγόραν τοῦ κρανίου διακοπέντος ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸν ἐγκέφαλον οὐ πεπληρωκότα τὴν βάσιν, ἀλλʼ ὀξὺν ὥσπερ ὠὸν ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀγγείου συνωλισθηκότα κατὰ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ὅθεν ἡ ῥίζα τοῦ κέρατος εἶχε τὴν ἀρχήν. 7.1. ὁ δὲ Περικλῆς νέος μὲν ὢν σφόδρα τὸν δῆμον εὐλαβεῖτο. καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει Πεισιστράτῳ τῷ τυράννῳ τὸ εἶδος ἐμφερὴς εἶναι, τήν τε φωνὴν ἡδεῖαν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν εὔτροχον ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ταχεῖαν οἱ σφόδρα γέροντες ἐξεπλήττοντο πρὸς τὴν ὁμοιότητα. πλούτου δὲ καὶ γένους προσόντος αὐτῷ λαμπροῦ καὶ φίλων οἳ πλεῖστον ἠδύναντο, φοβούμενος ἐξοστρακισθῆναι, τῶν μὲν πολιτικῶν οὐδὲν ἔπραττεν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατείαις ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος. 16.1. καίτοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ σαφῶς μὲν ὁ Θουκυδίδης διηγεῖται, κακοήθως δὲ παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες, αὐτὸν δʼ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες, ὡς ἀσυμμέτρου πρὸς δημοκρατίαν καὶ βαρυτέρας περὶ αὐτὸν οὔσης ὑπεροχῆς· 17.1. ἀρχομένων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄχθεσθαι τῇ αὐξήσει τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἐπαίρων ὁ Περικλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἔτι μᾶλλον μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ μεγάλων αὑτὸν ἀξιοῦν πραγμάτων, γράφει ψήφισμα, πάντας Ἕλληνας τοὺς ὁπήποτε κατοικοῦντας Εὐρώπης ἢ τῆς Ἀσίας παρακαλεῖν, καὶ μικρὰν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλην, εἰς σύλλογον πέμπειν Ἀθήναζε τοὺς βουλευσομένους περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱερῶν, ἃ κατέπρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἃς ὀφείλουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς ὅτε πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐμάχοντο, καὶ τῆς θαλάττης, ὅπως πλέωσι πάντες ἀδεῶς καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγωσιν. 18.1. ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατηγίαις εὐδοκίμει μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, οὔτε μάχης ἐχούσης πολλὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ἁπτόμενος, οὔτε τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ παραβάλλεσθαι χρησαμένους τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ καὶ θαυμασθέντας ὡς μεγάλους ζηλῶν καὶ μιμούμενος στρατηγούς, ἀεί τε λέγων πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ὡς ὅσον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ μενοῦσιν ἀθάνατοι πάντα τὸν χρόνον. 18.2. ὁρῶν δὲ Τολμίδην τὸν Τολμαίου διὰ τὰς πρότερον εὐτυχίας καὶ διὰ τὸ τιμᾶσθαι διαφερόντως ἐκ τῶν πολεμικῶν σὺν οὐδενὶ καιρῷ παρασκευαζόμενον εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ πεπεικότα τῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ φιλοτιμοτάτους ἐθελοντὶ στρατεύεσθαι, χιλίους γενομένους ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως, κατέχειν ἐπειρᾶτο καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, τὸ μνημονευόμενον εἰπών, ὡς εἰ μὴ πείθοιτο Περικλεῖ, τόν γε σοφώτατον οὐχ ἁμαρτήσεται σύμβουλον ἀναμείνας χρόνον. 18.3. τότε μὲν οὖν μετρίως εὐδοκίμησε τοῦτʼ εἰπών· ὀλίγαις δʼ ὕστερον ἡμέραις, ὡς ἀνηγγέλθη τεθνεὼς μὲν αὐτὸς Τολμίδης περὶ Κορώνειαν ἡττηθεὶς μάχῃ, τεθνεῶτες δὲ πολλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν, μεγάλην τοῦτο τῷ Περικλεῖ μετʼ εὐνοίας δόξαν ἤνεγκεν, ὡς ἀνδρὶ φρονίμῳ καὶ φιλοπολίτῃ. 32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν. 37.3. εἶχε δʼ οὕτω τὰ περὶ τὸν νόμον. ἀκμάζων ὁ Περικλῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων, καὶ παῖδας ἔχων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, γνησίους, νόμον ἔγραψε μόνους Ἀθηναίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐκ δυεῖν Ἀθηναίων γεγονότας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Αἰγυπτίων δωρεὰν τῷ δήμῳ πέμψαντος τετρακισμυρίους πυρῶν μεδίμνους ἔδει διανέμεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας, πολλαὶ μὲν ἀνεφύοντο δίκαι τοῖς νόθοις ἐκ τοῦ γράμματος ἐκείνου τέως διαλανθάνουσι καὶ παρορωμένοις, διαλανθάνουσι, παρορωμένοις Fuhr and Blass, after Sauppe: διαλανθάνουσαι, παρορώμεναι (referring to the prosecutions). πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ συκοφαντήμασι περιέπιπτον. 38.4. ταῦτα, ὡς οὐκέτι συνιέντος, ἀλλὰ καθῃρημένου τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ, διελέγοντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους· ὁ δὲ πᾶσιν ἐτύγχανε τὸν νοῦν προσεσχηκώς, καὶ φθεγξάμενος εἰς μέσον ἔφη θαυμάζειν ὅτι ταῦτα μὲν ἐπαινοῦσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μνημονεύουσιν, ἃ καὶ πρὸς τύχην ἐστὶ κοινὰ καὶ γέγονεν ἤδη πολλοῖς στρατηγοῖς, τὸ δὲ κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον οὐ λέγουσιν. οὐδεὶς γάρ, ἔφη, διʼ ἐμὲ τῶν ὄντων Ἀθηναίων μέλαν ἱμάτιον περιεβάλετο. | 3.3. So the comic poet Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 86. And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads the Lord! Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 49. 6.2. A story is told that once on a time the head of a one-horned ram was brought to Pericles from his country-place, and that Lampon the seer, when he saw how the horn grew strong and solid from the middle of the forehead, declared that, whereas there were two powerful parties in the city, that of Thucydides and that of Pericles, the mastery would finally devolve upon one man,—the man to whom this sign had been given. Anaxagoras, however, had the skull cut in two, and showed that the brain had not filled out its position, but had drawn together to a point, like an egg, at that particular spot in the entire cavity where the root of the horn began. 7.1. As a young man, Pericles was exceedingly reluctant to face the people, since it was thought that in feature he was like the tyrant Peisistratus; and when men well on in years remarked also that his voice was sweet, and his tongue glib and speedy in discourse, they were struck with amazement at the resemblance. Besides, since he was rich, of brilliant lineage, and had friends of the greatest influence, he feared that he might be ostracized, and so at first had naught to do with politics, but devoted himself rather to a military career, where he was brave and enterprising. 16.1. of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and too oppressive. 17.1. When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia, small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace. 18.1. In his capacity as general, he was famous above all things for his saving caution; he neither undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril, nor did he envy and imitate those who took great risks, enjoyed brilliant good-fortune, and so were admired as great generals; and he was for ever saying to his fellow-citizens that, so far as lay in his power, they would remain alive forever and be immortals. 18.2. So when he saw that Tolmides, son of Tolmaeus, all on account of his previous good-fortune and of the exceeding great honor bestowed upon him for his wars, was getting ready, quite inopportunely, to make an incursion into Boeotia, and that he had persuaded the bravest and most ambitious men of military age to volunteer for the campaign,—as many as a thousand of them, aside from the rest of his forces,—he tried to restrain and dissuade him in the popular assembly, uttering then that well remembered saying, to wit, that if he would not listen to Pericles, he would yet do full well to wait for that wisest of all counsellors, Time. 18.3. This saying brought him only moderate repute at the time; but a few days afterwards, when word was brought that Tolmides himself was dead after defeat in battle near Coroneia, 447 B.C. and that many brave citizens were dead likewise, then it brought Pericles great repute as well as goodwill, for that he was a man of discretion and patriotism. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras. 37.3. The circumstances of this law were as follows. Many years before this, 451-450 B.C. when Pericles was at the height of his political career and had sons born in wedlock, as I have said, he proposed a law that only those should he reckoned Athenians whose parents on both sides were Athenians. And so when the king of Egypt sent a present to the people of forty thousand measures of grain, and this had to be divided up among the citizens, there was a great crop of prosecutions against citizens of illegal birth by the law of Pericles, who had up to that time escaped notice and been overlooked, and many of them also suffered at the hands of informers. 38.4. This discourse they were holding with one another, supposing that he no longer understood them but had lost consciousness. He had been attending to it all, however, and speaking out among them said he was amazed at their praising and commemorating that in him which was due as much to fortune as to himself, and which had fallen to the lot of many generals besides, instead of mentioning his fairest and greatest title to their admiration; for, said he, no living Athenian ever put on mourning because of me. |
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204. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.17.5-1.17.6, 2.3.1-2.3.8, 2.5.9, 4.10-4.12 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 365; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 476; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22| 2.3.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἐς Γόρδιον παρῆλθε, πόθος λαμβάνει αὐτὸν ἀνελθόντα ἐς τὴν ἄκραν, ἵνα καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τὰ Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Μίδου, τὴν ἅμαξαν ἰδεῖν τὴν Γορδίου καὶ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν. 2.3.2. λόγος δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀμάξης ἐκείνης παρὰ τοῖς προσχώροις πολὺς κατεῖχε, Γόρδιον εἶναι τῶν πάλαι Φρυγῶν ἄνδρα πένητα καὶ ὀλίγην εἶναι αὐτῷ γῆν ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ζεύγη βοῶν δύο· καὶ τῷ μὲν ἀροτριᾶν, τῶ δὲ ἁμαξεύειν τὸν Γόρδιον. 2.3.3. καί ποτε ἀροῦντος αὐτοῦ ἐπιστῆναι ἐπὶ τὸν ζυγὸν ἀετὸν καὶ ἐπιμεῖναι ἔστε ἐπὶ βουλυτὸν καθήμενον· τὸν δὲ ἐκπλαγέντα τῇ ὄψει ἰέναι κοινώσοντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ θείου παρὰ τοὺς Τελμισσέας τοὺς μάντεις· εἶναι γὰρ τοὺς Τελμισσέας σοφοὺς τὰ θεῖα ἐξηγεῖσθαι καὶ σφισιν ἀπὸ γένους δεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς καὶ γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶ τὴν μαντείαν. 2.3.4. προσάγοντα δὲ κώμῃ τινὶ τῶν Τελμισσέων ἐντυχεῖν παρθένῳ ὑδρευομένῃ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην εἰπεῖν ὅπως οἱ τὸ τοῦ ἀετοῦ ἔσχε· τὴν δέ, εἶναι γὰρ καὶ αὐτὴν τοῦ μαντικοῦ γένους, θύειν κελεῦσαι τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἐπανελθόντα ἐς τὸν τόπον αὐτόν. καὶ, δεηθῆναι γὰρ αὐτῆς Γόρδιον τὴν θυσίαν ξυνεπισπομένην οἱ αὐτὴν ἐξηγήσασθαι, θῦσαί τε ὅπως ἐκείνη ὑπετίθετο τὸν Γόρδιον καὶ ξυγγενέσθαι ἐπὶ γάμῳ τῇ παιδὶ καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖν παῖδα Μίδαν ὄνομα. 2.3.5. ἤδη τε ἄνδρα εἶναι τὸν Μίδαν καλὸν καὶ γενναῖον καὶ ἐν τούτῳ στάσει πιέζεσθαι ἐν σφίσι τοὺς Φρύγας, καὶ γενέσθαι αὐτοῖς χρησμὸν, ὅτι ἅμαξα ἄξει αὐτοῖς βασιλέα καὶ ὅτι οὗτος αὐτοῖς καταπαύσει τὴν στάσιν. ἔτι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν τούτων βουλευομένοις ἐλθεῖν τὸν Μίδαν ὁμοῦ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ ἐπιστῆναι τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ αὐτῇ ἁμάξῃ. 2.3.6. τοὺς δὲ ξυμβαλόντας τὸ μαντεῖον τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον γνῶναι ὄντα, ὅντινα ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔφραζεν, ὅτι ἄξει ἡ ἅμαξα· καὶ καταστῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς βασιλέα τὸν Μίδαν, Μίδαν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν στάσιν καταπαῦσαι, καὶ τὴν ἅμαξαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἀναθεῖναι χαριστήρια τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ τῇ πομπῇ. πρὸς δὲ δὴ τούτοις καὶ τόδε περὶ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐμυθεύετο, ὅστις λύσειε τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν, τοῦτον χρῆναι ἄρξαι τῆς Ἀσίας. 2.3.7. ἦν δὲ ὁ δεσμὸς ἐκ φλοιοῦ κρανίας καὶ τούτου οὔτε τέλος οὔτε ἀρχὴ ἐφαίνετο. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἀπόρως μὲν εἶχεν ἐξευρεῖν λύσιν τοῦ δεσμοῦ, ἄλυτον δὲ περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἤθελε, μή τινα καὶ τοῦτο ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς κίνησιν ἐργάσηται, οἱ μὲν λέγουσιν, ὅτι παίσας τῷ ξίφει διέκοψε τὸν δεσμὸν καὶ λελύσθαι ἔφη· Ἀριστόβουλος Aristob fr. 4 δὲ λέγει ἐξελόντα τὸν ἕστορα τοῦ ῥυμοῦ, ὃς ἦν τύλος διαβεβλημένος διὰ τοῦ ῥυμοῦ διαμπάξ, ξυνέχων τὸν δεσμόν, ἐξελκύσαι ἔξω τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸ ν ζυγόν. 2.5.9. αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν τοῖς πεζοῖς καὶ τῇ ἴλῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ ἐς Μάγαρσον ἧκεν καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τῇ Μαγαρσίδι ἔθυσεν. ἔνθεν δὲ ἐς Μαλλὸν ἀφίκετο καὶ Ἀμφιλόχῳ ὅσα ἥρωι ἐνήγισε· καὶ στασιάζοντας καταλαβὼν τὴν στάσιν αὐτοῖς κατέπαυσε· καὶ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ ἀπέφερον, ἀνῆκεν, ὅτι Ἀργείων μὲν Μαλλωταὶ ἄποικοι ἦσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπʼ Ἄργους τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν εἶναι ἠξίου. | 2.3.1. ALEXANDER AT GORDIUM: WHEN Alexander arrived at Gordium, he was seized with an ardent desire to go up into the citadel, which contained the palace of Gordius and his son Midas. He was also desirous of seeing the wagon of Gordius and the cord of the yoke of this wagon. There was a great deal of talk about this wagon among the neighbouring population. It was said that Gordius was a poor man among the ancient Phrygians, who had a small piece of land to till, and two yoke of oxen. He used one of these in ploughing and the other to draw the wagon. On one occasion, while he was ploughing, an eagle settled upon the yoke, and remained sitting there until the time came for unyoking the oxen. Being alarmed at the sight, he went to the Telmissian soothsayers to consult them about the sign from the deity; for the Telmissians were skilful in interpreting the meaning of Divine manifestations, and the power of divination has been bestowed not only upon the men, but also upon their wives and children from generation to generation. When Gordius was driving his wagon near a certain village of the Telmissians, he met a maiden fetching water from the spring, and to her he related how the sign of the eagle had appeared to him. As she herself was of the prophetic race, she instructed him to return to the very spot and offer sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius requested her to accompany him and direct him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered the sacrifice in the way the girl suggested, and afterwards married her. A son was born to them named Midas. When Midas was grown to be a man, handsome and valiant, the Phrygians were harassed by civil discord, and consulting the oracle, they were told that a wagon would bring them a king, who would put an end to their discord. 2.3.2. While they were still deliberating about this very matter, Midas arrived with his father and mother, and stopped near the assembly, wagon and all. They, comparing the oracular response with this occurrence, decided that this was the person whom the god told them the wagon would bring. They therefore appointed Midas king; and he, putting an end to their discord, dedicated his father's wagon in the citadel as a thank-offering to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. In addition to this the following saying was current concerning the wagon, that whosoever could loosen the cord of the yoke of this wagon, was destined to gain the rule of Asia. The cord was made of cornel bark, and neither end nor beginning to it could be seen. It is said by some that when Alexander could find out no way to loosen the cord and yet was unwilling to allow it to remain unloosened, lest this should exercise some disturbing influence upon the multitude, he struck it with his sword and cutting it through, said that it had been loosened. But Aristobulus says that he pulled out the pin of the wagon-pole, which was a wooden peg driven right through it, holding the cord together. Having done this, he drew out the yoke from the wagon-pole. How Alexander performed the feat in connection with this cord, I cannot affirm with confidence. At any rate both he and his troops departed from the wagon as if the oracular prediction concerning the loosening of the cord had been fulfilled. Moreover, that very night, the thunder and lightning were signs of its fulfilment; and for this reason Alexander offered sacrifice on the following day to the gods who had revealed the signs and the way to loosen the cord. 4.10. DISPUTE BETWEEN CALLISTHENES AND ANAXARCHUS But it is said that Callisthenes the Olynthian, who had studied philosophy under Aristotle, and was somewhat brusque in his manner, did not approve of this conduct; and so far as this is concerned I quite agree with him. But the following remark of his, if indeed it has been correctly recorded, I do not think at all proper, when he declared that Alexander and his exploits were dependent upon him and his history, and that he had not come to him to acquire reputation from him, but to make him renowned in the eyes of men; consequently that Alexander's participation in divinity did not depend on the false assertion of Olympias in regard to the author of his birth, but on what he might report to mankind in his history of the king. There are some writers also who have said that on one occasion Philotas forsooth asked him, what man he thought to be held in especial honour by the people of Athens; and that he replied: "Harmodius and Aristogeiton; because they slew one of the two despots, and put an end to the despotism." Philotas again asked: "If it happened now that a man should kill a despot, to which of the Grecian States would you wish him to flee for preservation?" Callisthenes again replied: "If not among others, at any rate among the Athenians an exile would find preservation; for they waged war on behalf of the sons of Heracles against Eurystheus, who at that time was ruling as a despot over Greece." How he resisted Alexander in regard to the ceremony of prostration, the following is the most received account. An arrangement was made between Alexander and the Sophists in conjunction with the most illustrious of the Persians and Medes who were in attendance upon him, that this topic should be mentioned at a wine-party. Anaxarchus commenced the discussion by saying that he considered Alexander much more worthy of being deemed a god than either Dionysus or Heracles, not only on account of the very numerous and mighty exploits which he had performed, but also because Dionysus was only a Theban, in no way related to Macedonians; and Heracles was an Argive, not at all related to them, except that Alexander deduced his descent from him. He added that the Macedonians might with greater justice gratify their king with divine honours, for there was no doubt about this, that when he departed from men they would honour him as a god. How much more just then would it be to worship him while alive, than after his death, when it would be no advantage to him to be honoured. 4.11. CALLISTHENES OPPOSES THE PROPOSAL TO HONOUR ALEXANDER BY PROSTRATION When Anaxarchus had uttered these remarks and others of a similar kind, those who were privy to the plan applauded his speech, and wished at once to begin the ceremony of prostration. Most of the Macedonians, however, were vexed at the speech and kept silence. But Callisthenes interposed and said: "O Anaxarchus, I openly declare that there is no honour which Alexander is unworthy to receive, provided that it is consistent with his being human; but men have made distinctions between those honours which are due to men, and those due to gods, in many different ways, as for instance by the building of temples and by the erection of statues. Moreover for the gods sacred enclosures are selected, to them sacrifice is offered, and to them libations are made. Hymns also are composed in honour of the gods, and eulogies for men. But the greatest distinction is made by the custom of prostration. For it is the practice that men should be kissed by those who salute them; but because the deity is located somewhere above, it is not lawful even to touch him, and this is the reason no doubt why he is honoured by prostration. Bands of choral dancers are also appointed for the gods, and paeans are sung in their honour. And this is not at all wonderful, seeing that certain honours are specially assigned to some of the gods and certain others to other gods, and, by Zeus, quite different ones again are assigned to heroes, which are very distinct from those paid to the deities. It is not therefore reasonable to confound all these distinctions without discrimination, exalting men to a rank above their condition by extravagant accumulation of honours, and debasing the gods, as far as lies in human power, to an unseemly level, by paying them honours only equal to those paid to men." He said that Alexander would not endure the affront, if some private individual were to be thrust into his royal honours by an unjust vote, either by show of hand or by ballot. Much more justly then would the gods be indigt at those mortals who usurp divine honours or suffer themselves to be thrust into them by others. "Alexander not only seems to be, but is in reality beyond any competition the bravest of brave men, of kings the most kingly, and of generals the most worthy to command an army. O Anaxarchus, it was thy duty, rather than any other man's, to become the special advocate of these arguments now adduced by me, and the opponent of those contrary to them, seeing that thou associatest with him for the purpose of imparting philosophy and instruction. Therefore it was unseemly to begin this discussion, when thou oughtest to have remembered that thou art not associating with and giving advice to Cambyses or Xerxes, but to the son of Philip, who derives his origin from Heracles and Aeacus, whose ancestors came into Macedonia from Argos, and have continued to rule the Macedonians, not by force, but by law. Not even to Heracles himself while still alive were divine honours paid by the Greeks; and even after his death they were withheld until a decree had been published by the oracle of the god at Delphi that men should honour Heracles as a god. But if, because the discussion is held in the land of foreigners, we ought to adopt the sentiments of foreigners, I demand, O Alexander, that thou shouldst bethink thyself of Greece, for whose sake the whole of this expedition was undertaken by thee, that thou mightest join Asia to Greece. Therefore make up thy mind whether thou wilt return thither and compel the Greeks, who are men most devoted to freedom, to pay thee the honour of prostration, or whether thou wilt keep aloof from Greece, and inflict this honour on the Macedonians alone, or thirdly whether thou wilt thyself make a difference in every respect as to the honours to be paid thee, so as to be honoured by the Greeks and Macedonians as a human being and after the manner of the Greeks, and by foreigners alone after the foreign fashion of prostration. But if it is said that Cyrus, son of Cambyses, was the first man to whom the honour of prostration was paid, and that afterwards this degrading ceremony continued in vogue among the Persians and Medes, we ought to bear in mind that the Scythians, men poor but independent, chastised that Cyrus; that other Scythians again chastised Darius, as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians did Xerxes, as Clearchus and Xenophon with their 10,000 followers did Artaxerxes; and finally, that Alexander, though not honoured with prostration, has conquered this Darius." 4.12. CALLISTHENES REFUSES TO PROSTRATE HIMSELF By making these and other remarks of a similar kind, Callisthenes greatly annoyed Alexander, but spoke the exact sentiments of the Macedonians. When the king perceived this, he sent to prevent the Macedonians from making any farther mention of the ceremony of prostration. But after the discussion silence ensued; and then the most honourable of the Persians arose in due order and prostrated their bodies before him. But when one of the Persians seemed to have performed the ceremony in an awkward way, Leonnatus, one of the Companions, laughed at his posture as mean. Alexander at the time was angry with him for this, but was afterwards reconciled to him. The following account has also been given: Alexander drank from a golden goblet the health of the circle of guests, and handed it first to those with whom he had concerted the ceremony of prostration. The first who drank from the goblet rose up and performed the act of prostration, and received a kiss from him. This ceremony proceeded from one to another in due order. But when the pledging of health came to the turn of Callisthenes, he rose up and drank from the goblet, and drew near, wishing to kiss the king without performing the act of prostration. Alexander happened then to be conversing with Hephaestion, and consequently did not observe whether Callisthenes performed the ceremony properly or not. But when Callisthenes was approaching to kiss him, Demetrius, son of Pythonax, one of the Companions, said that he was doing so without having prostrated himself. So the king would not permit him to kiss him; whereupon the philosopher said: "I am going away only with the loss of a kiss." I by no means approve any of these proceedings, which manifested both the insolence of Alexander on the present occasion and the churlish nature of Callisthenes. But I think that, so far as regards himself, it would have been quite sufficient if he had given his opinion discreetly, magnifying as much as possible the exploits of the king, with whom no one thought it a dishonour to associate. Therefore I consider that not without reason Callisthenes became odious to Alexander on account of the unseasonable freedom of speech in which he indulged, as well as from the egregious fatuity of his conduct. I surmise that this was the reason why such easy credit was given to those who accused him of participating in the conspiracy formed against Alexander by his pages, and to those also who affirmed that they had been incited to engage in the conspiracy by him alone. The facts of this conspiracy were as follows: |
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205. Plutarch, Theseus, 36.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 49; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 475| 36.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ Φαίδωνος ἄρχοντος μαντευομένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ Θησέως ἀναλαβεῖν ὀστᾶ καὶ θεμένους ἐντίμως παρʼ αὑτοῖς φυλάττειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λαβεῖν ἀπορία καὶ γνῶναι τὸν τάφον ἀμιξίᾳ καὶ χαλεπότητι τῶν ἐνοικούντων Δολόπων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Κίμων ἑλὼν τὴν νῆσον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἐξανευρεῖν, ἀετοῦ τινα τόπον βουνοειδῆ κόπτοντος, ὥς φασι, τῷ στόματι καὶ διαστέλλοντος τοῖς ὄνυξι θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ συμφρονήσας ἀνέσκαψεν. | |
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| 206. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 1.5-1.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24 |
207. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 247| 5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος. | 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans. |
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208. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.1-3.5, 5.6-5.7, 6.1, 6.7-6.8, 7.2-7.3, 22.2, 23.2, 26.1, 28.1-28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 25, 27, 28; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 39| 1.1. περὶ Λυκούργου τοῦ νομοθέτου καθόλου μὲν οὐδὲν ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφισβήτητον, οὗ γε καὶ γένος καὶ ἀποδημία καὶ τελευτὴ καὶ πρὸς ἅπασιν ἡ περὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγματεία διαφόρους ἔσχηκεν ἱστορίας, ἥκιστα δὲ οἱ χρόνοι καθʼ οὓς γέγονεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁμολογοῦνται, οἱ μὲν γάρ Ἰφίτῳ συνακμάσαι καὶ συνδιαθεῖναι τὴν Ὀλυμπιακὴν ἐκεχειρίαν λέγουσιν αὐτόν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ φιλόσοφος, τεκμήριον προσφέρων τὸν Ὀλυμπίασι δίσκον ἐν ᾧ τοὔνομα τοῦ Λυκούργου διασώζεται καταγεγραμμένον· 3.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ τούτου μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔδει βασιλεύειν, ὡς πάντες ᾤοντο, τὸν Λυκοῦργον· καὶ πρίν γε τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φανερὰν γενέσθαι κύουσαν ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο τάχιστα ᾔσθετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ παιδὸς οὖσαν, ἄνπερ ἄρρην γένηται, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ὡς ἐπίτροπος διεῖπε. τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὀρφανῶν βασιλέων ἐπιτρόπους Λακεδαιμόνιοι προδίκους προδίκους with most MSS. and edd.: προδίκως with A (corrected), the Doric form. ὠνόμαζον. 3.2. ὡς δὲ ἡ γυνὴ προσέπεμπε κρύφα καὶ λόγους ἐποιεῖτο, βουλομένη διαφθεῖραι τὸ βρέφος ἐπὶ τῷ συνοικεῖν ἐκείνῳ βασιλεύοντι τῆς Σπάρτης, τὸ μὲν ἦθος αὐτῆς ἐμίσησε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν λόγον αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀντεῖπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινεῖν καὶ δέχεσθαι προσποιούμενος, οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν ἀμβλίσκουσαν αὐτὴν καὶ φαρμακευομένην διαλυμαίνεσθαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὐτῷ γὰρ μελήσειν ὅπως εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἔσται τὸ γεννηθέν. 3.3. οὕτω δὲ παραγαγὼν ἄχρι τοῦ τόκου τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τίκτουσαν, εἰσέπεμψε παρέδρους ταῖς ὠδῖσιν αὐτῆς καὶ φύλακας, οἷς ἦν προστεταγμένον, ἐὰν μὲν θῆλυ τεχθῇ, παραδοῦναι ταῖς γυναιξίν, ἐὰν δὲ ἄρρεν, κομίσαι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ πράττων. ἔτυχε δὲ δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀποκυηθὲν ἄρρεν καὶ παρῆσαν οἱ ὑπηρέται τὸ παιδάριον αὐτῷ κομίζοντες. 3.4. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, βασιλεὺς ὑμῖν γέγονεν, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κατέκλινεν ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ χώρᾳ καὶ Χαρίλαον ὠνόμασε διὰ τὸ τοὺς πάντας εἶναι περιχαρεῖς, ἀγαμένους αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὸ σύμπαν, ἦν δὲ καὶ τἆλλα περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ πλείονες ἐγένοντο τῶν ὡς ἐπιτρόπῳ βασιλέως καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντι πειθομένων οἱ διʼ ἀρετὴν προσέχοντες αὐτῷ καὶ ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντες ἑτοίμως τὸ προσταττόμενον. 3.5. ἦν δέ τι καὶ τὸ φθονοῦν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὔξησιν ὄντι νέῳ πειρώμενον ἐνίστασθαι, μάλιστα μὲν οἱ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκεῖοι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μητρὸς ὑβρίσθαι δοκούσης, ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς Λεωνίδας καὶ θρασύτερόν ποτε τῷ Λυκούργῳ λοιδορηθείς, ὑπεῖπεν ὡς εἰδείη σαφῶς μέλλοντα βασιλεύειν αὐτόν, ὑπόνοιαν διδοὺς καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων διαβολῇ τὸν Λυκοῦργον, εἴ τι συμβαίη τῷ βασιλεῖ παθεῖν, ὡς ἐπιβεβουλευκότα. τοιοῦτοι δὲ τινες λόγοι καὶ παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεφοίτων ἐφʼ οἷς βαρέως φέρων καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸ ἄδηλον, ἔγνω φυγεῖν ἀποδημίᾳ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν, καὶ πλανηθῆναι μέχρις ἂν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τεκνώσῃ διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας. 5.6. πλειόνων δὲ καινοτομου μὲν ων ὑπὸ τοῦ Λυκούργου πρῶτον ἦν καὶ μέγιστον ἡ κατάστασις τῶν γερόντων, ἥν φησιν ὁ Πλάτων τῇ τῶν βασιλέων ἀρχῇ φλεγμαινούσῃ μιχθεῖσαν καὶ γενομένην ἰσόψηφον εἰς τὰ μέγιστα σωτηρίαν ἅμα καὶ σωφροσύνην παρασχεῖν. αἰωρουμένη γὰρ ἡ πολιτεία καὶ ἀποκλίνουσα νῦν μὲν ὡς τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐπὶ τυραννίδα, νῦν δὲ ὡς τὸ πλῆθος ἐπὶ δημοκρατίαν, 5.7. οἷον ἕρμα τὴν τῶν γερόντων ἀρχὴν ἐν μέσῳ θεμένη καὶ ἰσορροπήσασα τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τάξιν ἔσχε καὶ κατάστασιν, ἀεὶ τῶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι γερόντων τοῖς μὲν βασιλεῦσι προστιθεμένων ὅσον ἀντιβῆναι πρὸς δημοκρατίαν, αὖθις δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ γενέσθαι τυραννίδα τὸν δῆμον ἀναρρωννύντων. τοσούτους δέ φησι κατασταθῆναι τοὺς γέροντας Ἀριστοτέλης, ὅτι τριάκοντα τῶν πρώτων μετὰ Λυκούργου γενομένων δύο τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐγκατέλιπον ἀποδειλιάσαντες. 6.1. οὕτω δὲ περὶ ταύτην ἐσπούδασε τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥστε μαντείαν ἐκ Δελφῶν κομίσαι περὶ αὐτῆς, ἣν ῥήτραν καλοῦσιν. ἔχει δὲ οὕτως· Διὸς ΣυλλανίουΣυλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . καὶ Ἀθανᾶς Συλλανίας Συλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα, τριάκοντα γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὥρας ἐξ ὥρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακιῶνος, οὕτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι δάμῳ δὲ τὰν κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ 7.2. ὃν καὶ φασιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς ὀνειδιζόμενον ὡς ἐλάττω παραδώσοντα τοῖς παισὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἢ παρέλαβε, μείζω μὲν οὖν, εἰπεῖν, ὅσῳ χρονιωτέραν. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὸ ἄγαν ἀποβαλοῦσα μετὰ τοῦ φθόνου διέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον, ὥστε μὴ παθεῖν ἃ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῖς βασιλεῖς ἔδρασαν, μηδὲν ἐνδοῦναι μηδὲ χαλάσαι τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν ἐθελήσαντας. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Λυκούργου σοφίαν καὶ πρόνοιαν ἐποίησε φανερὰν εἰς τὰς Μεσσηνίων καὶ Ἀργείων, συγγενῶν καὶ γειτόνων, δήμων καὶ βασιλέων στάσεις καὶ κακοπολιτείας ἀφορῶσιν, 22.2. ἐχρῶντο δὲ καὶ γυμνασίοις μαλακωτέροις παρὰ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν οὐχ οὕτω κεκολασμένην οὐδʼ ὑπεύθυνον τοῖς νέοις παρεῖχον, ὥστε μόνοις ἀνθρώπων ἐκείνοις τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀσκήσεως ἀνάπαυσιν εἶναι τὸν πόλεμον. ἤδη δὲ συντεταγμένης τῆς φάλαγγος αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων παρόντων, παρόντων MSS., Coraës, Sintenis 1, and Bekker: ὁρώντων ( in the sight of ), with Xenophon, Reip. Lac. xiii. 8. ὁ βασιλεὺς ἅμα τήν τε χίμαιραν ἐσφαγιάζετο καὶ στεφανοῦσθαι παρήγγελλε πᾶσι καὶ τοὺς αὐλητὰς αὐλεῖν ἐκέλευε τὸ Καστόρειον μέλος· 23.2. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τῆς Ὀλυμπιακῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἡ ἐπίνοια πρᾴου καὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην οἰκείως ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς εἶναι, καίτοι φασί τινες, ὡς Ἕρμιππος μνημονεύει, τὸν Λυκοῦργον οὐ προσέχειν οὐδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἴφιτον, ἀλλὰ τυγχάνειν ἄλλως ἐπιδημοῦντα καὶ θεώμενον ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνὴν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου τινὸς ἐξόπισθεν ἐπιτιμῶντος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζοντος ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας οὐ προτρέπεται κοινωνεῖν τῆς πανηγύρεως· ὡς δὲ μεταστραφέντος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ἦν, θεῖον ἡγησάμενον, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν Ἴφιτον τραπέσθαι καὶ συνδιακοσμήσαντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐνδοξοτέραν καὶ βεβαιοτέραν καταστῆσαι. 28.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν τούτοις οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀδικίας ἴχνος οὐδὲ πλεονεξίας, ἣν ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἔνιοι τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις, ὡς ἱκανῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ἐνδεῶς δὲ πρὸς δικαιοσύνην. ἡ δὲ καλουμένη κρυπτεία παρʼ αὐτοῖς, εἴ γε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν Λυκούργου πολιτευμάτων ἕν ἐστιν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε, ταύτην ἂν εἴη καὶ τῷ Πλάτωνι περὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐνειργασμένη δόξαν. ἦν δὲ τοιαύτη· 28.2. τῶν νέων οἱ ἄρχοντες διὰ χρόνου τοὺς μάλιστά νοῦν ἔχειν δοκοῦντας εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄλλως ἐξέπεμπον, ἔχοντας ἐγχειρίδια καὶ τροφὴν ἀναγκαίαν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν· οἱ δὲ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν εἰς ἀσυνδήλους διασπειρόμενοι τόπους, ἀπέκρυπτον ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἀνεπαύοντο, νύκτωρ δὲ κατιόντες εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς τῶν εἱλώτων τὸν ἁλισκόμενον ἀπέσφαττον. 28.3. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀγροῖς τοῖς ἀγροῖς MSS. (incl. S): τοὺς ἀγροὺς after Coraës. ἐπιπορευόμενοι τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους καὶ κρατίστους αὐτῶν ἀνῄρουν. ὥσπερ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ἐν τοῖς Πελοποννησιακοῖς ἱστορεῖ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ προκριθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν στεφανώσασθαι μὲν ὡς ἐλευθέρους γεγονότας καὶ περιελθεῖν τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερά, μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον ἅπαντας ἀφανεῖς γενέσθαι, πλείονας ἢ δισχιλίους ὄντας, ὡς μήτε παραχρῆμα μήτε ὕστερον ἔχειν τινὰ λέγειν ὅτῳ ὅτῳ Cobet, cf. Thuc. iv. 80, 4: τῷ . τρόπῳ διεφθάρησαν. 28.4. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ μάλιστά φησι καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὅταν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστῶσι πρῶτον, τοῖς εἵλωσι καταγγέλλειν πόλεμον, ὅπως εὐαγὲς ᾖ τὸ ἀνελεῖν. καὶ τἆλλα δὲ τραχέως προσεφέροντο καὶ σκληρῶς αὐτοῖς, ὥστε καὶ πίνειν ἀναγκάζοντες πολὺν ἄκρατον εἰς τὰ συσσίτια παρεισῆγον, ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τὸ μεθύειν οἷόν ἐστι τοῖς νέοις. καὶ ᾠδὰς ἐκέλευον ᾄδειν καὶ χορείας χορεύειν ἀγεννεῖς καὶ καταγελάστους, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἐλευθέρων. | 1.1. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. As joining with Iphitus in founding, or reviving, the Olympic games, in 776 B.C., the date assigned to the first recorded victory. Cf. Pausanias, v. 4, 5 f. ; 20, 1. A stay of hostilities was observed all over Greece during the festival. 3.1. Polydectes also died soon afterwards, and then, as was generally thought, the kingdom devolved upon Lycurgus; and until his brother’s wife was known to be with child, he was king. But as soon as he learned of this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her offspring, if it should be male, and himself administered the government only as guardian. Now the guardians of fatherless kings are called prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. 3.2. Presently, however, the woman made secret overtures to him, proposing to destroy her unborn babe on condition that he would marry her when he was a king of Sparta; and although he detested her character, he did not reject her proposition, but pretended to approve and accept it. He told her, however, that she need not use drugs to produce a miscarriage, thereby injuring her health and endangering her life, for he would see to it himself that as soon as her child was born it should be put out of the way. 3.3. In this manner he managed to bring the woman to her full time, and when he learned that she was in labour, he sent attendants and watchers for her delivery, with orders, if a girl should be born, to hand it over to the women, but if a boy, to bring it to him, no matter what he was doing. And it came to pass that as he was at supper with the chief magistrates, a male child was born, and his servants brought the little boy to him. 3.4. He took it in his arms, as we are told, and said to those who were at table with him, A king is born unto you, O men of Sparta; then he laid it down in the royal seat and named it Charilaüs, or People’s Joy, because all present were filled with joy, admiring as they did his lofty spirit and his righteousness. And so he was king only eight months in all. But on other accounts also he was revered by his fellow-citizens, and more than those who obeyed him because he was guardian of the king and had royal power in his hands, were those who clave to him for his virtues and were ready and willing to do his bidding. 3.5. There was a party, however, which envied him and sought to impede the growing power of so young a man, especially the kinsmen and friends of the queen-mother, who thought she had been treated with insolence. Her brother, Leonidas, actually railed at Lycurgus once quite boldly, assuring him that he knew well that Lycurgus would one day be king, thereby promoting suspicion and paving the way for the accusation, in case any thing happened to the king, that he had plotted against his life. Some such talk was set in circulation by the queen-mother also, in consequence of which Lycurgus was sorely troubled and fearful of what might be in store for him. He therefore determined to avoid suspicion by travelling abroad, and to continue his wanderings until his nephew should come of age and beget a son to succeed him on the throne. 5.6. Among the many innovations which Lycurgus made, the first and most important was his institution of a senate, or Council of Elders, which, as Plato says, Laws, p. 691 e. by being blended with the feverish government of the kings, and by having an equal vote with them in matters of the highest importance, brought safety and due moderation into counsels of state. For before this the civil polity was veering and unsteady, inclining at one time to follow the kings towards tyranny, and at another to follow the multitude towards democracy; 5.7. but now, by making the power of the senate a sort of ballast for the ship of state and putting her on a steady keel, it achieved the safest and the most orderly arrangement, since the twenty-eight senators always took the side of the kings when it was a question of curbing democracy, and, on the other hand, always strengthened the people to withstand the encroachments of tyranny. The number of the senators was fixed at twenty-eight because, according to Aristotle, two of the thirty original associates of Lycurgus abandoned the enterprise from lack of courage. 6.1. So eager was Lycurgus for the establishment of this form of government, that he obtained an oracle from Delphi about it, which they call a rhetra. And this is the way it runs: When thou hast built a temple to Zeus Syllanius and Athena Syllania, divided the people into phylai and into obai, and established a senate of thirty members, including the archagetai, then from time to time appellazein between Babyca and Cnacion Probably names of small tributaries of the river Eurotas. and there introduce and rescind measures; but the people must have the deciding voice and the power. 7.2. This king, they say, on being reviled by his wife because the royal power, when he handed it over to his sons, would be less than when he received it, said: Nay, but greater, in that it will last longer. And in fact, by renouncing excessive claims and freeing itself from jealous hate, royalty at Sparta escaped its perils, so that the Spartan kings did not experience the fate which the Messenians and Argives inflicted upon their kings, who were unwilling to yield at all or remit their power in favour of the people. And this brings into the clearest light the wisdom and foresight of Lycurgus, when we contrast the factions and misgovernment of the peoples and kings of Messenia and Argos, who were kinsmen and neighbours of the Spartans. 22.2. Their bodily exercises, too, were less rigorous during their campaigns, and in other ways their young warriors were allowed a regimen which was less curtailed and rigid, so that they were the only men in the world with whom war brought a respite in the training for war. And when at last they were drawn up in battle array and the enemy was at hand, the king sacrificed the customary she-goat, commanded all the warriors to set garlands upon their heads, and ordered the pipers to pipe the strains of the hymn to Castor; 23.2. And indeed the design of the Olympic truce would seem to bespeak a man of gentleness, and predisposed to peace. And yet there are some who say, as Hermippus reminds us, that at the outset Lycurgus had nothing whatever to do with Iphitus and his enterprise, but happened to come that way by chance, and be a spectator at the games; that he heard behind him, however, what seemed to be a human voice, chiding him and expressing amazement that he did not urge his fellow-citizens to take part in the great festival; and since, on turning round, he did not see the speaker anywhere, he concluded that the voice was from heaven, and therefore betook himself to Iphitus, and assisted him in giving the festival a more notable arrangement and a more enduring basis. 28.1. Now in all this there is no trace of injustice or arrogance, which some attribute to the laws of Lycurgus, declaring them efficacious in producing valour, but defective in producing righteousness. The so-called krupteia, or secret service, of the Spartans, if this be really one of the institutions of Lycurgus, as Aristotle says it was, may have given Plato also Laws, p. 630 d. this opinion of the man and his civil polity. 28.2. This secret service was of the following nature. The magistrates from time to time sent out into the country at large the most discreet of the young warriors, equipped only with daggers and such supplies as were necessary. In the day time they scattered into obscure and out of the way places, where they hid themselves and lay quiet; but in the night they came down into the highways and killed every Helot whom they caught. 28.3. oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, iv. 80. tells us that the Helots who had been judged by the Spartans to be superior in bravery, set wreaths upon their heads in token of their emancipation, and visited the temples of the gods in procession, but a little while afterwards all disappeared, more than two thousand of them, in such a way that no man was able to say, either then or afterwards, how they came by their deaths. 28.4. And Aristotle in particular says also that the ephors, as soon as they came into office, made formal declaration of war upon the Helots, in order that there might be no impiety in slaying them.And in other ways also they were harsh and cruel to the Helots. For instance, they would force them to drink too much strong wine, and then introduce them into their public messes, to show the young men what a thing drunkenness was. They also ordered them to sing songs and dance dances that were low and ridiculous, but to let the nobler kind alone. |
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209. Plutarch, Lysander, 11.7, 18.3-18.4, 20.6, 22.3-22.6, 25.3, 30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 28, 38, 320, 341, 342| 11.7. ὃς μυρίας μορφὰς ἀγώνων καὶ πραγμάτων μεταβολὰς ἀμείψας, καὶ στρατηγοὺς ὅσους οὐδὲ οἱ σύμπαντες οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναλώσας, ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς εὐβουλία καὶ δεινότητι συνῄρητο· διὸ καὶ θεῖόν τινες ἡγήσαντο τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον. 18.3. πρώτῳ μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς θεῷ καὶ θυσίας ἔθυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ παιᾶνες ᾔσθησαν, ὧν ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν ἀπομνημονεύουσι τοιάνδε· 18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 20.6. τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἐδόκει πρόσχημα ποιεῖσθαι τὸν θεόν, ἄλλως δὲ τοὺς ἐφόρους δεδοικὼς καὶ τὸν οἴκοι ζυγὸν οὐ φέρων οὐδʼ ὑπομένων ἄρχεσθαι πλάνης ὀρέγεσθαι καὶ περιφοιτήσεως τινός, ὥσπερ ἵππος ἐκ νομῆς ἀφέτου καὶ λειμῶνος αὖθις ἥκων ἐπὶ φάτνην καὶ πρὸς τὸ σύνηθες ἔργον αὖθις ἀγόμενος. ἣν μὲν γὰρ Ἔφορος τῆς ἀποδημίας ταύτης αἰτίαν ἀναγράφει, μετὰ μικρὸν ἀφηγήσομαι. 22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος. 25.3. ἔφορος μὲν οὖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς τήν τε Πυθίαν ἐπιχειρήσας διαφθεῖραι καὶ τὰς Δωδωνίδας αὖθις ἀναπείθων διὰ Φερεκλέους ἀπέτυχεν, εἰς Ἄμμωνος ἀναβῆναι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς προφήταις πολὺ χρυσίον διδόντα, τοὺς δὲ δυσχεραίνοντας εἰς Σπάρτην τινὰς ἀποστεῖλαι τοῦ Λυσάνδρου κατηγορήσοντας, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπελύθη, τοὺς Λίβυας ἀπιόντας εἰπεῖν· ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς γε βέλτιον, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κρινοῦμεν, ὅταν ἥκητε πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰς Λιβύην οἰκήσοντες, ὡς δὴ χρησμοῦ τινος ὄντος παλαιοῦ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐν Λιβύῃ κατοικῆσαι. 30.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἔφορός φησιν ἀντιλογίας τινὸς συμμαχικῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενομένης, καὶ τὰ γράμματα διασκέψασθαι δεῆσαν ἃ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ κατέσχεν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον. εὑρόντα δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένος ἦν ὁ περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγος, ὡς χρὴ τῶν Εὐρυπωντιδῶν καὶ Ἀγιαδῶν τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφελομένους εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων, | 11.7. Its struggles and issues had assumed ten thousand changing shapes, and it had cost Hellas more generals than all her previous wars together, and yet it was brought to a close by the prudence and ability of one man. Therefore some actually thought the result due to divine intervention. 12 18.3. For he was the first Greek, as Duris writes, to whom the cities erected altars and made sacrifices as to a god, the first also to whom songs of triumph were sung. One of these is handed down, and begins as follows:â "The general of sacred Hellas who came from wide-spaced Sparta will we sing, O! io! Paean." 18.4. The Samians, too, voted that their festival of Hera should be called Lysandreia. And the poet Choerilus was always kept in his retinue, to adorn his achievements with verse; while with Antilochus, who composed some verses in his honour, he was so pleased that he filled his cap with silver and gave it to him. And when Antimachus of Colophon and a certain Niceratus of Heracleia competed one another at the Lysandreia in poems celebrating his achievements, he awarded the crown to Niceratus, and Antimachus, in vexation, suppressed his poem. 20.6. But the majority believed that he made the god a pretext, 445and really feared the ephors, and was impatient of the yoke at home, and unable to endure being under authority, and therefore longed to wander and travel about somewhat, like a horse which comes back from unrestricted pasture in the meadows to his stall, and is put once more to his accustomed work. Ephorus, it is true, assigns another reason for this absence abroad, which I shall mention by and by. 21 22.3. When Agis the king died, leaving a brother, Agesilaüs, and a reputed son, Leotychides, Lysander, who had been a lover of Agesilaüs, persuaded him to lay claim to the kingdom, on the ground that he was a genuine descendant of Heracles. For Leotychides was accused of being a son of Alcibiades, who had secret commerce with Timaea, the wife of Agis, while he was living in exile at export. 22.4. Now Agis, as they tell us, being convinced by a computation of time that his wife had not conceived by him, ignored Leotychides, and manifestly repudiated him up to the last. But when he was carried sick to Heraea and was about to die, he yielded to the entreaties of the young man himself and of his friends, and declared in the hearing of many that Leotychides was his own son, and after begging those who were present to bear witness of this to the Lacedaemonians, died. 446 22.5. Accordingly, they did so bear witness in favour of Leotychides. Moreover, Agesilaüs, who was otherwise illustrious, and had Lysander as a champion, was injured in his claim by Diopeithes, a man in high repute for his interpretation of oracles, who published the following prophecy with reference to the lameness of Agesilaüs:â "Bethink thee now, O Sparta, although thou art very proud, Lest from thee, sound of foot, there spring a maimed royalty; For long will unexpected toils oppress thee, And onward rolling billows of man-destroying war." 22.6. Many, therefore, out of deference to the oracle, inclined to Leotychides, but Lysander declared that Diopeithes did not interpret the prophecy correctly; for it did not mean that the god would be displeased if one who was lame should rule the Lacedaemonians, but the kingdom would be maimed if bastards and ill-born men should be kings in a line with the posterity of Heracles. By such arguments, and because he had very great influence, he prevailed, and Agesilaüs became king. 23 25.3. Well, then, Ephorus tells us that after an attempt to corrupt the Pythian priestess, and after a second failure to persuade the priestesses of Dodona by means of Pherecles, he went up to the temple of Ammon and had a conference with the god's interpreters there, at which he offered them much money, but that they took this ill, and sent certain messengers to Sparta to denounce him; and further, that when Lysander was acquitted of their charges, the Libyans said, as they went away, "But we will pass better judgments than yours, 448O Spartans, when ye come to dwell with us in Libya"; for they knew that there was a certain ancient oracle bidding the Lacedaemonians to settle in Libya. 30.3. But after some time had passed, according to Ephorus, some dispute arose at Sparta with her allies, and it became necessary to inspect the writings which Lysander had kept by him; for which purpose Agesilaüs went to his house. And when he found the book containing the speech on the constitution, which argued that the kingship ought to be taken from the Eurypontidae and Agiadae and made accessible to all Spartans alike, and that the choice should be made from the best of these, |
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210. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248| 1.3. Πυθαγόρου δὲ τὸν Σπαρτιάτην Ὀλύμπια νενικηκότα στάδιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκάτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἧς ἔτει τρίτῳ Νομᾶς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν κατέστη, πλανηθέντα περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν συγγενέσθαι τῷ Νομᾷ καὶ συνδιακοσμῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν, ὅθεν οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι τῶν Λακωνικῶν ἀναμεμῖχθαι Πυθαγόρου διδάξαντος, ἄλλως δὲ Νομᾶς γένος μὲν ἦν ἐκ Σαβίνων, Σαβῖνοι δὲ βούλονται Λακεδαιμονίων ἑαυτοὺς ἀποίκους γεγονέναι. | 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. 1.3. but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad 657-654 B.C. (in the third year of which Numa was made king), and that in his wanderings about Italy he made the acquaintance of Numa, and helped him arrange the government of the city, whence it came about that many Spartan customs were mingled with the Roman, as Pythagoras taught them to Numa. And at all events, Numa was of Sabine descent, and the Sabines will have it that they were colonists from Lacedaemon. |
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| 211. Plutarch, Marius, 639e, 723c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 120 |
| 212. Plutarch, Moralia, 147e, 193cd, 810, 861b, 861c, 862a, 862b, 862c, 557c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24 |
213. Plutarch, Nicias, 12.1-12.2, 21.2, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta/spartans, citizenship Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 302; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48, 218| 12.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Νικίας, τῶν Αἰγεστέων πρέσβεων καὶ Λεοντίνων παραγενομένων καὶ πειθόντων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Σικελίαν, ἀνθιστάμενος ἡττᾶτο τῆς βουλῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ φιλοτιμίας, πρὶν ὅλως ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι, κατασχόντος ἤδη πλῆθος ἐλπίσι καὶ λόγοις προδιεφθαρμένον, ὥστε καὶ νέους ἐν παλαίστραις καὶ γέροντας ἐν ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ ἡμικυκλίοις συγκαθεζομένους ὑπογράφειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς Σικελίας, καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν θαλάσσης, καὶ λιμένας καὶ τόπους οἷς τέτραπται πρὸς Λιβύην ἡ νῆσος. 12.2. οὐ γὰρ ἆθλον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν, ἀλλʼ ὁρμητήριον, ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτῆς διαγωνισόμενοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους καὶ σχήσοντες ἅμα Λιβύην καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν θάλασσαν. ὡς οὖν ὥρμηντο πρὸς ταῦτα, ὁ Νικίας ἐναντιούμενος οὔτε πολλοὺς οὔτε δυνατοὺς εἶχε συναγωνιστάς. οἱ γὰρ εὔποροι δεδιότες μὴ δοκῶσι τὰς λειτουργίας καὶ τριηραρχίας ἀποδιδράσκειν, παρὰ γνώμην ἡσύχαζον· 23.5. τῷ μέντοι Νικίᾳ συνηνέχθη τότε μηδὲ μάντιν ἔχειν ἔμπειρον· ὁ γὰρ συνήθης αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρῶν Στιλβίδης ἐτεθνήκει μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν. ἐπεὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὥς φησι Φιλόχορος, φεύγουσιν οὐκ ἦν πονηρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ χρηστόν· ἐπικρύψεως γὰρ αἱ σὺν φόβῳ πράξεις δέονται, τὸ δὲ φῶς πολέμιόν ἐστιν αὐταῖς. | 12.1. It was Nicias, then, who, when an embassy came from Egesta and Leontini seeking to persuade the Athenians to undertake an expedition against Sicily, opposed the measure, only to be defeated by the ambitious purposes of Alcibiades. Before the assembly had met at all, Alcibiades had already corrupted the multitude and got them into his power by means of his sanguine promises, so that the youth in their training-schools and the old men in their work-shops and lounging-places would sit in clusters drawing maps of Sicily, charts of the sea about it, and plans of the harbours and districts of the island which look towards Libya. 12.2. For they did not regard Sicily itself as the prize of the war, but rather as a mere base of operations, purposing therefrom to wage a contest with the Carthaginians and get possession of both Libya and of all the sea this side the Pillars of Heracles. Since, therefore, their hearts were fixed on this, Nicias, in his opposition to them, had few men, and these of no influence, to contend on his side. For the well-toâdo citizens feared accusations of trying to escape their contributions for the support of the navy, and so, despite their better judgement, held their peace. 23.5. However, it was the lot of Nicias at this time to be without even a soothsayer who was expert. The one who had been his associate, and who used to set him free from most of his superstition, Stilbides, had died a short time before. For indeed the sign from Heaven, as Philochorus observed, was not an obnoxious one to fugitives, but rather very propitious; concealment is just what deeds of fear need, whereas light is an enemy to them. |
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| 214. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.79 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, free men (perioikoi) Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 35 |
215. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.129, 7.198, 9.129, 9.139-9.140, 12.5, 16.95, 16.171, 16.232-16.233, 19.38-19.45, 33.22, 34.17, 35.3, 35.22, 35.163, 36.30-36.31, 36.44, 36.51, 36.72-36.73, 36.82, 36.95 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 29, 201, 202, 203, 224, 239, 342; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 269; Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 79 | 34.17. In the aedileship of Marcus Scaurus there were 3000 statues on the stage in what was only a temporary theatre. Mummius after conquering Achaia filled the city with statues, though destined not to leave enough at his death to provide a dowry for his daughter — for why not mention this as well as the fact that excuses it? A great many were also imported by the Luculli. Yet it is stated by Mucianus who was three times consul that there are still 3000 statues at Rhodes, and no smaller number are believed still to exist at Athens, Olympia and Delphi. What mortal man could recapitulate them all, or what value can be felt in such information? Still it may give pleasure just to allude to the most remarkable and to name the artists of celebrity, though it would be impossible to enumerate the total number of the works of each, inasmuch as Lysippus is said to have executed 1500 works of art, all of them so skilful that each of them by itself might have made him famous; the number is said to have been discovered after his decease, when his heir broke open his coffers, it having been his practice to put aside a coin of the value of one gold denarius out of what he got as reward for his handicraft for each statue., The art rose to incredible heights in success and afterwards in boldness of design. To prove its success I will adduce one instance, and that not of a representation of either a god or a man: our own generation saw on the Capitol, before it last went up in flames burnt at the hands of the adherents of Vitellius, in the shrine of Juno, a bronze figure of a hound licking its wound, the miraculous excellence and absolute truth to life of which is shown not only by the fact of its dedication in that place but also by the method taken for insuring it; for as no sum of money seemed to equal its value, the government enacted that its custodians should be answerable for its safety with their lives. 35.3. But the first person to institute the custom of privately dedicating the shields with portraits in a temple or public place, I find, was Appius Claudius, the consul with Publius Servilius in the 259th year of the city. He set up his ancestors in the temple of Bellona, and desired them to be in full view on an elevated spot, and the inscriptions stating their honours to be read. This is a seemly device, especially if miniature likenesses of a swarm of children at the sides display a sort of brood of nestlings; shields of this description everybody views with pleasure and approval. 35.22. According to Juba sandarach or realgar and ochre are products of the island of Topazus in the Red Sea, but they are not imported from those parts to us. We have stated the method of making sandarach. An adulterated sandarach is also made from ceruse boiled in a furnace. It ought to be flame-coloured. Its price is 5 asses per lb. 36.30. Nowhere are more serviceable millstones to be found than in Italy, for here they are proper stones and not lumps of rock. In certain provinces, however, they are not found at all. Some stones of this kind are quite soft and can be smoothed also with a whetstone, so that from a distance they may be mistaken for serpentine. No other stones are more durable than millstones; for, as with wood, it is characteristic of stones of one sort or another to be unable to stand rain, sun or wintry weather. Some are affected even by the moon, while others acquire a patina in course of time or lose their white colour when treated with oil., Some people call a millstone 'pyrites,' or 'fire-stone,' because there is a great amount of fire in it. However, there is another 'pyrites' which is similar, only more porous, and yet another which resembles copper. It is claimed that in the mines near Acamas in Cyprus two kinds of pyrites are found, one having the colour of silver and the other of gold. There are several ways of roasting the mineral. Some roast it two or three times with honey until the moisture is consumed, whereas others roast it first on hot coals and then with honey. Afterwards, it is washed like copper. The varieties of pyrites are used in pharmacy for their warming, drying, dispersing and reducing effects, and also to cause indurations to discharge their matter. They are also used raw, in the form of powder, for treating scrofulous sores and boils. Some writers class as 'pyrites' yet another kind of stone that contains a great quantity of fire. Stones known as 'live stones' are extremely heavy and are indispensable to reconnaissance parties preparing a camp-site. When struck with a nail or another stone they give off a spark, and if this is caught on sulphur or else on dry fungi or leaves it produces a flame instantaneously. |
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| 216. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 171 |
217. Plutarch, Demetrius, 10.3-13.2, 23.3, 24.1, 26.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 42| 26.3. διὸ καὶ Φιλιππίδης τὸν Στρατοκλέα λοιδορῶν ἐποίησεν· ὁ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν συντεμὼν εἰς μῆνʼ ἕνα, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ Παρθενῶνι κατασκηνώσεως· ὁ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πανδοκεῖον ὑπολαβὼν καὶ τὰς ἑταίρας εἰσαγαγὼν τῇ παρθένῳ. | 26.3. Hence Philippides, in his abuse of Stratocles, wrote:â "Who abridged the whole year into a single month," and with reference to the quartering of Demetrius in the Parthenon:â "Who took the acropolis for a caravansery, 901And introduced to its virgin goddess his courtesans." 27 |
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| 218. Plutarch, Agis And Cleomenes, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48 |
219. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 11.2, 12.1-12.3, 16.5, 17.1-17.3, 23.7, 24.5, 27.4, 32.2, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 171; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 218, 319, 320, 323, 326, 327| 11.2. λέγει δʼ ὁ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῷ ᾄσματι ταῦτα· 16.5. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον ἐκάλουν· πλὴν ὅτι τοὺς Μηλίους ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφαγῆναι τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν ἔσχε, τῷ ψηφίσματι συνειπών. Ἀριστοφῶντος δὲ Νεμέαν γράψαντος ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὑτῆς καθήμενον Ἀλκιβιάδην ἔχουσαν, ἐθεῶντο καὶ συνέτρεχον χαίροντες. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινον ὡς τυραννικοῖς καὶ παρανόμοις. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέστρατος οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου λέγειν ὡς ἡ Ἑλλὰς οὐκ ἂν ἤνεγκε δύο Ἀλκιβιάδας. 17.1. Σικελίας δὲ καὶ Περικλέους ἔτι ζῶντος ἐπεθύμουν Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἥπτοντο, καὶ τὰς λεγομένας βοηθείας καὶ συμμαχίας ἔπεμπον ἑκάστοτε τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ὑπὸ Συρακουσίων ἐπιβάθρας τῆς μείζονος στρατείας τιθέντες. 17.2. ὁ δὲ παντάπασι τὸν ἔρωτα τοῦτον ἀναφλέξας αὐτῶν, καὶ πείσας μὴ κατὰ μέρος μηδὲ κατὰ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ πλεύσαντας ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν νῆσον, Ἀλκιβιάδης ἦν, τόν τε δῆμον μεγάλα πείσας ἐλπίζειν, αὐτός τε μειζόνων ὀρεγόμενος. ἀρχὴν γὰρ εἶναι, πρὸς ἃ ἠλπίκει, διενοεῖτο τῆς στρατείας, οὐ τέλος, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, Σικελίαν. 17.3. καὶ Νικίας μὲν ὡς χαλεπὸν ἔργον ὂν τὰς Συρακούσας ἑλεῖν ἀπέτρεπε τὸν δῆμον, Ἀλκιβιάδης δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Λιβύην ὀνειροπολῶν, ἐκ δὲ τούτων προσγενομένων Ἰταλίαν καὶ Πελοπόννησον ἤδη περιβαλλόμενος, ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου Σικελίαν ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νέους αὐτόθεν εἶχεν ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένους, τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων ἠκροῶντο πολλὰ θαυμάσια περὶ τῆς στρατείας περαινόντων, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐν ταῖς παλαίστραις καὶ τοῖς ἡμικυκλίοις καθέζεσθαι τῆς τε νήσου τὸ σχῆμα καὶ θέσιν Λιβύης καὶ Καρχηδόνος ὑπογράφοντας. 23.7. Τιμαίαν γὰρ τὴν Ἄγιδος γυναῖκα τοῦ βασιλέως στρατευομένου καὶ ἀποδημοῦντος οὕτω διέφθειρεν ὥστε καὶ κύειν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ μὴ ἀρνεῖσθαι, καὶ τεκούσης παιδάριον ἄρρεν ἔξω μὲν Λεωτυχίδην καλεῖσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ ψιθυριζόμενον ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς φίλας καὶ τὰς ὀπαδοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην εἶναι· τοσοῦτος ἔρως κατεῖχε τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δʼ ἐντρυφῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ ὕβρει τοῦτο πράττειν οὐδὲ κρατούμενος ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύσωσιν οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότες. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. 27.4. τέλος δὲ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων τριάκοντα λαβόντες, ἀνασώσαντες δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν, τρόπαιον ἔστησαν. οὕτω δὲ λαμπρᾷ χρησάμενος εὐτυχίᾳ, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος εὐθὺς ἐγκαλλωπίσασθαι τῷ Τισαφέρνῃ, ξένια καὶ δῶρα παρασκευασάμενος καὶ θεραπείαν ἔχων ἡγεμονικὴν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν. 32.2. ἃ δὲ Δοῦρις ὁ Σάμιος Ἀλκιβιάδου φάσκων ἀπόγονος εἶναι προστίθησι τούτοις, αὐλεῖν μὲν εἰρεσίαν τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι Χρυσόγονον τὸν πυθιονίκην, κελεύειν δὲ Καλλιππίδην τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν, στατοὺς καὶ ξυστίδας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἐναγώνιον ἀμπεχομένους κόσμον, ἱστίῳ δʼ ἁλουργῷ τὴν ναυαρχίδα προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς λιμέσιν, ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης ἐπικωμάζοντος, 33.2. τότε δὲ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης, καὶ τὰ μὲν αὑτοῦ πάθη κλαύσας καὶ ὀλοφυράμενος, ἐγκαλέσας δὲ μικρὰ καὶ μέτρια τῷ δήμῳ, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀναθεὶς αὑτοῦ τινι τύχῃ πονηρᾷ καὶ φθονερῷ δαίμονι, πλεῖστα δʼ εἰς ἐλπίδας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ παρορμήσας, στεφάνοις μὲν ἐστεφανώθη χρυσοῖς, ᾑρέθη δʼ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός. | 11.2. The ode of Euripides to which I refer runs thus: "Thee will I sing, O child of Cleinias; A fair thing is victory, but fairest is what no other Hellene has achieved, To run first, and second, and third in the contest of racing-chariots, And to come off unwearied, and, wreathed with the olive of Zeus, To furnish theme for herald's proclamation." 12 16.5. This was an instance of what they called his kindness of heart, but the execution of all the grown men of Melos was chiefly due to him, since he supported the decree therefor. Aristophon painted Nemea with Alcibiades seated in her arms; whereat the people were delighted, and ran in crowds to see the picture. But the elders were indigt at this too; they said it smacked of tyranny and lawlessness. And it would seem that Archestratus, in his verdict on the painting, did not go wide of the mark when he said that Hellas could not endure more than one Alcibiades. 17.1. On Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles was living; and after his death they actually tried to lay hands upon it. The lesser expeditions which they sent thither from time to time, ostensibly for the aid and comfort of their allies on the island who were being wronged by the Syracusans, they regarded merely as stepping stones to the greater expedition of conquest. 17.2. But the man who finally fanned this desire of theirs into flame, and persuaded them not to attempt the island any more in part and little by little, but to sail thither with a great armament and subdue it utterly, was Alcibiades; he persuaded the people to have great hopes, and he himself had greater aspirations still. Such were his hopes that he regarded Sicily as a mere beginning, and not, like the rest, as an end of the expedition. 17.3. So while Nicias was trying to divert the people from the capture of Syracuse as an undertaking too difficult for them, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya, and, after winning these, of at once encompassing Italy and Peloponnesus. He almost regarded Sicily as the ways and means provided for his greater war. The young men were at once carried away on the wings of such hopes, and their elders kept recounting in their ears many wonderful things about the projected expedition. Many were they who sat in the palaestras and lounging-places mapping out in the sand the shape of Sicily and the position of Libya and Carthage. 23.7. For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy's mother whispered to her friends and attendants was Alcibiades. Such was the passion that possessed the woman. But he, in his mocking way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Lacedaemonians. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. 25 27.4. But finally the Athenians captured thirty of them, rescued their own, and erected a trophy of victory. Taking advantage of a success so brilliant as this, and ambitious to display himself at once before Tissaphernes, Alcibiades supplied himself with gifts of hospitality and friendship and proceeded, at the head of an imperial retinue, to visit the satrap. 32.2. Duris the Samian, who claims that he was a descendant of Alcibiades, gives some additional details. He says that the oarsmen of Alcibiades rowed to the music of a flute blown by Chrysogonus the Pythian victor; that they kept time to a rhythmic call from the lips of Callippideshas '+BadF+'Callipides'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();">º the tragic actor; that both these artists were arrayed in the long tunics, flowing robes, and other adornment of their profession; and that the commander's ship put into harbours with a sail of purple hue, as though, after a drinking bout, he were off on a revel. 33.2. At this time, therefore, the people had only to meet in assembly, and Alcibiades addressed them. 210He lamented and bewailed his own lot, but had only little and moderate blame to lay upon the people. The entire mischief he ascribed to a certain evil fortune and envious genius of his own. Then he descanted at great length upon the vain hopes which their enemies were cherishing, and wrought his hearers up to courage. At last they crowned him with crowns of gold, and elected him general with sole powers by land and sea. |
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220. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 2.3, 15.4, 34.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 27, 112| 2.3. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων μάντεων ὑφορωμένων τὴν ὄψιν, ὡς ἀκριβεστέρας φυλακῆς δεομένων τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν περὶ τὸν γάμον, Ἀρίστανδρος ὁ Τελμησσεὺς κύειν ἔφη τὴν ἄνθρωπον, οὐθὲν γὰρ ἀποσφραγίζεσθαι τῶν κενῶν, καὶ κύειν παῖδα θυμοειδῆ καὶ λεοντώδη τὴν φύσιν. 15.4. ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς Ἴλιον ἔθυσε τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. τὴν δὲ Ἀχιλλέως στήλην ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε, μακαρίσας αὐτόν ὅτι καὶ ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ καὶ δὲ τελευτήσας μεγάλου κήρυκος ἔτυχεν. | 2.3. The other seers, now, were led by the vision to suspect that Philip needed to put a closer watch upon his marriage relations; but Aristander of Telmessus said that the woman was pregt, since no seal was put upon what was empty, and pregt of a son whose nature would be bold and lion-like. 15.4. Then, going up to Ilium, he sacrificed to Athena and poured libations to the heroes. Furthermore, the gravestone of Achilles he anointed with oil, ran a race by it with his companions, naked, as is the custom, and then crowned it with garlands, pronouncing the hero happy in having, while he lived, a faithful friend, and after death, a great herald of his fame. |
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| 221. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 1.1.15, 2.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52, 59 |
222. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 10.1, 18.3, 19.1, 19.2, 209a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 71; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 247| 19.1. Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου, πυθομένου τινὸς αὐτοῦ τίνες προεστήκασι τῆς· Σπάρτης, οἱ νόμοι καὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα ἔφη κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. 19.2. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἐπαινοῦντα κιθαρῳδὸν καὶ θαυμάζοντα τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ὦ λῷστε ἔφη ποῖον γέρας παρὰ σοῦ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔσται, ὅταν κιθαρῳδὸν οὕτως ἐπαινῇς; | 19.1. Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, when someone inquired of him who were at the head of Sparta, said, The laws and the magistrates in accordance with the laws. 19.2. In answer to a man who praised a harper and expressed amazement at his ability, he said, My good sir, what honours shall you be able to offer to good men when you have such praise for a harper? |
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223. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.1, 17.8, 17.10, 18.3, 19.1-19.2, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 71; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 529; Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 247; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 91, 278| 17.8. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τῷ Παυσανίᾳ μικρὸν ἔξω τῆς παρατάξεως θύοντι καὶ κατευχομένῳ τῶν Λυδῶν τινας ἄφνω προσπεσόντας ἁρπάζειν καὶ διαρρίπτειν τὰ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν, τὸν δὲ Παυσανίαν καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔχοντας ὅπλα ῥάβδοις καὶ μάστιξι παίειν· διὸ καὶ νῦν ἐκείνης τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς μιμήματα τὰς περὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ πληγὰς τῶν ἐφήβων καὶ τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα τῶν Λυδῶν πομπὴν συντελεῖσθαι. 19.1. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ἀγῶνος δίχα συνεστῶτος πρῶτοι μὲν ἐώσαντο τοὺς Πέρσας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· καὶ τὸν Μαρδόνιον ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης ὄνομα Ἀρίμνηστος ἀποκτίννυσι, λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν πατάξας, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προεσήμανε τὸ ἐν Ἀμφιάρεω μαντεῖον. ἔπεμψε γὰρ ἄνδρα Λυδὸν ἐνταῦθα, Κᾶρα δὲ ἕτερον εἰς Τροφωνίου ὁ ὁ bracketed in Sintenis 2 ; Blass reads εἰς τὸ Πτῷον ὁ with S, after Hercher, thus agreeing with Herodotus viii. 135. Μαρδόνιος· καὶ τοῦτον μὲν ὁ προφήτης Καρικῇ γλώσσῃ προσεῖπεν, 19.2. ὁ δὲ Λυδὸς ἐν τῷ σηκῷ τοῦ Ἀμφιάρεω κατευνασθεὶς ἔδοξεν ὑπηρέτην τινὰ τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆναι καὶ κελεύειν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι, μὴ βουλομένου δὲ λίθον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐμβαλεῖν μέγαν, ὥστε δόξαι πληγέντα τεθνάναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον· καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγεται. τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας εἰς τὰ ξύλινα τείχη καθεῖρξαν. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Θηβαίους τρέπονται, τριακοσίους τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ πρώτους διαφθείραντες ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ. 25.1. ὁ δʼ Ἀριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ὤμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μύδρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ἐγκρατέστερον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐκβιαζομένων ἐκέλευε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐπιορκίαν τρέψαντας εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἑαυτὸν Hercher and Blass with F a S: αὐτὸν . ᾗ συμφέρει χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι. | 17.8. Some say that as Pausanias was sacrificing and praying, a little to one side of his line of battle, some Lydians suddenly fell upon him and rudely hurled away the sacrificial offerings; and that Pausanias and his attendants, being without weapons, smote the intruders with the sacrificial staves and goads; wherefore, to this day, in imitation of this onslaught, the ceremonies of beating the young warriors round the altar at Sparta, and of the procession of the Lydians which follows this, are duly celebrated as rites. 18 19.1. The contest thus begun in two places, the Lacedaemonians were first to repulse the Persians. Mardonius was slain by a man of Sparta named Arimnestus, who crushed his head with a stone, even as was foretold him by the oracle in the shrine of Amphiaraüs. Thither he had sent a Lydian man, and a Carian beside to the oracle of Trophonius. This latter the prophet actually addressed in the Carian tongue; 19.2. but the Lydian, on lying down in the precinct of Amphiaraüs, dreamed that an attendant of the god stood by his side and bade him be gone, and on his refusal, hurled a great stone upon his head, insomuch that he died from the blow (so ran the man's dream). These things are so reported. Furthermore, the Lacedaemonians shut the flying Persians up in their wooden stockade. Shortly after this it was that the Athenians routed the Thebans, after slaying three hundred, their most eminent leaders, in the actual battle. 25.1. Aristides did, indeed, bind the Hellenes by an oath, and took oath himself for the Athenians, 334to mark his imprecations casting iron ingots into the sea; but afterwards, when circumstances, forsooth, compelled a more strenuous sway, he bade the Athenians lay the perjury to his own charge, and turn events to their own advantage. |
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| 224. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.8, epitome 3.28-31, epitome 3.4, 2.8.1, 2.8.2, 2.8.3, 2.8.4, 2.8.5, 1.9.7, 3.10.7, 3.10.6, 3.10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 115 |
225. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 247 | 11.6. His friends were astonished, and asked the reason for his tears. "Do you not think," said he, "it is matter for sorrow that while Alexander, at my age, was already king of so many peoples, I have as yet achieved no brilliant success?" 12 |
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| 226. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 150 |
227. Plutarch, Cimon, 6.4-6.6, 8.1, 8.6, 15.3, 17.4-17.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 49; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 152, 277; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 111, 116, 154| 6.4. λέγεται δὲ παρθένον τινὰ Βυζαντίαν ἐπιφανῶν γονέων, ὄνομα Κλεονίκην, ἐπʼ αἰσχύνῃ τοῦ Παυσανίου μεταπεμπομένου, τοὺς μὲν γονεῖς ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης καὶ φόβου προέσθαι τὴν παῖδα, τὴν δὲ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου δεηθεῖσαν ἀνελέσθαι τὸ φῶς, διὰ σκότους καὶ σιωπῆς τῇ κλίνῃ προσιοῦσαν ἤδη τοῦ Παυσανίου καθεύδοντος, ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ ἀνατρέψαι τὸ λυχνίον ἄκουσαν· 6.5. τὸν δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ ψόφου ταραχθέντα καὶ σπασάμενον καὶ σπασάμενον with S: σπασάμενον . τὸ παρακείμενον ἐγχειρίδιον, ὥς τινος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐχθροῦ βαδίζοντος, πατάξαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν τὴν παρθένον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐᾶν τὸν Παυσανίαν ἡσυχάζειν, ἀλλὰ νύκτωρ εἴδωλον αὐτῷ φοιτῶσαν εἰς τὸν ὕπνον ὀργῇ λέγειν τόδε τὸ ἡρῷον· 6.6. ὁ δʼ ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ Βυζαντίου καὶ τῷ φάσματι ταραττόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, κατέφυγε πρὸς τὸ νεκυομαντεῖον εἰς Ἡράκλειαν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀνακαλούμενος τῆς Κλεονίκης παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ὀργήν. ἡ δʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθοῦσα ταχέως ἔφη παύσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν αὐτὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενόμενον, αἰνιττομένη, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν μέλλουσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. 8.1. ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ γε θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς· ὅταν γάρ, ἔφη, μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου. 8.6. καὶ γὰρ ἦν χρησμὸς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ Θησέως λείψανα κελεύων ἀνακομίζειν εἰς ἄστυ καὶ τιμᾶν ὡς ἥρωα πρεπόντως, ἀλλʼ ἠγνόουν ὅπου κεῖται, Σκυρίων οὐχ ὁμολογούντων οὐδʼ ἐώντων ἀναζητεῖν. τότε δὴ πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ σηκοῦ μόγις ἐξευρεθέντος, ἐνθέμενος ὁ Κίμων εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ τριήρη τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ τἆλλα κοσμήσας μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατήγαγεν εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐτῶν σχεδὸν τετρακοσίων. ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡδέως ὁ δῆμος ἔσχεν. 15.3. ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς ἃ καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος, ὅτι 17.4. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τῶν πεντακοσίων πυθομένη καὶ φοβηθεῖσα, τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ καταβοώντων ὡς συνταράξαι τὴν φάλαγγα βουλομένου καὶ τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπαγαγεῖν, ἀπηγόρευσε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ᾤχετο δεηθεὶς Εὐθίππου τοῦ Ἀναφλυστίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων, ὅσοι μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ λακωνίζειν αἰτίαν ἔσχον, ἐρρωμένως ἀγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διʼ ἔργων ἀπολύσασθαι τὴν αἰτίαν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας. 17.5. οἱ δὲ λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν πανοπλίαν εἰς τὸν λόχον ἔθεντο· καὶ μετʼ ἀλλήλων συστάντες ἐκθύμως ἑκατὸν ὄντες ἔπεσον, πολὺν αὑτῶν πόθον καὶ μεταμέλειαν ἐφʼ οἷς ᾐτιάθησαν ἀδίκως ἀπολιπόντες τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. ὅθεν οὐδὲ τῷ πρὸς Κίμωνα θυμῷ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνέμειναν, τὰ μέν, ὡς εἰκός, ὧν ἔπαθον εὖ μεμνημένοι, τὰ δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ συλλαμβανομένου. 17.6. νενικημένοι γὰρ ἐν Τανάγρᾳ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ καὶ προσδοκῶντες εἰς ὥραν ἔτους στρατιὰν Πελοποννησίων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς τὸν Κίμωνα· καὶ κατῆλθε τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος αὐτῷ Περικλέους. οὕτω τότε πολιτικαὶ μὲν ἦσαν αἱ διαφοραί, μέτριοι δʼ οἱ θυμοὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν εὐανάκλητοι συμφέρον, ἡ δὲ φιλοτιμία πάντων ἐπικρατοῦσα τῶν παθῶν τοῖς τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεχώρει καιροῖς. | 6.4. It is said that a maiden of Byzantium, of excellent parentage, Cleonicé by name, was summoned by Pausanias for a purpose that would disgrace her. Her parents, influenced by constraint and fear, abandoned their daughter to her fate, and she, after requesting the attendants to remove the light, in darkness and silence at length drew near the couch on which Pausanias was asleep, but accidentally stumbled against the lamp-holder and upset it. 6.5. Pausanias, startled by the noise, drew the dagger which lay at his side, with the idea that some enemy was upon him, and smote and felled the maiden. After her death in consequence of the blow, she gave Pausanias no peace, but kept coming into his sleep by night in phantom form, wrathfully uttering this verse:â "Draw thou nigh to thy doom; 'tis evil for men to be wanton." At this outrage the allies were beyond measure incensed, and joined Cimon in forcing Pausanias to give up the city. 6.6. Driven from Byzantium, and still harassed by the phantom, as the story goes, he had recourse to the ghost-oracle of Heracleia, and summoning up the spirit of Cleonicé, besought her to forgo her wrath. She came into his presence and said that he would soon cease from his troubles and on coming to Sparta, thus darkly intimating, as it seems, his impending death. At any rate, this tale is told by many. 7 8.1. Although these inscriptions nowhere mentioned Cimon by name, his contemporaries held them to be a surpassing honour for him. Neither Themistocles nor Miltiades achieved any such, nay, when the latter asked for a crown of olive merely, Sophanes the Deceleian rose up in the midst of the assembly and protested. His speech was ungracious, but it pleased the people of that day. "When," said he, "thou hast fought out alone a victory over the Barbarians, then demand to be honoured alone." 8.6. For the Athenians had once received an oracle bidding them bring back the bones of Theseus to the city and honour him as became a hero, but they knew not where he lay buried, since the Scyrians would not admit the truth of the story, nor permit any search to be made. Now, however, Cimon set to work with great ardour, discovered at last the hallowed spot, had the bones bestowed in his own trireme, and with general pomp and show brought them back to the hero's own country after an absence of about four hundred years. This was the chief reason why the people took kindly to him. 15.3. It was to these calumnies that the famous and popular verses of Eupolis about Cimon had reference:â "He was not base, but fond of wine and full of sloth, And oft he 'ldº sleep in Lacedaemon, far from home, And leave his Elpinicé sleeping all alone." But if, though full of sloth and given to tippling, he yet took so many cities and won so many victories, it is clear that had he been sober and mindful of his business, no Hellene either before or after him would have surpassed his exploits. 16 17.4. But the Council of the Five Hundred learned of this and was filled with fear, since Cimon's foes accused him of wishing to throw the ranks into confusion, and then lead the Lacedaemonians in an attack upon the city; so they forbade the generals to receive the man. As he went away he besought Euthippus of Anaphlystus and his other comrades, all who were specially charged with laconizing, to fight sturdily against the enemy, and by their deeds of valour to dissipate the charge which their countrymen laid at their door. 17.5. They took his armour and set it in the midst of their company, supported one another ardently in the fight, and fell, to the number of one hundred, leaving behind them among the Athenians a great and yearning sense of their loss, and sorrow for the unjust charges made against them. For this reason the Athenians did not long abide by their displeasure against Cimon, partly because, as was natural, they remembered his benefits, and partly because the turn of events favoured his cause. 490 17.6. For they were defeated at Tanagra in a great battle, and expected that in the following spring-time an armed force of Peloponnesians would come against them, and so they recalled Cimon from his exile. The decree which provided for his return was formally proposed by Pericles. To such a degree in those days were dissensions based on political differences of opinion, while personal feelings were moderate, and easily recalled into conformity with the public weal. Even ambition, that master passion, paid deference to the country's welfare. 18 |
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| 228. Tacitus, Annals, 14.29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 85 |
| 229. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 15.3-15.4, 17.4, 18.1, 19.8, 22.4-22.5, 28.1-28.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469, 526, 529, 530; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69 |
| 230. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, 412a, 412b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 71 |
231. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 33.25 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24 | 33.25. Does not the Peneus flow through a Thessaly that is desolate? Does not the Ladon flow through an Arcadia whose people have been driven from their homes? Is not the Cydnus itself purer higher up? What then? Will you say that on that account the people in that region are superior to yourselves? You might be speaking the truth if you said they were â though you will not say it â for those who are unacquainted with luxury and rascality are in my opinion better off. What of Italy itself? Take Sybaris, for example; is it not true that the more luxurious it became the more speedily it perished? And as for Croton, Thurii, Metapontum, and Tarentum, in spite of the high level of prosperity to which they each attained and the great power that once was theirs, what city is there that they do not now surpass in desolation? < |
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| 232. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.414-8.415 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 76; Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 249 |
| 233. Agatharchides, Fragments, f11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 211 |
| 234. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.108, 9.83 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 45; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 53 |
| 235. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 11.63 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Capra and Floridi, Intervisuality: New Approaches to Greek Literature (2023) 221, 222 |
| 236. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, f120 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59 |
| 237. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 1.3d, 14.625e, 15.695a-b 239city of, 13.596e, 8.334b, 12.535b-c, 13.574d, 12.534d-e, 1.3e, 518e, 530d, 544d, 518d, 521c, 432a, 526d, 536b, 550d, 552, 519b, 519c, 534b, 138b, 138c, 138d, 526e, 526f, 536c, 6.251ab (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 193 |
238. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.1.3, 1.3.2, 1.3.5, 1.4.4, 1.15.3-1.15.4, 1.18.3, 1.18.7, 1.24.3, 1.24.7, 1.25.1, 1.27.1, 1.27.5, 1.28.1, 1.33.2, 1.33.7-1.33.8, 1.34, 2.7.6, 2.18.7-2.18.8, 2.37.4, 3.1.5, 3.8.8-3.8.10, 3.9.1-3.9.12, 3.11.9, 3.12.7, 3.12.10, 3.13.1, 3.13.9, 3.14.2, 3.16.7-3.16.8, 3.17.8-3.17.10, 3.23.10, 4.3.3-4.3.8, 4.4.2, 4.5.3, 4.14.4-4.14.5, 4.17.3, 4.31.3, 4.32.3, 5.4.5, 5.7.6, 5.10.4-5.10.5, 5.14.10, 6.3.15-6.3.16, 6.7.3-6.7.5, 6.13.2, 6.15.8, 6.18.7, 6.19, 6.20.1, 7.17.5, 7.20.7-7.20.8, 8.3.5, 8.10.9, 8.36.2-8.36.3, 8.41.2, 8.46.4, 8.47.3, 8.53.11, 9.18.5, 9.23.6, 9.30.6, 9.38.3, 9.41.6, 10.10.6, 10.24.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 115| 2.18.8. ἐκβάλλουσιν οὖν ἐκ μὲν Λακεδαίμονος καὶ Ἄργους Τισαμενόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Μεσσηνίας τοὺς Νέστορος ἀπογόνους, Ἀλκμαίωνα Σίλλου τοῦ Θρασυμήδους καὶ Πεισίστρατον τὸν Πεισιστράτου καὶ τοὺς Παίονος τοῦ Ἀντιλόχου παῖδας, σὺν δὲ αὐτοῖς Μέλανθον τὸν Ἀνδροπόμπου τοῦ Βώρου τοῦ Πενθίλου τοῦ Περικλυμένου. Τισαμενὸς μὲν οὖν ἦλθε σὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἐς τὴν νῦν Ἀχαΐαν· | 2.18.8. So they expelled Tisamenus from Lacedaemon and Argos, and the descendants of Nestor from Messenia, namely Alcmaeon, son of Sillus, son of Thrasymedes, Peisistratus, son of Peisistratus, and the sons of Paeon, son of Antilochus, and with them Melanthus, son of Andropompus, son of Borus, son of Penthilus, son of Periclymenus. So Tisamenus and his sons went with his army to the land that is now Achaia . |
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239. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.17, 57.18.4-57.18.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58 | 45.17. In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year., For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;, also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile., This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days., Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, â I mean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, â and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory., At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet., And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber., Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,, especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows: 45.17. 1. In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year.,2. For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;,3. also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile.,4. This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days.,5. Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, â I mean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, â and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory.,6. At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet.,7. And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber.,8. Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,,9. especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows: 57.18.4. This proceeding startled them all alike, just as if the consul had given them a signal for battle; and they were also alarmed by the falling of the statue Janus. They were furthermore disturbed not a little by an oracle, reputed to be an utterance of the Sibyl, which, although it did not fit this period of the city's history at all, was nevertheless applied to the situation then existing. 57.18.5. It ran:"When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris . . ." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine. 57.18.5. It ran: "When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris . . ." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine. 5 a As the Jews flocked to Rome in great numbers and were converting many of the natives to their ways, he banished most of them. 6 At the death of Germanicus Tiberius and Livia were thoroughly pleased, but everybody else was deeply grieved. He was a man of the most striking physical beauty and likewise of the noblest spirit, and was conspicuous alike for his culture and for his strength. Though the bravest of men against the foe, he showed himself most gentle with his countrymen; |
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| 240. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 6.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48 |
241. Aelian, Varia Historia, 1.19, 2.25, 12.50 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 24; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 200, 265 | 2.25. It is observed, that on the sixth day of the month Thargelion many good fortunes have befallen not only the Athenians, but divers others. Socrates was born on this day, the Persians vanquished on this day; and the Athenians sacrifice three hundred goats to Agrotera upon this day in accordance with the vow of Miltiades. On the same day of this month was the fight of Plataeae, in which the Grecians had the better: (for the former fight which I mentioned was at Artemisium) neither was the victory which the Greeks obtained at Mycale on any other day; seeing that the victory at Plataeae and Mycale happened on the self-same day. Likewise Alexander the Macedonian, son of Philip, vanquished many myriads of the barbarians on the sixth day, when he took Darius prisoner. All which is observed to have happened on this month. It is likewise reported that Alexander was born and died on the same day. |
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242. Lucian, Athletics, 38-39 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 530 | 39. An. Solon, did Lycurgus take his whippings at the fighting age, or did he make these spirited regulations on the safe basis of superannuation?So. It was in his old age, after returning from Crete, that he legislated. He had been attracted to Crete by hearing that their laws were the best possible, devised by Minos, son of Zeus.An. Well, and why did you not copy Lycurgus and whip your young men? It is a fine institution quite worthy of yourselves.So. Oh, we were content with our native exercises; we are not much given to imitating other nations.An. No, no; you realize what a thing it is to be stripped and scourged with one’s hands up, without benefit to oneself or one’s country. If I do happen to be at Sparta when this performance is on, I shall expect a public stoning at their hands for laughing at it all, when I see them being whipped like robbers or thieves or such malefactors. Really, I think a state that submits to such ridiculous treatment at its own hands wants a dose of hellebore. |
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243. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.23, 1.27-1.33, 1.82-1.83, 1.94, 1.96, 1.115-1.121, 2.1-2.2, 2.103, 9.50 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 48, 152, 153, 199, 200, 201, 203, 313; Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 85 | 1.23. After engaging in politics he became a student of nature. According to some he left nothing in writing; for the Nautical Astronomy attributed to him is said to be by Phocus of Samos. Callimachus knows him as the discoverer of the Ursa Minor; for he says in his Iambics:Who first of men the course made plainof those small stars we call the Wain,Whereby Phoenicians sail the main.But according to others he wrote nothing but two treatises, one On the Solstice and one On the Equinox, regarding all other matters as incognizable. He seems by some accounts to have been the first to study astronomy, the first to predict eclipses of the sun and to fix the solstices; so Eudemus in his History of Astronomy. It was this which gained for him the admiration of Xenophanes and Herodotus and the notice of Heraclitus and Democritus. 1.28. Certain Ionian youths having purchased of the Milesian fishermen their catch of fish, a dispute arose over the tripod which had formed part of the catch. Finally the Milesians referred the question to Delphi, and the god gave an oracle in this form:Who shall possess the tripod? Thus replies Apollo: Whosoever is most wise.Accordingly they give it to Thales, and he to another, and so on till it comes to Solon, who, with the remark that the god was the most wise, sent it off to Delphi. Callimachus in his Iambics has a different version of the story, which he took from Maeandrius of Miletus. It is that Bathycles, an Arcadian, left at his death a bowl with the solemn injunction that it should be given to him who had done most good by his wisdom. So it was given to Thales, went the round of all the sages, and came back to Thales again. 1.29. And he sent it to Apollo at Didyma, with this dedication, according to Callimachus:Lord of the folk of Neleus' line,Thales, of Greeks adjudged most wise,Brings to thy Didymaean shrineHis offering, a twice-won prize.But the prose inscription is:Thales the Milesian, son of Examyas [dedicates this] to Delphinian Apollo after twice winning the prize from all the Greeks.The bowl was carried from place to place by the son of Bathycles, whose name was Thyrion, so it is stated by Eleusis in his work On Achilles, and Alexo the Myndian in the ninth book of his Legends.But Eudoxus of Cnidos and Euanthes of Miletus agree that a certain man who was a friend of Croesus received from the king a golden goblet in order to bestow it upon the wisest of the Greeks; this man gave it to Thales, and from him it passed to others and so to Chilon. 1.30. Chilon laid the question Who is a wiser man than I? before the Pythian Apollo, and the god replied Myson. of him we shall have more to say presently. (In the list of the Seven Sages given by Eudoxus, Myson takes the place of Cleobulus; Plato also includes him by omitting Periander.) The answer of the oracle respecting him was as follows:Myson of Chen in Oeta; this is heWho for wiseheartedness surpasseth thee;and it was given in reply to a question put by Anacharsis. Daimachus the Platonist and Clearchus allege that a bowl was sent by Croesus to Pittacus and began the round of the Wise Men from him.The story told by Andron in his work on The Tripod is that the Argives offered a tripod as a prize of virtue to the wisest of the Greeks; Aristodemus of Sparta was adjudged the winner but retired in favour of Chilon. 1.31. Aristodemus is mentioned by Alcaeus thus:Surely no witless word was this of the Spartan, I deem,Wealth is the worth of a man; and poverty void of esteem.Some relate that a vessel with its freight was sent by Periander to Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, and that, when it was wrecked in Coan waters, the tripod was afterwards found by certain fishermen. However, Phanodicus declares it to have been found in Athenian waters and thence brought to Athens. An assembly was held and it was sent to Bias; 1.32. for what reason shall be explained in the life of Bias.There is yet another version, that it was the work of Hephaestus presented by the god to Pelops on his marriage. Thence it passed to Menelaus and was carried off by Paris along with Helen and was thrown by her into the Coan sea, for she said it would be a cause of strife. In process of time certain people of Lebedus, having purchased a catch of fish thereabouts, obtained possession of the tripod, and, quarrelling with the fishermen about it, put in to Cos, and, when they could not settle the dispute, reported the fact to Miletus, their mother-city. The Milesians, when their embassies were disregarded, made war upon Cos; many fell on both sides, and an oracle pronounced that the tripod should be given to the wisest; both parties to the dispute agreed upon Thales. After it had gone the round of the sages, Thales dedicated it to Apollo of Didyma. 1.33. The oracle which the Coans received was on this wise:Hephaestus cast the tripod in the sea;Until it quit the city there will beNo end to strife, until it reach the seerWhose wisdom makes past, present, future clear.That of the Milesians beginning Who shall possess the tripod? has been quoted above. So much for this version of the story.Hermippus in his Lives refers to Thales the story which is told by some of Socrates, namely, that he used to say there were three blessings for which he was grateful to Fortune: first, that I was born a human being and not one of the brutes; next, that I was born a man and not a woman; thirdly, a Greek and not a barbarian. 1.82. 5. BIASBias, the son of Teutames, was born at Priene, and by Satyrus is placed at the head of the Seven Sages. Some make him of a wealthy family, but Duris says he was a labourer living in the house. Phanodicus relates that he ransomed certain Messenian maidens captured in war and brought them up as his daughters, gave them dowries, and restored them to their fathers in Messenia. In course of time, as has been already related, the bronze tripod with the inscription To him that is wise having been found at Athens by the fishermen, the maidens according to Satyrus, or their father according to other accounts, including that of Phanodicus, came forward into the assembly and, after the recital of their own adventures, pronounced Bias to be wise. And thereupon the tripod was dispatched to him; but Bias, on seeing it, declared that Apollo was wise, and refused to take the tripod. 1.94. 7. PERIANDERPeriander, the son of Cypselus, was born at Corinth, of the family of the Heraclidae. His wife was Lysida, whom he called Melissa. Her father was Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus, her mother Eristheneia, daughter of Aristocrates and sister of Aristodemus, who together reigned over nearly the whole of Arcadia, as stated by Heraclides of Pontus in his book On Government. By her he had two sons, Cypselus and Lycophron, the younger a man of intelligence, the elder weak in mind. 1.96. Aristippus in the first book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients accuses him of incest with his own mother Crateia, and adds that, when the fact came to light, he vented his annoyance in indiscriminate severity. Ephorus records his now that, if he won the victory at Olympia in the chariot-race, he would set up a golden statue. When the victory was won, being in sore straits for gold, he despoiled the women of all the ornaments which he had seen them wearing at some local festival. He was thus enabled to send the votive offering.There is a story that he did not wish the place where he was buried to be known, and to that end contrived the following device. He ordered two young men to go out at night by a certain road which he pointed out to them; they were to kill the man they met and bury him. He afterwards ordered four more to go in pursuit of the two, kill them and bury them; again, he dispatched a larger number in pursuit of the four. Having taken these measures, he himself encountered the first pair and was slain. The Corinthians placed the following inscription upon a cenotaph: 1.115. Theopompus relates in his Mirabilia that, as he was building a shrine to the Nymphs, a voice came from heaven: Epimenides, not to the Nymphs but to Zeus, and that he foretold to the Cretans the defeat of the Lacedaemonians by the Arcadians, as already stated; and in very truth they were crushed at Orchomenus.And he became old in as many days as he had slept years; for this too is stated by Theopompus. Myronianus in his Parallels declares that the Cretans called him one of the Curetes. The Lacedaemonians guard his body in their own keeping in obedience to a certain oracle; this is stated by Sosibius the Laconian.There have been two other men named Epimenides, namely, the genealogist and another who wrote in Doric Greek about Rhodes. 1.118. The man gave the message; a day later the Ephesians attacked and defeated the Magnesians; they found Pherecydes dead and buried him on the spot with great honours. Another version is that he came to Delphi and hurled himself down from Mount Corycus. But Aristoxenus in his work On Pythagoras and his School affirms that he died a natural death and was buried by Pythagoras in Delos; another account again is that he died of a verminous disease, that Pythagoras was also present and inquired how he was, that he thrust his finger through the doorway and exclaimed, My skin tells its own tale, a phrase subsequently applied by the grammarians as equivalent to getting worse, although some wrongly understand it to mean all is going well. 1.119. He maintained that the divine name for table is θυωρός, or that which takes care of offerings.Andron of Ephesus says that there were two natives of Syros who bore the name of Pherecydes: the one was an astronomer, the other was the son of Babys and a theologian, teacher of Pythagoras. Eratosthenes, however, says that there was only one Pherecydes of Syros, the other Pherecydes being an Athenian and a genealogist.There is preserved a work by Pherecydes of Syros, a work which begins thus: Zeus and Time and Earth were from all eternity, and Earth was called Γῆ because Zeus gave her earth (γῆ) as guerdon (γέρας). His sun-dial is also preserved in the island of Syros.Duris in the second book of his Horae gives the inscription on his tomb as follows: 1.120. All knowledge that a man may have had I;Yet tell Pythagoras, were more thereby,That first of all Greeks is he; I speak no lie.Ion of Chios says of him:With manly worth endowed and modesty,Though he be dead, his soul lives happily,If wise Pythagoras indeed saw lightAnd read the destinies of men aright.There is also an epigram of my own in the Pherecratean metre:The famous Pherecydes, to whom Syros gave birth, 2.1. BOOK 2: 1. ANAXIMANDERAnaximander, the son of Praxiades, was a native of Miletus. He laid down as his principle and element that which is unlimited without defining it as air or water or anything else. He held that the parts undergo change, but the whole is unchangeable; that the earth, which is of spherical shape, lies in the midst, occupying the place of a centre; that the moon, shining with borrowed light, derives its illumination from the sun; further, that the sun is as large as the earth and consists of the purest fire.He was the first inventor of the gnomon and set it up for a sundial in Lacedaemon, as is stated by Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History, in order to mark the solstices and the equinoxes; he also constructed clocks to tell the time. 2.2. He was the first to draw on a map the outline of land and sea, and he constructed a globe as well.His exposition of his doctrines took the form of a summary which no doubt came into the hands, among others, of Apollodorus of Athens. He says in his Chronology that in the second year of the 58th Olympiad Anaximander was sixty-four, and that he died not long afterwards. Thus he flourished almost at the same time as Polycrates the tyrant of Samos. There is a story that the boys laughed at his singing, and that, when he heard of it, he rejoined, Then to please the boys I must improve my singing.There is another Anaximander, also of Miletus, a historian who wrote in the Ionic dialect. 2.103. A similar anecdote is told of Diogenes and Aristippus, as mentioned above.Such was the character of Theodorus and his surroundings. At last he retired to Cyrene, where he lived with Magas and continued to be held in high honour. The first time that he was expelled from Cyrene he is credited with a witty remark: Many thanks, men of Cyrene, said he, for driving me from Libya into Greece.Some twenty persons have borne the name of Theodorus: (1) a Samian, the son of Rhoecus. He it was who advised laying charcoal embers under the foundations of the temple in Ephesus; for, as the ground was very damp, the ashes, being free from woody fibre, would retain a solidity which is actually proof against moisture. (2) A Cyrenaean geometer, whose lectures Plato attended. (3) The philosopher above referred to. (4) The author of a fine work on practising the voice. |
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| 244. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 7.49 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342 |
245. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.9.5-22.9.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342 | 22.9.5. Having here also in a similar way generously furnished many things that were necessary for repairing the damage done by the earthquake, he went on past Nicaea to the borders of Gallograecia. Galatia (Gallacia); cf. Suet., Calig. 29, 2. From there he made a detour to the right and turned to Pessinus, in order to visit the ancient shrine of the Great Mother. It was from that town, in the second Punic war, that at the direction of the Cumaean verses The Sibylline Verses; see Livy, xxix. 10, 11. her image was brought to Rome by Scipio Nasica. In 204 B.C.; see Livy, l.c. 22.9.6. of its arrival in Italy, along with other matters relating to the subject, I have given a brief account by way of digression in telling of the acts of the emperor Commodus. In one of the lost books. But why the town was called by that name writers of history are not in agreement; 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia. |
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246. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 13.135, 28.309 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 475 | 13.135. The Euboian battalions were ruled by shieldbearing Corybants, guardians of Dionysos in his growing days: who in the Phrygian gulf beside mountainranging Rheia surrounded Bacchos still a child with their drumskins. They found him once, a horned baby, covered with a cloak the colour of purple wine, lying among the rocks where Ino had left him in charge of Mystis the mother of Corymbos. All these came then from the famous island: Prymneus, and Mimas Waddlefoot, and Acmon the forester, Damneus and Ocythoos the shieldman; and with them came flash-helm Melisseus as comrade to Idaios, whom their father Socos under the insane goad of impiety had once cast out of their brinegirt country along with Combe the mother of seven. They escaped and passed to Cnossian soil, and again went on their travels from Crete to Phrygia, and foreign settlers and hearthguests until Cecrops destroyed Socos with avenging blade of justice; then leaving the land of brineflooded Marathon turned their steps homewards to the sacred soil of the Abantes, the earthborn stock of the ancient Curetes, whose life is the tune of pipes, whose life is the goodly noise of beaten swords, whose heart is set upon rhythmic circling of the feet and the shieldwise dancing. To the army came also warrior sons of the Abantes, whose lot was in the beetling brows of Eretria, whose lot was both Styra and Cerinthos, and the settlements of farfamed Carystos, and the barren land of Dion, those who held the shore, that boisterous shore of Geraistos never silent, and Styx and the Cotylaian fort and the habitation of Siris, the stretches of Marmarion and the domain of ancient Aige. With these ranged themselves those whose country was Chalcis, mother city of the Ellopians with backflowing hair. Seven captains armed this host, but all of one temper for war: with blazing altar they propitiated the tets of the Zodiac path, committing their campaign to the planets of equal number. "" |
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| 247. John Chrysostom, Carit., 20.1.14-20.1.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248 |
| 248. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 3.20 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 203 |
| 249. Plato, Seventh Letter, 324d Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the post-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 101 |
| 250. Philip, Panathenaicus, 153, 92-94, 154 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 213 |
| 251. Aeschines, 185, 192, 234, 239-240, 242-243, 252, 257, 259-260, 258 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 151, 307 |
| 252. Lysias, Concerning The Sekos, 4 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in demosthenes •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 97 |
| 253. Cratinus, Bnj T, 95, 30 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 3 |
| 254. Hyperides, Against Demades, 76 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 144 |
| 255. Demosthenes, First Olynthiac, 5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 144 |
| 256. Hyperides, Delian Oration, 67-75 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 43 |
| 257. Lysias, For Mantitheus, 13 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 27 |
| 258. Lucian, Zeus Tragoedus, 32 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pre-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 3 |
| 259. Demosthenes, First Philippic, 24, 3-4, 42, 5, 17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 28, 148, 149, 151 |
| 260. Philip, Euagoras, 57, 56 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 94 |
| 261. Demosthenes, On Halonnesus, 45 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the peloponnesian war Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 258 |
| 262. Philip, Plataicus, 31-32 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 254 |
| 263. Apsines, Fr., 325a Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pentecontaetia Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 23 |
| 264. Anon., Scholia To Demosthenes, 1.5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 144 |
| 265. Epigraphy, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3, 148 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, culture and values •sparta, spartans, in aeschines Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 214 |
| 266. Hyperides, Against Diondas, 3. 136v 25-137v 5, 1. 137r 6-7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 325 |
| 267. Demosthenes, 76, 76 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in demosthenes •sparta, spartans, in the pre-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 113 |
| 268. Lysias, Against Alcibiades I, 38 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the peloponnesian war Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 247 |
| 269. Philip, On The Peace, 124-128, 37, 84, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 64 |
| 270. Demosthenes, On The Symmories, 29-30, 33-34, 39-40, 6, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 252 |
| 271. Philip, Antidosis, 230-236, 128 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 324 |
| 272. Philip, Areopagiticus, 38-39, 50-51, 37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 216 |
| 273. Aeschines, 70-3, 105, 139, 150, 157, 164-165, 167-177, 74-75, 77-79, 85, 76 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 252, 253, 254, 256, 257, 258, 267 |
| 274. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, First Letter To Ammaeus, 1.10, 1.12 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, athenian relations with over time •sparta, spartans, in demosthenes •sparta, spartans, in hegemony period •sparta, spartans, in the peloponnesian war •sparta, spartans, in aeschines •sparta, spartans, revolt of, against alexander Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 146, 166, 275 |
| 275. Plutarch, Life of Hyperides, 850a Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, athenian relations with over time •sparta, spartans, in the post-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 43 |
| 276. Polyeuctus of Sphettus, Polyeuctus of Sphettus, 1 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans, in the pre-leuctra period Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 3 |
| 277. Demosthenes, Second Olynthiac, 17, 24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 166 |
| 278. Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac, 10, 21-23, 25-32, 24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 159, 167, 266 |
| 279. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and jews •sparta and spartans, and founding of rome Found in books: Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 248, 249, 304, 305, 306 |
| 280. Philip, Archidamus, 25, 24 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 45 |
| 284. Epigraphy, Lsam, 32.12, 81.6-81.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 285. Epigraphy, Lss, 14.35-14.40 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 286. Epigraphy, Erythrai, 6 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 193 |
287. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1453, 61, 78, 40 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 313 | 40. The Council and People decided. AntiochisX (2) was the prytany. Drakontides was chairman. Decree 1 (2) Diognetos proposed: The Athenian Council and jurors shall swear an oath in the following terms: ‘I shall not expel the Chalkidians (5) from Chalkis, nor shall I lay waste the city, nor shall I deprive any individual of civic rights (atimoso) nor punish any with exile nor take any prisoner, nor execute (apokteno) any, nor confiscate the money of anyone not condemned in court, without the authority of the Athenian (10) People; and whenever I am a prytany member I shall not put anything prejudicial to the interests of an individual or the community to the vote without due notice, and any embassy that is sent I shall bring before the Council and People within ten days, as far as is possible; and I shall (15) maintain this while the Chalkidians obey the Athenian People.’ An embassy is to come from Chalkis and administer the oath to the Athenians with the commissioners for oaths and list the names of those who have sworn; and the generals shall take care that all (20) take the oath. The Chalkidians shall swear an oath in the following terms: ‘I shall not revolt (apostesomai) from the People of Athens by any means or device whatsoever, neither in word nor in deed, nor shall I obey anyone who does revolt; (25) and if anyone revolts I shall denounce him to the Athenians, and I shall pay to the Athenians whatever tribute I persuade them to agree, and I shall be the best and fairest (dikaiotatos) ally I am able to be and shall help and defend the Athenian (30) People, in the event of anyone wronging the Athenian People, and I shall obey the Athenian People’. All the Chalkidians of military age (hebontas) shall swear; and if anyone does not swear he is to be deprived of his civic rights (atimon) and his property is to be made public and (35) a tithe of it dedicated to Olympian Zeus. An embassy shall go from Athens to Chalkis with the commissioners for oaths and administer the oath in Chalkis and list those of the Chalkidians who have sworn. Uninscribed space Decree 2 (40) Antikles proposed: for the good fortune of the Athenians, the Athenians and Chalkidians shall make the oath just as the Athenian people voted (ephsephisato) for the Eretrians, and the generals shall take care that this happens as quickly as possible. (45) As soon as possible the People shall choose five men to go to Chalkis to exact the oaths. And on the matter of hostages (homeron), they shall reply to the Chalkidians that for the moment the Athenians have decided to leave matters as they have been voted (ephsephismena); (50) but when it seems good to them, they will deliberate and make an agreement or exchange (diallagen) on terms which seem suitable (epitedeion) for the Athenians and the Chalkidians; and the foreigners in Chalkis — except those living there who pay no taxes to Athens (me telosin Athenaze), and anyone who has been given (55) tax exemption (ateleia) by the Athenian People — the rest shall pay taxes to Chalkis, just like other Chalkidians; and the secretary of the Council shall write up this decree and oath at Athens on a stone stele and set it down (60) on the acropolis at the expense of the Chalkidians; and let the Council of the Chalkidians write it up and set it down in Chalkis in the sanctuary of Zeus Olympios. These things shall be voted about the Chalkidians. Uninscribed space And as for the sacrifices (hiera) (65) for (huper) Euboea required or required about Euboea by the oracle (ek ton chresmon), three men chosen by the Council from their own number shall perform them as quickly as possible with Hierokles; and so that the sacrifices may take place as quickly as possible the generals shall jointly take care of them and provide the money for them. Decree 3 (70) Archestratos proposed: in other respects as Antikles proposed, but the Chalkidians shall hold officials to account (euthunas) on their own behalf in Chalkis, just as the Athenians do at Athens, except where a penalty of exile, execution, or loss of civic rights (atimias) is involved; and on these matters there shall be appeal (75) to Athens to the court (eliaian) of the court presidents (thesmotheton) in accordance with the decree of the People; and as to the guarding of Euboea, the generals shall take care of that as best they can in the best interests of the Athenians. Uninscribed space (80) O A T H text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3 40 - Athenian relations with Chalkis |
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288. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 713.9-713.10, 1186.10, 1237.118 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469, 531; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 198; Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 214 | 43. Face A (front) Decree 1 In the archonship of Nausinikos (378/7). Kallibios son of Kephisophon of Paiania was secretary. In the seventh prytany, of (5) HippothontisVIII. The Council and the People decided. Charinos of Athmonon was chairman. Aristoteles proposed: for the good fortune of the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians: so that the Spartans shall allow the Greeks (10) to be free and autonomous and to live at peace, possessing securely all their own (territory), [[and so that [the peace and the friendship which the Greeks] and the King [swore] shall be in force (kuria) [and endure] in accordance with the (15) agreements]], the People shall resolve: if any of the Greeks or of the barbarians living in [Europe] or of the islanders who are not the King's, wishes to be an ally of the Athenians and the allies, it shall be permitted to him, (20) being free and autonomous, living under the constitution (politeian) which he wishes, neither receiving a garrison (phroran) or a governor (archonta) nor paying tribute (phoron), on the same terms as the Chians and Thebans (25) and the other allies. For those who make an alliance with the Athenians and the allies the People shall renounce whatever possessions there happen to be whether private or public of the Athenians in the territory of those who (30) make the alliance, and concerning these the Athenians shall give a pledge (pistin). For whichever of the cities which make the alliance with the Athenians there happen to be stelai at Athens which are unfavourable, the Council in office (35) at the time shall have authority (kurian einai) to demolish them. From the archonship of Nausinikos (378/7) it shall not be permitted either privately or publicly to any of the Athenians to acquire in the territory of the allies either a house or land either (40) by purchase (priamenōi) or by taking security (hupothemenōi) or in any other way. If anybody does buy or acquire or take as security in any way at all, it shall be permitted to whoever wishes of the allies to denounce (phēnai) it to the representatives (sunedros) of the allies; and the representatives (sunedroi) shall (45) sell it and give half to the denouncer, and the other half shall be the common property of the allies. If anybody attacks those who have made the alliance, either by land or by sea, the Athenians and the allies shall support (50) the latter both by land and by sea with all their strength as far as possible. If anybody proposes or puts to the vote, whether an official (archōn) or a private citizen, contrary to this decree that any of the things stated in this decree should be annulled, (55) let it fall (huparchetō) to him to be dishonoured (atimōi) and let his property be public (dēmosia) and a tenth for the goddess, and let him be convicted (krinesthō) by the Athenians and the allies for dissolving the alliance. Let them punish him with death (60) or exile from territores that the Athenians and the allies control. If he is condemned (timēthēi) to death, let him not be buried in Attica or in the territory of the allies. This decree let the secretary of the Council inscribe on a stone (65) stele and set it down beside Zeus of Freedom (Eleutherion).[10] The treasurers of the goddess shall give the money for inscribing the stele, sixty drachmas from the ten talents (fund). On this stele shall be inscribed (70) the names of the existing allied cities and of any other (city) which becomes an ally. These things are to be inscribed; and the People shall elect three ambassadors (presbeis) (to go) immediately to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans (to do) (75) whatever good they can.[11] These were chosen: Aristoteles of Marathon, Pyrrhandros of Anaphlystos, Thrasyboulos of Kollytos. These cities are allies of the Athenians: col. 1 Chios[12] (80) Mytilene Methymna Rhodes Byzantium Perinthos[13] (85) Peparethos[13] Skiathos[13] Maroneia[13] Dion[13] Paros (90) Athenai (Diades) col. 2 (79) [15] Tenedos (82) Poiessa (89) O- (90) P- col. 3 Thebes[12] (80) Chalkis[14] Eretria[14] Arethusa[14] Karystos[14] Ikos[14] (85) Pall-[14] . . . . . . . . . . . . (90) . . . Decree 2[16] (91) Aristoteles proposed: . . . since first . . . they come forward willingly . . . resolved by the People and . . . (95) of the islands into the alliance . . . to those of the things resolved . . . . . . Face B (left) [17] The People of Pyrrha Abdera (100) Thasos Chalkidians from [Thrace] Ainos Samothrace (105) Dikaiopolis Akaria From Kephallenia the Pronnians Alketas (110) Neoptolemos [[ . . . ]][18] Andros Tenos Hestiaia[19] (115) Mykonos Antissa Eresos Astraious of the Keians (120) Ioulis Karthaia Koresia Elaious Amorgos, (125) Selymbria Siphnos Sikinos Dion from Thrace (130) Neopolis, several lines uninscribed of the Zakynthians the People in Nellos. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2 43 - Decree inviting states to join the Second Athenian League, 378/7 BC |
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| 289. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,5, 595 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 290. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,7, 241.6-241.7 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 291. Epigraphy, Seg, 11.1180 a, 13.239, 11.336, 63.66 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 60 |
| 292. Epigraphy, Syll. , 106, 126, 735, 1057 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 120 |
| 293. Epigraphy, Lidonnici, b4, b5, c 20, c 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy, Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience (2019) 209 |
| 295. Demosthenes, Schol., 24.28 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 297. Various, Fgrh, 115 F344 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans, sacrificial practice Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469 |
| 300. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, λ557 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 32 |
| 301. Anon., Scholia On Homer'S Iliad, 6.194 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 61 |
| 302. Epigraphy, Ig, 462-6, 61 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 213 |
| 303. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.18, 7.407, 7.709 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and lydia •sparta and spartans, music at •sparta and spartans, royal funerals at Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 46, 142, 171, 200 |
| 304. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 9.2, 9.12, 12.5, 12.9, 187 a, 257, 608, 717, 882 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 60, 109, 120 |
| 305. Bacchylides, Odes, 13.67 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69, 120 |
| 306. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 73.2-73.3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 469; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 192 |
| 307. Epigraphy, Ml, 26, 45, 52, 65, 73, 82 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 109 |
| 308. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 1.125-1.126, 2.17-2.19, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta/spartans, citizenship •sparta/spartans, male initiation ceremonies •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 531; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 187, 197; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 313, 320, 323, 324 |
| 309. Andocides, Orations, 1.11-1.24, 2.17-2.19, 3.29, 4.16-4.18, 4.25-4.31 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and victors •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 187, 197; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 313, 320, 323, 324 |
310. Aeschines, Or., 2.75-2.76, 3.143, 3.182-3.187, 3.187.1, 3.243 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans •sparta and spartans Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 125; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 196, 197, 198; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 344; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 154 | 2.75. I replied that we must indeed remember all these, but must imitate the wisdom of our forefathers, and beware of their mistakes and their unseasonable jealousies; I urged that we should emulate the battle that we fought at Plataea , the struggles off the shores of Salamis , the battles of Marathon and Artemisium , and the generalship of Tolmides, who with a thousand picked men of the Athenians fearlessly marched straight through the Peloponnesus , the enemy's country. 2.76. But I urged that we should take warning from the Sicilian expedition, which was sent out to help the people of Leontini, at a time when the enemy were already in our own territory and Deceleia was fortified against us; and that final act of folly, when, outmatched in the war, and offered terms of peace by the Lacedaemonians, with the agreement that we should hold not only Attica , but Lemnos , Imbros, and Scyros also, and retain the constitutional democracy, the people would have none of it, but chose to go on with a war that was beyond their powers. And Cleophon, the lyre-maker, whom many remembered as a slave in fetters, who had dishonourably and fraudulently got himself enrolled as a citizen, and had corrupted the people by distribution of money, threatened to take his knife and slit the throat of any man who should make mention of peace. 3.143. and, secondly, he laid two thirds of the costs of the war upon you, whose danger was more remote, and only one third on the Thebans (in all this acting for bribes); and the leadership by sea he caused to be shared equally by both; but all the expenditure he laid upon you and the leadership by land, if we are not to talk nonsense, he carried away bodily and handed it over to Thebes . The result was that in all the war that followed, Stratocles, your general, had no authority to plan for the safety of his troops. 3.182. But, by the Olympian gods, I think one ought not to name those men on the same day with this monster! Now let Demosthenes show if anywhere stands written an order to crown any one of those men. Was the democracy, then, ungrateful? No, but noble-minded, and those men were worthy of their city. For they thought that their honor should be conferred, not in written words, but in the memory of those whom they had served; and from that time until this day it abides, immortal. But what rewards they did receive, it is well to recall. 3.183. There were certain men in those days, fellow citizens, who endured much toil and underwent great dangers at the river Strymon, and conquered the Medes in battle. When they came home they asked the people for a reward, and the democracy gave them great honor, as it was then esteemed—permission to set up three stone Hermae in the Stoa of the Hermae, but on condition that they should not inscribe their own names upon them, in order that the inscription might not seem to be in honor of the generals, but of the people. 3.184. That this is true, you shall learn from the verses themselves; for on the first of the Hermae stands written: “Brave men and daring were they who once by the city of Eion , Far off by Strymon's flood, fought with the sons of the Medes. Fiery famine they made their ally, and Ares on-rushing; So they found helpless a foe stranger till then to defeat.” unknown> and on the second: “This, the reward of their labour, has Athens bestowed on her leaders; Token of duty well done, honor to valor supreme. Whoso in years yet to be shall read these Ls in the marble, Gladly will toil in his turn, giving his life for the state.” unknown 3.185. And on the third of the Hermae stands written: “Once from this city Menestheus, summoned to join the Atreidae, Led forth an army to Troy , plain beloved of the gods. Homer has sung of his fame, and has said that of all the mailed chieftains None could so shrewdly as he marshal the ranks for the fight. Fittingly then shall the people of Athens be honored, and called Marshals and leaders of war, heroes in combat of arms.” unknown Is the name of the generals anywhere here? Nowhere; only the name of the people. 3.186. And now pass on in imagination to the Stoa Poecile; for the memorials of all our noble deeds stand dedicated in the Agora. What is it then, fellow citizens, to which I refer? The battle of Marathon is pictured there. Who then was the general? If you were asked this question you would all answer, “Miltiades.” But his name is not written there. Why? Did he not ask for this reward? He did ask, but the people refused it; and instead of his name they permitted that he should be painted in the front rank, urging on his men. 3.187. Again, in the Metroön you may see the reward that you gave to the band from Phyle , who brought the people back from exile. For Archinus of Coele, one of the men who brought back the people, was the author of the resolution. He moved, first, to give them for sacrifice and dedicatory offerings a thousand drachmas, less than ten drachmas per man; then that they be crowned each with a crown of olive (not of gold, for then the crown of olive was prized, but today even a crown of gold is held in disdain). And not even this will he allow to be done carelessly, but only after careful examination by the Senate, to determine who of them actually stood siege at Phyle when the Lacedaemonians and the Thirty made their attack, not those who deserted their post—as at Chaeroneia—in the face of the advancing enemy. As proof of what I say, the clerk shall read the resolution to you. Resolution as to the Reward of the Band from Phyle 3.243. Or is the man whom you have moved to crown so obscure a man as not to be known by those whom he has served, unless some one shall help you to describe him? Pray ask the jury whether they knew Chabrias and Iphicrates and Timotheus, and inquire why they gave them those rewards and set up their statues. All will answer with one voice, that they honored Chabrias for the battle of Naxos , and Iphicrates because he destroyed a regiment of the Lacedaemonians, and Timotheus because of his voyage to Corcyra , and other men, each because of many a glorious deed in war. |
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| 311. Zoroastrian Literature, Yasna, 29 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 239 |
| 312. Lycurgus, Orations, 1.86 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 61 |
| 313. Xenophon, Fragments, 1.6-1.38 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, kingship at Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 189, 345 |
| 319. Homeric Hymnshomeric Hymn To Hermes, Homeric Hymn To Hermes, 4.273, 4.281 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Gorman, Gorman, Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature (2014) 28 |
| 320. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 17, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341 |
| 321. Isocrates, 8 On The, 8.64-8.68, 8.114, 8.142, 16.1-16.11, 16.16-16.21, 16.29, 16.32-16.38, 16.50 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 22, 320, 323, 346 |
| 322. Anon., Scholion To Aristides, Panathenaicus, 99 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, cults and cult places of •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 251 |
| 323. Epigraphy, Fornara, 97, 103 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 313 |
| 324. Timotheus, Tyrtaeus, 12.6-12.7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 23, 45 |
| 325. Anon., Parian Chronicle (Fgrh 239), 72 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 342 |
| 326. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 17, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 341 |
| 327. Papyri, Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, 11-14, 21-22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 345 |
| 328. Zoroastrian Literature, Yasht, 5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, and persia Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 250 |
| 329. Juba Ii of Mauretania, Fr., f38a Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 269 |
| 330. Ptolemy, Geographical Guide, 3.14.7 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 188 |
| 331. Anaximander of Miletus, Fr., f31 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52 |
| 332. Thales of Miletus, Fr., f24 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 52 |
| 333. Nicocles, Panegyricus, 54, 73-74, 55 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 43 |
| 335. Epigraphy, Van Effenterre And Ruzé 1994-95, 101, 64, 87-88, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 53 |
| 336. Gorgon, Fgrh 515, 18 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 120 |
| 337. Epigraphy, Tod, 107 a, 106 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 193 |
| 341. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 5.4.13-5.4.18 Tagged with subjects: •sparta and spartans, in peloponnesian war Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 323 |
| 342. Epigraphy, Ms, i598, i39 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 476 |
| 343. Augustus, Von Aulock, Lykaonien, 787-789, 133 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 475 |
| 344. Panyassis, Fr., 23 bernabé Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 475 |
| 345. Speusippus, Letter To Philip, 5-6, 8, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 45 |
| 346. Appian, Fr., 1 west, 19 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 114 |
| 348. Pindar, I., 4.7-4.8, 8.1-8.5 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 69, 109, 120 |
| 349. Pindar, N., 7.65 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 109 |
| 350. Anon., Scholia On D., 21.62 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 192, 196 |
| 351. Epigraphy, Nomima, i33, i34, i35, i37, i38 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 60 |
| 352. Epigraphy, Michel, Recueil, 188 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 109 |
| 353. Epigraphy, Xli, 41.102 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 193 |
| 354. Bacchylides, Ode, 3.23 Tagged with subjects: •sparta/spartans Found in books: Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 114 |
| 355. Pseudo-Caesar, De Bello Africo, 47 Tagged with subjects: •sparta, spartans Found in books: Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 59 |
