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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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subject book bibliographic info
soldier Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 371, 378, 472, 518, 519, 931, 989, 1112
soldier, amatius priscus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 221
soldier, ammonios Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 221
soldier, and prostitute, homosexual relations Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 275, 276, 277
soldier, and slave, homosexual relations Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275
soldier, antonius germanus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 29
soldier, antonius maximus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 225
soldier, antonius silvanus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 219, 223, 225, 226, 227
soldier, army Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 107, 109, 226, 340, 396, 403
soldier, as extortioners Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 150
soldier, aurelius bitus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 303
soldier, aurelius gaius Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 334, 666
soldier, barsimso, roman Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 91
soldier, basilides de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 169
soldier, belt, of Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 8, 173
soldier, c. valerius gemellus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 47, 48, 49
soldier, cassius gemellus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 31
soldier, claudius terentianus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125, 184, 187, 237, 341
soldier, claudius tiberianus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 187, 188, 224
soldier, consulship of. see consulship, ciceros, no Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 129, 136, 163, 165, 168, 184
soldier, deir el-bahari, sanctuary of amenhotep and imhotep, visit of athenodoros, roman Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 456, 458, 459, 460, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466, 473, 475, 585
soldier, dreams, in hebrew bible and jewish literature, midianite Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 46, 47
soldier, epimachus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 42
soldier, epimachus effeminacy, indiscipline and Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366
soldier, exposes greek seers, mosollamos, jewish Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 107
soldier, ezekiel, exagoge, messenger, pharaoh’s Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138
soldier, fabius de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 75
soldier, faith of Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 130
soldier, in exile, ovid Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 315
soldier, isidorus/iulius martialis Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 27
soldier, iulius acutianus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 32, 36, 226, 234
soldier, iulius agrippinus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 23, 33, 34
soldier, jesus alleged son of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 379
soldier, julius clement, roman Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123
soldier, lightning, strikes, omen Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 251, 257
soldier, longinus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 25, 26, 27, 144, 312
soldier, lucius cornelius simon, roman Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 91
soldier, m. aurelius vitalis Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 205
soldier, m. iulius gemellus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 233
soldier, m. lucretius clemens Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 41
soldier, marcellus de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 172
soldier, marias barsimes bassus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 233
soldier, martyr Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 69, 70, 71, 72
soldier, metaphor for christian Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 69, 146
soldier, miraculously cured at forty martyrs vigil, ibora Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 754
soldier, naevius proculus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 232
soldier, octavius valens Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 28
soldier, of acilius caesar Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 63
soldier, of typhon, repelled by sistrum Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 254
soldier, plaetoria phyllis, l. plaetorius marinus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 232
soldier, pomaxathres Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 114
soldier, privileged, soldiers, Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 150
soldier, satornilus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 34, 125, 226, 305
soldier, sempronia gemella, m. sempronius Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 305
soldier, sempronius herminos Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 234, 241
soldier, t. memmius montanus Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 233
soldier, tiberianus, roman Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 128
soldier, to deir el-bahari, koptos, visit by Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 459, 461
soldier, valens Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 220
soldier, valerius aphrodisios Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 233
soldier, valerius maximus c. valerius gemellus, author Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285
soldiers Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 112, 212, 334
Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 16, 160, 682
Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 36, 37, 38, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 67, 68, 69, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 127, 129, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 220, 221, 237, 238, 241, 243, 244, 251, 254, 255, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 272, 273, 275, 276, 277, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 297, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 306, 307, 308
Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 10, 14, 17, 19, 59, 63, 64, 240, 254, 258, 264, 291, 292
Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 116, 117, 119, 120, 124, 165, 174, 187, 232, 247, 264
Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 225, 226
Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 28, 29, 33, 89, 185, 204, 205, 207, 209, 236, 338
Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 70
Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 16, 25, 27, 47, 118, 196, 264
Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 88, 130, 145, 182
McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 50, 51, 244
Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 28
Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 19, 29, 67, 69, 70, 71, 93, 101, 102, 103, 104, 125, 127, 128, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150, 153, 166, 167, 172, 173
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 57, 58, 77, 91, 104, 107, 140, 159, 161, 162, 172, 179, 184, 204, 209, 229, 234, 301
Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 40, 61, 148
Ruffini (2018), Life in an Egyptian Village in Late Antiquity: Aphrodito Before and After the Islamic Conquest, 53, 204
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 29, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 87, 93, 95, 135, 172, 269, 276, 279, 309
de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 75, 158, 159, 169, 170, 172, 182, 312, 313
soldiers, and cato the younger Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 32, 33
soldiers, and cato the younger, and claudius and messalina Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 50, 58
soldiers, and cato the younger, commanders as family of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 27, 28, 35, 36, 37
soldiers, and cato the younger, devotion of to pompey Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 35
soldiers, and cato the younger, families of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 22, 23
soldiers, and mercenaries Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 159, 260, 261, 302, 303, 304, 385, 400, 430
soldiers, and their bathhouses, army, legions, military units Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 40, 42, 52, 59, 69, 87, 89, 92, 99, 136, 210, 232, 244, 282
soldiers, and tutores veterans Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 179
soldiers, and verecundia Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 24
soldiers, as family to, pompey Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 27, 35
soldiers, as fleet Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 48, 49, 54, 80, 81, 82, 217
soldiers, as mandata, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 122, 123, 124
soldiers, as, families, commanders and Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 27, 28, 35, 36, 37
soldiers, auxilia, pay, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 183, 184
soldiers, branches of service, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 28
soldiers, cared for by, caesar, julius Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38
soldiers, collect tax, prostitution Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 247, 248, 251
soldiers, cultural context, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368
soldiers, discharged Ruffini (2018), Life in an Egyptian Village in Late Antiquity: Aphrodito Before and After the Islamic Conquest, 39
soldiers, discipline, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372
soldiers, donatives, pay, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 182
soldiers, economic motives, “marriage” of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190
soldiers, effect on marriage, promotion of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 185, 186
soldiers, emotional wellbeing, of praesidia Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 70
soldiers, empire-wide, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 50
soldiers, excluded from army, slaves, male, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 290, 291, 340
soldiers, families, of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 22, 23
soldiers, fighting in mass Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 26, 27, 35, 135
soldiers, financial, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 375
soldiers, fleet Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 28, 47, 48, 49, 50, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, 235
soldiers, fleet, pay, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 184, 185
soldiers, form of ban, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124
soldiers, former owners critiqued Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 441, 470
soldiers, frater, term used among Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 322, 323, 324, 577
soldiers, funerary monuments Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 326, 331, 335
soldiers, historical, italian mercenaries Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 449, 450
soldiers, homosexual relations, btw. Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294
soldiers, housed in synagogues, jewish Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 114
soldiers, in audience Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 449
soldiers, in lucan bellum civile, commanders and Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 27, 28, 35, 36, 37
soldiers, jews, useless as Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 347
soldiers, junian latins, women, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 84, 192, 225
soldiers, legal privileges Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 390
soldiers, legal status, women, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196
soldiers, legate to comrades, military will Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 38, 113, 221, 222, 223
soldiers, legions, pay, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 181, 182, 183
soldiers, marriage patterns, fleet Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 156
soldiers, mobility of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 381
soldiers, motivation, of Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 267, 295
soldiers, names, of Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 276
soldiers, nomenclature, women, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 75, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196
soldiers, not homosexual, male bonding, between Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 163
soldiers, not “provincial” ban, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 121, 122, 316
soldiers, of ajax Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 304, 305
soldiers, of caesar, julius, mutinous Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37
soldiers, of god, milites dei Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 135, 142, 164, 253, 290, 296
soldiers, of mark antony Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 364, 365
soldiers, of pompey Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 23, 25, 31
soldiers, onstage, and body count Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 454, 469
soldiers, overcoming survival instinct, pericles, on Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 19, 20
soldiers, pay, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187
soldiers, peregrinae, women, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 83, 84, 190, 191, 192, 225, 226, 312, 313, 331
soldiers, political, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 344, 387
soldiers, prices, slaves, male, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 273
soldiers, ranks affected by, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 129, 130, 131
soldiers, rape, by Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260
soldiers, roman citizens or romanized, women, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 226
soldiers, sibling marriage, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 224, 225
soldiers, slave-women, historical, owned by Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 105, 364
soldiers, slaves, male, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 32, 241, 272, 342
soldiers, slaves, onstage Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 108, 257, 346, 450
soldiers, songs, oral forms Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 10, 150, 162, 216
soldiers, status symbol, “marriage” of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 227
soldiers, stuprum, illicit sexual relations, committed by Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 256, 257
soldiers, taxation of Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 80
soldiers, terminated by severus, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 19, 100, 107, 108, 109
soldiers, troop transfers, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 373
soldiers, verecundia, and Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 24
soldiers, verse inscriptions, army officers Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 320
soldiers, veteran Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 125, 183, 198, 251, 309, 320, 321, 323, 326, 330, 331, 332
soldiers, violence by Ruffini (2018), Life in an Egyptian Village in Late Antiquity: Aphrodito Before and After the Islamic Conquest, 119
soldiers, “brothers”, male bonding, between Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 113, 162, 163
soldiers, “efficiency”, marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 372, 373
soldiers/soldiery Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 41, 183, 196, 221, 253, 271, 291, 314, 330, 338, 340, 343, 362, 407, 413
soldiers/units, oniad authorship Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 39, 64, 111, 188, 253, 258, 351, 356, 360, 361, 362, 407, 413
soldiers’ Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 26, 203
soldiers’, and inheritance Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 319
soldiers’, calones servants Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 128, 272, 342
soldiers’, children not legitimated, legitimation Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 306, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321
soldiers’, children rare, slave women Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 239, 305
soldiers’, children, nomenclature, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 144, 312, 313
soldiers’, children, sex ratios, and gender preference of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 299
soldiers’, children, “provincial” marriage ban, denied Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 103, 113, 320
soldiers’, contubernium, civ. Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 212, 218, 219, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244
soldiers’, exposure of children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 298, 299, 303, 305
soldiers’, exposure of females, children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 298, 299, 303
soldiers’, families, inheritance, in Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 38, 39, 40, 96, 98, 203, 204, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 316, 319, 320
soldiers’, families, intestate succession, in Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 38, 39, 40, 98, 203, 204, 319, 320
soldiers’, families, residence, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 125, 188
soldiers’, fidelity, ps.-hecataeus, jewish Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 138
soldiers’, findings, age at marriage Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 167
soldiers’, freedwomen Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 75, 84, 155, 194, 195, 212, 218, 219, 220, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 331, 332, 340
soldiers’, interests, marriage ban, soldiers, in Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 379, 387
soldiers’, marriage ban, gender bias, in legal aspects of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 379
soldiers’, marriage in pre-severan jurists Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 201
soldiers’, marriage legitimate in severan jurists Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112
soldiers’, marriage patterns, epigraphic habit Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 155, 156
soldiers’, method, age at marriage Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 165, 166, 167
soldiers’, motives, age at marriage Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 178, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190
soldiers’, not legitimated, children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 306, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321
soldiers’, numbers, children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 77, 178, 299, 339, 340
soldiers’, orphaned, children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 179
soldiers’, prices of women, slave women Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 233
soldiers’, slave children, children Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 239, 241, 305, 340
soldiers’, slave women Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 75, 84, 128, 129, 155, 194, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 253, 331, 332
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage” Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 165, 166, 167, 178, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 227
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, and endogamy Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 224, 225, 226, 227
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, and “remarriage” Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 34, 227
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, length of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 34
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, marriage before enlistment Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 96, 195
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, marriage dissolves on enlistment Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 96
soldiers’, unions age at “marriage”, marriage or concubinage Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204
soldiers’, unions, adultery, in Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 106, 107, 204, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213
soldiers’, unions, as dowry, in depositum Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 105, 113, 379
soldiers’, unions, concubinage, and Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 198, 199, 200, 201, 209
soldiers’, unions, demography, and fertility of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 339, 340
soldiers’, unions, lex Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 129, 130, 131, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217
soldiers’, women, actio rei uxoriae, denied to Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 204
soldiers’, women, illiteracy, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 223
soldiers’, women, junian latins Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 75, 84, 218, 242, 243, 331
soldiers’, women, nomenclature, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 190, 191, 192, 194
soldiers’, “legitimation” tolerance in roman society Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 317, 318, 319, 320, 321
soldier’s, belt, cingulum zōnē Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 174, 175
soldier’s, cornelia widow Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 32, 36, 192, 226, 234
soldier’s, dress Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 116, 117, 119, 120, 165, 174, 187, 232, 247, 264
soldier’s, union, stuprum, illicit sexual relations, in Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 212, 213
soldier’s, woman, incapacitas, of Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 215
‘soldiers, of god/christ’, christians O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 14, 15, 49, 50

List of validated texts:
14 validated results for "soldiers"
1. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 5.1.15, 5.6.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Soldier • soldiers • soldiers and mercenaries

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 139; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 303; Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 179, 180

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5.6.15 ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ Ξενοφῶντι, ὁρῶντι μὲν ὁπλίτας πολλοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὁρῶντι δὲ πελταστὰς πολλοὺς καὶ τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ ἱππέας δὲ καὶ μάλα ἤδη διὰ τὴν τριβὴν ἱκανούς, ὄντας δʼ ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ, ἔνθα οὐκ ἂν ἀπʼ ὀλίγων χρημάτων τοσαύτη δύναμις παρεσκευάσθη, καλὸν αὐτῷ ἐδόκει εἶναι χώραν καὶ δύναμιν τῇ Ἑλλάδι προσκτήσασθαι πόλιν κατοικίσαντας.' ' None		sup>
5.6.15 At this time, as Xenophon’s eyes rested upon a great body of Greek hoplites, and likewise upon a great body of peltasts, bowmen, slingers, and horsemen also, all of them now exceedingly efficient through constant service and all there in Pontus, Xenophon uses the term Πόντος both of the Euxine Sea and of the region along its south-eastern coast. See below. where so large a force could not have been gathered by any slight outlay of money, it seemed to him that it was a fine thing to gain additional territory and power for Greece by founding a city. ' ' None
2. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • homosexual relations, soldier and slave • slaves, onstage, soldiers

 Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 270; Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 108
3. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epimachus (soldier), effeminacy, indiscipline and • marriage ban (soldiers), discipline • soldiers

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 156; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 359
4. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Army, Legions, Military Units, Soldiers, and Their Bathhouses • Epimachus (soldier), effeminacy, indiscipline and • marriage ban (soldiers), discipline

 Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 136; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 357, 358
5. Tacitus, Annals, 1.16-1.49, 2.72-2.73, 14.7, 15.36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, soldiers cared for by • soldiers • soldiers, conditions

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 147, 199, 254; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 33; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 38; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 172, 204, 209, 229; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 71

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1.16 Hic rerum urbanarum status erat, cum Pannonicas legiones seditio incessit, nullis novis causis nisi quod mutatus princeps licentiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem praemiorum ostendebat. castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur, praesidente Iunio Blaeso, qui fine Augusti et initiis Tiberii auditis ob iustitium aut gaudium intermiserat solita munia. eo principio lascivire miles, discordare, pessimi cuiusque sermonibus praebere auris, denique luxum et otium cupere, disciplinam et laborem aspernari. erat in castris Percennius quidam, dux olim theatralium operarum, dein gregarius miles, procax lingua et miscere coetus histrionali studio doctus. is imperitos animos et quaenam post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentis inpellere paulatim nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die et dilapsis melioribus deterrimum quemque congregare. 1.17 Postremo promptis iam et aliis seditionis ministris velut contionabundus interrogabat cur paucis centurionibus paucioribus tribunis in modum servorum oboedirent. quando ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi novum et nutantem adhuc principem precibus vel armis adirent? satis per tot annos ignavia peccatum, quod tricena aut quadragena stipendia senes et plerique truncato ex vulneribus corpore tolerent. ne dimissis quidem finem esse militiae, sed apud vexillum tendentis alio vocabulo eosdem labores perferre. ac si quis tot casus vita superaverit, trahi adhuc diversas in terras ubi per nomen agrorum uligines paludum vel inculta montium accipiant. enimvero militiam ipsam gravem, infructuosam: denis in diem assibus animam et corpus aestimari: hinc vestem arma tentoria, hinc saevitiam centurionum et vacationes munerum redimi. at hercule verbera et vulnera, duram hiemem, exercitas aestates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem sempiterna. nec aliud levamentum quam si certis sub legibus militia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextus decumus stipendii annus finem adferret, ne ultra sub vexillis tenerentur, sed isdem in castris praemium pecunia solveretur. an praetorias cohortis, quae binos denarios acceperint, quae post sedecim annos penatibus suis reddantur, plus periculorum suscipere? non obtrectari a se urbanas excubias: sibi tamen apud horridas gentis e contuberniis hostem aspici.' "1.18 Adstrepebat vulgus, diversis incitamentis, hi verberum notas, illi canitiem, plurimi detrita tegmina et nudum corpus exprobrantes. postremo eo furoris venere ut tres legiones miscere in unam agitaverint. depulsi aemulatione, quia suae quisque legioni eum honorem quaerebant, alio vertunt atque una tres aquilas et signa cohortium locant; simul congerunt caespites, exstruunt tribunal, quo magis conspicua sedes foret. properantibus Blaesus advenit, increpabatque ac retinebat singulos, clamitans 'mea potius caede imbuite manus: leviore flagitio legatum interficietis quam ab imperatore desciscitis. aut incolumis fidem legionum retinebo aut iugulatus paenitentiam adcelerabo.'" '1.19 Aggerabatur nihilo minus caespes iamque pectori usque adcreverat, cum tandem pervicacia victi inceptum omisere. Blaesus multa dicendi arte non per seditionem et turbas desideria militum ad Caesarem ferenda ait, neque veteres ab imperatoribus priscis neque ipsos a divo Augusto tam nova petivisse; et parum in tempore incipientis principis curas onerari. si tamen tenderent in pace temptare quae ne civilium quidem bellorum victores expostulaverint, cur contra morem obsequii, contra fas disciplinae vim meditentur? decernerent legatos seque coram mandata darent. adclamavere ut filius Blaesi tribunus legatione ea fungeretur peteretque militibus missionem ab sedecim annis: cetera mandaturos ubi prima provenissent. profecto iuvene modicum otium: sed superbire miles quod filius legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa quae per modestiam non obtinuissent.' '1.21 Horum adventu redintegratur seditio et vagi circumiecta populabantur. Blaesus paucos, maxime praeda onustos, ad terrorem ceterorum adfici verberibus, claudi carcere iubet; nam etiam tum legato a centurionibus et optimo quoque manipularium parebatur. illi obniti trahentibus, prensare circumstantium genua, ciere modo nomina singulorum, modo centuriam quisque cuius manipularis erat, cohortem, legionem, eadem omnibus inminere clamitantes. simul probra in legatum cumulant, caelum ac deos obtestantur, nihil reliqui faciunt quo minus invidiam misericordiam metum et iras permoverent. adcurritur ab universis, et carcere effracto solvunt vincula desertoresque ac rerum capitalium damnatos sibi iam miscent.' "1.22 Flagrantior inde vis, plures seditioni duces. et Vibulenus quidam gregarius miles, ante tribunal Blaesi adlevatus circumstantium umeris, apud turbatos et quid pararet intentos 'vos quidem' inquit 'his innocentibus et miserrimis lucem et spiritum reddidistis: sed quis fratri meo vitam, quis fratrem mihi reddit? quem missum ad vos a Germanico exercitu de communibus commodis nocte proxima iugulavit per gladiatores suos, quos in exitium militum habet atque armat. responde, Blaese, ubi cadaver abieceris: ne hostes quidem sepultura invident. cum osculis, cum lacrimis dolorem meum implevero, me quoque trucidari iube, dum interfectos nullum ob scelus sed quia utilitati legionum consulebamus hi sepeliant.'" "1.23 Incendebat haec fletu et pectus atque os manibus verberans. mox disiectis quorum per umeros sustinebatur, praeceps et singulorum pedibus advolutus tantum consternationis invidiaeque concivit, ut pars militum gladiatores, qui e servitio Blaesi erant, pars ceteram eiusdem familiam vincirent, alii ad quaerendum corpus effunderentur. ac ni propere neque corpus ullum reperiri, et servos adhibitis cruciatibus abnuere caedem, neque illi fuisse umquam fratrem pernotuisset, haud multum ab exitio legati aberant. tribunos tamen ac praefectum castrorum extrusere, sarcinae fugientium direptae, et centurio Lucilius interficitur cui militaribus facetiis vocabulum 'cedo alteram' indiderant, quia fracta vite in tergo militis alteram clara voce ac rursus aliam poscebat. ceteros latebrae texere, uno retento Clemente Iulio qui perferendis militum mandatis habebatur idoneus ob promptum ingenium. quin ipsae inter se legiones octava et quinta decuma ferrum parabant, dum centurionem cognomento Sirpicum illa morti deposcit, quintadecumani tuentur, ni miles nous preces et adversum aspertis minas interiecisset." '1.24 Haec audita quamquam abstrusum et tristissima quaeque maxime occultantem Tiberium perpulere, ut Drusum filium cum primoribus civitatis duabusque praetoriis cohortibus mitteret, nullis satis certis mandatis, ex re consulturum. et cohortes delecto milite supra solitum firmatae. additur magna pars praetoriani equitis et robora Germano- rum, qui tum custodes imperatori aderant; simul praetorii praefectus Aelius Seianus, collega Straboni patri suo datus, magna apud Tiberium auctoritate, rector iuveni et ceteris periculorum praemiorumque ostentator. Druso propinquanti quasi per officium obviae fuere legiones, non laetae, ut adsolet, neque insignibus fulgentes, sed inluvie deformi et vultu, quamquam maestitiam imitarentur contumaciae propiores. 1.25 Postquam vallum introiit, portas stationibus firmant, globos armatorum certis castrorum locis opperiri iubent: ceteri tribunal ingenti agmine circumveniunt. stabat Drusus silentium manu poscens. illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem rettulerant, vocibus truculentis strepere, rursum viso Caesare trepidare; murmur incertum, atrox clamor et repente quies; diversis animorum motibus pavebant terrebantque. tandem interrupto tumultu litteras patris recitat, in quis perscriptum erat, praecipuam ipsi fortissimarum legionum curam, quibuscum plurima bella toleravisset; ubi primum a luctu requiesset animus, acturum apud patres de postulatis eorum; misisse interim filium ut sine cunctatione concederet quae statim tribui possent; cetera senatui servanda quem neque gratiae neque severitatis expertem haberi par esset. 1.26 Responsum est a contione mandata Clementi centurioni quae perferret. is orditur de missione a sedecim annis, de praemiis finitae militiae, ut denarius diurnum stipendium foret, ne veterani sub vexillo haberentur. ad ea Drusus cum arbitrium senatus et patris obtenderet, clamore turbatur. cur venisset neque augendis militum stipendiis neque adlevandis laboribus, denique nulla bene faciendi licentia? at hercule verbera et necem cunctis permitti. Tiberium olim nomine Augusti desideria legionum frustrari solitum: easdem artis Drusum rettulisse. numquamne ad se nisi filios familiarum venturos? novum id plane quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. eundem ergo senatum consulendum quotiens supplicia aut proelia indicantur: an praemia sub dominis, poenas sine arbitro esse? 1.27 Postremo deserunt tribunal, ut quis praetorianorum militum amicorumve Caesaris occurreret, manus intentantes, causam discordiae et initium armorum, maxime infensi Cn. Lentulo, quod is ante alios aetate et gloria belli firmare Drusum credebatur et illa militiae flagitia primus aspernari. nec multo post digredientem cum Caesare ac provisu periculi hiberna castra repetentem circumsistunt, rogitantes quo pergeret, ad imperatorem an ad patres, ut illic quoque commodis legionum adversaretur; simul ingruunt, saxa iaciunt. iamque lapidis ictu cruentus et exitii certus adcursu multitudinis quae cum Druso advenerat protectus est.' "1.28 Noctem minacem et in scelus erupturam fors lenivit: nam luna claro repente caelo visa languescere. id miles rationis ignarus omen praesentium accepit, suis laboribus defectionem sideris adsimulans, prospereque cessura qua pergerent si fulgor et claritudo deae redderetur. igitur aeris sono, tubarum cornuumque concentu strepere; prout splendidior obscuriorve laetari aut maerere; et postquam ortae nubes offecere visui creditumque conditam tenebris, ut sunt mobiles ad superstitionem perculsae semel mentes, sibi aeternum laborem portendi, sua facinora aversari deos lamentantur. utendum inclinatione ea Caesar et quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus circumiri ten- toria iubet; accitur centurio Clemens et si alii bonis artibus grati in vulgus. hi vigiliis, stationibus, custodiis portarum se inserunt, spem offerunt, metum intendunt. 'quo usque filium imperatoris obsidebimus? quis certaminum finis? Percennione et Vibuleno sacramentum dicturi sumus? Percennius et Vibulenus stipendia militibus, agros emeritis largientur? denique pro Neronibus et Drusis imperium populi Romani capessent? quin potius, ut novissimi in culpam, ita primi ad paenitentiam sumus? tarda sunt quae in commune expostulantur: privatam gratiam statim mereare, statim recipias.' commotis per haec mentibus et inter se suspectis, tironem a veterano, legionem a legione dissociant. tum redire paulatim amor obsequii: omittunt portas, signa unum in locum principio seditionis congregata suas in sedes referunt." '1.29 Drusus orto die et vocata contione, quamquam rudis dicendi, nobilitate ingenita incusat priora, probat praesentia; negat se terrore et minis vinci: flexos ad modestiam si videat, si supplices audiat, scripturum patri ut placatus legionum preces exciperet. orantibus rursum idem Blaesus et L. Aponius, eques Romanus e cohorte Drusi, Iustusque Catonius, primi ordinis centurio, ad Tiberium mittuntur. certatum inde sententiis, cum alii opperiendos legatos atque interim comitate permulcendum militem censerent, alii fortioribus remediis agendum: nihil in vulgo modicum; terrere ni paveant, ubi pertimuerint inpune contemni: dum superstitio urgeat, adiciendos ex duce metus sublatis seditionis auctoribus. promptum ad asperiora ingenium Druso erat: vocatos Vibulenum et Percennium interfici iubet. tradunt plerique intra tabernaculum ducis obrutos, alii corpora extra vallum abiecta ostentui. 1.31 Isdem ferme diebus isdem causis Germanicae legiones turbatae, quanto plures tanto violentius, et magna spe fore ut Germanicus Caesar imperium alterius pati nequiret daretque se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis. duo apud ripam Rheni exercitus erant: cui nomen superiori sub C. Silio legato, inferiorem A. Caecina curabat. regimen summae rei penes Germanicum agendo Galliarum censui tum intentum. sed quibus Silius moderabatur, mente ambigua fortunam seditionis alienae speculabantur: inferioris exercitus miles in rabiem prolapsus est, orto ab unetvicesimanis quintanisque initio, et tractis prima quoque ac vicesima legionibus: nam isdem aestivis in finibus Vbiorum habebantur per otium aut levia munia. igitur audito fine Augusti vernacula multitudo, nuper acto in urbe dilectu, lasciviae sueta, laborum intolerans, implere ceterorum rudes animos: venisse tempus quo veterani maturam missionem, iuvenes largiora stipendia, cuncti modum miseriarum exposcerent saevitiamque centurionum ulciscerentur. non unus haec, ut Pannonicas inter legiones Percennius, nec apud trepidas militum auris, alios validiores exercitus respicientium, sed multa seditionis ora vocesque: sua in manu sitam rem Romanam, suis victoriis augeri rem publicam, in suum cognomentum adscisci imperatores. 1.32 Nec legatus obviam ibat: quippe plurium vaecordia constantiam exemerat. repente lymphati destrictis gladiis in centuriones invadunt: ea vetustissima militaribus odiis materies et saeviendi principium. prostratos verberibus mulcant, sexageni singulos, ut numerum centurionum adaequarent: tum convulsos laniatosque et partim exanimos ante vallum aut in amnem Rhenum proiciunt. Septimius cum perfugisset ad tribunal pedibusque Caecinae advolveretur, eo usque flagitatus est donec ad exitium dederetur. Cassius Chaerea, mox caede Gai Caesaris memoriam apud posteros adeptus, tum adulescens et animi ferox, inter obstantis et armatos ferro viam patefecit. non tribunus ultra, non castrorum praefectus ius obtinuit: vigilias, stationes, et si qua alia praesens usus indixerat, ipsi partiebantur. id militaris animos altius coniectantibus praecipuum indicium magni atque inplacabilis motus, quod neque disiecti nec paucorum instinctu, set pariter ardescerent, pariter silerent, tanta aequalitate et constantia ut regi crederes. 1.33 Interea Germanico per Gallias, ut diximus, census accipienti excessisse Augustum adfertur. neptem eius Agrippinam in matrimonio pluresque ex ea liberos habebat, ipse Druso fratre Tiberii genitus, Augustae nepos, set anxius occultis in se patrui aviaeque odiis quorum causae acriores quia iniquae. quippe Drusi magna apud populum Romanum memoria, credebaturque, si rerum potitus foret, libertatem redditurus; unde in Germanicum favor et spes eadem. nam iuveni civile ingenium, mira comitas et diversa ab Tiberii sermone vultu, adrogantibus et obscuris. accedebant muliebres offensiones novercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore quamvis indomitum animum in bonum vertebat. 1.34 Sed Germanicus quanto summae spei propior, tanto impensius pro Tiberio niti. Sequanos proximos et Belgarum civitates in verba eius adigit. dehinc audito legionum tumultu raptim profectus obvias extra castra habuit, deiectis in terram oculis velut paenitentia. postquam vallum iniit dissoni questus audiri coepere. et quidam prensa manu eius per speciem exosculandi inseruerunt digitos ut vacua dentibus ora contingeret; alii curvata senio membra ostendebant. adsistentem contionem, quia permixta videbatur, discedere in manipulos iubet: sic melius audituros responsum; vexilla praeferri ut id saltem discerneret cohortis: tarde obtemperavere. tunc a veneratione Augusti orsus flexit ad victorias triumphosque Tiberii, praecipuis laudibus celebrans quae apud Germanias illis cum legionibus pulcherrima fecisset. Italiae inde consensum, Galliarum fidem extollit; nil usquam turbidum aut discors. silentio haec vel murmure modico audita sunt. 1.35 Vt seditionem attigit, ubi modestia militaris, ubi veteris disciplinae decus, quonam tribunos, quo centuriones exegissent, rogitans, nudant universi corpora, cicatrices ex vulneribus, verberum notas exprobrant; mox indiscretis vocibus pretia vacationum, angustias stipendii, duritiam operum ac propriis nominibus incusant vallum, fossas, pabuli materiae lignorum adgestus, et si qua alia ex necessitate aut adversus otium castrorum quaeruntur. atrocissimus veteranorum clamor oriebatur, qui tricena aut supra stipendia numerantes, mederetur fessis, neu mortem in isdem laboribus, sed finem tam exercitae militiae neque inopem requiem orabant. fuere etiam qui legatam a divo Augusto pecuniam reposcerent, faustis in Germanicum ominibus; et si vellet imperium promptos ostentavere. tum vero, quasi scelere contaminaretur, praeceps tribunali desiluit. opposuerunt abeunti arma, minitantes, ni regrederetur; at ille moriturum potius quam fidem exueret clamitans, ferrum a latere diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus, ni proximi prensam dextram vi attinuissent. extrema et conglobata inter se pars contionis ac, vix credibile dictu, quidam singuli propius incedentes feriret hortabantur; et miles nomine Calusidius strictum obtulit gladium, addito acutiorem esse. saevum id malique moris etiam furentibus visum, ac spatium fuit quo Caesar ab amicis in tabernaculum raperetur. 1.36 Consultatum ibi de remedio; etenim nuntiabatur parari legatos qui superiorem exercitum ad causam eandem traherent; destinatum excidio Vbiorum oppidum, imbutasque praeda manus in direptionem Galliarum erupturas. augebat metum gnarus Romanae seditionis et, si omitteretur ripa, invasurus hostis: at si auxilia et socii adversum abscedentis legiones armarentur, civile bellum suscipi. periculosa severitas, flagitiosa largitio: seu nihil militi sive omnia concedentur in ancipiti res publica. igitur volutatis inter se rationibus placitum ut epistulae nomine principis scriberentur: missionem dari vicena stipendia meritis, exauctorari qui sena dena fecissent ac retineri sub vexillo ceterorum inmunes nisi propulsandi hostis, legata quae petiverant exsolvi duplicarique. 1.37 Sensit miles in tempus conficta statimque flagitavit. missio per tribunos maturatur, largitio differebatur in hiberna cuiusque. non abscessere quintani unetvicesimanique donec isdem in aestivis contracta ex viatico amicorum ipsiusque Caesaris pecunia persolveretur. primam ac vicesimam legiones Caecina legatus in civitatem Vbiorum reduxit turpi agmine cum fisci de imperatore rapti inter signa interque aquilas veherentur. Germanicus superiorem ad exercitum profectus secundam et tertiam decumam et sextam decumam legiones nihil cunctatas sacramento adigit. quartadecumani paulum dubitaverant: pecunia et missio quamvis non flagitantibus oblata est.' "1.38 At in Chaucis coeptavere seditionem praesidium agitantes vexillarii discordium legionum et praesenti duorum militum supplicio paulum repressi sunt. iusserat id M'. Ennius castrorum praefectus, bono magis exemplo quam concesso iure. deinde intumescente motu profugus repertusque, postquam intutae latebrae, praesidium ab audacia mutuatur: non praefectum ab iis, sed Germanicum ducem, sed Tiberium imperatorem violari. simul exterritis qui obstiterant, raptum vexillum ad ripam vertit, et si quis agmine decessisset, pro desertore fore clamitans, reduxit in hiberna turbidos et nihil ausos." '1.39 Interea legati ab senatu regressum iam apud aram Vbiorum Germanicum adeunt. duae ibi legiones, prima atque vicesima, veteranique nuper missi sub vexillo hiemabant. pavidos et conscientia vaecordes intrat metus venisse patrum iussu qui inrita facerent quae per seditionem expresserant. utque mos vulgo quamvis falsis reum subdere, Munatium Plancum consulatu functum, principem legationis, auctorem senatus consulti incusant; et nocte concubia vexillum in domo Germanici situm flagitare occipiunt, concursuque ad ianuam facto moliuntur foris, extra- ctum cubili Caesarem tradere vexillum intento mortis metu subigunt. mox vagi per vias obvios habuere legatos, audita consternatione ad Germanicum tendentis. ingerunt contumelias, caedem parant, Planco maxime, quem dignitas fuga impediverat; neque aliud periclitanti subsidium quam castra primae legionis. illic signa et aquilam amplexus religione sese tutabatur, ac ni aquilifer Calpurnius vim extremam arcuisset, rarum etiam inter hostis, legatus populi Romani Romanis in castris sanguine suo altaria deum commaculavisset. luce demum, postquam dux et miles et facta noscebantur, ingressus castra Germanicus perduci ad se Plancum imperat recepitque in tribunal. tum fatalem increpans rabiem, neque militum sed deum ira resurgere, cur venerint legati aperit; ius legationis atque ipsius Planci gravem et immeritum casum, simul quantum dedecoris adierit legio, facunde miseratur, attonitaque magis quam quieta contione legatos praesidio auxiliarium equitum dimittit. 1.41 Non florentis Caesaris neque suis in castris, sed velut in urbe victa facies gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum auris oraque advertere: progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis sonus? quod tam triste? feminas inlustris, non centurionem ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus soliti: pergere ad Treviros et externae fidei. pudor inde et miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit quam invidia in Treviros: orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. isque ut erat recens dolore et ira apud circumfusos ita coepit. 1.42 Non mihi uxor aut filius patre et re publica cariores sunt, sed illum quidem sua maiestas, imperium Romanum ceteri exercitus defendent. coniugem et liberos meos, quos pro gloria vestra libens ad exitium offerrem, nunc procul a furentibus summoveo, ut quidquid istud sceleris imminet, meo tantum sanguine pietur, neve occisus Augusti pronepos, interfecta Tiberii nurus nocentiores vos faciant. quid enim per hos dies inausum intemeratumve vobis? quod nomen huic coetui dabo? militesne appellem, qui filium imperatoris vestri vallo et armis circumsedistis? an civis, quibus tam proiecta senatus auctoritas? hostium quoque ius et sacra legationis et fas gentium rupistis. divus Iulius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit, Quirites vocando qui sacramentum eius detrectabant: divus Augustus vultu et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit: nos ut nondum eosdem, ita ex illis ortos si Hispaniae Syriaeve miles aspernaretur, tamen mirum et indignum erat. primane et vicesima legiones, illa signis a Tiberio acceptis, tu tot proeliorum socia, tot praemiis aucta, egregiam duci vestro gratiam refertis? hunc ego nuntium patri laeta omnia aliis e provinciis audienti feram? ipsius tirones, ipsius veteranos non missione, non pecunia satiatos: hic tantum interfici centuriones, eici tribunos, includi legatos, infecta sanguine castra, flumina, meque precariam animam inter infensos trahere.' "1.43 Cur enim primo contionis die ferrum illud, quod pectori meo infigere parabam, detraxistis, o inprovidi amici? melius et amantius ille qui gladium offerebat. cecidissem certe nondum tot flagitiorum exercitu meo conscius; legissetis ducem, qui meam quidem mortem inpunitam sineret, Vari tamen et trium legionum ulcisceretur. neque enim di sit ut Belgarum quamquam offerentium decus istud et claritudo sit subvenisse Romano nomini, compressisse Germaniae populos. tua, dive Auguste, caelo recepta mens, tua, pater Druse, imago, tui memoria isdem istis cum militibus, quos iam pudor et gloria intrat, eluant hanc maculam irasque civilis in exitium hostibus vertant. vos quoque, quorum alia nunc ora, alia pectora contueor, si legatos senatui, obsequium imperatori, si mihi coniugem et filium redditis, discedite a contactu ac dividite turbidos: id stabile ad paenitentiam, id fidei vinculum erit.'" '1.44 Supplices ad haec et vera exprobrari fatentes orabant puniret noxios, ignosceret lapsis et duceret in hostem: revocaretur coniunx, rediret legionum alumnus neve obses Gallis traderetur. reditum Agrippinae excusavit ob inminentem partum et hiemem: venturum filium: cetera ipsi exsequerentur. discurrunt mutati et seditiosissimum quemque vinctos trahunt ad legatum legionis primae C. Caetronium, qui iudicium et poenas de singulis in hunc modum exercuit. stabant pro contione legiones destrictis gladiis: reus in suggestu per tribunum ostendebatur: si nocentem adclamaverant, praeceps datus trucidabatur. et gaudebat caedibus miles tamquam semet absolveret; nec Caesar arcebat, quando nullo ipsius iussu penes eosdem saevitia facti et invidia erat. secuti exemplum veterani haud multo post in Raetiam mittuntur, specie defendendae provinciae ob imminentis Suebos ceterum ut avellerentur castris trucibus adhuc non minus asperitate remedii quam sceleris memoria. centurionatum inde egit. citatus ab imperatore nomen, ordinem, patriam, numerum stipendiorum, quae strenue in proeliis fecisset, et cui erant, dona militaria edebat. si tribuni, si legio industriam innocentiamque adprobaverant, retinebat ordinem: ubi avaritiam aut crudelitatem consensu obiectavissent, solvebatur militia. 1.45 Sic compositis praesentibus haud minor moles supererat ob ferociam quintae et unetvicesimae legionum, sexagesimum apud lapidem (loco Vetera nomen est) hibertium. nam primi seditionem coeptaverant: atrocissimum quodque facinus horum manibus patratum; nec poena commilitonum exterriti nec paenitentia conversi iras retinebant. igitur Caesar arma classem socios demittere Rheno parat, si imperium detrectetur, bello certaturus. 1.46 At Romae nondum cognito qui fuisset exitus in Illyrico, et legionum Germanicarum motu audito, trepida civitas incusare Tiberium quod, dum patres et plebem, invalida et inermia, cunctatione ficta ludificetur, dissideat interim miles neque duorum adulescentium nondum adulta auctoritate comprimi queat. ire ipsum et opponere maiestatem imperatoriam debuisse cessuris ubi principem longa experientia eundemque severitatis et munificentiae summum vidissent. an Augustum fessa aetate totiens in Ger- manias commeare potuisse: Tiberium vigentem annis sedere in senatu, verba patrum cavillantem? satis prospectum urbanae servituti: militaribus animis adhibenda fomenta ut ferre pacem velint. 1.47 Immotum adversus eos sermones fixumque Tiberio fuit non omittere caput rerum neque se remque publicam in casum dare. multa quippe et diversa angebant: validior per Germaniam exercitus, propior apud Pannoniam; ille Galliarum opibus subnixus, hic Italiae inminens: quos igitur anteferret? ac ne postpositi contumelia incenderentur. at per filios pariter adiri maiestate salva, cui maior e longinquo reverentia. simul adulescentibus excusatum quaedam ad patrem reicere, resistentisque Germanico aut Druso posse a se mitigari vel infringi: quod aliud subsidium si imperatorem sprevissent? ceterum ut iam iamque iturus legit comites, conquisivit impedimenta, adornavit navis: mox hiemem aut negotia varie causatus primo prudentis, dein vulgum, diutissime provincias fefellit. 1.48 At Germanicus, quamquam contracto exercitu et parata in defectores ultione, dandum adhuc spatium ratus, si recenti exemplo sibi ipsi consulerent, praemittit litteras ad Caecinam, venire se valida manu ac, ni supplicium in malos praesumant, usurum promisca caede. eas Caecina aquiliferis signiferisque et quod maxime castrorum sincerum erat occulte recitat, utque cunctos infamiae, se ipsos morti eximant hortatur: nam in pace causas et merita spectari, ubi bellum ingruat innocentis ac noxios iuxta cadere. illi temptatis quos idoneos rebantur, postquam maiorem legionum partem in officio vident, de sententia legati statuunt tempus, quo foedissimum quemque et seditioni promptum ferro invadant. tunc signo inter se dato inrumpunt contubernia, trucidant ignaros, nullo nisi consciis noscente quod caedis initium, quis finis. 1.49 Diversa omnium, quae umquam accidere, civilium armorum facies. non proelio, non adversis e castris, sed isdem e cubilibus, quos simul vescentis dies, simul quietos nox habuerat, discedunt in partis, ingerunt tela. clamor vulnera sanguis palam, causa in occulto; cetera fors regit. et quidam bonorum caesi, postquam intellecto in quos saeviretur pessimi quoque arma rapuerant. neque legatus aut tribunus moderator adfuit: permissa vulgo licentia atque ultio et satietas. mox ingressus castra Germanicus, non medicinam illud plurimis cum lacrimis sed cladem appellans, cremari corpora iubet. Truces etiam tum animos cupido involat eundi in hostem, piaculum furoris; nec aliter posse placari commilitonum manis quam si pectoribus impiis honesta vulnera accepissent. sequitur ardorem militum Caesar iunctoque ponte tramittit duodecim milia e legionibus, sex et viginti socias cohortis, octo equitum alas, quarum ea seditione intemerata modestia fuit.
2.72 Tum ad uxorem versus per memoriam sui, per communis liberos oravit exueret ferociam, saevienti fortunae summitteret animum, neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae validiores inritaret. haec palam et alia secreto per quae ostendisse credebatur metum ex Tiberio. neque multo post extinguitur, ingenti luctu provinciae et circumiacentium populorum. indoluere exterae nationes regesque: tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo in hostis; visuque et auditu iuxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem et gravi- tatem summae fortunae retineret, invidiam et adrogantiam effugerat. 2.73 Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur.
14.7 At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret.
15.36 Nec multo post omissa in praesens Achaia (causae in incerto fuere) urbem revisit, provincias Orientis, maxime Aegyptum, secretis imaginationibus agitans. dehinc edicto testificatus non longam sui absentiam et cuncta in re publica perinde immota ac prospera fore, super ea profectione adiit Capitolium. illic veneratus deos, cum Vestae quoque templum inisset, repente cunctos per artus tremens, seu numine exterrente, seu facinorum recordatione numquam timore vacuus, deseruit inceptum, cunctas sibi curas amore patriae leviores dictitans. vidisse maestos civium vultus, audire secretas querimonias, quod tantum itineris aditurus esset, cuius ne modicos quidem egressus tolerarent, sueti adversum fortuita aspectu principis refoveri. ergo ut in privatis necessitudinibus proxima pignora praevalerent, ita populum Romanum vim plurimam habere parendumque retinenti. haec atque talia plebi volentia fuere, voluptatum cupidine et, quae praecipua cura est, rei frumentariae angustias, si abesset, metuenti. senatus et primores in incerto erant procul an coram atrocior haberetur: dehinc, quae natura magnis timoribus, deterius credebant quod evenerat.'' None		sup>
1.16 \xa0So much for the state of affairs in the capital: now came an outbreak of mutiny among the Pannonian legions. There were no fresh grievances; only the change of sovereigns had excited a vision of licensed anarchy and a hope of the emoluments of civil war. Three legions were stationed together in summer-quarters under the command of Junius Blaesus. News had come of the end of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius; and Blaesus, to allow the proper interval for mourning or festivity, had suspended the normal round of duty. With this the mischief began. The ranks grew insubordinate and quarrelsome â\x80\x94 gave a hearing to any glib agitator â\x80\x94 became eager, in short, for luxury and ease, disdainful of discipline and work. In the camp there was a man by the name of Percennius, in his early days the leader of a claque at the theatres, then a private soldier with an abusive tongue, whose experience of stage rivalries had taught him the art of inflaming an audience. Step by step, by conversations at night or in the gathering twilight, he began to play on those simple minds, now troubled by a doubt how the passing of Augustus would affect the conditions of service, and to collect about him the off-scourings of the army when the better elements had dispersed. < 1.17 \xa0At last, when they were ripe for action â\x80\x94 some had now become his coadjutors in sedition â\x80\x94 he put his question in something like a set speech:â\x80\x94 "Why should they obey like slaves a\xa0few centurions and fewer tribunes? When would they dare to claim redress, if they shrank from carrying their petitions, or their swords, to the still unstable throne of a new prince? Mistakes enough had been made in all the years of inaction, when white-haired men, many of whom had lost a limb by wounds, were making their thirtieth or fortieth campaign. Even after discharge their warfare was not accomplished: still under canvas by the colours they endured the old drudgeries under an altered name. And suppose that a man survived this multitude of hazards: he was dragged once more to the ends of the earth to receive under the name of a\xa0\'farm\' some swampy morass or barren mountain-side. In fact, the whole trade of war was comfortless and profitless: ten asses a\xa0day was the assessment of body and soul: with that they had to buy clothes, weapons and tents, bribe the bullying centurion and purchase a respite from duty! But whip-cut and sword-cut, stern winter and harassed summer, red war or barren peace, â\x80\x94 these, God knew, were always with them. Alleviation there would be none, till enlistment took place under a definite contract â\x80\x94 the payment to be a denarius a\xa0day, the sixteenth year to end the term of service, no further period with the reserve to be required, but the gratuity to be paid in money in their old camp. Or did the praetorian cohorts, who had received two denarii a\xa0day â\x80\x94 who were restored to hearth and home on the expiry of sixteen years â\x80\x94 risk more danger? They did not disparage sentinel duty at Rome; still, their own lot was cast among savage clans, with the enemy visible from their very tents." < 1.18 \xa0The crowd shouted approval, as one point or the other told. Some angrily displayed the marks of the lash, some their grey hairs, most their threadbare garments and naked bodies. At last they came to such a pitch of frenzy that they proposed to amalgamate the three legions into one. Baffled in the attempt by military jealousies, since each man claimed the privilege of survival for his own legion, they fell back on the expedient of planting the three eagles and the standards of the cohorts side by side. At the same time, to make the site more conspicuous, they began to collect turf and erect a platform. They were working busily when Blaesus arrived. He broke into reproaches, and in some cases dragged the men back by force. "Dye your hands in my blood," he exclaimed; "it will be a slighter crime to kill your general than it is to revolt from your emperor. Alive, I\xa0will keep my legions loyal, or, murdered, hasten their repentance." < 1.19 \xa0None the less, the turf kept mounting, and had risen fully breast-high before his pertinacity carried the day and they abandoned the attempt. Blaesus then addressed them with great skill:â\x80\x94 "Mutiny and riot," he observed, "were not the best ways of conveying a soldier\'s aspirations to his sovereign. No such revolutionary proposals had been submitted either by their predecessors to the captains of an earlier day or by themselves to Augustus of happy memory; and it was an ill-timed proceeding to aggravate the embarrassments which confronted a prince on his accession. But if they were resolved to hazard during peace claims unasserted even by the victors of civil wars, why insult the principles of discipline and the habit of obedience by an appeal to violence? They should name deputies and give them instructions in his presence." The answer came in a shout, that Blaesus\' son â\x80\x94 a\xa0tribune â\x80\x94 should undertake the mission and ask for the discharge of all soldiers of sixteen years\' service and upwards: they would give him their other instructions when the first had borne fruit. The young man\'s departure brought comparative quiet. The troops, however, were elated, as the sight of their general\'s son pleading the common cause showed plainly enough that force had extracted what would never have been yielded to orderly methods. < 1.20 \xa0Meanwhile there were the companies dispatched to Nauportus before the beginning of the mutiny. They had been detailed for the repair of roads and bridges, and on other service, but the moment news came of the disturbance in camp, they tore down their ensigns and looted both the neighbouring villages and Nauportus itself, which was large enough to claim the standing of a town. The centurions resisted, only to be assailed with jeers and insults, and finally blows; the chief object of anger being the camp-marshal, Aufidienus Rufus; who, dragged from his car, loaded with baggage, and driven at the head of the column, was plied with sarcastic inquiries whether he found it pleasant to support these huge burdens, these weary marches. For Rufus, long a private, then a centurion, and latterly a camp-marshal, was seeking to reintroduce the iron discipline of the past, habituated as he was to work and toil, and all the more pitiless because he had endured. < 1.21 \xa0The arrival of this horde gave the mutiny a fresh lease of life, and the outlying districts began to be overrun by wandering marauders. To cow the rest â\x80\x94 for the general was still obeyed by the centurions and the respectable members of the rank and file â\x80\x94 Blaesus ordered a\xa0few who were especially heavy-laden with booty to be lashed and thrown into the cells. As the escort dragged them away, they began to struggle, to catch at the knees of the bystanders, to call on the names of individual friends, their particular century, their cohort, their legion, clamouring that a similar fate was imminent for all. At the same time they heaped reproaches on the general and invoked high heaven, â\x80\x94 anything and everything that could arouse odium or sympathy, alarm or indignation. The crowd flew to the rescue, forced the guard-room, unchained the prisoners, and now took into fellowship deserters and criminals condemned for capital offences. < 1.22 \xa0After this the flames burned higher; sedition found fresh leaders. A\xa0common soldier, Vibulenus by name, was hoisted on the shoulders of the bystanders in front of Blaesus\' tribunal, and there addressed the turbulent and curious crowd:â\x80\x94 "You, I\xa0grant," he said, "have restored light and breath to these innocent and much wronged men; but who restores the life to my brother â\x80\x94 who my brother to me? He was sent to you by the army of Germany to debate our common interest â\x80\x94 and yesterday night he did him to death by the hands of those gladiators whom he keeps and arms for the extermination of his soldiers. Answer me, Blaesus: â\x80\x94 Whither have you flung the body? The enemy himself does not grudge a grave! Then, when I\xa0have sated my sorrow with kisses, and drowned it with tears, bid them butcher me as well: only, let our comrades here lay us in earth â\x80\x94 for we died, not for crime, but because we sought to serve the legions." < 1.23 \xa0He added to the inflammatory effect of his speech by weeping and striking his face and breast: then, dashing aside the friends on whose shoulders he was supported, he threw himself headlong and fawned at the feet of man after man, until he excited such consternation and hatred that one party flung into irons the gladiators in Blaesus\' service; another, the rest of his household; while the others poured out in search of the corpse. In fact, if it had not come to light very shortly that no body was discoverable, that the slaves under torture denied the murder, and that Vibulenus had never owned a brother, they were within measurable distance of making away with the general. As it was, they ejected the tribunes and camp-marshal and plundered the fugitives\' baggage. The centurion Lucilius also met his end. Camp humorists had surnamed him "Fetch-Another," from his habit, as one cane broke over a private\'s back, of calling at the top of his voice for a second, and ultimately a\xa0third. His colleagues found safety in hiding: Julius Clemens alone was kept, as the mutineers considered that his quick wits might be of service in presenting their claims. The eighth and fifteenth legions, it should be added, were on the point of turning their swords against each other upon the question of a centurion named Sirpicus, â\x80\x94 demanded for execution by the eighth and protected by the fifteenth, â\x80\x94 had not the men of the ninth intervened with entreaties and, in the event of their rejection, with threats. < 1.24 \xa0In spite of his secretiveness, always deepest when the news was blackest, Tiberius was driven by the reports from Pannonia to send out his son Drusus, with a staff of nobles and two praetorian cohorts. He had no instructions that could be called definite: he was to suit his measures to the emergency. Drafts of picked men raised the cohorts to abnormal strength. In addition, a large part of the praetorian horse was included, as well as the flower of the German troops, who at that time formed the imperial bodyguard. The commandant of the household troops, Aelius Sejanus, who held the office jointly with his father Strabo and exercised a remarkable influence over Tiberius, went in attendance, to act as monitor to the young prince and to keep before the eyes of the rest the prospects of peril or reward. As Drusus approached, the legions met him, ostensibly to mark their loyalty; but the usual demonstrations of joy and glitter of decorations had given place to repulsive squalor and to looks that aimed at sadness and came nearer to insolence. < 1.25 \xa0The moment he passed the outworks, they held the gates with sentries, and ordered bodies of armed men to be ready at fixed positions within the camp: the rest, in one great mass, flocked round the tribunal. Drusus stood, beckoning with his hand for silence. One moment, the mutineers would glance back at their thousands, and a roar of truculent voices followed; the next, they saw the Caesar and trembled: vague murmurings, savage yells and sudden stillnesses marked a conflict of passions which left them alternately terrified and terrible. At last, during a lull in the storm, Drusus read over his father\'s letter, in which it was written that "he had personally a special regard for the heroic legions in whose company he had borne so many campaigns; that as soon as his thoughts found a rest from grief, he would state their case to the Conscript Fathers; meantime he had sent his son to grant without delay any reforms that could be conceded on the spot; the others must be reserved for the senate, a body which they would do well to reflect, could be both generous and severe." < 1.26 \xa0The assembly replied that Clemens, the centurion, was empowered to present their demands. He began to speak of discharge at the end of sixteen years, gratuities for service completed, payment on the scale of a denarius a\xa0day, no retention of time-expired men with the colours. Drusus attempted to plead the jurisdiction of the senate and his father. He was interrupted with a shout:â\x80\x94 "Why had he come, if he was neither to raise the pay of the troops nor to ease their burdens â\x80\x94 if, in short, he had no leave to do a kindness? Yet death and the lash, Heaven was their witness, were within the competence of anyone! It had been a habit of Tiberius before him to parry the requests of the legions by references to Augustus, and now Drusus had reproduced the old trick. Were they never to be visited by any but these young persons with a father? It was remarkable indeed that the emperor should refer the good of his troops, and nothing else, to the senate. If so, he ought to consult the same senate when executions or battles were the order of the day. Or were rewards to depend on masters, punishments to be without control?" <' "1.27 \xa0At last they left the tribunal, shaking their fists at any guardsman, or member of the Caesar's staff, who crossed their road, in order to supply a ground of quarrel and initiate a resort to arms. They were bitterest against Gnaeus Lentulus, whose superior age and military fame led them to believe that he was hardening Drusus' heart and was the foremost opponent of this degradation of the service. Before long they caught him leaving with the prince: he had foreseen the danger and was making for the winter-camp. Surrounding him, they demanded whither he was going? To the emperor? â\x80\x94 or to his Conscript Fathers, there also to work against the good of the legions? Simultaneously they closed in and began to stone him. He was bleeding already from a cut with a missile and had made up his mind that the end was come, when he was saved by the advent of Drusus' numerous escort. <" '1.28 \xa0It was a night of menace and foreboded a\xa0day of blood, when chance turned peace-maker: for suddenly the moon was seen to be losing light in a clear sky. The soldiers, who had no inkling of the reason, took it as an omen of the present state of affairs: the labouring planet was an emblem of their own struggles, and their road would lead them to a happy goal, if her brilliance and purity could be restored to the goddess! Accordingly, the silence was broken by a boom of brazen gongs and the blended notes of trumpet and horn. The watchers rejoiced or mourned as their deity brightened or faded, until rising clouds curtained off the view and she set, as they believed, in darkness. Then â\x80\x94 so pliable to superstition are minds once unbalanced â\x80\x94 they began to bewail the eternal hardships thus foreshadowed and their crimes from which the face of heaven was averted. This turn of the scale, the Caesar reflected, must be put to use: wisdom should reap where chance had sown. He ordered a round of the tents to be made. Clemens, the centurion, was sent for, along with any other officer whose qualities had made him popular with the ranks. These insinuated themselves everywhere, among the watches, the patrols, the sentries at the gates, suggesting hope and emphasizing fear. "How long must we besiege the son of our emperor? What is to be the end of our factions? Are we to swear fealty to Percennius and Vibulenus? Will Percennius and Vibulenus give the soldier his pay â\x80\x94 his grant of land at his discharge? Are they, in fine, to dispossess the stock of Nero and Drusus and take over the sovereignty of the Roman People? Why, rather, as we were the last to offend, are we not the first to repent? Reforms demanded collectively are slow in coming: private favour is quickly earned and as quickly paid." The leaven worked; and under the influence of their mutual suspicions they separated once more recruit from veteran, legion from legion. Then, gradually the instinct of obedience returned; they abandoned the gates and restored to their proper places the ensigns which they had grouped together at the beginning of the mutiny. < 1.29 \xa0At break of day Drusus called a meeting. He was no orator, but blamed their past and commended their present attitude with native dignity. He was not to be cowed, he said, by intimidation and threats; but if he saw them returning to their duty, if he heard them speaking the language of suppliants, he would write to his father and advise him to lend an indulgent ear to the prayers of the legions. They begged him to do so, and as their deputies to Tiberius sent the younger Blaesus as before, together with Lucius Aponius, a Roman knight on Drusus\' staff, and Justus Catonius, a centurion of the first order. There was now a conflict of opinions, some proposing to wait for the return of the deputies and humour the troops in the meantime by a show of leniency, while others were for sterner remedies:â\x80\x94 "A\xa0crowd was nothing if not extreme; it must either bluster or cringe; once terrified, it could be ignored with impunity; now that it was depressed by superstition was the moment for the general to inspire fresh terror by removing the authors of the mutiny." Drusus had a natural bias toward severity: Vibulenus and Percennius were summoned and their execution was ordered. Most authorities state that they were buried inside the general\'s pavilion: according to others, the bodies were thrown outside the lines and left on view. <' "1.30 \xa0There followed a hue and cry after every ringleader of note. Some made blindly from the camp and were cut down by the centurions or by members of the praetorian cohorts: others were handed over by the companies themselves as a certificate of their loyalty. The troubles of the soldiers had been increased by an early winter with incessant and pitiless rains. It was impossible to stir from the tents or to meet in common, barely possible to save the standards from being carried away by hurricane and flood. In addition their dread of the divine anger still persisted: not for nothing, it whispered, was their impiety visited by fading planets and rushing storms; there was no relief from their miseries but to leave this luckless, infected camp, and, absolved from guilt, return every man to his winter-quarters. First the eighth legion, then the fifteenth, departed. The men of the ninth had insisted loudly on waiting for Tiberius' letter: soon, isolated by the defection of the rest, they too made a virtue of what threatened to become a necessity. Drusus himself, since affairs were settled enough at present, went back to Rome without staying for the return of the deputies." '1.31 \xa0During the same days almost, and from the same causes, the legions of Germany mutinied, in larger numbers and with proportionate fury; while their hopes ran high that Germanicus Caesar, unable to brook the sovereignty of another, would throw himself into the arms of his legions, whose force could sweep the world. There were two armies on the Rhine bank: the Upper, under the command of Gaius Silius; the Lower, in charge of Aulus Caecina. The supreme command rested with Germanicus, then engaged in assessing the tribute of the Gaulish provinces. But while the forces under Silius merely watched with doubtful sympathy the fortunes of a rising which was none of theirs, the lower army plunged into delirium. The beginning came from the twenty-first and fifth legions: then, as they were all stationed, idle or on the lightest of duty, in one summer camp on the Ubian frontier, the first and twentieth as well were drawn into the current. Hence, on the report of Augustus\' death, the swarm of city-bred recruits swept from the capital by the recent levy, familiar with licence and chafing at hardship, began to influence the simple minds of the rest:â\x80\x94 "The time had come when the veteran should seek his overdue discharge, and the younger man a less niggardly pay; when all should claim relief from their miseries and take vengeance on the cruelty of their centurions." These were not the utterances of a solitary Percennius declaiming to the Pannonian legions; nor were they addressed to the uneasy ears of soldiers who had other and more powerful armies to bear in view: it was a sedition of many tongues and voices:â\x80\x94 "Theirs were the hands that held the destinies of Rome; theirs the victories by which the empire grew; theirs the name which Caesars assumed!" < 1.32 \xa0The legate made no counter-move: indeed, the prevalent frenzy had destroyed his nerve. In a sudden paroxysm of rage the troops rushed with drawn swords on the centurions, the traditional objects of military hatred, and always the first victims of its fury. They threw them to the ground and applied the lash, sixty strokes to a man, one for every centurion in the legion; then tossed them with dislocated limbs, mangled, in some cases unconscious, over the wall or into the waters of the Rhine. Septimius took refuge at the tribunal and threw himself at the feet of Caecina, but was demanded with such insistence that he had to be surrendered to his fate. Cassius Chaerea, soon to win a name in history as the slayer of Caligula, then a reckless stripling, opened a way with his sword through an armed and challenging multitude. Neither tribune nor camp-marshal kept authority longer: watches, patrols, every duty which circumstances indicated as vital, the mutineers distributed among themselves. Indeed, to a careful observer of the military temperament, the most alarming sign of acute and intractable disaffection was this: there were no spasmodic outbreaks instigated by a\xa0few firebrands, but everywhere one white heat of anger, one silence, and withal a steadiness and uniformity which might well have been accredited to discipline. <' "1.33 \xa0In the meantime, Germanicus, as we have stated, was traversing the Gallic provinces and assessing their tribute, when the message came that Augustus was no more. Married to the late emperor's granddaughter Agrippina, who had borne him several children, and himself a grandchild of the dowager (he was the son of Tiberius' brother Drusus), he was tormented none the less by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother â\x80\x94 hatred springing from motives the more potent because iniquitous. For Drusus was still a living memory to the nation, and it was believed that, had he succeeded, he would have restored the age of liberty; whence the same affection and hopes centred on the young Germanicus with his unassuming disposition and his exceptional courtesy, so far removed from the inscrutable arrogance of word and look which characterized Tiberius. Feminine animosities increased the tension as Livia had a stepmother's irritable dislike of Agrippina, whose own temper was not without a hint of fire, though purity of mind and wifely devotion kept her rebellious spirit on the side of righteousness. <" '1.34 \xa0But the nearer Germanicus stood to the supreme ambition, the more energy he threw into the cause of Tiberius. He administered the oath of fealty to himself, his subordinates, and the Belgic cities. Then came the news that the legions were out of hand. He set out in hot haste, and found them drawn up to meet him outside the camp, their eyes fixed on the ground in affected penitence. As soon as he entered the lines, a jangle of complaints began to assail his ears. Some of the men kissed his hand, and with a pretence of kissing it pushed the fingers between their lips, so that he should touch their toothless gums; others showed him limbs bent and bowed with old age. When at last they stood ready to listen, as there appeared to be no sort of order, Germanicus commanded them to divide into companies: they told him they would hear better as they were. At least, he insisted, bring the ensigns forward; there must be something to distinguish the cohorts: they obeyed, but slowly. Then, beginning with a pious tribute to the memory of Augustus, he changed to the victories and the triumphs of Tiberius, keeping his liveliest praise for the laurels he had won in the Germanies at the head of those very legions. Next he enlarged on the uimity of Italy and the loyalty of the Gallic provinces, the absence everywhere of turbulence or disaffection. < 1.35 \xa0All this was listened to in silence or with suppressed murmurs. But when he touched on the mutiny and asked where was their soldierly obedience? where the discipline, once their glory? whither had they driven their tribunes â\x80\x94 their centurions? with one impulse they tore off their tunics and reproachfully exhibited the scars of battle and the imprints of the lash. Then, in one undistinguished uproar, they taunted him with the fees for exemption from duty, the miserly rate of pay, and the severity of the work, â\x80\x94 parapet-making, entrenching, and the collection of forage, building material and fuel were specifically mentioned, along with the other camp drudgeries imposed sometimes from necessity, sometimes as a precaution against leisure. The most appalling outcry arose from the veterans, who, enumerating their thirty or more campaigns, begged him to give relief to outworn men and not to leave them to end their days in the old wretchedness, but fix a term to this grinding service and allow them a little rest secured from beggary. There were some even who claimed the money bequeathed to them by the deified Augustus, with happy auguries for Germanicus; and, should he desire the throne, they made it manifest that they were ready. On this he leapt straight from the platform as if he was being infected with their guilt. They barred his way with their weapons, threatening to use them unless he returned: but he, exclaiming that he would sooner die than turn traitor, snatched the sword from his side, raised it, and would have buried it in his breast, if the bystanders had not caught his arm and held it by force. The remoter and closely packed part of the assembly, and â\x80\x94 though the statement passes belief â\x80\x94 certain individual soldiers, advancing close to him, urged him to strike home. One private, by the name of Calusidius, drew his own blade and offered it with the commendation that "it was sharper." Even to that crowd of madmen the act seemed brutal and ill-conditioned, and there followed a pause long enough for the Caesar\'s friends to hurry him into his tent. < 1.36 \xa0There the question of remedies was debated. For reports were coming in that a mission was being organized to bring the upper army into line, that the Ubian capital had been marked down for destruction, and that after this preliminary experiment in pillage the mutineers proposed to break out and loot the Gallic provinces. To add to the alarm, the enemy was cognizant of the disaffection in the Roman ranks, and invasion was certain if the Rhine bank was abandoned. Yet to arm the auxiliaries native and foreign against the seceding legions was nothing less than an act of civil war. Severity was dangerous, indulgence criminal: to concede the soldiery all or nothing was equally to hazard the existence of the empire. Therefore, after the arguments had been revolved and balanced, it was decided to have letters written in the name of the emperor, directing that all men who had served twenty years should be finally discharged; that any who had served sixteen should be released from duty and kept with the colours under no obligation beyond that of assisting to repel an enemy; and that the legacies claimed should be paid and doubled. <' "1.37 \xa0The troops saw that all this was invented for the occasion, and demanded immediate action. The discharges were expedited at once by the tribunes: the monetary grant was held back till the men should have reached their proper quarters for the winter. The fifth and twenty-first legions declined to move until the sum was made up and paid where they stood, in the summer camp, out of the travelling-chests of the Caesar's suite and of the prince himself. The legate Caecina led the first and twentieth legions back to the Ubian capital: a disgraceful march, with the general's plundered coffers borne flanked by ensigns and by eagles. Germanicus set out for the upper army, and induced the second, thirteenth, and sixteenth legions to take the oath of fidelity without demur; the fourteenth had shown some little hesitation. The money and discharges, though not demanded, were voluntarily conceded. <" '1.38 \xa0Among the Chauci, however, a detachment, drawn from the disaffected legions, which was serving on garrison duty, made a fresh attempt at mutiny, and was repressed for the moment by the summary execution of a\xa0couple of soldiers. The order had been given by Manius Ennius, the camp-marshal, and was more a wholesome example than a legal exercise of authority. Then as the wave of disorder began to swell, he fled, was discovered, and as his hiding offered no security, resolved to owe salvation to audacity:â\x80\x94 "It was no camp-marshal," he cried, "whom they were affronting; it was Germanicus, their general â\x80\x94 Tiberius, their emperor." At the same time, overawing resistance, he snatched up the standard, turned it towards the Rhine, and, proclaiming that anyone falling out of the ranks would be regarded as a deserter, led his men back to winter-quarters, mutinous enough but with training ventured. < 1.39 \xa0Meanwhile the deputation from the senate found Germanicus, who had returned by then, at the Altar of the Ubians. Two legions were wintering there, the first and twentieth; also the veterans recently discharged and now with their colours. Nervous as they were and distraught with the consciousness of guilt, the fear came over them that a senatorial commission had arrived to revoke all the concessions extorted by their rebellion. With the common propensity of crowds to find a victim, however false the charge, they accused Munatius Plancus, an ex-consul who was at the head of the deputation, of initiating the decree. Before the night was far advanced, they began to shout for the colours kept in Germanicus\' quarters. There was a rush to the gate; they forced the door, and, dragging the prince from bed, compelled him on pain of death to hand over the ensign. A\xa0little later, while roving the streets, they lit on the envoys themselves, who had heard the disturbance and were hurrying to Germanicus. They loaded them with insults, and contemplated murder; especially in the case of Plancus, whose dignity had debarred him from flight. Nor in his extremity had he any refuge but the quarters of the first legion. There, clasping the standards and the eagle, he lay in sanctuary; and had not the eagle-bearer Calpurnius shielded him from the crowning violence, then â\x80\x94 by a crime almost unknown even between enemies â\x80\x94 an ambassador of the Roman people would in a Roman camp have defiled with his blood the altars of heaven. At last, when the dawn came and officer and private and the doings of the night were recognized for what they were, Germanicus entered the camp, ordered Plancus to be brought to him, and took him on to the tribunal. Then, rebuking the "fatal madness, rekindled not so much by their own anger as by that of heaven," he gave the reasons for the deputies\' arrival. He was plaintively eloquent upon the rights of ambassadors and the serious and undeserved outrage to Plancus, as also upon the deep disgrace contracted by the legion. Then, after reducing his hearers to stupor, if not to peace, he dismissed the deputies under a guard of auxiliary cavalry. < 1.40 \xa0During these alarms, Germanicus was universally blamed for not proceeding to the upper army, where he could count on obedience and on help against the rebels:â\x80\x94 "Discharges, donations, and soft-hearted measures had done more than enough mischief. Or, if he held his own life cheap, why keep an infant son and a pregt wife among madmen who trampled on all laws, human or divine? These at any rate he ought to restore to their grandfather and the commonwealth." He was long undecided, and Agrippina met the proposal with disdain, protesting that she was a descendant of the deified Augustus, and danger would not find her degenerate. At last, bursting into tears, he embraced their common child, together with herself and the babe to be, and so induced her to depart. Feminine and pitiable the procession began to move â\x80\x94 the commander\'s wife in flight with his infant son borne on her breast, and round her the tearful wives of his friends, dragged like herself from their husbands. Nor were those who remained less woe-begone. < 1.41 \xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94 < 1.42 \xa0"Neither my wife nor my son is dearer to me than my father and my country; but his own majesty will protect my father, and its other armies the empire. My wife and children I\xa0would cheerfully devote to death in the cause of your glory; as it is, I\xa0am removing them from your madness. Whatever this impending villainy of yours may prove to be, I\xa0prefer that it should be expiated by my own blood only, and that you should not treble your guilt by butchering the great-grandson of Augustus and murdering the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Tiberius. For what in these latter days have you left unventured or unviolated? What name am\xa0I to give a gathering like this? Shall\xa0I call you soldiers â\x80\x94 who have besieged the son of your emperor with your earthworks and your arms? Or citizens â\x80\x94 who have treated the authority of the senate as a thing so abject? You have outraged the privileges due even to an enemy, the sanctity of ambassadors, the law of nations. The deified Julius crushed the insurrection of an army by one word: they refused the soldiers\' oath, and he addressed them as Quirites. A\xa0look, a glance, from the deified Augustus, and the legions of Actium quailed. I\xa0myself am not yet as they, but I\xa0spring of their line, and if the garrisons of Spain or Syria were to flout me, it would still be a wonder and an infamy. And is it the first and twentieth legions, â\x80\x94 the men who took their standards from Tiberius, and you who have shared his many fields and thriven on his many bounties, â\x80\x94 that make this generous return to their leader? Is this the news I\xa0must carry to my father, while he hears from other provinces that all is well â\x80\x94 that his own recruits, his own veterans, are not sated yet with money and dismissals; that here only centurions are murdered, tribunes ejected, generals imprisoned; that camp and river are red with blood, while I\xa0myself linger out a precarious life among men that seek to take it away? < 1.43 \xa0"For why, in the first day\'s meeting, my short-sighted friends, did you wrench away the steel I\xa0was preparing to plunge in my breast? Better and more lovingly the man who offered me his sword! At least I\xa0should have fallen with not all my army\'s guilt upon my soul. You would have chosen a general, who, while leaving my own death unpunished, would have avenged that of Varus and his three legions. For, though the Belgians offer their services, God forbid that theirs should be the honour and glory of vindicating the Roman name and quelling the nations of Germany! May thy spirit, Augustus, now received with thyself into heaven, â\x80\x94 may thy image, my father Drusus, and the memory of thee, be with these same soldiers of yours, whose hearts are already opening to the sense of shame and of glory, to cancel this stain and convert our civil broils to the destruction of our enemies! And you yourselves â\x80\x94 for now I\xa0am looking into changed faces and changed minds â\x80\x94 if you are willing to restore to the senate its deputies, to the emperor your obedience, and to me my wife and children, then stand clear of the infection and set the maligts apart: that will be a security of repentance â\x80\x94 that a guarantee of loyalty!" < 1.44 \xa0His words converted them into suppliants; they owned the justice of the charges and begged him to punish the guilty, forgive the erring, and lead them against the enemy. Let him recall his wife; let the nursling of the legions return: he must not be given in hostage to Gauls! His wife, he answered, must be excused: she could hardly return with winter and her confinement impending. His son, however, should come back to them: what was still to be done they could do themselves. â\x80\x94 They were changed men now; and, rushing in all directions, they threw the most prominent of the mutineers into chains and dragged them to Gaius Caetronius, legate of the first legion, who dealt out justice â\x80\x94 and punishment â\x80\x94 to them one by one by the following method. The legions were stationed in front with drawn swords; the accused was displayed on the platform by a tribune; if they cried "Guilty," he was thrown down and hacked to death. The troops revelled in the butchery, which they took as an act of purification; nor was Germanicus inclined to restrain them â\x80\x94 the orders had been none of his, and the perpetrators of the cruelty would have to bear its odium. The veterans followed the example, and shortly afterwards were ordered to Raetia; nominally to defend the province against a threatened Suevian invasion, actually to remove them from a camp grim even yet with remembered crimes and the equal horror of their purging. Then came a revision of the list of centurions. Each, on citation by the commander-inâ\x80\x91chief, gave his name, company, and country; the number of his campaigns, his distinctions in battle and his military decorations, if any. If the tribunes and his legion bore testimony to his energy and integrity, he kept his post; if they agreed in charging him with rapacity or cruelty, he was dismissed from the service. < 1.45 \xa0This brought the immediate troubles to a standstill; but there remained an obstacle of equal difficulty in the defiant attitude of the fifth and twenty-first legions, which were wintering some sixty miles away at the post known as the Old Camp. They had been the first to break into mutiny; the worst atrocities had been their handiwork; and now they persisted in their fury, undaunted by the punishment and indifferent to the repentance of their comrades. The Caesar, therefore, arranged for the dispatch of arms, vessels, and auxiliaries down the Rhine, determined, if his authority were rejected, to try conclusions with the sword. < 1.46 \xa0Before the upshot of events in Illyricum was known at Rome, word came that the German legions had broken out. The panic-stricken capital turned on Tiberius:â\x80\x94 "While with his hypocritical hesitation he was befooling the senate and commons, two powerless and unarmed bodies, meantime the troops were rising and could not be checked by the unripe authority of a pair of boys. He ought to have gone in person and confronted the rebels with the majesty of the empire: they would have yielded at sight of a prince, old in experience, and supreme at once to punish or reward. Could Augustus, in his declining years, make so many excursions into the Germanies? and was Tiberius, in the prime of life, to sit idle in the senate, cavilling at the Conscript Fathers\' words? Ample provision had been made for the servitude of Rome: it was time to administer some sedative to the passions of the soldiers, and so reconcile them to peace." < 1.47 \xa0To all this criticism Tiberius opposed an immutable and rooted determination not to endanger himself and the empire by leaving the centre of affairs. He had, indeed, difficulties enough of one sort or another to harass him. The German army was the stronger; that of Pannonia the nearer: the one was backed by the resources of the Gallic provinces; the other threatened Italy. Which, then, should come first? And what if those postponed should take fire at the slight? But in the persons of his sons he could approach both at once, without hazarding the imperial majesty, always most venerable from a distance. Further, it was excusable in the young princes to refer certain questions to their father, and it was in his power to pacify or crush resistance offered to Germanicus or Drusus; but let the emperor be scorned, and what resource was left? â\x80\x94 However, as though any moment might see his departure, he chose his escort, provided the equipage, and fitted out vessels. Then with a variety of pleas, based on the wintry season or the pressure of affairs, he deceived at first the shrewdest; the populace, longer; the provinces, longest of all. < 1.48 \xa0Meanwhile Germanicus had collected his force and stood prepared to exact reckoning from the mutineers. Thinking it best, however, to allow them a further respite, in case they should consult their own safety by following the late precedent, he forwarded a letter to Caecina, saying that he was coming in strength, and, unless they forestalled him by executing the culprits, would put them impartially to the sword. Caecina read it privately to the eagle-bearers, the ensigns, and the most trustworthy men in the camp, urging them to save all from disgrace, and themselves from death. "For in peace," he said, "cases are judged on their merits; when war threatens, the innocent and the guilty fall side by side." Accordingly they tested the men whom they considered suitable, and, finding that in the main the legions were still dutiful, with the general\'s assent they fixed the date for an armed attack upon the most objectionable and active of the incendiaries. Then, passing the signal to one another, they broke into the tents and struck down their unsuspecting victims; while no one, apart from those in the secret, knew how the massacre had begun or where it was to end. < 1.49 \xa0No civil war of any period has presented the features of this. Not in battle, not from opposing camps, but comrades from the same bed â\x80\x94 men who had eaten together by day and rested together at dark â\x80\x94 they took their sides and hurled their missiles. The yells, the wounds, and the blood were plain enough; the cause, invisible: chance ruled supreme. A\xa0number of the loyal troops perished as well: for, once it was clear who were the objects of attack, the malcontents also had caught up arms. No general or tribune was there to restrain: licence was granted to the mob, and it might glut its vengeance to the full. Before long, Germanicus marched into the camp. "This is not a cure, but a calamity," he said, with a burst of tears, and ordered the bodies to be cremated. Even yet the temper of the soldiers remained savage and a sudden desire came over them to advance against the enemy: it would be the expiation of their madness; nor could the ghosts of their companions be appeased till their own impious breasts had been marked with honourable wounds. Falling in with the enthusiasm of his troops, the Caesar laid a bridge over the Rhine, and threw across twelve thousand legionaries, with twenty-six cohorts of auxiliaries and eight divisions of cavalry, whose discipline had not been affected by the late mutiny. <
2.72 \xa0Then he turned to his wife, and implored her "by the memory of himself, and for the sake of their common children, to strip herself of pride, to stoop her spirit before the rage of fortune, and never â\x80\x94 if she returned to the capital â\x80\x94 to irritate those stronger than herself by a competition for power." These words in public: in private there were others, in which he was believed to hint at danger from the side of Tiberius. Soon afterwards he passed away, to the boundless grief of the province and the adjacent peoples. Foreign nations and princes felt the pang â\x80\x94 so great had been his courtesy to allies, his humanity to enemies: in aspect and address alike venerable, while he maintained the magnificence and dignity of exalted fortune, he had escaped envy and avoided arrogance. < 2.73 \xa0His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â\x80\x94 to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â\x80\x94 compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â\x80\x94 "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other\'s temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. <
14.7 \xa0Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the messengers who should announce the doing of the deed, there came the news that she had escaped with a wound from a light blow, after running just sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made her way to the senate and the people, and charged him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of her friends, what counter-resource was at his own disposal? Unless there was hope in Seneca and Burrus! He had summoned them immediately: whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already of the secret, is questionable. â\x80\x94 There followed, then, a long silence on the part of both: either they were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and inquire if the fatal order should be given to the military. His answer was that the guards, pledged as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and attached to the memory of Germanicus, would flinch from drastic measures against his issue: Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration that that day presented him with an empire, and that he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon: Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered his arrest as an assassin caught in the act; his intention being to concoct a tale that his mother had practised against the imperial life and taken refuge in suicide from the shame of detection. <
15.36 \xa0Before long, giving up for the moment the idea of Greece (his reasons were a matter of doubt), he revisited the capital, his secret imaginations being now occupied with the eastern provinces, Egypt in particular. Then after asseverating by edict that his absence would not be for long, and that all departments of the state would remain as stable and prosperous as ever, he repaired to the Capitol in connection with his departure. There he performed his devotions; but, when he entered the temple of Vesta also, he began to quake in every limb, possibly from terror inspired by the deity, or possibly because the memory of his crimes never left him devoid of fear. He abandoned his project, therefore, with the excuse that all his interests weighed lighter with him than the love of his fatherland:â\x80\x94 "He had seen the dejected looks of his countrymen: he could hear their whispered complaints against the long journey soon to be undertaken by one whose most limited excursions were insupportable to a people in the habit of drawing comfort under misfortune from the sight of their emperor. Consequently, as in private relationships the nearest pledges of affection were the dearest, so in public affairs the Roman people had the first call, and he must yield if it wished him to stay." These and similar professions were much to the taste of the populace with its passion for amusements and its dread of a shortage of corn (always the chief preoccupation) in the event of his absence. The senate and high aristocracy were in doubt whether his cruelty was more formidable at a distance or at close quarters: in the upshot, as is inevitable in all great terrors, they believed the worse possibility to be the one which had become a fact. <'' None
6. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Bitus (soldier) • age at marriage, soldiers’, motives • children, soldiers’, exposure of • children, soldiers’, exposure of females • pay, of soldiers • pay, of soldiers, donatives • pay, of soldiers, legions • prostitution, soldiers collect tax • rape, by soldiers • soldiers • soldiers’ unions age at “marriage” • “marriage” of soldiers, economic motives

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 67, 243; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 182, 251, 303
7. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epimachus (soldier), effeminacy, indiscipline and • marriage ban (soldiers), discipline • soldiers

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 238; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 357
8. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • soldiers

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 112; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234
9. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • soldiers

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 272; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 179

3.84 \xa0The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â\x80\x94 the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â\x80\x94 shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier\'s glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife\'s house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â\x80\x94 no one could tell. He cut off the tribune\'s ear and was at once run through.'' None
10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caracalla (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Crispina, betrothal to, soldiers, relationship with • Didius Julianus (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Elagabalus (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Geta (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Macrinus (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Marcus Aurelius (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • plebs, people, relationship with, soldiers, relationship with • soldiers

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 48, 49, 69, 75, 76, 84, 95, 98, 101, 107, 112, 156, 159, 163, 164, 165, 205, 206, 207, 237, 238, 241, 243, 255, 262, 263, 264, 267, 268, 275, 277, 282, 284, 288, 290, 293; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 91, 114, 116, 129, 146, 148, 149, 150, 155, 157, 160, 164, 166, 167, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 183, 189, 191, 198
11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caracalla (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Epimachus (soldier), effeminacy, indiscipline and • Jews, useless as soldiers • Mark Antony, soldiers of • age at marriage, soldiers’, motives • calones (soldiers’ servants) • lex soldiers’ unions • marriage ban (soldiers), cultural context • marriage ban (soldiers), discipline • marriage ban (soldiers), political • marriage ban (soldiers), ranks affected by • marriage ban (soldiers), terminated by Severus • pay, of soldiers • pay, of soldiers, legions • slave women, soldiers’ • soldiers • soldiers’ unions age at “marriage” • “marriage” of soldiers, economic motives

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 41, 93, 94, 100, 107, 114, 137, 138, 144, 146, 150, 151, 152, 156, 165, 184, 221, 272, 277; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 347; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 128, 129, 181, 189, 344, 365, 366; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 170
12. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.7.1
 Tagged with subjects: • Epimachus (soldier), effeminacy, indiscipline and • homosexual relations, soldier and prostitute • marriage ban (soldiers), discipline • prostitution, soldiers collect tax • rape, by soldiers • soldiers

 Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 125; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 247, 251, 276, 355

sup>
2.7.1 P. Cornelius Scipio, who earned his grandfather's surname from the ruin of Carthage, was sent as consul to Spain, so that he might curb the insolent spirit of the citizens of Numantia, who were grown proud and lofty through the fault of the previous generals. As soon as he entered the camp, he made a law, that they should throw away all things whatsoever which they had about them, that were brought only for pleasure, and otherwise unnecessary. Thereupon more than two thousand whores, sutlers and pedlars were turned out of the camp. As a result, the soldiers, being cleared of all that luggage and filth, although recently for fear of death they had shamed themselves with an ignominious truce, were now refreshed; recovering new vigour and courage, in a short time they razed the fierce and haughty Numantia level to the ground. Thus Mancinus, miserably surrendering himself, was an example of discipline neglected; Scipio, gloriously triumphing, displayed the reward of discipline revived."" None
13. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • soldiers • veteran soldiers

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 309; Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 14, 19
14. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • children, soldiers’, not legitimated • contubernium (civ.), soldiers’ • freedwomen, soldiers’ • legitimation, soldiers’ children not legitimated • nomenclature, of soldiers’ children • slave women, soldiers’ • soldiers • veteran soldiers • women, of soldiers, peregrinae

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 183; Clackson et al. (2020), Migration, Mobility and Language Contact in and around the Ancient Mediterranean, 254; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 238, 245, 313



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