| 1. Hebrew Bible, Lamentations, a b c d\n0 1.8 19 1.8 19 1 8 19 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •control, social Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 2 |
| 2. Antiphon of Athens, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44 |
| 3. Empedocles, Fragments, 167 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 4. Lysias, Fragments, 279 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 106 |
| 5. Lysias, Fragments, 279 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 106 |
6. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 152 | 439e. he said, for us to think this. These two forms, then, let us assume to have been marked off as actually existing in the soul. But now the Thumos or principle of high spirit, that with which we feel anger, is it a third, or would it be identical in nature with one of these? Perhaps, he said, with one of these, the appetitive. But, I said, I once heard a story which I believe, that Leontius the son of Aglaion, on his way up from the Peiraeus under the outer side of the northern wall, becoming aware of dead bodies that lay at the place of public execution at the same time felt a desire to see them and a repugce and aversion, and that for a time |
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| 7. Antiphon Tragicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44 |
| 8. Antiphon, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44 |
| 9. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 152 |
| 10. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 239 |
| 11. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 152 |
| 12. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 57.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 177 |
| 13. Plautus, Poenulus, 1121 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46 |
| 14. Cicero, On Laws, 2.23.59, 2.25.64, 3.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
| 15. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.34.94 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46 |
16. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27| 5.6. Tum Piso: Atqui, Cicero, inquit, ista studia, si ad imitandos summos viros spectant, ingeniosorum sunt; sin tantum modo ad indicia veteris memoriae cognoscenda, curiosorum. te autem hortamur omnes, currentem quidem, ut spero, ut eos, quos novisse vis, imitari etiam velis. Hic ego: Etsi facit hic quidem, inquam, Piso, ut vides, ea, quae praecipis, tamen mihi grata hortatio tua est. Tum ille amicissime, ut solebat: Nos vero, inquit, omnes omnia ad huius adolescentiam conferamus, in primisque ut aliquid suorum studiorum philosophiae quoque impertiat, vel ut te imitetur, quem amat, vel ut illud ipsum, quod studet, facere possit ornatius. sed utrum hortandus es nobis, Luci, inquit, an etiam tua sponte propensus es? mihi quidem Antiochum, quem audis, satis belle videris attendere. Tum ille timide vel potius verecunde: Facio, inquit, equidem, sed audistine modo de Carneade? rapior illuc, revocat autem Antiochus, nec est praeterea, quem audiamus. | 5.6. "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you â though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed â to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to." |
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17. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 | 2.88. Suppose a traveller to carry into Scythia or Britain the orrery recently constructed by our friend Posidonius, which at each revolution reproduces the same motions of the sun, the moon and the five planets that take place in the heavens every twenty-four hundred, would any single native doubt that this orrery was the work of a rational being? This thinkers however raise doubts about the world itself from which all things arise and have their being, and debate whether it is the produce of chance or necessity of some sort, or of divine reason and intelligence; they think more highly of the achievement of Archimedes in making a model of the revolutions of the firmament than of that of nature in creating them, although the perfection of the original shows a craftsmanship many times as great as does the counterfeit. |
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| 18. Varro, Menippeae, 313 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 43 |
19. Cicero, On Duties, 1.77, 1.127-1.129, 2.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •social control, and emotions •verecundia, and social control •social control, and emotions, socialization, role of emotions in Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 19, 23| 1.77. Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab improbis et invidis audio: Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi. Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem publicam gubertibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? neque enim periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra celeriter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt. 1.127. Hane naturae tam diligentem fabricam imitata est hominum verecundia. Quae enim natura occultavit, eadem omnes, qui sana mente sunt, removent ab oculis ipsique necessitati dant operam ut quam occultissime pareant; quarumque partium corporis usus sunt necessarii, eas neque partes neque earum usus suis nominibus appellant; quodque facere turpe non est, modo occulte, id dicere obscenum est. Itaque nec actio rerum illarum aperta petulantia vacat nec orationis obscenitas. 1.128. Nec vero audiendi sunt Cynici, aut si qui filerunt Stoici paene Cynici, qui reprehendunt et irrident, quod ea, quae turpia non sint, verbis flagitiosa ducamus, illa autem, quae turpia sint, nominibus appellemus suis. Latrocinari, fraudare, adulterare re turpe est, sed dicitur non obscene; liberis dare operam re honestum est, nomine obscenum; pluraque in ear sententiam ab eisdem contra verecundiam disputantur. Nos autem naturam sequamur et ab omni, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque approbatione, fugiamus; status incessus, sessio accubitio, vultus oculi manuum motus teneat illud decorum. 1.129. Quibus in rebus duo maxime sunt fugienda, ne quid effeminatum aut molle et ne quid durum aut rusticum sit. Nec vero histrionibus oratoribusque concedendum est, ut iis haec apta sint, nobis dissoluta. Scaenicorum quidem mos tantam habet vetere disciplina verecundiam, ut in scaenam sine subligaculo prodeat nemo; verentur enim, ne, si quo casn evenerit, ut corporis partes quaedam aperiantur, aspiciantur non decore. Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi non lavantur. Retinenda igitur est huius generis verecundia, praesertim natura ipsa magistra et duce. 2.15. Quid enumerem artium multitudinem, sine quibus vita omnino nulla esse potuisset? Qui enim aegris subveniretur, quae esset oblectatio valentium, qui victus aut cultus, nisi tam multae nobis artes ministrarent? quibus rebus exculta hominum vita tantum distat a victu et cultu bestiarum. Urbes vero sine hominum coetu non potuissent nec aedificari nec frequentari; ex quo leges moresque constituti, tum iuris aequa discriptio certaque vivendi disciplina; quas res et mansuetudo animorum consecuta et verecundia est effectumque, ut esset vita munitior, atque ut dando et accipiendo mutuandisque facultatibus et commodandis nulla re egeremus. | 1.77. The whole truth, however, is in this verse, against which, I am told, the malicious and envious are wont to rail: "Yield, ye arms, to the toga; to civic praises, ye laurels." Not to mention other instances, did not arms yield to the toga, when I was at the helm of state? For never was the republic in more serious peril, never was peace more profound. Thus, as the result of my counsels and my vigilance, their weapons slipped suddenly from the hands of the most desperate traitors â dropped to the ground of their own accord! What achievement in war, then, was ever so great? 1.127. Man's modesty has followed this careful contrivance of Nature's; all right-minded people keep out of sight what Nature has hidden and take pains to respond to Nature's demands as privately as possible; and in the case of those parts of the body which only serve Nature's needs, neither the parts nor the functions are called by their real names. To perform these functions â if only it be done in private â is nothing immoral; but to speak of them is indecent. And so neither public performance of those acts nor vulgar mention of them is free from indecency. 1.128. But we should give no heed to the Cynics (or to some Stoics who are practically Cynics) who censure and ridicule us for holding that the mere mention of some actions that are not immoral is shameful, while other things that are immoral we call by their real names. Robbery, fraud, and adultery, for example, are immoral in deed, but it is not indecent to name them. To beget children in wedlock is in deed morally right; to speak of it is indecent. And they assail modesty with a great many other arguments to the same purport. But as for us, let us follow Nature and shun everything that is offensive to our eyes or our ears. So, in standing or walking, in sitting or reclining, in our expression, our eyes, or the movements of our hands, let us preserve what we have called "propriety." 1.129. In these matters we must avoid especially the two extremes â our conduct and speech should not be effeminate and over-nice, on the one hand, nor coarse and boorish, on the other. And we surely must not admit that, while this rule applies to actors and orators, it is not binding upon us. As for stage-people, their custom, because of its traditional discipline, carries modesty to such a point that an actor would never step out upon the stage without a breech-cloth on, for fear he might make an improper exhibition, if by some accident certain parts of his person should happen to become exposed. And in our own custom grown sons do not bathe with their fathers, nor sons-inâlaw with their fathers-inâlaw. We must, therefore, keep to the path of this sort of modesty, especially when Nature is our teacher and guide. 2.15. Why should I recount the multitude of arts without which life would not be worth living at all? For how would the sick be healed? What pleasure would the hale enjoy? What comforts should we have, if there were not so many arts to master to our wants? In all these respects the civilized life of man is far removed from the standard of the comforts and wants of the lower animals. And, without the association of men, cities could not have been built or peopled. In consequence of city life, laws and customs were established, and then came the equitable distribution of private rights and a definite social system. Upon these institutions followed a more humane spirit and consideration for others, with the result that life was better supplied with all it requires, and by giving and receiving, by mutual exchange of commodities and conveniences, we succeeded in meeting all our wants. |
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20. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.357, 3.167 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46, 108; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27| 2.357. verum tamen neque tam acri memoria fere quisquam est, ut, non dispositis notatisque rebus, ordinem verborum omnium aut sententiarum complectatur, neque vero tam hebeti, ut nihil hac consuetudine et exercitatione adiuvetur. Vidit enim hoc prudenter sive Simonides sive alius quis invenit, ea maxime animis effingi nostris, quae essent a sensu tradita atque impressa; acerrimum autem ex omnibus nostris sensibus esse sensum videndi; qua re facillime animo teneri posse ea, quae perciperentur auribus aut cogitatione, si etiam commendatione oculorum animis traderentur; ut res caecas et ab aspectus iudicio remotas conformatio quaedam et imago et figura ita notaret, ut ea, quae cogitando complecti vix possemus, intuendo quasi teneremus. 3.167. Sumpta re simili verba illius rei propria deinceps in rem aliam, ut dixi, transferuntur. Est hoc magnum ornamentum orationis, in quo obscuritas fugienda est; etenim hoc fere genere fiunt ea, quae dicuntur aenigmata; non est autem in verbo modus hic, sed in oratione, id est, in continuatione verborum. Ne illa quidem traductio atque immutatio in verbo quandam fabricationem habet sed in oratione : Africa terribili tremit horrida terra tumultu; pro Afris est sumpta Africa, neque factum est verbum, ut "mare saxifragis undis"; neque translatum, ut "mollitur mare"; sed ordi causa proprium proprio commutatum: desine, Roma, tuos hostis et testes sunt campi magni Gravis est modus in ornatu orationis et saepe sumendus; ex quo genere haec sunt, Martem belli esse communem, Cererem pro frugibus, Liberum appellare pro vino, Neptunum pro mari, curiam pro senatu, campum pro comitiis, togam pro pace, arma ac tela pro bello; | |
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21. Cicero, Republic, 1.21-1.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23| 1.21. Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. 1.22. Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione | |
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| 22. Cicero, Letters, 1.17.6-1.17.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions •verecundia, and social control Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 26, 27 |
| 23. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 24. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 25. Cicero, In Pisonem, 29.72, 30.73, 38.92-38.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 45, 46, 108 |
26. Polybius, Histories, 6.53-6.54, 6.53.7, 6.56.9, 9.10.13, 30.18.3-30.18.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 29, 30, 37, 38; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23| 6.53.7. οὗτοι δὲ προσαναλαμβάνουσιν ἐσθῆτας, ἐὰν μὲν ὕπατος ἢ στρατηγὸς ᾖ γεγονώς, περιπορφύρους, ἐὰν δὲ τιμητής, πορφυρᾶς, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τεθριαμβευκὼς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον κατειργασμένος, διαχρύσους. 6.56.9. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 9.10.13. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τῶν μεταλαμβανόντων ἀεὶ τὰς δυναστείας, ἵνα μὴ σκυλεύοντες τὰς πόλεις κόσμον ὑπολαμβάνωσιν εἶναι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πατρίσι τὰς ἀλλοτρίας συμφοράς· Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μετακομίσαντες τὰ προειρημένα ταῖς μὲν ἰδιωτικαῖς κατασκευαῖς τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐκόσμησαν βίους, ταῖς δὲ δημοσίαις τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως. 30.18.3. ὅς γε πρῶτον μέν, πρεσβευτῶν παραγεγονότων Ῥωμαϊκῶν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξυρημένος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ πιλίον ἔχων λευκὸν καὶ τήβενναν καὶ καλικίους ἀπήντα τούτοις, καὶ καθόλου τοιαύτῃ διασκευῇ κεχρημένος οἵαν ἔχουσιν οἱ προσφάτως ἠλευθερωμένοι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, οὓς καλοῦσι λιβέρτους· 30.18.4. καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τοὺς πρεσβευτάς "ὁρᾶτʼ" ἔφη "τὸν ὑμέτερον λίβερτον ἐμέ, πάντα βουλόμενον χαρίζεσθαι καὶ μιμεῖσθαι τὰ παρʼ ὑμῖν." ἧς ἀγεννεστέραν φωνὴν οὐ ῥᾴδιον εὑρεῖν. 30.18.5. τότε δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον γενόμενος τὴν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, στὰς κατὰ τὸ θύρετρον ἀντίος τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ καθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας προσεκύνησε τὸν οὐδὸν καὶ τοὺς καθημένους, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος "χαίρετε, θεοὶ σωτῆρεσ", ὑπερβολὴν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἀνανδρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ γυναικισμοῦ καὶ κολακείας οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων. 30.18.6. ἀκόλουθα δὲ τούτοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν κοινολογίαν εἰσελθὼν ἐπετελέσατο, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ γράφειν ἀπρεπὲς ἦν. 30.18.7. φανεὶς δὲ τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος ἀπόκρισιν ἔλαβε διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον. | 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.53.7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar. 6.54. 1. Besides, he who makes the oration over the man about to be buried, when he has finished speaking of him recounts the successes and exploits of the rest whose images are present, beginning with the most ancient.,2. By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations.,3. But the most important result is that young men are thus inspired to endure every suffering for public welfare in the hope of winning the glory that attends on brave men.,4. What I say is confirmed by the facts. For many Romans have voluntarily engaged in single combat in order to decide a battle, not a few have faced certain death, some in war to save the lives of the rest, and others in peace to save the republic.,5. Some even when in office have put their own sons to death contrary to every law or custom, setting a higher value on the interest of their country than on the ties of nature that bound them to their nearest and dearest.,6. Many such stories about many men are related in Roman history, but one told of a certain person will suffice for the present as an example and as a confirmation of what I say. 6.56.9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. 9.10.13. At any rate these remarks will serve to teach all those who succeed to empire, that they should not strip cities under the idea that the misfortunes of others are an ornament to their own country. The Romans on the present occasion, after transferring all these objects to Rome, used such as came from private houses to embellish their own homes, and those that were state property for their public buildings. IV. Affairs of Spain 30.18.3. In the first place when some Roman legates had come to his court, he went to meet them with his head shorn, and wearing a white hat and toga and shoes, exactly the costume worn at Rome by slaves recently manumitted or "liberti" as the Romans call them. 30.18.4. "In me," he said, "you see your libertus who wishes to endear to himself and imitate everything Roman"; a phrase as humiliating as one can conceive. 30.18.5. And now, on entering the senate-house he stood in the doorway facing the members and putting both his hands on the ground bowed his head to the ground in adoration of the threshold and the seated senators, with the words, "Hail, ye saviour gods," making it impossible for anyone after him to surpass him in unmanliness, womanishness, and servility. 30.18.6. And on entering he conducted himself during his interview in a similar manner, doing things that it were unbecoming even to mention. 30.18.7. As he showed himself to be utterly contemptible, he received a kind answer for this very reason. |
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| 27. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.132, 5.152, 5.159, 5.163-5.165 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23, 27 |
| 28. Cicero, Orator, 238 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions •verecundia, and social control Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 26 |
| 29. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, 253 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
| 30. Cicero, Pro Tullio, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions, socialization, role of emotions in Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 19 |
31. Cicero, On Divination, 1.101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28| 1.101. Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus? | 1.101. Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy? |
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| 32. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
33. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 11, 32, 7, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43| 33. innumerabilisque alias captas esse commemorem, cum vestros portus atque eos portus quibus vitam ac ac HEt, Gellius 1. 7. 16: et pd spiritum ducitis in praedonum fuisse potestate potestatem Gellius sciatis? an vero ignoratis portum Caietae celeberrimum et et H : ac E : atque cett. plenissimum navium inspectante praetore a praedonibus esse direptum, ex Miseno autem eius ipsius liberos qui cum praedonibus antea antea H : antea ibi cett. ( cf. Mil. §50) bellum gesserat gesserat H py : gesserant Ebt : gesserunt s a praedonibus esse sublatos? nam quid ego Ostiense incommodum atque illam labem atque ignominiam rei publicae querar, cum prope inspectantibus vobis classis ea cui consul populi Romani praepositus esset a praedonibus capta atque depressa depressa Modius : deprehensa H : oppressa cett. est? pro di immortales! tantamne tantamne W (?), Hotoman : tantane cett. unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi tempore lucem adferre rei publicae potuit ut vos, qui modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ei ei hi Ht y, om. E p nunc nullam intra Oceani ostium praedonum navem esse esse om. H audiatis? | |
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| 34. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 35. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 5.11, 17.41, 31.75 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55, 68 |
36. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31| 12. idemque postea, cum innumerabilis multitudo bonorum de Capitolio supplex ad eum sordidata venisset, cumque adulescentes nobilissimi cunctique equites Romani se ad lenonis impudicissimi pedes abiecissent, quo vultu cincinnatus ganeo non solum civium lacrimas verum etiam patriae preces repudiavit! neque eo contentus fuit, sed etiam in contionem escendit escendit P : descendit B ς t : ascendit GHb ς s ε eaque dixit quae, si eius vir Catilina revixisset, dicere non esset ausus, se Nonarum Decembrium quae me consule fuissent clivique Capitolini poenas ab equitibus Romanis esse repetiturum. neque solum id dixit, sed quos ei commodum fuit compellavit, Lucium Lucium P rell. praeter s (L.) vero Lamiam Lamiam ε s : iam PHGc all. , equitem Romanum, praestanti dignitate hominem et saluti meae pro familiaritate, rei publicae pro fortunis suis amicissimum, consul imperiosus exire ex ex ε ( prob. Zielinski ): om. rell. urbe iussit. et cum vos vestem mutandam censuissetis cunctique mutassetis atque idem omnes boni iam ante fecissent, ille unguentis oblitus cum toga praetexta, quam omnes praetores aedilesque tum abiecerant, inrisit squalorem vestrum et luctum gratissimae civitatis, fecitque, quod nemo umquam tyrannus, ut quo minus cum (quom) ante quo minus add. J. S. Reid occulte vestrum malum gemeretis nihil diceret nihil diceret codd. : nihil terreret Reid : nihil se intercedere ediceret Madv. : nihil diceret esse quod obstaret Lahmann : num nihil diceret impedire? ne aperte ... ediceret s. l. P2 : om. Madv. Cf. Sest. xiv: Planc. § 87 edictoque suo non luctum patribus conscriptis sed indicia luctus ademerint : in Pis. § 18 maerorem relinquis, maeroris aufers insignia , ne aperte incommoda patriae lugeretis ediceret. | |
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37. Terence, The Eunuch, 313, 315-318, 314 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 147| 314. Si qua est habitior paulo, pugilem esse aiunt, deducunt cibum. | |
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| 38. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.18.44, 8.27, 13.13.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 36, 45, 46 |
| 39. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
40. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 | 5.6. "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you â though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed â to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to." |
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41. Livy, History, 1.48.6-1.48.7, 4.25.13, 5.41, 5.53.8, 9.7, 22.57.10, 24.16, 24.32, 27.16.7, 29.3, 29.36, 29.37.2, 30.15, 30.45, 33.23, 34.7.1-34.7.3, 34.7.11, 34.44.5, 38.36.5-38.36.6, 42.12, 42.34.3-42.34.5, 43.3.1-43.3.4, 44.16, 45.35.3, 45.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control •diplomas, social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 42, 43, 68, 147; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 83; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23, 24, 27| 43.3.1. et alia novi generis hominum ex Hispania legatio venit. 43.3.2. ex militibus Romanis et ex Hispanis mulieribus, cum quibus conubium non esset, natos se memorantes, supra quattuor milia hominum, orabant, ut sibi oppidum, in quo habitarent, daretur. 43.3.3. senatus decrevit, uti nomina sua apud L. Canuleium profiterentur eorumque, si quos manumisissent; eos Carteiam ad Oceanum deduci placere; 43.3.4. qui Carteiensium domi manere vellent, potestatem fieri, uti numero colonorum essent, agro adsignato. Latinam eam coloniam esse libertinorumque appellari. 45.35.3. Paulus ipso post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum, sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine. | |
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| 42. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 36.16.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
43. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.24, 4.39.3, 5.35.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 42; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 | 4.24. 4.24. 1. Now that I have come to this part of my narrative, I think it necessary to give an account of the customs which at that time prevailed among the Romans with regard to slaves, in order that no one may accuse either the king who first undertook to make citizens of those who had been slaves, or the Romans who accepted the law, of recklessly abandoning their noble traditions.,2. The Romans acquired their slaves by the most just means; for they either purchased them from the state at an auction as part of the spoils, or the general permitted the soldiers to keep the prisoners they had taken together with the rest of the booty, or else they bought them of those who had obtained possession of them by these same means.,3. So that neither Tullius, who established this custom, nor those who received and maintained thought they were doing anything dishonourable or detrimental to the public interest, if those who had lost both their country and their liberty in war and had proved loyal to those who had enslaved them, or to those who had purchased them from these, had both those blessings restored to them by their masters.,4. Most of these slaves obtained their liberty as a free gift because of meritorious conduct, and this was the best kind of discharge from their masters; but a few paid a ransom raised by lawful and honest labour. This, however, is not the case in our day, but things have come to such a state of confusion and the noble traditions of the Roman commonwealth have become so debased and sullied, that some who have made a fortune by robbery, housebreaking, prostitution and every other base means, purchase their freedom with the money so acquired and straightway are Romans.,5. Others, who have been confidants and accomplices of their masters in poisonings, receive from them this favour as their reward. Some are freed in order that, when they have received the monthly allowance of corn given by the public or some other largesse distributed by the men in power to the poor among the citizens, they may bring it to those who granted them their freedom. And others owe their freedom to the levity of their masters and to their vain thirst for popularity.,6. I, at any rate, know of some who have allowed all their slaves to be freed after their death, in order that they might be called good men when they were dead and that many people might follow their biers wearing their liberty-caps; indeed, some of those taking part in these processions, as one might have heard from those who knew, have been malefactors just out of jail, who had committed crimes deserving of a thousand deaths. Most people, nevertheless, as they look upon these stains that can scarce be washed away from the city, are grieved and condemn the custom, looking upon it as unseemly that a domit city which aspires to rule the whole world should make such men citizens.,7. One might justly condemn many other customs also which were wisely devised by the ancients but are shamefully abused by the men of toâday. Yet, for my part, I do not believe that this law ought to be abolished, lest as a result some greater evil should break out to the detriment of the public; but I do say that it ought to be amended, as far as possible, and that great reproaches and disgraces hard to be wiped out should not be permitted entrance into the body politic.,8. And I could wish that the censors, preferably, or, if that may not be, then the consuls, would take upon themselves the care of this matter, since it requires the control of some it magistracy, and that they would make inquiries about the persons who are freed each year â who they are and for what reason they have been freed and how â just as they inquire into the lives of the knights and senators; after which they should enroll in the tribes such of them as they find worthy to be citizens and allow them to remain in the city, but should expel from the city the foul and corrupt herd under the specious pretence of sending them out as a colony. These are the things, then, which as the subject required it, I thought it both necessary and just to say to those who censure the customs of the Romans. 4.39.3. Having said this, she again entered her carriage and departed. Tarquinius upon this occasion also approved of the advice of his most impious wife, and sent some of his servants against Tullius armed with swords; and they, swiftly covering the interval, overtook Tullius when he was already near his house and slew him. While his body lay freshly slain and quivering where it had been flung, his daughter arrived; 5.35.1. After the departure of the Tyrrhenians the Roman senate voted to send to Porsena a throne of ivory, a sceptre, a crown of gold, and a triumphal robe, which had been the insignia of the kings. And to Mucius, who had resolved to die for his country and was looked upon as the chief instrument in putting an end to the war, they voted that a portion of the public land beyond the Tiber should be given (just as previously in the case of Horatius, who had fought in front of the bridge), as much, namely, as he could plough round in one day; and this place even to my day is called the Mucian Meadows. These were the rewards they gave to the men. |
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| 44. Sallust, Historiae, 2.59 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 45. Horace, Sermones, 1.2.16-1.2.17, 1.6.24-1.6.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 68 |
| 46. Horace, Epodes, 5.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55 |
| 47. Propertius, Elegies, 3.15.3-3.15.6, 4.11.33-4.11.35, 4.11.61-4.11.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26, 27, 44, 55 |
48. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.6.4, 2.6.4, 4.1, 5.6, 7.3.7, 9.5.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 55, 68; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23| 1.6.4. Quis fuit Marius, si illum suis inspexerimus maioribus? in septem consulatibus nihil habet clarius quam se auctorem. Pompeium si hereditariae extulissent imagines nemo Magnum dixisset. Seruium regem tulit Roma, in cuius uirtutibus humilitate nominis nihil est clarius. quid tibi uidentur illi ab aratro, qui paupertate sua beatam fecere rem publicam ? quemcumque uoluerimus reuolue nobilem: ad humilitatem peruenies. Quid recenseo singulos, cum hanc urbem possim tibi ostendere? nudi stetere colles, interque tam effusa moenia nihil est humili casa nobilius: fastigatis supra tectis auro puro fulgens praelucet Capitolium. potes obiurgare Romanos, quod humilitatem suam cum obscurare possint ostendunt et haec non putant magna, nisi apparuerit ex paruis surrexisse ? 2.6.4. incipiam. Fuit adulescens temperatissimus et lubricum tempus sine infamia transiit; duxit uxorem, filium sustulit, ad aetatem perduxit. iam senex factus est, nisi quod sibi nondum uidetur; luxuria usque eo profecit, ut accusem. Senex amans, senex ebrius, circumdatus sertis et delibutus unguentis et in praeteritos annos se retro agens et ualidius in uoluptatibus quam iuuenis exultans, nonne portentum est? Luxuriosus adulescens peccat; at senex luxuriosus insanit; aetas exhaurit, uitia lasciuiunt. Papiri FABIANI. Nauem in portu mergis. Alter solito tempore labitur, alter insolito; alter alieno, alter suo; alter annos sequitur, alter senectuti repugnat. Non est luxuria tua qualem uideri uelis: non simulas enim ista, sed facis, nec amantem agis, sed amas, nec potantem adumbras, sed bibis, nec dedoces bona dissipare, sed dissipas. Nemo, puto, uitia quae odit imitatur. quis imperator ob hoc ipse de proelio fugit, ut bene pugnaret exercitus? quis ut ambitum comprimeret, ipse honores mercatus est? quis ut seditionem leniret, turbauit rem publicam? Non coercet uitia qui prouocat. 7.3.7. dixit Latro, ut nihil mutaret uoces, sed diceret: “mori uolui taedio abdicationum et infelicitatis adsiduae, cum in hoc tantum sordes ponerem, ut cum maiore tormento positas resumerem, et absolutio mihi uni non finis esset periculi set initium,” incipit praeter coniecturam et illa prima uulgaris in eiusmodi controuersiis et pertrita quaestio incurrere, an uenenum habere in mortem suam liceat. ALBVCIVS illo colore pro adulescente dixit, non fuisse uenenum. Cum putarem, inquit, odio me esse patri meo, uolui experiri adfectum eius, quomodo mentionem mortis meae ferret: itaque palam et ita, ut interueniret pater, tenui. FVSCVS ARELLIVS eodem colore usus est sed aliter; non dixit: experiri patrem uolui, sed: | |
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| 49. Horace, Ars Poetica, 181-182, 180 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
50. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.31-1.32, 1.624 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 147| 1.31. Este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 1.32. rend= 1.624. rend= | |
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51. Ovid, Fasti, 3.183-3.188, 3.777-3.778, 6.277-6.280, 6.609-6.610 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23| 3.183. quae fuerit nostri, si quaeris, regia nati, 3.184. aspice de canna straminibusque domum. 3.185. in stipula placidi capiebat munera somni, 3.186. et tamen ex illo venit in astra toro. 3.187. iamque loco maius nomen Romanus habebat, 3.188. nec coniunx illi nec socer ullus erat. 3.777. sive, quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 3.778. sumitur et vitae liberioris iter: 6.277. arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278. stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279. et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280. terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit, 6.609. certa fides facti: dictus Sceleratus ab illa 6.610. vicus, et aeterna res ea pressa nota. | 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was, 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw, 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city, 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law. 3.777. And a more liberated life are adopted, for you: 3.778. Or is it because, in the days when the ancients tilled the field 6.277. There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278. That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279. And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280. Which is achieved by its spherical shape. 6.609. ‘Go on, or do you seek the bitter fruits of virtue? 6.610. Drive the unwilling wheels, I say, over his face.’ |
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52. Ovid, Tristia, 2.247-2.252 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41| 2.247. este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 2.248. quaeque tegis medios instita longa pedes! 2.249. nil nisi legitimum concessitque furta canemus, 2.250. inque meo nullum carmine crimen erit. 2.251. ecquid ab hac omnes rigide summovimus Arte, 2.252. quas stola contingi vittaque sumpta vetat? | |
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| 53. Livy, Per., 74, 105 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 30 |
| 54. Plutarch, Sulla, 24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
55. Plutarch, Romulus, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27| 23.3. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν σῶμα τοῦ Τατίου κομίσας ἐντίμως ἔθαψε, καὶ κεῖται περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀρμιλούστριον ἐν Ἀουεντίνῳ, τῆς δὲ δίκης τοῦ φόνου παντάπασιν ἠμέλησεν. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστοροῦσι, τὴν μὲν πόλιν τῶν Λαυρεντίων φοβηθεῖσαν ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς αὐτόχειρας Τατίου, τὸν δὲ Ῥωμύλον ἀφεῖναι, φήσαντα φόνον φόνῳ λελύσθαι. | 23.3. Romulus brought the body of Tatius home and gave it honourable burial, and it lies near the so-called Armilustrium, on the Aventine hill; but he took no steps whatsoever to bring his murderers to justice. And some historians write that the city of Laurentum, in terror, delivered up the murderers of Tatius, but that Romulus let them go, saying that murder had been requited with murder. |
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56. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 24.6, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 29; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28| 2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 24.6. πλεῖστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνυβρίσαντες, ἔτι καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναβαίνοντες ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐληΐζοντο καὶ τὰς ἐγγὺς ἐπαύλεις ἐξέκοπτον. ἥρπασαν δέ ποτε καὶ στρατηγοὺς δύο Σεξτίλιον καὶ Βελλῖνον ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις, καὶ τούς ὑπηρέτας ἅμα καὶ ῥαβδοφόρους ᾤχοντο σὺν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ἔχοντες. ἥλω δὲ καὶ θυγάτηρ Ἀντωνίου, θριαμβικοῦ ἀνδρός, εἰς ἀγρὸν βαδίζουσα, καὶ πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀπελυτρώθη. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. | 2.2. 24.6. 46.1. |
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57. Plutarch, Pericles, 5.1-5.2, 7.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 389| 5.1. τοῦτον ὑπερφυῶς τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμάσας ὁ Περικλῆς καὶ τῆς λεγομένης μετεωρολογίας καὶ μεταρσιολεσχίας ὑποπιμπλάμενος, οὐ μόνον, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸ φρόνημα σοβαρὸν καὶ τὸν λόγον ὑψηλὸν εἶχε καὶ καθαρὸν ὀχλικῆς καὶ πανούργου βωμολοχίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσώπου σύστασις ἄθρυπτος εἰς γέλωτα καὶ πρᾳότης πορείας καὶ καταστολὴ περιβολῆς πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐκταραττομένη πάθος ἐν τῷ λέγειν καὶ πλάσμα φωνῆς ἀθόρυβον, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα πάντας θαυμαστῶς ἐξέπληττε. 5.2. λοιδορούμενος γοῦν ποτε καὶ κακῶς ἀκούων ὑπό τινος τῶν βδελυρῶν καὶ ἀκολάστων ὅλην ἡμέραν ὑπέμεινε σιωπῇ κατʼ ἀγοράν, ἅμα τι τῶν ἐπειγόντων καταπραττόμενος· ἑσπέρας δʼ ἀπῄει κοσμίως οἴκαδε παρακολουθοῦντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ πάσῃ χρωμένου βλασφημίᾳ πρὸς αὐτόν. 7.5. δειναὶ γὰρ αἱ φιλοφροσύναι παντὸς ὄγκου περιγενέσθαι, καὶ δυσφύλακτον ἐν συνηθείᾳ τὸ πρὸς δόξαν σεμνόν ἐστι· τῆς ἀληθινῆς δʼ ἀρετῆς κάλλιστα φαίνεται τὰ μάλιστα φαινόμενα, καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν οὐδὲν οὕτω θαυμάσιον τοῖς ἐκτὸς ὡς ὁ καθʼ ἡμέραν βίος τοῖς συνοῦσιν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῷ δήμῳ Fuhr and Blass, after Sauppe: τοῦ δήμου . τὸ συνεχὲς φεύγων καὶ τὸν κόρον οἷον ἐκ διαλειμμάτων ἐπλησίαζεν, οὐκ ἐπὶ παντὶ πράγματι λέγων, οὐδʼ ἀεὶ παριὼν εἰς τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλʼ ἑαυτὸν ὥσπερ τὴν Σαλαμινίαν τριήρη, φησὶ Κριτόλαος, πρὸς τὰς μεγάλας χρείας ἐπιδιδούς, τἆλλα δὲ φίλους καὶ ῥήτορας ἑτέρους καθιεὶς ἔπραττεν. | 5.1. This man Pericles extravagantly admired, and being gradually filled full of the so-called higher philosophy and elevated speculation, he not only had, as it seems, a spirit that was solemn and a discourse that was lofty and free from plebeian and reckless effrontery, but also a composure of countece that never relaxed into laughter, a gentleness of carriage and cast of attire that suffered no emotion to disturb it while he was speaking, a modulation of voice that was far from boisterous, and many similar characteristics which struck all his hearers with wondering amazement. 5.2. It is, at any rate, a fact that, once on a time when he had been abused and insulted all day long by a certain lewd fellow of the baser sort, he endured it all quietly, though it was in the marketplace, where he had urgent business to transact, and towards evening went away homewards unruffled, the fellow following along and heaping all manner of contumely upon him. 7.5. Conviviality is prone to break down and overpower the haughtiest reserve, and in familiar intercourse the dignity which is assumed for appearance’s sake is very hard to maintain. Whereas, in the case of true and genuine virtue, fairest appears what most appears, and nothing in the conduct of good men is so admirable in the eyes of strangers, as their daily walk and conversation is in the eyes of those who share it. And so it was that Pericles, seeking to avoid the satiety which springs from continual intercourse, made his approaches to the people by intervals, as it were, not speaking on every question, nor addressing the people on every occasion, but offering himself like the Salaminian trireme, as Critolaus says, for great emergencies. The rest of his policy he carried out by commissioning his friends and other public speakers. |
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| 58. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55 |
| 59. Juvenal, Satires, 1.95-1.96, 1.119-1.120, 1.127-1.130, 1.132-1.134, 3.126-3.130, 3.132, 3.171-3.172, 3.177-3.179, 5.52-5.69, 5.76-5.77, 5.125-5.127, 5.156-5.165, 7.141-7.145, 11.203-11.204 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 39, 96, 98, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111 |
| 60. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
61. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28| 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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| 62. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 14.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 152 |
| 63. Plutarch, Demetrius, 14.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 152 |
| 64. Plutarch, Camillus, 33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 147 |
| 65. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 44.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 66. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.5-11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28 |
67. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44| 8.4. ὡς οὖν παρῆν τοῦτο πράξουσα κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐπελθὼν ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης καὶ συναρπάσας αὐτὴν ἀπῆλθε διʼ ἀγορᾶς οἴκαδε κομίζων, μηδενὸς ἐναντιωθῆναι μηδʼ ἀφελέσθαι τολμήσαντος. ἔμεινε μέντοι παρʼ αὐτῷ μέχρι τελευτῆς, ἐτελεύτησε δὲ μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον εἰς Ἔφεσον τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου πλεύσαντος. | 8.4. On her appearing publicly to do this, as the law required, Alcibiades came up and seized her and carried her off home with him through the market place, no man daring to oppose him or take her from him. She lived with him, moreover, until her death, but she died shortly after this, when Alcibiades was on a voyage to Ephesus. |
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| 68. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.34.120, 8.155, 9.119-9.121, 33.8, 33.10, 33.18, 35.131-35.132 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 108; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27, 28 |
| 69. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 70. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
71. Mishnah, Sotah, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •control, social Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 2| 3.3. "עַד שֶׁלֹּא נִמְחֲקָה הַמְּגִלָּה אָמְרָה אֵינִי שׁוֹתָה, מְגִלָּתָהּ נִגְנֶזֶת, וּמִנְחָתָהּ מִתְפַּזֶּרֶת עַל הַדָּשֶׁן. וְאֵין מְגִלָּתָהּ כְּשֵׁרָה לְהַשְׁקוֹת בָּהּ סוֹטָה אַחֶרֶת. נִמְחֲקָה הַמְּגִלָּה וְאָמְרָה טְמֵאָה אָנִי, הַמַּיִם נִשְׁפָּכִין וּמִנְחָתָהּ מִתְפַּזֶּרֶת עַל הַדָּשֶׁן. נִמְחֲקָה הַמְּגִלָּה וְאָמְרָה אֵינִי שׁוֹתָה, מְעַרְעֲרִים אוֹתָהּ וּמַשְׁקִין אוֹתָהּ בְּעַל כָּרְחָהּ: \n", | 3.3. "If before [the writing on] the scroll had been rubbed out, she said “I refuse to drink”, her scroll is stored away and her meal-offering is scattered over the ashes. And her scroll is not valid to be used in giving another sotah to drink. If [the writing on] the scroll has been rubbed out and she said “I am defiled”, the water is poured out and her meal-offering is scattered over the ashes. If [the writing on] the scroll had been rubbed out and she said “I refuse to drink”, they open her throat and make her drink by force.", |
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| 72. Mela, De Chorographia, 2.59 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46 |
| 73. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.36, 2.18, 2.53, 2.57, 2.68, 2.74, 2.85, 3.4.6, 3.30, 3.36, 3.36.9, 3.46, 3.46.1, 4.26, 4.28, 4.66.3, 5.8, 5.14, 5.22-5.23, 5.25, 5.27, 5.35, 5.38, 5.41, 6.48, 7.10.11, 7.86, 8.28, 9.49, 9.49.1-9.49.8, 9.57, 9.100, 10.10, 10.15, 10.47.1-10.47.5, 10.51.5-10.51.6, 10.73-10.74, 10.82.2, 10.96, 11.24, 12.18.1-12.18.6, 12.18.17-12.18.18, 12.36, 12.68, 14.124-14.125, 14.141-14.142 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112 |
| 74. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.36, 2.18, 2.53, 2.57, 2.68, 2.74, 2.85, 3.4.6, 3.30, 3.36, 3.36.9, 3.46, 3.46.1, 4.26, 4.28, 4.66.3, 5.8, 5.14, 5.22-5.23, 5.25, 5.27, 5.35, 5.38, 5.41, 6.48, 7.10.11, 7.86, 8.28, 9.49, 9.49.1-9.49.8, 9.57, 9.100, 10.10, 10.15, 10.47.1-10.47.5, 10.51.5-10.51.6, 10.73-10.74, 10.82.2, 10.96, 11.24, 12.18.1-12.18.6, 12.18.17-12.18.18, 12.36, 12.68, 14.124-14.125, 14.141-14.142 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112 |
| 75. Plutarch, Cicero, 24.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 68 |
| 76. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 77. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.3.137-11.3.149, 11.3.156, 11.3.160-11.3.161 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 41, 45, 94 |
| 78. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 114.4-114.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 79. Statius, Siluae, 1.1.84-1.1.86, 5.2.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 43; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
| 80. Suetonius, Augustus, 40.3-40.5, 44.2, 86.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 32, 33, 45, 108 |
| 81. Suetonius, Caligula, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22, 34, 36, 37, 45 |
| 82. Suetonius, Claudius, 15.2, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22, 35, 108 |
| 83. Suetonius, Domitianus, 14.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 109 |
| 84. Suetonius, Iulius, 7.1, 45.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28 |
| 85. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 |
| 86. Suetonius, Nero, 32.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32, 36, 45 |
| 87. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 22-23, 93 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 88. Suetonius, Tiberius, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22 |
| 89. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 7, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109 |
| 90. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 97 |
| 91. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.54, 2.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43, 44 |
| 92. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 6.33.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109 |
| 93. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 11.3.137-11.3.149, 11.3.156, 11.3.160-11.3.161 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 41, 45, 94 |
94. Tacitus, Annals, 2.33, 2.59, 2.73, 3.2, 4.26, 13.2.2, 13.30, 14.56.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26, 32, 42, 43, 45, 68; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28| 2.33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 2.59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. 2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. 3.2. Miserat duas praetorias cohortis Caesar, addito ut magistratus Calabriae Apulique et Campani suprema erga memoriam filii sui munera fungerentur. igitur tribunorum centurionumque umeris cineres portabantur; praecedebant incompta signa, versi fasces; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur, atrata plebes, trabeati equites pro opibus loci vestem odores aliaque funerum sollemnia cremabant. etiam quorum diversa oppida, tamen obvii et victimas atque aras dis Manibus statuentes lacrimis et conclamationibus dolorem testabantur. Drusus Tarracinam progressus est cum Claudio fratre liberisque Germanici, qui in urbe fuerant. consules M. Valerius et M. Aurelius (iam enim magistratum occeperant) et senatus ac magna pars populi viam complevere, disiecti et ut cuique libitum flentes; aberat quippe adulatio, gnaris omnibus laetam Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari. 3.2. Eodem anno Tacfarinas, quem priore aestate pulsum a Camillo memoravi, bellum in Africa renovat, vagis primum populationibus et ob pernicitatem inultis, dein vicos excindere, trahere gravis praedas; postremo haud procul Pagyda flumine cohortem Romanam circumsedit. praeerat castello Decrius impiger manu, exercitus militia et illam obsidionem flagitii ratus. is cohortatus milites, ut copiam pugnae in aperto faceret aciem pro castris instruit. primoque impetu pulsa cohorte promptus inter tela occursat fugientibus, increpat signiferos quod inconditis aut desertoribus miles Romanus terga daret; simul exceptat vulnera et quamquam transfosso oculo adversum os in hostem intendit neque proelium omisit donec desertus suis caderet. 4.26. Dolabellae petenti abnuit triumphalia Tiberius, Seiano tribuens, ne Blaesi avunculi eius laus obsolesceret. sed neque Blaesus ideo inlustrior et huic negatus honor gloriam intendit: quippe minore exercitu insignis captivos, caedem ducis bellique confecti famam deportarat. sequebantur et Garamantum legati, raro in urbe visi, quos Tacfarinate caeso perculsa gens set culpae nescia ad satis facien- dum populo Romano miserat. cognitis dehinc Ptolemaei per id bellum studiis repetitus ex vetusto more honos missusque e senatoribus qui scipionem eburnum, togam pictam, antiqua patrum munera, daret regemque et socium atque amicum appellaret. | 2.33. At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 2.73. His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 3.2. The Caesar had sent two cohorts of his Guard; with further orders that the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania should render the last offices to the memory of his son. And so his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions: before him the standards went unadorned, the Axes reversed; while, at every colony they passed, the commons in black and the knights in official purple burned raiment, perfumes, and other of the customary funeral tributes, in proportion to the resources of the district. Even the inhabitants of outlying towns met the procession, devoted their victims and altars to the departed spirit, and attested their grief with tears and cries. Drusus came up to Tarracina, with Germanicus' brother Claudius and the children who had been left in the capital. The consuls, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had already begun their magistracy), the senate, and a considerable part of the people, filled the road, standing in scattered parties and weeping as they pleased: for of adulation there was none, since all men knew that Tiberius was with difficulty dissembling his joy at the death of Germanicus. 4.26. The request of Dolabella for triumphal distinctions was rejected by Tiberius: a tribute to Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus might otherwise have found his glories growing dim. But the step brought no added fame to Blaesus, and the denial of the honour heightened the reputation of Dolabella, who, with a weaker army, had credited himself with prisoners of note, a general slain, and a war concluded. He was attended also â a rare spectacle in the capital â by a number of Garamantian deputies, whom the tribesmen, awed by the fate of Tacfarinas and conscious of their delinquencies, had sent to offer satisfaction to the Roman people. Then, as the campaign had demonstrated Ptolemy's good-will, an old-fashioned distinction was revived, and a member of the senate was despatched to present him with the traditional bounty of the Fathers, an ivory sceptre with the embroidered robe, and to greet him by the style of king, ally, and friend. 13.30. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. |
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| 95. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 9.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 68 |
96. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.9.1-2.9.3, 4.11, 4.15.5-4.15.6, 5.6, 5.6.45, 6.30.4, 7.3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions, socialization, role of emotions in •social control •social control, and emotions •verecundia, and social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 41, 111; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 24, 25, 48 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. 5.6. To Domitius Apollinaris. I was charmed with the kind consideration which led you, when you heard that I was about to visit my Tuscan villa in the summer, to advise me not to do so during the season when you consider the district unhealthy. Undoubtedly, the region along the Tuscan coast is trying and dangerous to the health, but my property lies well back from the sea; indeed, it is just under the Apennines, which are the healthiest of our mountain ranges. However, that you may not have the slightest anxiety on my account, let me tell you all about the climatic conditions, the lie of the land, and the charms of my villa. It will be as pleasant reading for you as it is pleasant writing for me. In winter the air is cold and frosty The contour of the district is most beautiful. Picture to yourself an immense amphitheatre, such as only Nature can create, with a wide-spreading plain ringed with hills, and the summits of the hills themselves covered with tall and ancient forests. There is plentiful and varied hunting to be had. Down the mountain slopes there are stretches of timber woods, and among these are rich, deep-soiled hillocks - where if you look for a stone you will have hard work to find one - which are just as fertile as the most level plains, and ripen just as rich harvests, though later in the season. Below these, along the whole hillsides, stretch the vineyards which present an unbroken line far and wide, on the borders and lowest level of which comes a fringe of trees. Then you reach the meadows and the fields - fields which only the most powerful oxen and the stoutest ploughs can turn. The soil is so tough and composed of such thick clods that when it is first broken up it has to be furrowed nine times before it is subdued. The meadows are jewelled with flowers, and produce trefoil and other herbs, always tender and soft, and looking as though they were always fresh. For all parts are well nourished by never-failing streams, and even where there is most water there are no swamps, for the slope of the land drains off into the Tiber all the moisture that it receives and cannot itself absorb. The Tiber runs through the middle of the plain; it is navigable for ships, and all the grain is carried downstream to the city, at least in winter and spring. In summer the volume of water dwindles away, leaving but the name of a great river to the dried-up bed, but in the autumn it recovers its flood. You would be delighted if you could obtain a view of the district from the mountain height, for you would think you were looking not so much at earth and fields as at a beautiful landscape picture of wonderful loveliness. Such is the variety, such the arrangement of the scene, that wherever the eyes fall they are sure to be refreshed. My villa, though it lies at the foot of the hill, enjoys as fine a prospect as though it stood on the summit; the ascent is so gentle and easy, and the gradient so unnoticeable, that you find yourself at the top without feeling that you are ascending. The Apennines lie behind it, but at a considerable distance, and even on a cloudless and still day it gets a breeze from this range, never boisterous and rough, for its strength is broken and lost in the distance it has to travel. Most of the house faces south; in summer it gets the sun from the sixth hour, and in winter considerably earlier, inviting it as it were into the portico, which is broad and long to correspond, and contains a number of apartments and an old-fashioned hall. In front, there is a terrace laid out in different patterns and bounded with an edging of box; then comes a sloping ridge with figures of animals on both sides cut out of the box-trees, while on the level ground stands an acanthus-tree, with leaves so soft that I might almost call them liquid. Round this is a walk bordered by evergreens pressed and trimmed into various shapes; then comes an exercise ground, round like a circus, which surrounds the box-trees that are cut into different forms, and the dwarf shrubs that are kept clipped. Everything is protected by an enclosure, which is hidden and withdrawn from sight by the tiers of box-trees. Beyond is a meadow, as well worth seeing for its natural charm as the features just described are for their artificial beauty, and beyond that there stretches an expanse of fields and a number of other meadows and thickets. At the head of the portico there runs out the dining-room, from the doors of which can be seen the end of the terrace with the meadow and a good expanse of country beyond it, while from the windows the view on the one hand commands one side of the terrace and the part of the villa which juts out, and on the other the grove and foliage of the adjoining riding-school. Almost opposite to the middle of the portico is a summer-house standing back a little, with a small open space in the middle shaded by four plane-trees. Among them is a marble fountain, from which the water plays upon and lightly sprinkles the roots of the plane-trees and the grass plot beneath them. In this summer-house there is a bed-chamber which excludes all light, noise, and sound, and adjoining it is a dining-room for my friends, which faces upon the small court and the other portico, and commands the view enjoyed by the latter. There is another bed-chamber, which is leafy and shaded by the nearest plane-tree and built of marble up to the balcony; above is a picture of a tree with birds perched in the branches equally beautiful with the marble. Here there is a small fountain with a basin around the latter, and the water runs into it from a number of small pipes, which produce a most agreeable sound. In the corner of the portico is a spacious bed-chamber leading out of the dining-room, some of its windows looking out upon the terrace, others upon the meadow, while the windows in front face the fish-pond which lies just beneath them, and is pleasant both to eye and ear, as the water falls from a considerable elevation and glistens white as it is caught in the marble basin. This bed-chamber is beautifully warm even in winter, for it is flooded with an abundance of sunshine. The heating chamber for the bath adjoins it, and on a cloudy day we turn in steam to take the place of the sun's warmth. Next comes a roomy and cheerful undressing room for the bath, from which you pass into a cool chamber containing a large and shady swimming bath. If you prefer more room or warmer water to swim in, there is a pond in the court with a well adjoining it, from which you can make the water colder when you are tired of the warm. Adjoining the cold bath is one of medium warmth, for the sun shines lavishly upon it, but not so much as upon the hot bath which is built farther out. There are three sets of steps leading to it, two exposed to the sun, and the third out of the sun though quite as light. Above the dressing-room is a ball court where various kinds of exercise can be taken, and a number of games can be played at once. Not far from the bath-room is a staircase leading to a covered passage, at the head of which are three rooms, one looking out upon the courtyard with the four plane-trees, the second upon the meadow, and the third upon the vineyards, so each therefore enjoys a different view. At the end of the passage is a bed-chamber constructed out of the passage itself, which looks out upon the riding-course, the vineyards, and the mountains. Connected with it is another bed-chamber open to the sun, and especially so in winter time. Leading out of this is an apartment which adjoins the riding-course of the villa. Such is the appearance and the use to which the front of my house is put. At the side is a raised covered gallery, which seems not so much to look out upon the vineyards as to touch them; in the middle is a dining-room which gets the invigorating breezes from the valleys of the Apennines, while at the other side, through the spacious windows and the folding doors, you seem to be close upon the vineyards again with the gallery between. On the side of the room where there are no windows is a private winding staircase by which the servants bring up the requisites for a meal. At the end of the gallery is a bed-chamber, and the gallery itself affords as pleasant a prospect from there as the vineyards. Underneath runs a sort of subterranean gallery, which in summer time remains perfectly cool, and as it has sufficient air within it, it neither admits any from without nor needs any. Next to both these galleries the portico commences where the dining-room ends, and this is cold before mid-day, and summery when the sun has reached his zenith. This gives the approach to two apartments, one of which contains four beds and the other three, and they are bathed in sunshine or steeped in shadow, according to the position of the sun. But though the arrangements of the house itself are charming, they are far and away surpassed by the riding-course. It is quite open in the centre, and the moment you enter your eye ranges over the whole of it. Around its borders are plane-trees clothed with ivy, and so while the foliage at the top belongs to the trees themselves, that on the lower parts belongs to the ivy, which creeps along the trunk and branches, and spreading across to the neighbouring trees, joins them together. Between the plane-trees are box shrubs, and on the farther side of the shrubs is a ring of laurels which mingle their shade with that of the plane-trees. At the far end, the straight boundary of the riding-course is curved into semi-circular form, which quite changes its appearance. It is enclosed and covered with cypress-trees, the deeper shade of which makes it darker and gloomier than at the sides, but the inner circles - for there are more than one - are quite open to the sunshine. Even roses grow there, and the warmth of the sun is delightful as a change from the cool of the shade. When you come to the end of these various winding alleys, the boundary again runs straight, or should I say boundaries, for there are a number of paths with box shrubs between them. In places there are grass plots intervening, in others box shrubs, which are trimmed to a great variety of patterns, some of them being cut into letters forming my name as owner and that of the gardener. Here and there are small pyramids and apple-trees, and now and then in the midst of all this graceful artificial work you suddenly come upon what looks like a real bit of the country planted there. The intervening space is beautified on both sides with dwarf plane-trees; beyond these is the acanthus-tree that is supple and flexible to the hand, and there are more boxwood figures and names. At the upper end is a couch of white marble covered with a vine, the latter being supported by four small pillars of Carystian marble. Jets of water flow from the couch through small pipes and look as if they were forced out by the weight of persons reclining thereon, and the water is caught in a stone cistern and then retained in a graceful marble basin, regulated by pipes out of sight, so that the basin, while always full, never overflows. The heavier dishes and plates are placed at the side of the basin when I dine there, but the lighter ones, formed into the shapes of little boats and birds, float on the surface and travel round and round. Facing this is a fountain which receives back the water it expels, for the water is thrown up to a considerable height and then falls down again, and the pipes that perform the two processes are connected. Directly opposite the couch is a bed-chamber, and each lends a grace to the other. It is formed of glistening marble, and through the projecting folding doors you pass at once among the foliage, while both from the upper and lower windows you look out upon the same green picture. Within is a little cabinet which seems to belong at once to the same and yet another bed-chamber. This contains a bed and it has windows on every side, yet the shade is so thick outside that very little light enters, for a wonderfully luxuriant vine has climbed up to the roof and covers the whole building. You can fancy you are in a grove as you lie there, only that you do not feel the rain as you do among trees. Here too a fountain rises and immediately loses itself underground. There are a number of marble chairs placed up and down, which are as restful for persons tired with walking as the bed-chamber itself. Near these chairs are little fountains, and throughout the whole riding-course you hear the murmur of tiny streams carried through pipes, which run wherever you please to direct them. These are used to water the shrubs, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, and at other times all are watered together. I should long since have been afraid of boring you, had I not set out in this letter to take you with me round every corner of my estate. For I am not at all apprehensive that you will find it tedious to read about a place which certainly would not tire you to look at, especially as you can get a little rest whenever you desire, and can sit down, so to speak, by laying down the letter. Moreover, I have been indulging my affection for the place, for I am greatly attached to anything that is mainly the work of my own hands or that someone else has begun and I have taken up. In short - for there is no reason is there? why I should not be frank with you, whether my judgments are sound or unsound - I consider that it is the first duty of a writer to select the title of his work and constantly ask himself what he has begun to write about. He may be sure that so long as he keeps to his subject-matter he will not be tedious, but that he will bore his readers to distraction if he starts dragging in extraneous matter to make weight. Observe the length with which Homer describes the arms of Achilles, and Virgil the arms of Aeneas - yet in both cases the description seems short, because the author only carries out what he intended to. Observe how Aratus hunts up and brings together even the tiniest stars - yet he does not exceed due limits. For his description is not an excursus, but the end and aim of the whole work. It is the same with myself, if I may compare my lowly efforts with their great ones. I have been trying to give you a bird's eye view of the whole of my villa, and if I have introduced no extraneous matter and have never wandered off my subject, it is not the letter containing the description which is to be considered of excessive size, but rather the villa which has been described. However, let me get back to the point I started from, lest I give you an opportunity of justly condemning me by my own law, by not pursuing this digression any farther. I have explained to you why I prefer my Tuscan house to my other places at Tusculum, Tibur and Praeneste. For in addition to all the beauties I have described above, my repose here is more profound and more comfortable, and therefore all the freer from anxiety. There is no necessity to don the toga, no neighbour ever calls to drag me out; everything is placid and quiet; and this peace adds to the healthiness of the place, by giving it, so to speak, a purer sky and a more liquid air. I enjoy better health both in mind and body here than anywhere else, for I exercise the former by study and the latter by hunting. Besides, there is no place where my household keep in better trim, and up to the present I have not lost a single one of all whom I brought with me. I hope Heaven will forgive the boast, and that the gods will continue my happiness to me and preserve this place in all its beauty. Farewell. |
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97. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.9.1-2.9.3, 4.11, 4.15.5-4.15.6, 5.6, 5.6.45, 6.30.4, 6.31.4-6.31.6, 7.3.2, 10.106-10.107 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions, socialization, role of emotions in •social control •social control, and emotions •verecundia, and social control •diplomas, social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 41, 111; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 24, 25, 48; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 216, 335 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. 5.6. To Domitius Apollinaris. I was charmed with the kind consideration which led you, when you heard that I was about to visit my Tuscan villa in the summer, to advise me not to do so during the season when you consider the district unhealthy. Undoubtedly, the region along the Tuscan coast is trying and dangerous to the health, but my property lies well back from the sea; indeed, it is just under the Apennines, which are the healthiest of our mountain ranges. However, that you may not have the slightest anxiety on my account, let me tell you all about the climatic conditions, the lie of the land, and the charms of my villa. It will be as pleasant reading for you as it is pleasant writing for me. In winter the air is cold and frosty The contour of the district is most beautiful. Picture to yourself an immense amphitheatre, such as only Nature can create, with a wide-spreading plain ringed with hills, and the summits of the hills themselves covered with tall and ancient forests. There is plentiful and varied hunting to be had. Down the mountain slopes there are stretches of timber woods, and among these are rich, deep-soiled hillocks - where if you look for a stone you will have hard work to find one - which are just as fertile as the most level plains, and ripen just as rich harvests, though later in the season. Below these, along the whole hillsides, stretch the vineyards which present an unbroken line far and wide, on the borders and lowest level of which comes a fringe of trees. Then you reach the meadows and the fields - fields which only the most powerful oxen and the stoutest ploughs can turn. The soil is so tough and composed of such thick clods that when it is first broken up it has to be furrowed nine times before it is subdued. The meadows are jewelled with flowers, and produce trefoil and other herbs, always tender and soft, and looking as though they were always fresh. For all parts are well nourished by never-failing streams, and even where there is most water there are no swamps, for the slope of the land drains off into the Tiber all the moisture that it receives and cannot itself absorb. The Tiber runs through the middle of the plain; it is navigable for ships, and all the grain is carried downstream to the city, at least in winter and spring. In summer the volume of water dwindles away, leaving but the name of a great river to the dried-up bed, but in the autumn it recovers its flood. You would be delighted if you could obtain a view of the district from the mountain height, for you would think you were looking not so much at earth and fields as at a beautiful landscape picture of wonderful loveliness. Such is the variety, such the arrangement of the scene, that wherever the eyes fall they are sure to be refreshed. My villa, though it lies at the foot of the hill, enjoys as fine a prospect as though it stood on the summit; the ascent is so gentle and easy, and the gradient so unnoticeable, that you find yourself at the top without feeling that you are ascending. The Apennines lie behind it, but at a considerable distance, and even on a cloudless and still day it gets a breeze from this range, never boisterous and rough, for its strength is broken and lost in the distance it has to travel. Most of the house faces south; in summer it gets the sun from the sixth hour, and in winter considerably earlier, inviting it as it were into the portico, which is broad and long to correspond, and contains a number of apartments and an old-fashioned hall. In front, there is a terrace laid out in different patterns and bounded with an edging of box; then comes a sloping ridge with figures of animals on both sides cut out of the box-trees, while on the level ground stands an acanthus-tree, with leaves so soft that I might almost call them liquid. Round this is a walk bordered by evergreens pressed and trimmed into various shapes; then comes an exercise ground, round like a circus, which surrounds the box-trees that are cut into different forms, and the dwarf shrubs that are kept clipped. Everything is protected by an enclosure, which is hidden and withdrawn from sight by the tiers of box-trees. Beyond is a meadow, as well worth seeing for its natural charm as the features just described are for their artificial beauty, and beyond that there stretches an expanse of fields and a number of other meadows and thickets. At the head of the portico there runs out the dining-room, from the doors of which can be seen the end of the terrace with the meadow and a good expanse of country beyond it, while from the windows the view on the one hand commands one side of the terrace and the part of the villa which juts out, and on the other the grove and foliage of the adjoining riding-school. Almost opposite to the middle of the portico is a summer-house standing back a little, with a small open space in the middle shaded by four plane-trees. Among them is a marble fountain, from which the water plays upon and lightly sprinkles the roots of the plane-trees and the grass plot beneath them. In this summer-house there is a bed-chamber which excludes all light, noise, and sound, and adjoining it is a dining-room for my friends, which faces upon the small court and the other portico, and commands the view enjoyed by the latter. There is another bed-chamber, which is leafy and shaded by the nearest plane-tree and built of marble up to the balcony; above is a picture of a tree with birds perched in the branches equally beautiful with the marble. Here there is a small fountain with a basin around the latter, and the water runs into it from a number of small pipes, which produce a most agreeable sound. In the corner of the portico is a spacious bed-chamber leading out of the dining-room, some of its windows looking out upon the terrace, others upon the meadow, while the windows in front face the fish-pond which lies just beneath them, and is pleasant both to eye and ear, as the water falls from a considerable elevation and glistens white as it is caught in the marble basin. This bed-chamber is beautifully warm even in winter, for it is flooded with an abundance of sunshine. The heating chamber for the bath adjoins it, and on a cloudy day we turn in steam to take the place of the sun's warmth. Next comes a roomy and cheerful undressing room for the bath, from which you pass into a cool chamber containing a large and shady swimming bath. If you prefer more room or warmer water to swim in, there is a pond in the court with a well adjoining it, from which you can make the water colder when you are tired of the warm. Adjoining the cold bath is one of medium warmth, for the sun shines lavishly upon it, but not so much as upon the hot bath which is built farther out. There are three sets of steps leading to it, two exposed to the sun, and the third out of the sun though quite as light. Above the dressing-room is a ball court where various kinds of exercise can be taken, and a number of games can be played at once. Not far from the bath-room is a staircase leading to a covered passage, at the head of which are three rooms, one looking out upon the courtyard with the four plane-trees, the second upon the meadow, and the third upon the vineyards, so each therefore enjoys a different view. At the end of the passage is a bed-chamber constructed out of the passage itself, which looks out upon the riding-course, the vineyards, and the mountains. Connected with it is another bed-chamber open to the sun, and especially so in winter time. Leading out of this is an apartment which adjoins the riding-course of the villa. Such is the appearance and the use to which the front of my house is put. At the side is a raised covered gallery, which seems not so much to look out upon the vineyards as to touch them; in the middle is a dining-room which gets the invigorating breezes from the valleys of the Apennines, while at the other side, through the spacious windows and the folding doors, you seem to be close upon the vineyards again with the gallery between. On the side of the room where there are no windows is a private winding staircase by which the servants bring up the requisites for a meal. At the end of the gallery is a bed-chamber, and the gallery itself affords as pleasant a prospect from there as the vineyards. Underneath runs a sort of subterranean gallery, which in summer time remains perfectly cool, and as it has sufficient air within it, it neither admits any from without nor needs any. Next to both these galleries the portico commences where the dining-room ends, and this is cold before mid-day, and summery when the sun has reached his zenith. This gives the approach to two apartments, one of which contains four beds and the other three, and they are bathed in sunshine or steeped in shadow, according to the position of the sun. But though the arrangements of the house itself are charming, they are far and away surpassed by the riding-course. It is quite open in the centre, and the moment you enter your eye ranges over the whole of it. Around its borders are plane-trees clothed with ivy, and so while the foliage at the top belongs to the trees themselves, that on the lower parts belongs to the ivy, which creeps along the trunk and branches, and spreading across to the neighbouring trees, joins them together. Between the plane-trees are box shrubs, and on the farther side of the shrubs is a ring of laurels which mingle their shade with that of the plane-trees. At the far end, the straight boundary of the riding-course is curved into semi-circular form, which quite changes its appearance. It is enclosed and covered with cypress-trees, the deeper shade of which makes it darker and gloomier than at the sides, but the inner circles - for there are more than one - are quite open to the sunshine. Even roses grow there, and the warmth of the sun is delightful as a change from the cool of the shade. When you come to the end of these various winding alleys, the boundary again runs straight, or should I say boundaries, for there are a number of paths with box shrubs between them. In places there are grass plots intervening, in others box shrubs, which are trimmed to a great variety of patterns, some of them being cut into letters forming my name as owner and that of the gardener. Here and there are small pyramids and apple-trees, and now and then in the midst of all this graceful artificial work you suddenly come upon what looks like a real bit of the country planted there. The intervening space is beautified on both sides with dwarf plane-trees; beyond these is the acanthus-tree that is supple and flexible to the hand, and there are more boxwood figures and names. At the upper end is a couch of white marble covered with a vine, the latter being supported by four small pillars of Carystian marble. Jets of water flow from the couch through small pipes and look as if they were forced out by the weight of persons reclining thereon, and the water is caught in a stone cistern and then retained in a graceful marble basin, regulated by pipes out of sight, so that the basin, while always full, never overflows. The heavier dishes and plates are placed at the side of the basin when I dine there, but the lighter ones, formed into the shapes of little boats and birds, float on the surface and travel round and round. Facing this is a fountain which receives back the water it expels, for the water is thrown up to a considerable height and then falls down again, and the pipes that perform the two processes are connected. Directly opposite the couch is a bed-chamber, and each lends a grace to the other. It is formed of glistening marble, and through the projecting folding doors you pass at once among the foliage, while both from the upper and lower windows you look out upon the same green picture. Within is a little cabinet which seems to belong at once to the same and yet another bed-chamber. This contains a bed and it has windows on every side, yet the shade is so thick outside that very little light enters, for a wonderfully luxuriant vine has climbed up to the roof and covers the whole building. You can fancy you are in a grove as you lie there, only that you do not feel the rain as you do among trees. Here too a fountain rises and immediately loses itself underground. There are a number of marble chairs placed up and down, which are as restful for persons tired with walking as the bed-chamber itself. Near these chairs are little fountains, and throughout the whole riding-course you hear the murmur of tiny streams carried through pipes, which run wherever you please to direct them. These are used to water the shrubs, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, and at other times all are watered together. I should long since have been afraid of boring you, had I not set out in this letter to take you with me round every corner of my estate. For I am not at all apprehensive that you will find it tedious to read about a place which certainly would not tire you to look at, especially as you can get a little rest whenever you desire, and can sit down, so to speak, by laying down the letter. Moreover, I have been indulging my affection for the place, for I am greatly attached to anything that is mainly the work of my own hands or that someone else has begun and I have taken up. In short - for there is no reason is there? why I should not be frank with you, whether my judgments are sound or unsound - I consider that it is the first duty of a writer to select the title of his work and constantly ask himself what he has begun to write about. He may be sure that so long as he keeps to his subject-matter he will not be tedious, but that he will bore his readers to distraction if he starts dragging in extraneous matter to make weight. Observe the length with which Homer describes the arms of Achilles, and Virgil the arms of Aeneas - yet in both cases the description seems short, because the author only carries out what he intended to. Observe how Aratus hunts up and brings together even the tiniest stars - yet he does not exceed due limits. For his description is not an excursus, but the end and aim of the whole work. It is the same with myself, if I may compare my lowly efforts with their great ones. I have been trying to give you a bird's eye view of the whole of my villa, and if I have introduced no extraneous matter and have never wandered off my subject, it is not the letter containing the description which is to be considered of excessive size, but rather the villa which has been described. However, let me get back to the point I started from, lest I give you an opportunity of justly condemning me by my own law, by not pursuing this digression any farther. I have explained to you why I prefer my Tuscan house to my other places at Tusculum, Tibur and Praeneste. For in addition to all the beauties I have described above, my repose here is more profound and more comfortable, and therefore all the freer from anxiety. There is no necessity to don the toga, no neighbour ever calls to drag me out; everything is placid and quiet; and this peace adds to the healthiness of the place, by giving it, so to speak, a purer sky and a more liquid air. I enjoy better health both in mind and body here than anywhere else, for I exercise the former by study and the latter by hunting. Besides, there is no place where my household keep in better trim, and up to the present I have not lost a single one of all whom I brought with me. I hope Heaven will forgive the boast, and that the gods will continue my happiness to me and preserve this place in all its beauty. Farewell. |
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| 98. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 10.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control, and emotions, socialization, role of emotions in Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 5 |
| 99. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 5.6.3-5.6.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 |
100. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 37.21.3-37.21.4, 38.14.7, 38.16, 39.28.2, 43.14.6, 43.43.1-43.43.2, 43.43.4, 48.12.5, 48.18.2, 48.31.3, 48.43.4, 49.16.1, 51.17.6, 51.22.1-51.22.3, 53.26.5, 54.8.3, 54.16.2, 54.29.8, 54.35.5, 56.31.2, 57.13.5, 57.15.1, 59.26.6-59.26.10, 60.6.9, 60.7.4, 63.13.3, 68.29.1, 68.30.1, 69.18.3, 71.35.4, 72.21.3, 79.11.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control •museum, as an agent for social control •social control, rate Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 44, 45, 46; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 155; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 24, 27, 28 | 37.21.3. He did not, however, add any other title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus alone, which, of course, he had gained even before these achievements. Nor did he contrive to receive any other extravagant honour, or even accept such as had been voted him in his absence, except on a single occasion. 37.21.4. These consisted in the privilege of always wearing the laurel wreath at all public games, and arraying himself in the cloak of a general at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They had been granted him chiefly through the coöperation of Caesar, and contrary to the advice of Marcus Cato. 38.14.7. For this reason he vigorously opposed Clodius' measure in every way; in particular, he discarded his senatorial dress and went about in the garb of the knights, paying court meanwhile, as he went the rounds, day and night alike, to all who had any influence, not only of his friends but also of his opponents, and especially to Pompey and even Caesar, inasmuch as the latter concealed his enmity toward him. 38.16. 1. On the basis of these calculations, then, he hoped to win, since he was now unreasonably confident, even as he had before been unduly terrified; and fearing that his withdrawal from the city would seem to have been occasioned by a bad conscience, he listened to Pompey, though he said that he was considerably obliged to Caesar.,2. And thus Cicero, deceived in this wise, was preparing as if for a great victory over his enemies. For, in addition to the grounds for hope already mentioned, the knights assembled on the Capitol and sent envoys in his behalf to the consuls and senate, some from their own number,,3. and also the senators Quintus Hortensius and Gaius Curio. Ninnius, too, in addition to his assistance in other ways urged the populace to change their apparel, as if for a general calamity. And many of the senators also did this, and would not change back until the consuls rebuked them by an edict.,4. The forces of his adversaries were more powerful, however. Clodius would not allow Ninnius to take any action on his behalf, and Gabinius would not grant the knights access to the senate; on the contrary, he drove one of them, who was very insistent, out of the city, and rebuked Hortensius and Curio for having been present in the assembly of the knights and for having undertaken the mission.,5. Moreover, Clodius brought them before the populace, where they were soundly belaboured for their mission by some appointed agents. After this Piso, though he seemed well-disposed towards Cicero and had advised him, on seeing that it was impossible for him to attain safety by any other means, to slip away in time, nevertheless, when the other took offence at this counsel,,6. came before the assembly at the first opportunity (he was too ill most of the time) and to the question of Clodius as to what opinion he held regarding the proposed measure said: "No deed of cruelty or sadness pleases me." Gabinius, too, on being asked the same question, not only failed to praise Cicero but even accused both the knights and the senate. 39.28.2. Thus their strife was stopped for the time being; but when the same disturbance happened again, the senators voted to change their dress, as if for some calamity, in spite of the fact that Cato, when he gained nothing by speaking against the proposed step, rushed out of the gathering and called in any one he met in the market-place (?) in order that no decision might be reached; 43.14.6. And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 43.43.1. Such was his gift to Rome. For himself, he wore the triumphal garb, by decree, at all the games, and was adorned with the laurel crown always and everywhere alike. The excuse that he gave for it was that his forehead was bald; yet he gave occasion for talk by this very circumstance that at that time, though well past youth, he still bestowed attention upon his appearance. 43.43.2. He used to show among all men his pride in rather loose clothing, and the footwear which he used later on was sometimes high and of a reddish colour, after the style of the kings who had once reigned in Alba, for he claimed that he was related to them through Iulus. 43.43.4. Sulla had looked askance at the looseness of his girdle, so much so that he had wished to kill him, and declared to those who begged him off: "Well, I will grant him to you; but be thoroughly on your guard against this ill-girt fellow." And Cicero could not comprehend it, 48.12.5. Both money and soldiers came to them also from Gallia Togata, which had been included by this time in the district of Italy in order that no one else, under the plea of ruling that province, should keep soldiers south of the Alps. 48.18.2. Rufus managed to repel Sextus from Italy, and when Sextus retired to Sicily, undertook to manufacture boats of leather, similar to those used on the ocean. He made a framework of light rods for the interior and stretched over them an uncured ox-hide after the manner of a circular shield. 48.31.3. But a short time before they had brought the two rulers into the city mounted on horses as if at a triumph, had bestowed upon them the triumphal dress just as upon those who celebrated triumphs, had allowed them to view the festivals seated upon their chairs of state, and had espoused to Antony Caesar's sister, Octavia, now that her husband was dead, though she was pregt; 48.43.4. Now many events of a portentous nature had occurred even before this, such as the spouting of olive oil on the bank of the Tiber, and many also at this time. Thus the hut of Romulus was burned as a result of some ritual which the pontifices were performing in it; a statue of Virtus, which stood before one of the gates, fell upon its face, and certain persons, becoming inspired by the Mother of the Gods, declared that the goddess was angry with them. 49.16.1. These were the privileges bestowed upon Caesar by the senate. And Caesar on his own responsibility enrolled among the augurs, above the proper number, Valerius Messalla, whom he had previously in the proscriptions condemned to death, made the people of Utica citizens, and gave orders that no one should wear the purple dress except the senators who were acting as magistrates; for some ordinary individuals were already using it. 51.17.6. So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought. 51.22.1. After finishing this celebration Caesar dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Curia Iulia, which had been built in honour of his father. In the latter he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, thus signifying that it was from her that he had received the empire. 51.22.2. It had belonged to the people of Tarentum, whence it was now brought to Rome, placed in the senate-chamber, and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The same course was followed in the case of the shrine of Julius which was consecrated at this time, 51.22.3. for many of these spoils were placed in it also; and others were dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus and to Juno and Minerva, after all the objects in these temples which were supposed to have been placed there previously as dedications, or were actually dedications, had by decree been taken down at this time as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, though defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, inasmuch as her adornments repose as dedications in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus. 53.26.5. For this and his other exploits of this period a triumph, as well as the title, was voted to Augustus; but as he did not care to celebrate it, a triumphal arch was erected in the Alps in his honour and he was granted the right always to wear both the crown and the triumphal garb on the first day of the year. After these achievements in the wars Augustus closed the precinct of Janus, which had been opened because of these wars. 54.8.3. Indeed, in honour of this success he commanded that sacrifices be decreed and likewise a temple to Mars Ultor on the Capitol, in imitation of that of Jupiter Feretrius, in which to dedicate the standards; and he himself carried out both decrees. Moreover he rode into the city on horseback and was honoured with a triumphal arch. 54.16.2. And since among the nobility there were far more males than females, he allowed all who wished, except the senators, to marry freedwomen, and ordered that their offspring should be held legitimate. 54.29.8. The star called the comet hung for several days over the city and was finally dissolved into flashes resembling torches. Many buildings in the city were destroyed by fire, among them the hut of Romulus, which was set ablaze by crows which dropped upon it burning meat from some altar. 54.35.5. He himself delivered the funeral oration there, and Drusus delivered one from the rostra; for the mourning was publicly observed and the senators had changed their dress. Her body was carried in the procession by her sons-inâlaw; but not all the honours voted for her were accepted by Augustus. 56.31.2. The body of Augustus was carried from Nola by the foremost men of each city in succession. When it drew near Rome, the knights took it in charge and conveyed it by night into the city. On the following day there was a meeting of the senate, to which the majority came wearing the equestrian costume, but the magistrates the senatorial garb except for the purple-bordered toga. 57.13.5. Not a few men, also, were wearing a great deal of purple clothing, though this had formerly been forbidden; yet he neither rebuked nor fined any of them, but when a rain came up during a certain festival, he himself put on a dark woollen cloak. After that none of them longer dared assume any different kind of garb. 57.15.1. These were the events of that year. In the consulship of Statilius Taurus and Lucius Libo, Tiberius forbade any man to wear silk clothing and also forbade anyone to use golden vessels except for sacred ceremonies. 59.26.6. because he had bridged so great an expanse of sea; he also impersonated Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo, and all the other divinities, not merely males but also females, often taking the rôle of Juno, Diana, or Venus. Indeed, to match the change of name he would assume all the rest of the attributes that belonged to the various gods, so that he might seem really to resemble them. 59.26.7. Now he would be seen as a woman, holding a wine-bowl and (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" thyrsus, and again he would appear as a man equipped with a club and lion's skin or perhaps a helmet and shield. He would be seen at one time with a smooth chin and later with a full beard. Sometimes he wielded a trident and again he brandished a thunderbolt. Now he would impersonate a maiden equipped for hunting or for war, and a little later would play the married woman. 59.26.8. Thus by varying the style of his dress, and by the use of accessories and wigs, he achieved accuracy inasmuch diverse parts; and he was eager to appear to be anything rather than a human being and an emperor. Once a Gaul, seeing him uttering oracles from a lofty platform in the guise of Jupiter, was moved to laughter, 59.26.9. whereupon Gaius summoned him and inquired, "What do I seem to you to be?" And the other answered (I give his exact words):"A big humbug." Yet the man met with no harm, for he was only a shoemaker. Thus it is, apparently, that persons of such rank as Gaius can bear the frankness of the common herd more easily than that of those who hold high position. 59.26.10. The attire, now, that I have described was what he would assume whenever he pretended to be a god; and suitable supplications, prayers, and sacrifices would then be offered to him. At other times he usually appeared in public in silk or in triumphal dress. 60.6.9. His own name also he carved on the stage (not because he had built it, but because he had dedicated it), but on no other building. Furthermore, he did not wear the triumphal dress throughout the entire festival, though permission to do so had been voted, but appeared in it merely when offering the sacrifice; the rest of the festival he superintended clad in the purple-bordered toga. 60.7.4. But Claudius now set apart for the senators the section which still belongs to them, and he furthermore permitted any members who so desired to sit elsewhere and even appear in citizen's dress. After this he banqueted the senators and their wives, the knights, and also the tribes. 68.29.1. Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued. 68.30.1. Trajan learned of this at Babylon; for he had gone there both because of its fame â though he saw nothing but mounds and stones and ruins to justify this â and because of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he had died. When he learned of the revolt, he sent Lusius and Maximus against the rebels. 69.18.3. In this connexion the following anecdote is related of Cornelius Fronto, who was the foremost Roman of the time in pleading before the courts. One night he was returning home from dinner very late, and ascertained from a man whose counsel he had promised to be that Turbo was already holding court. Accordingly, just as he was, in his dinner dress, he went into Turbo's court-room and greeted him, not with the morning salutation, Salve, but with the one appropriate to the evening, Vale. |
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| 101. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
| 102. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, 253 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
| 103. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 |
104. Tertullian, On The Pallium, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46 | 5. Still, say you, must we thus change from gown to Mantle? Why, what if from diadem and sceptre? Did Anacharsis change otherwise, when to the royalty of Scythia he preferred philosophy? Grant that there be no (miraculous) signs in proof of your transformation for the better: there is somewhat which this your garb can do. For, to begin with the simplicity of its uptaking: it needs no tedious arrangement. Accordingly, there is no necessity for any artist formally to dispose its wrinkled folds from the beginning a day beforehand, and then to reduce them to a more finished elegance, and to assign to the guardianship of the stretchers the whole figment of the massed boss; subsequently, at daybreak, first gathering up by the aid of a girdle the tunic which it were better to have woven of more moderate length (in the first instance), and, again scrutinizing the boss, and rearranging any disarrangement, to make one part prominent on the left, but (making now an end of the folds) to draw backwards from the shoulders the circuit of it whence the hollow is formed, and, leaving the right shoulder free, heap it still upon the left, with another similar set of folds reserved for the back, and thus clothe the man with a burden! In short, I will persistently ask your own conscience, What is your first sensation in wearing your gown? Do you feel yourself clad, or laded? Wearing a garment, or carrying it? If you shall answer negatively, I will follow you home; I win see what you hasten to do immediately after crossing your threshold. There is really no garment the doffing whereof congratulates a man more than the gown's does. of shoes we say nothing - implements as they are of torture proper to the gown, most uncleanly protection to the feet, yes, and false too. For who would not find it expedient, in cold and heat, to stiffen with feet bare rather than in a shoe with feet bound? A mighty munition for the tread have the Venetian shoe-factories provided in the shape of effeminate boots! Well, but, than the Mantle nothing is more expedite, even if it be double, like that of Crates. Nowhere is there a compulsory waste of time in dressing yourself (in it), seeing that its whole art consists in loosely covering. That can be effected by a single circumjection, and one in no case inelegant: thus it wholly covers every part of the man at once. The shoulder it either exposes or encloses: in other respects it adheres to the shoulder; it has no surrounding support; it has no surrounding tie; it has no anxiety as to the fidelity with which its folds keep their place; easily it manages, easily readjusts itself: even in the doffing it is consigned to no cross until the morrow. If any shirt is worn beneath it, the torment of a girdle is superfluous: if anything in the way of shoeing is worn, it is a most cleanly work; or else the feet are rather bare - more manly, at all events, (if bare,) than in shoes. These (pleas I advance) for the Mantle in the meantime, in so far as you have defamed it by name. Now, however, it challenges you on the score of its function withal. I, it says, owe no duty to the forum, the election-ground, or the senate-house; I keep no obsequious vigil, preoccupy no platforms, hover about no pr torian residences; I am not odorant of the canals, am not odorant of the lattices, am no constant wearer out of benches, no wholesale router of laws, no barking pleader, no judge, no soldier, no king: I have withdrawn from the populace. My only business is with myself: except that other care I have none, save not to care. The better life you would more enjoy in seclusion than in publicity. But you will decry me as indolent. Forsooth, 'we are to live for our country, and empire, and estate.' Such used, of old, to be the sentiment. None is born for another, being destined to die for himself. At all events, when we come to the Epicuri and Zenones, you give the epithet of 'sages' to the whole teacherhood of Quietude, who have consecrated that Quietude with the name of 'supreme' and 'unique' pleasure. Still, to some extent it will be allowed, even to me, to confer benefit on the public. From any and every boundary-stone or altar it is my wont to prescribe medicines to morals - medicines which will be more felicitous in conferring good health upon public affairs, and states, and empires, than your works are. Indeed, if I proceed to encounter you with naked foils, gowns have done the commonwealth more hurt than cuirasses. Moreover, I flatter no vices; I give quarter to no lethargy, no slothful encrustation. I apply the cauterizing iron to the ambition which led M. Tullius to buy a circular table of citron-wood for more than £4000, and Asinius Gallus to pay twice as much for an ordinary table of the same Moorish wood (Hem! At what fortunes did they value woody dapplings!), or, again, Sulla to frame dishes of an hundred pounds' weight. I fear lest that balance be small, when a Drusillanus (and he withal a slave of Claudius!) constructs a tray of the weight of 500 lbs.!- a tray indispensable, perchance, to the aforesaid tables, for which, if a workshop was erected, there ought to have been erected a dining-room too. Equally do I plunge the scalpel into the inhumanity which led Vedius Pollio to expose slaves to fill the bellies of sea-eels. Delighted, forsooth, with his novel savagery, he kept land-monsters, toothless, clawless, hornless: it was his pleasure to turn perforce into wild beasts his fish, which (of course) were to be immediately cooked, that in their entrails he himself withal might taste some savour of the bodies of his own slaves. I will forelop the gluttony which led Hortensius the orator to be the first to have the heart to slay a peacock for the sake of food; which led Aufidius Lurco to be the first to vitiate meat with stuffing, and by the aid of forcemeats to raise them to an adulterous flavour; which led Asinius Celer to purchase the viand of a single mullet at nearly £50; which led Æsopus the actor to preserve in his pantry a dish of the value of nearly £800, made up of birds of the selfsame costliness (as the mullet aforesaid), consisting of all the songsters and talkers; which led his son, after such a titbit, to have the hardihood to hunger after somewhat yet more sumptuous: for he swallowed down pearls - costly even on the ground of their name - I suppose for fear he should have supped more beggarly than his father. I am silent as to the Neros and Apicii and Rufi. I will give a cathartic to the impurity of a Scaurus, and the gambling of a Curius, and the intemperance of an Antony. And remember that these, out of the many (whom I have named), were men of the toga - such as among the men of the pallium you would not easily find. These purulencies of a state who will eliminate and exsuppurate, save a bemantled speech? |
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| 105. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.67 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
106. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •control, social Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 2| 105a. דקאתי מיהודה מואב סיר רחצי זה גחזי שלקה על עסקי רחיצה על אדום אשליך נעלי זה דואג האדומי עלי פלשת התרועעי אמרו מלאכי השרת לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אם יבא דוד שהרג את הפלשתי והוריש את בניך גת מה אתה עושה לו אמר להן עלי לעשותן ריעים זה לזה,(ירמיהו ח, ה) מדוע שובבה העם הזה ירושלים משובה נצחת וגו' אמר רב תשובה נצחת השיבה כנסת ישראל לנביא אמר להן נביא לישראל חזרו בתשובה אבותיכם שחטאו היכן הם אמרו להן ונביאיכם שלא חטאו היכן הם שנאמר (זכריה א, ה) אבותיכם איה הם והנביאים הלעולם יחיו אמר להן (אבותיכם) חזרו והודו שנאמר (זכריה א, ו) אך דברי וחוקי אשר צויתי את עבדי הנביאים וגו',שמואל אמר באו עשרה בני אדם וישבו לפניו אמר להן חזרו בתשובה אמרו לו עבד שמכרו רבו ואשה שגרשה בעלה כלום יש לזה על זה כלום אמר לו הקב"ה לנביא לך אמור להן (ישעיהו נ, א) איזה ספר כריתות אמכם אשר שלחתיה או מי מנושי אשר מכרתי אתכם לו הן בעונותיכם נמכרתם ובפשעכם שלחה אמכם,והיינו דאמר ריש לקיש מאי דכתיב דוד עבדי (ירמיהו מג, י) נבוכדנצר עבדי גלוי וידוע לפני מי שאמר והיה העולם שעתידין ישראל לומר כך לפיכך הקדים הקב"ה וקראו עבדו עבד שקנה נכסים עבד למי נכסים למי,(יחזקאל כ, לב) והעולה על רוחכם היה לא תהיה אשר אתם אומרים נהיה כגוים כמשפחות הארצות לשרת עץ ואבן חי אני נאם ה' אלהים אם לא ביד חזקה ובזרוע נטויה ובחימה שפוכה אמלוך עליכם אמר רב נחמן כל כי האי ריתחא לירתח רחמנא עלן ולפרוקינן,(ישעיהו כח, כו) ויסרו למשפט אלהיו יורנו אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר להן נביא לישראל חזרו בתשובה אמרו לו אין אנו יכולין יצר הרע שולט בנו אמר להם יסרו יצריכם אמרו לו אלהיו יורנו:,ארבעה הדיוטות בלעם ודואג ואחיתופל וגחזי: בלעם בלא עם דבר אחר בלעם שבלה עם בן בעור שבא על בעיר,תנא הוא בעור הוא כושן רשעתים הוא לבן הארמי בעור שבא על בעיר כושן רשעתים דעבד שתי רשעיות בישראל אחת בימי יעקב ואחת בימי שפוט השופטים ומה שמו לבן הארמי שמו,כתיב (במדבר כב, ה) בן בעור וכתיב (במדבר כד, ג) בנו בעור אמר רבי יוחנן אביו בנו הוא לו בנביאות,בלעם הוא דלא אתי לעלמא דאתי הא אחריני אתו מתניתין מני,רבי יהושע היא דתניא ר"א אומר (תהלים ט, יח) ישובו רשעים לשאולה כל גוים שכחי אלהים ישובו רשעים לשאולה אלו פושעי ישראל כל גוים שכחי אלהים אלו פושעי עובדי כוכבים דברי ר"א אמר לו ר' יהושע וכי נאמר בכל גוים והלא לא נאמר אלא כל גוים שכחי אלהים אלא ישובו רשעים לשאולה מאן נינהו כל גוים שכחי אלהים,ואף אותו רשע נתן סימן בעצמו אמר (במדבר כג, י) תמות נפשי מות ישרים אם תמות נפשי מות ישרים תהא אחריתי כמוהו ואם לאו הנני הולך לעמי,וילכו זקני מואב וזקני מדין תנא מדין ומואב לא היה להם שלום מעולם משל לשני כלבים שהיו בעדר והיו צהובין זה לזה בא זאב על האחד אמר האחד אם איני עוזרו היום הורג אותו ולמחר בא עלי הלכו שניהם והרגו הזאב אמר רב פפא היינו דאמרי אינשי כרכושתא ושונרא עבדו הלולא מתרבא דביש גדא,(במדבר כב, ח) וישבו שרי מואב עם בלעם ושרי מדין להיכן אזול כיון דאמר להו (במדבר כב, ח) לינו פה הלילה והשבותי אתכם דבר אמרו כלום יש אב ששונא את בנו,אמר רב נחמן חוצפא אפילו כלפי שמיא מהני מעיקרא כתיב לא תלך עמהם ולבסוף כתיב קום לך אתם אמר רב ששת חוצפא מלכותא בלא תאגא היא דכתיב (שמואל ב ג, לט) ואנכי היום רך ומשוח מלך והאנשים האלה בני צרויה קשים ממני וגו',א"ר יוחנן בלעם חיגר ברגלו אחת היה שנאמר (במדבר כג, ג) וילך שפי שמשון בשתי רגליו שנאמר (בראשית מט, יז) שפיפון עלי אורח הנושך עקבי סוס בלעם סומא באחת מעיניו היה שנאמר (במדבר כד, ג) שתום העין,קוסם באמתו היה כתיב הכא נופל וגלוי עינים וכתיב התם (אסתר ז, ח) והנה המן נופל על המטה וגו' איתמר מר זוטרא אמר קוסם באמתו היה מר בריה דרבינא אמר שבא על אתונו מ"ד קוסם באמתו היה כדאמרן ומ"ד בא על אתונו היה כתיב הכא (במדבר כד, ט) כרע שכב וכתיב התם (שופטים ה, כז) בין רגליה | 105a. b who comes from /b the tribe of b Judah. “Moab is My washing pot”; this /b is referring to b Gehazi, who was afflicted /b with leprosy b over matters of washing, /b as he took money from Naaman, who he instructed to immerse in the Jordan River. b “Over Edom I will cast My shoe”; this /b is referring to b Doeg the Edomite. “Philistia, cry aloud [ i hitroa’i /i ] because of Me”; /b this is referring to the fact that b the ministering angels said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, if David, who killed the Philistine and bequeathed /b the city of b Gath to your sons, will come /b and complain that You gave a share in the World-to-Come to his enemies Doeg and Ahithophel, b what will You do concerning him? /b Will you accept his complaint? God b said to /b the ministering angels: b It is upon me to render /b David and his enemies b friends [ i re’im /i ] with each other, /b and even David will agree.,§ With regard to the verse: b “Why is this people of Jerusalem slid back in perpetual backsliding?” /b (Jeremiah 8:5), b Rav says: The congregation of Israel answered /b with b a convincing response to the prophet. The prophet said to the Jewish people: Repent, /b as b your ancestors sinned, /b and b where are they? They said /b to the prophets: b And your prophets who did not sin, where are they? /b They too died, b as it is stated: “Your fathers, where are they, and the prophets; do they live forever?” /b (Zechariah 1:5). The prophet b said to /b the Jewish people: b Your ancestors reconsidered and conceded /b that the admonitions of the prophets were fulfilled, b as it is stated: “By my words and My statutes, which I commanded My servants the prophets, /b did they not overtake your fathers? And they repented and said: As the Lord of hosts intended to do to us, according to our ways, and according to our doings, so has He dealt with us” (Zechariah 1:6)., b Shmuel says /b that this was the convincing answer: b Ten people came and sat before /b the prophet Ezekiel. b He said to them: Repent. They said to /b Ezekiel: In the case of b a slave sold by his owner /b to another master, b or a woman divorced by her husband, does this /b person b have any /b claim b upon that /b person? Since God gave the Jewish people to other masters, the ties that existed between Him and us were severed. b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the prophet: Go say to them: “Where is your mother’s scroll of severance, with which I sent her away? Or to which of My creditors have I sold you? For your iniquities you sold yourselves and for your transgressions was your mother sent away” /b (Isaiah 50:1). Learn from this that God did not sever His ties to the Jewish people., b And that is what Reish Lakish says: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “David, My slave” /b (II Samuel 3:18), and: b “Nebuchadnezzar, my slave” /b (Jeremiah 43:10)? How can the wicked Nebuchadnezzar be depicted as a slave of God in the same manner that David was depicted? Rather, b it is revealed and known before the One Who spoke and the world came into being, that the Jewish people are destined to say that /b God sold them to the nations and they no longer have ties to Him. b Therefore, the Holy One, Blessed be He, preemptively called /b Nebuchadnezzar b His slave. /b With regard to the i halakha /i concerning b a slave who acquires property, the slave /b belongs b to whom /b and b the property /b belongs b to whom? /b They both belong to the master, in this case, the Holy One, Blessed be He.,With regard to the verse: b “And what comes into your mind shall never come to be, that you say: We will be like the nations, like the families of the countries, to serve wood and stone. As I live, says the Lord God, surely with a mighty hand, and an outstretched arm, and with wrath poured out, will I rule over you” /b (Ezekiel 20:32–33), b Rav Naḥman says: Let the Merciful One become wrathful at us /b with b all that wrath, and redeem us. /b ,With regard to the verse: b “And chastise in judgment; his God will instruct him” /b (Isaiah 28:26), b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b the prophet said to the Jewish people: Repent. They said to him: We cannot, /b since b the evil inclination dominates us. He said to them: Chastise your inclinations. They said to him: “His God will instruct him,” /b i.e., God should instruct the evil inclination to allow us to overcome him, as we are incapable of doing so on our own.,§ The mishna teaches that b four /b prominent b commoners, Balaam, Doeg, Ahithophel, and Gehazi, /b have no share in the World-to-Come. The Gemara elaborates: The name b Balaam /b is interpreted as a contraction of: b Without a nation [ i belo am /i ], /b or one who has no share in the World-to-Come with the Jewish nation. b Alternatively, /b the name b Balaam /b is interpreted as one b who wore down the /b Jewish b people [ i bila am /i ]. /b He is the b son of Beor, /b one b who engaged in bestiality [ i be’ir /i ]. /b ,It was b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b He is Beor, /b father of Balaam, b he is Cushan-Rishathaim, he is Laban the Aramean. /b He was called b Beor because he engaged in bestiality. /b He was called b Cushan-Rishathaim because he performed two evil deeds [ i rishiyyot /i ] to the Jewish people, one during the time of Jacob, /b when he pursued him intending to kill him, b and one during the time when the judges judged. And what was his /b actual b name? His name was Laban the Aramean. /b , b It is written: “Son of Beor” /b (Numbers 22:5), b and it is written /b elsewhere: b “His son Beor” /b (Numbers 24:3). b Rabbi Yoḥa says /b in resolving the apparent contradiction: Balaam’s b father was his son in /b terms of b prophecy, /b as Balaam was a much greater prophet.,The Gemara infers from the mishna: b Balaam is /b the b one who does not come into the World-to-Come; but other /b gentiles b come /b into the World-to-Come. b Whose /b opinion is expressed in b the mishna? /b , b It is /b in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehoshua, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: /b It is written: b “The wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld, all that nations that forget God” /b (Psalms 9:18). b “The wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld”; these are the sinners of the Jewish people, /b as only the sinners are sentenced to the netherworld. b “All the gentiles that forget God”; these are the sinners of the gentiles. /b From the fact that it is written: “All the gentiles,” it is apparent that none of the gentiles have a share in the World-to-Come. This is b the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: But is it stated /b in the verse that the sinners of the Jewish people will be b like all of the gentiles? It is stated only: “All the gentiles that forget God.” Rather, the wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld, /b and b who are they? /b They are b all the gentiles that forget God. /b Gentiles who fear God do have a share in the World-to-Come., b And that wicked person, /b Balaam, b also provided a sign with regard to himself. He said: “Let me die the death of the righteous, /b and let my end be like his” (Numbers 23:10). b If I die the death of the righteous, /b by natural causes, b my end will be like his, /b i.e., I will receive a share in the World-to-Come like the Jewish people. b And if /b I do b not /b die by natural causes: b “I will go to my people” /b (Numbers 24:14), i.e., my fate will be that of the rest of the wicked people in my generation, who have no share in the World-to-Come.,With regard to the verse: b “And the elders of Moab and the elders of Midian set out /b with their divinations in their hands, and they came to Balaam” (Numbers 22:7), it was b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Midian and Moab /b had previously b never had peace /b between them, and they were always at war with each other. What led them to make peace at that time? There is b a parable of two dogs that were with the flock, and they were hostile to one another. A wolf came /b and attacked b one. The /b other b one said: If I do not help him, today he kills him and tomorrow he comes to /b attack b me. They both went and killed the wolf. /b Moab and Midian joined together to face the potential common threat, the Jewish people. b Rav Pappa says /b that b this /b is in accordance with the adage b that people say: A weasel [ i karkushta /i ] and a cat made a wedding from the fat of the luckless. /b Despite their hatred of one another, they join together for their mutual benefit at the expense of a third party.,It is written: b “And the princes of Moab stayed with Balaam” /b (Numbers 22:8). The Gemara asks: b And to where did the princes of Midian /b who accompanied the princes of Moab b go? /b The Gemara answers: b Once /b Balaam b said to them: “Lodge here this night, and I will bring you word /b when the Lord speaks to me” (Numbers 22:8), the elders of Midian b said: /b If he seeks permission from the Lord, he will not join us, as b is there any father who hates his son? /b Certainly the Lord will help the Jewish people., b Rav Naḥman says: Impudence is effective even toward Heaven. /b How so? b Initially, it is written /b that God said to Balaam: b “You shall not go with them” /b (Numbers 22:12), b and ultimately /b after Balaam persisted and asked, b it is written: “Rise up and go with them” /b (Numbers 22:20). b Rav Sheshet says: Impudence is monarchy without a crown, /b as it is an assertion of leadership and lacks only the official coronation as king, b as it is written: “And I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men the sons of Zeruiah are too hard for me” /b (II Samuel 3:39). The sons of Zeruiah, due to their impudence, were as formidable as David himself., b Rabbi Yoḥa says: Balaam was disabled in one of his legs, as it is stated /b concerning him: b “And he went limping [ i shefi /i ]” /b (Numbers 23:3). b Samson /b was disabled b in both his legs, as it is stated /b with regard to Samson, who was from the tribe of Dan, in the prophetic blessing of Jacob: “Dan shall be a serpent by the way, b an adder [ i shefifon /i ] in the path that bites the horse’s heels” /b (Genesis 49:17). Rabbi Yoḥa interprets i shefifon /i as the plural of i shefi /i , indicating disability in both legs. b Balaam was blind in one of his eyes, as it is stated: “Whose eye is open” /b (Numbers 24:3), indicating that one eye was open and the other was blind.,The Gemara relates: Balaam b was a diviner by /b using b his penis. It is written here: “Fallen, yet with opened eyes” /b (Numbers 24:4), b and it is written there: “And Haman was fallen upon the divan /b whereupon Esther was” (Esther 7:8), indicating that the verb fallen has sexual connotations. b It was stated /b that there is an amoraic dispute with regard to this matter. b Mar Zutra says: /b Balaam b was a diviner by /b using b his penis. Mar, son of Ravina, says: He engaged in bestiality with his donkey. The one who says /b that he b was a diviner by /b using b his penis /b derives it b as we stated. And the one who says /b that b he engaged in bestiality with his donkey /b derives it as follows: b It is written here: “He crouched, he lay down” /b (Numbers 24:9), b and it is written there: “Between her legs /b |
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107. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 8.22 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44 | 8.22. He is said to have advised his disciples as follows: Always to say on entering their own doors:Where did I trespass? What did I achieve?And unfulfilled what duties did I leave?Not to let victims be brought for sacrifice to the gods, and to worship only at the altar unstained with blood. Not to call the gods to witness, man's duty being rather to strive to make his own word carry conviction. To honour their elders, on the principle that precedence in time gives a greater title to respect; for as in the world sunrise comes before sunset, so in human life the beginning before the end, and in all organic life birth precedes death. |
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| 108. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.17 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55 |
| 109. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 1.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24 |
| 110. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.17 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 55 |
| 111. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 27.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
| 112. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 3.4, 6.6-6.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23 |
| 113. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 22.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33 |
| 114. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 28.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 |
| 115. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 10.538 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 163 |
| 116. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 4.29 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 117. Justinian, Institutiones, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 68 |
| 118. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 24 |
| 119. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 5.16.2, 5.31.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 68; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 337 |
| 120. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 19.24.6, 19.34.4 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 43 |
121. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 27 | 6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. |
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| 122. Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus, 12.4.2-12.4.11 Tagged with subjects: •diplomas, social control •social control Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 335 |
| 123. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.12.3, 2.40.2 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 34, 46 |
| 124. Epigraphy, Ils, 139-140, 59, 1757 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 125. Epigraphy, Ae, 1972.174, 1974.618, 1978.715 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 38, 41, 45 |
| 126. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.10, 21.10, 23.22, 23.24 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 65, 75, 177 |
| 127. Lysias, Orations, 3.15-3.18, 4.9-4.10, 4.18, 14.42 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 44, 106 |
| 128. Gellius Aulus, N.A., 6.12, 6.12.3, 13.22.1 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33, 36, 44, 45 |
| 129. Porphyry, Schol. Ad Hor. Sat., 1.2.63 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 41, 42 |
| 130. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis Pro Scauro, 29 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 131. Epigraphy, Roman Statutes, 25 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43, 44 |
| 132. Cicero, In Verrem Act. Ii, 5.13.31, 5.33.86 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 45 |
| 133. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 23, 25 |
| 134. Plutarch, Cato Major, 18 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32 |
| 135. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis In Pisonem, 4.8 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 136. Papyri, Bgu I, 140 Tagged with subjects: •diplomas, social control •social control Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 335 |
| 137. Suetonius, Hist., 1.48, 2.80 Tagged with subjects: •social control •social control, rate Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 156, 216 |
| 138. Suetonius, Annals, 13.35, 14.27 Tagged with subjects: •diplomas, social control •social control Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 335, 337 |
| 139. Epigraphy, Rmd, 171, 53 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 335 |
| 140. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.22.23 Tagged with subjects: •museum, as an agent for social control Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 24 |
141. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.229-1.296 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 21, 39, 40, 103, 108 | 1.230. Hither Aeneas of his scattered fleet 1.231. aving but seven, into harbor sailed; 1.232. with passionate longing for the touch of land, 1.233. forth leap the Trojans to the welcome shore, 1.234. and fling their dripping limbs along the ground. 1.235. Then good Achates smote a flinty stone, 1.236. ecured a flashing spark, heaped on light leaves, 1.237. and with dry branches nursed the mounting flame. 1.238. Then Ceres' gift from the corrupting sea 1.239. they bring away; and wearied utterly 1.240. ply Ceres' cunning on the rescued corn, 1.241. and parch in flames, and mill 'twixt two smooth stones. 1.242. Aeneas meanwhile climbed the cliffs, and searched 1.243. the wide sea-prospect; haply Antheus there, 1.244. torm-buffeted, might sail within his ken, 1.245. with biremes, and his Phrygian mariners, 1.246. or Capys or Caicus armor-clad, 1.247. upon a towering deck. No ship is seen; 1.248. but while he looks, three stags along the shore 1.249. come straying by, and close behind them comes 1.250. the whole herd, browsing through the lowland vale 1.251. in one long line. Aeneas stopped and seized 1.252. his bow and swift-winged arrows, which his friend, 1.253. trusty Achates, close beside him bore. 1.254. His first shafts brought to earth the lordly heads 1.255. of the high-antlered chiefs; his next assailed 1.256. the general herd, and drove them one and all 1.257. in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258. the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, |
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| 142. Papyri, P.Mich., 7.442 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 216 |
| 143. Papyri, P.Oxy., 471 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 144. Duris, Elegia De Maecenate, 1.21, 1.25-1.26 Tagged with subjects: •social control Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 145. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 41, 43, 44; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 83 |
