1. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 186-209, 211-348, 210 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 | 210. for all men are eager to preserve their own customs and laws, and the Jewish nation above all others; for looking upon their laws as oracles directly given to them by God himself, and having been instructed in this doctrine from their very earliest infancy they bear in their souls the images of the commandments contained in these laws as sacred; |
|
2. Tacitus, Histories, 5.9.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 |
3. Tosefta, Nazir, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 |
4. Tosefta, Sotah, 13.3-13.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70, 71, 189 13.3. משחרב בית המקדש [בטלה מלוכה מבית דוד ובטלו אורים ותומים ופסקו ערי מגרש] שנאמר (עזרא ב׳:ס״ג) ויאמר התרשתא להם אשר לא יאכלו מקדש הקדשים עד עמוד הכהן לאורים ותומים כאדם שאומר לחבירו עד שיחיו מתים או עד שיבא [אליהו]. 13.4. [משמתו נביאים אחרונים חגי זכריה ומלאכי פסקה רוח הקדש מישראל ואעפ\"כ היו משמיעין להם על בת קול מעשה שנכנסו חכמים לעלית בן גוריא ביריחו יצתה בת קול ואמרה להן יש כאן אדם ביניכם שראוי לרוה\"ק אלא שאין דורו זכאי לכך נתנו עיניהם בהלל הזקן בשעת מיתתו היו אומרים אי עניו אי חסיד תלמידו של עזרא]. 13.5. [שוב מעשה שנתכנסו חכמים ביבנה ויצאת בת קול ואמרה להן יש כאן אדם שראוי לרוה\"ק אלא שאין דורו זכאי לכך נתנו עיניהם בהלל הזקן וכשמת אמרו הא עניו הא חסיד תלמידו של עזרא שוב פעם אחת היו יושבין ביבנה ושמעו בת קול אומר יש כאן אדם שראוי לרוח הקדש אלא שאין הדור ראוי לכך ונתנו עיניהם בשמואל הקטן בשעת מיתתו מה היו אומרים אי עניו אי חסיד תלמידו של הלל הזקן אף הוא אמר בשעת מיתתו שמעון וישמעאל לקטלא ושאר חברוהי לחרבא ושאר עמא לביזא ועקן רברבן יהויין לאחר דינא בלשון ארמי אמרן אף על ר' יהודה בן בבא התקינו שיהיו אומרין עליו הא עניו הא חסיד תלמידו של שמואל הקטן אלא שנטרפה שעה]. 13.6. יוחנן כהן גדול שמע דבר מבית קדש הקדשים נצחין טליא דאזלי לאגחא קרבא באנטוכת וכתבו אותה [שעה] ואותו היום וכוונו ואותה שעה היתה שנצחו שמעון הצדיק שמע דבר מבית קדש הקדשים בטילת עבידתא דיאמר סנאה [לתתאה] להיכלא ונהרג גסקלנוס ובטלו גזירותיו ובלשון ארמי שמע. 13.8. שנה שמת בה שמעון הצדיק [אמר להם בשנה זו אני] מת אמרו לו מנין אתה יודע אמר להם כל ימות הכפורים היה זקן [אחד לובש] בגדים לבנים ומתכסה לבנים נכנס עמי [ויוצא] עמי שנה זו נכנס עמי ולא יצא לאחר הרגל חלה שבעת ימים ומת משמת שמעון הצדיק פסקו מלברך בשם <ס\"א> [נמנעו אחיו מלברך בשם]. | 13.8. The year in which Shimon the Righteous died [he said to them] \"in this year I will die\" \"how do you know this?\" they responded. He (Shimon the Righteous) responded: \"all of the Yom Kippur days there was an old man dressed in all white who would go with me into the holy of holies and leave with me, on this year he went in with me but did not come out with me.\" Seven days passed after the holiday and he died. From the time of the death of Rebbi Shimon the Righteous they ceased blessing in the name of Hashem. |
|
5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.257-18.309 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 18.257. Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ γενομένης ̓Ιουδαίων τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ ̔Ελλήνων τρεῖς ἀφ' ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Γάιον. καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων πρέσβεων εἷς ̓Απίων, ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν Καίσαρος τιμῶν περιορῷεν: 18.258. πάντων γοῦν ὁπόσοι τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαί̈ῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων, μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι. 18.259. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ̓Απίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ̓Αλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν, 18.261. Γάιος δὲ ἐν δεινῷ φέρων εἰς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων περιῶφθαι μόνων πρεσβευτὴν ἐπὶ Συρίας ἐκπέμπει Πετρώνιον διάδοχον Οὐιτελλίῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς, κελεύων χειρὶ πολλῇ εἰσβαλόντι εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν, εἰ μὲν ἑκόντες δέχοιντο, ἱστᾶν αὐτοῦ ἀνδριάντα ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ δ' ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρῷντο, πολέμῳ κρατήσαντα τοῦτο ποιεῖν. 18.262. καὶ Πετρώνιος Συρίαν παραλαβὼν ἠπείγετο διακονεῖσθαι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος, συμμαχίαν τε πλείστην ὅσην ἠδύνατο ἀθροίσας καὶ τάγματα δύο τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεως ἄγων ἐπὶ Πτολεμαί̈δος παρῆν αὐτόθι χειμάσων ὡς πρὸς ἔαρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν οὐκ ἀφεξόμενος, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον ἔγραφεν περὶ τῶν ἐπεγνωσμένων. ὁ δὲ ἐπῄνει τῆς προθυμίας αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκέλευεν μὴ ἀνιέναι πολεμεῖν δὲ μὴ πειθομένοις ἐντεταμένως. 18.263. ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ πολλαὶ μυριάδες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Πετρώνιον εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα κατὰ δεήσεις μηδὲν ἐπὶ παρανομίᾳ σφᾶς ἐπαναγκάζειν καὶ παραβάσει τοῦ πατρίου νόμου. 18.264. “εἰ δέ σοι πάντως πρόκειται τὸν ἀνδριάντα φέρειν καὶ ἱστᾶν, ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς πρότερον μεταχειρισάμενος πρᾶσσε τὰ δεδογμένα: οὐδὲ γὰρ δυνάμεθα περιόντες θεωρεῖν πράγματα ἡμῖν ἀπηγορευμένα ἀξιώματί τε τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ προπατόρων τῶν ἡμετέρων τῶν εἰς ἀρετὴν ἀνήκειν αὐτὰ κεχειροτονηκότων.” Πετρώνιος δὲ ὀργὴν λαβὼν εἶπεν: 18.265. “ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ ὢν βουλεύμασι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ τάδε πράσσειν ἐπενόουν, κἂν δίκαιος ἦν ὑμῖν πρός με οὗτος ὁ λόγος. νυνὶ δέ μοι Καίσαρος ἐπεσταλκότος πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διακονεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐκείνῳ προανεψηφισμένοις διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀνηκεστοτέραν φέρειν ζημίαν τὴν παρακρόασιν αὐτῶν.” “ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὕτως φρονεῖς, 18.266. ὦ Πετρώνιε, φασὶν οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὡς μὴ ἂν ἐπιστολὰς τὰς Γαί̈ου παρελθεῖν, οὐδ' ἂν αὐτοὶ παραβαίημεν τοῦ νόμου τὴν προαγόρευσιν θεοῦ πεισθέντες ἀρετῇ καὶ προγόνων πόνοις τῶν ἡμετέρων εἰς νῦν ἀπαράβατοι μεμενηκότες, οὐδ' ἂν τολμήσαιμεν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κακοὶ γενέσθαι, ὥστε ὁπόσα ἐκείνῳ δόξειεν μὴ πρασσόμενα ἀγαθοῦ ῥοπὴν ἡμῖν φέρειν αὐτοὶ παραβαίνειν ποτ' ἂν θάνατον φοβηθέντες. 18.267. ὑπομενοῦμεν δὲ εἰς τύχας ἰόντες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τε πατρίων καὶ κινδυνεύειν προθεμένοις ἐλπίδα οὖσαν ἐξεπιστάμενοι κἂν περιγενέσθαι διά τε τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ στησόμενον μεθ' ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τε τῇ ἐκείνου τὰ δεινὰ ὑποδεχομένων καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸ ἐπ' ἀμφότερα φιλοῦν τοῖς πράγμασι παρατυγχάνειν, 18.268. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ σοὶ πείθεσθαι πολλὴν μὲν λοιδορίαν τοῦ ἀνάνδρου προσκεισομένην ὡς δι' αὐτὸ παράβασιν τοῦ νομίμου προσποιουμένοις, καὶ ἅμα πολλὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃς καὶ παρὰ σοὶ δικαστῇ γένοιτ' ἂν βελτίων Γαί̈ου.” 18.269. Καὶ ὁ Πετρώνιος ἐκ τῶν λόγων θεασάμενος δυσνίκητον αὐτῶν τὸ φρονοῦν καὶ μὴ ἂν ἀμαχεὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι διακονήσασθαι Γαί̈ῳ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος πολὺν δὲ ἔσεσθαι φόνον, τούς τε φίλους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ θεραπείαν, ἣ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, ἐπὶ Τιβεριάδος ἠπείγετο χρῄζων κατανοῆσαι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὰ πράγματα ὡς ἔχοι. 18.271. καὶ ἱκετείᾳ χρώμενοι μηδαμῶς εἰς ἀνάγκας τοιαύτας αὐτοὺς καθιστᾶν μηδὲ μιαίνειν ἀνδριάντος ἀναθέσει τὴν πόλιν, “πολεμήσετε ἄρα Καίσαρι, Πετρώνιος ἔφη, μήτε τὴν ἐκείνου παρασκευὴν λογιζόμενοι μήτε τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀσθένειαν;” οἱ δ' “οὐδαμῶς πολεμήσαιμεν, ἔφασαν, τεθνηξόμεθα δὲ πρότερον ἢ παραβῆναι τοὺς νόμους.” ἐπί τε τὰ πρόσωπα κείμενοι καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς προδεικνύντες ἕτοιμοι κτιννύεσθαι ἔλεγον εἶναι. 18.272. καὶ ταῦτ' ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα, καὶ τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀπερίοπτοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν καὶ ταῦτα τῆς ὥρας οὔσης πρὸς σπόρῳ, πολλή τε ἦν προαίρεσις αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐπιθυμίας πρόθεσις, ἢ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν θεάσασθαι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. 18.273. ̓Εν τούτοις ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων ̓Αριστόβουλος ὁ ̓Αγρίππου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ ̔Ελκίας ὁ μέγας ἄλλοι τε οἱ κράτιστοι τῆσδε τῆς οἰκίας καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰσίασιν ὡς τὸν Πετρώνιον παρακαλοῦντες αὐτόν, 18.274. ἐπειδὴ τὴν προθυμίαν ὁρᾷ τῆς πληθύος, μηδὲν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῆς παρακινεῖν, ἀλλὰ γράφειν πρὸς Γάιον τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀποδοχὴν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος, πῶς τε ἀποστάντες τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀντικαθέζονται, πολεμεῖν μὲν οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τὸ μηδ' ἂν δύνασθαι, θανεῖν δ' ἔχοντες ἡδονὴν πρὶν παραβῆναι τὰ νόμιμα αὐτοῖς, ὥστε ἀσπόρου τῆς γῆς γενομένης λῃστεῖαι ἂν φύοιντο ἀδυναμίᾳ καταβολῆς τῶν φόρων. 18.275. ἴσως γὰρ ἂν ἐπικλασθέντα τὸν Γάιον μηδὲν ὠμὸν διανοηθῆναι μηδὲ ἐπ' ἀναστάσει φρονῆσαι τοῦ ἔθνους: ἐμμένοντος δὲ τῇ τότε βουλῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν τότε δὴ καὐτὸν ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ πράγματος. 18.276. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν Πετρώνιον παρεκάλουν. Πετρώνιος δὲ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον παντοίως ἐπικειμένων διὰ τὸ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν δέησιν καὶ πάσῃ μηχανῇ χρησαμένων εἰς τὰς ἱκετείας, 18.277. τοῦτο δὲ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων θεώμενος τὴν ἀντιπαράταξιν τῆς γνώμης καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τοσαῖσδε ἀνθρώπων μυριάσιν μανίᾳ τῇ Γαί̈ου διακονούμενος ἐπαγαγὼν θάνατον ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸ πρὸς θεὸν σεβάσμιον ἔχειν καὶ μετὰ πονηρᾶς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα βίον ἐλπίδος διαιτᾶσθαι, πολὺ κρεῖσσον ἡγεῖτο ἐπιστείλας τῷ Γαί̈ῳ τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν * ὀργὴν φέροντος μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος δεδιακονημένου αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς: 18.278. τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πείσειν: καὶ τῇ τὸ πρῶτον μανίᾳ τῆς γνώμης ἐπιμένοντος ἅψεσθαι πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ δ' ἄρα τι καὶ κατ' αὐτοῦ τρέποι τῆς ὀργῆς, καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένοις ὑπὲρ τοσῆσδε ἀνθρώπων πληθύος τελευτᾶν, ἔκρινε πιθανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν δεομένων τὸν λόγον. 18.279. Συγκαλέσας δὲ εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, οἱ δὲ ἀφίκοντο πολλαὶ μυριάδες, καταστὰς ἐπ' αὐτῶν τήν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι στρατείαν οὐ γνώμης ἀπέφαινε τῆς αὐτοῦ τοῦ δὲ αὐτοκράτορος τῶν προσταγμάτων, τὴν ὀργὴν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολάς, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν τοῖς παρακροᾶσθαι θάρσος εἰσφερομένοις: ᾧ καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶν τόν γε τιμῆς τοσαύτης ἐπιτετευχότα συγχωρήσει τῇ ἐκείνου οὐδὲν ἐναντίον πράσσειν: 18.281. στέλλω δὲ ὡς Γάιον γνώμας τε τὰς ὑμετέρας διασαφῶν καί πῃ καὶ συνηγορίᾳ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην πεισομένην οἷς προύθεσθε ἀγαθοῖς. καὶ συμπράσσοι μὲν ὁ θεός, βελτίων γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἡ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἐξουσία, πρυτανεύων ὑμῖν τε τὴν τήρησιν τῶν πατρίων καὶ αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀνθρωπείαις παρὰ γνώμην βουλεύσεσι τιμῶν τῶν εἰωθυιῶν ἁμαρτεῖν. 18.282. εἰ δ' ἐκπικρανθεὶς Γάιος εἰς ἐμὲ τρέψει τὸ ἀνήκεστον τῆς ὀργῆς, τλήσομαι πάντα κίνδυνον καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν συνιοῦσαν τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς τοσούσδε ὄντας ἐπὶ οὕτως ἀγαθαῖς ταῖς πράξεσι διολλυμένους θεωρεῖν. 18.283. ἄπιτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἔργα τὰ αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι καὶ τῇ γῇ ἐπιπονεῖτε. πέμψω δ' αὐτὸς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης καὶ τὰ πάντα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν δι' ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἀποτραπήσομαι διακονεῖν.” 18.284. Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὸν σύλλογον προμηθεῖσθαι τῶν εἰς τὴν γεωργίαν ἠξίου τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ καθομιλεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθυμεῖν τὸ πλῆθος ἔσπευδεν. ὁ θεὸς δὲ παρρησίαν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν αὐτοῦ Πετρωνίῳ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις σύλληψιν: 18.285. ἅμα τε γὰρ ἐπαύετο τοῦ λόγου, ὃν πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους εἶπεν, καὶ αὐτίκα ὑετὸν ἠφίει μέγαν παρ' ἐλπίδα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις γενόμενον διὰ τὸ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αἴθριον ἕωθεν οὖσαν οὐδὲν ὄμβριον ἀποσημαίνειν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔτος αὐχμῷ μεγάλῳ κατεσχημένον ἐπ' ἀπογνώσει ποιεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὕδατος τοῦ ἄνωθεν, εἰ καὶ σύννεφόν ποτε θεάσαιντο τὸν οὐρανόν. 18.286. ὥστε δὴ τότε πολλοῦ καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἑτέρῳ δόξαν ἀφιγμένου ὕδατος τοῖς τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐλπὶς ἦν ἐπ' οὐδαμοῖς ἀτυχήσειν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δεόμενον, ὅ τε Πετρώνιος κατεπέπληκτο μειζόνως ὁρῶν ἐναργῶς τὸν θεὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προμηθούμενον καὶ πολλὴν ἀποσημήναντα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, ὡς μηδ' ἂν τοῖς ἔργῳ προθεμένοις τἀναντία φρονεῖν ἰσχὺν ἀντιλέξεως καταλελεῖφθαι. 18.287. ὡς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ὁπόσα ἔγραφεν, ἐπαγωγὰ δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα καὶ παντοίως παρακαλοῦντα μὴ τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἀπονοεῖν, ἃς εἰ κτείνοι, οὐ γὰρ δίχα γε πολέμου παραχωρήσειν τοῦ νομίμου τῆς θρησκείας, προσόδου τε τῆς ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἀποστερεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς ὑποτίθεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα. 18.288. κἄλλως θείου τοῦ προεστηκότος αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν ὡς ἀκραιφνῆ ἀπέφαινεν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοίαστον ἐπὶ δυνάμει τῇ αὐτῆς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι καταλείπουσαν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. 18.289. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης διαιτώμενος, προύκοπτε φιλίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως. καί ποτε προθεὶς δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ πρόνοιαν ἔχων πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τέλεσί τε τοῖς εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ παρασκευῇ τοῦ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροντος, 18.291. καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκθαυμάσας τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν, ὡς ἐπ' ἀρεσκείᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ βιάζοιτο καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν τῶν χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ χρήσασθαι, βουλόμενός τε μιμήσασθαι τὴν ̓Αγρίππου φιλοτιμίαν ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ πρασσομένην, ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν εἰς τὸ ἱλαρώτερον ἐκτετραμμένος, φησὶν ἐν συμποσίῳ παρακαλοῦντος εἰς πότον: 18.292. “̓Αγρίππα, καὶ πρότερον μέν σοι τιμὴν συνῄδειν ᾗ ἐχρῶ τὰ πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν μετὰ κινδύνων ἀποδειχθεῖσαν, οἷς ὑπὸ Τιβερίου περιέστης δι' αὐτήν, ἐπιλείπεις τε οὐδὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ὅθεν, αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ἡσσᾶσθαί με ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς σπουδῆς, ἀναλαβεῖν βούλομαι τὰ ἐλλελειμμένα πρότερον: 18.293. ὀλίγον γὰρ πᾶν ὁπόσον σοι δωρεῶν ἐχόμενον ἀπεμοιρασάμην. τὸ πᾶν, ὅπερ σοι ῥοπὴν ἂν προσθείη τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, δεδιακονήσεται γάρ σοι προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐμῇ.” καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν οἰόμενος γῆν τε πολλὴν τῆς προσόδου αἰτήσεσθαι ἢ καί τινων προσόδους πόλεων, 18.294. ὁ δὲ καίπερ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' οἷς αἰτήσαι παρασκευασάμενος οὐκ ἐφανέρου τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀμείβεται τὸν Γάιον, ὅτι “μήτε πρότερον κέρδος τὸ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ καραδοκῶν παρὰ τὰς Τιβερίου ἐπιστολὰς θεραπεύσειεν αὐτὸν οὔτε νῦν πράσσειν τι τῶν εἰς χάριν τὴν ἐκείνου κερδῶν οἰκείων ἔν τισι λήψεσι. 18.295. μεγάλα δὲ εἶναι τὰ προδεδωρημένα καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ θράσει χρωμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων: καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῆς σῆς ἐλάττονα γέγονεν δυνάμεως, 18.296. τῆς γ' ἐμοῦ τοῦ εἰληφότος διανοίας τε καὶ ἀξιώσεως μείζονα.” καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκπλαγεὶς τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ πλειόνως ἐνέκειτο εἰπεῖν, ὅ τι χαρίζοιτ' ἂν αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος. ὁ δέ, “ἐπεί περ, ὦ δέσποτα, προθυμίᾳ τῇ σῇ δωρεῶν ἄξιον ἀποφαίνεις, αἰτήσομαι τῶν μὲν εἰς ὄλβον φερόντων οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ μεγάλως με ἐνδιαπρέπειν οἷς ἤδη παρέσχες: 18.297. ὅ τι δ' ἂν σοὶ δόξαν προσποιοῖ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς καὶ τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον ἐφ' οἷς θελήσειας παρακαλοῖ κἀμοὶ πρὸς εὐκλείας γένοιτο παρὰ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις, ὡς μηθενὸς ὧν χρησαίμην ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ἐξουσίας ἀτυχεῖν πώποτε γνόντι: ἀξιῶ γάρ σοι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, ἣν ποιήσασθαι κελεύεις Πετρώνιον εἰς τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἱερόν, μηκέτι πράσσειν διανοεῖσθαι.” 18.298. Καὶ ὁ μὲν καίπερ ἐπικίνδυνον τοῦτο ἡγούμενος, εἰ γὰρ μὴ πιθανὰ ἔκρινε Γάιος, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἐς θάνατον ἔφερεν, διὰ τὸ μεγάλα νομίζειν τε καὶ εἶναι κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖτο. 18.299. Γάιος δὲ καὶ ἅμα τε τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἀνειλημμένος καὶ ἄλλως ἀπρεπὲς ὑπολαμβάνων ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων ψευδὴς γενέσθαι περὶ ὧν προθύμως ἐβιάζετο αἰτεῖσθαι τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν μετὰ τοῦ ὀξέος μεταμέλῳ χρώμενος, 18.301. “νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν φθάνεις τὸν ἀνδριάντα ἑστακώς, ἑστάτω: εἰ δὲ μήπω πεποίησαι τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακοπαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τόν τε στρατὸν διάλυε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφ' ἃ τὸ πρῶτόν σε ἔστειλα ἄπιθι: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι δέομαι τῆς ἀναστάσεως τοῦ ἀνδριάντος ̓Αγρίππᾳ χαριζόμενος ἀνδρὶ παρ' ἐμοὶ τιμωμένῳ μειζόνως ἢ ὥστε με χρείᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ οἷς κελεύσειεν ἀντειπεῖν.” 18.302. Γάιος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον πρότερον ἢ ἐντυχεῖν * ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἐπείγεσθαι, μηδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον ἀποσημαίνειν τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πόλεμον ἄντικρυς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀπειλεῖν. 18.303. καὶ περιαλγήσας ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ τετολμηκότων, ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ἐφ' οἷστισι κρίνειεν ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι παρ' ὁντινοῦν ἐπειγόμενος παίδευσιν αὐτῆς οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν προστιθείς, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τιθεὶς τῇ ἐκείνης τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον: 18.304. “ἐπειδὴ δῶρα ὁπόσα σοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι παρέσχον ἐν μείζονι λόγῳ τῶν ἐμῶν πεποίησαι ἐντολῶν διακονεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐκείνων ἀρθεὶς ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν ἐμῶν ἐντολῶν, κελεύω σε σαυτῷ. κριτὴν γενόμενον λογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ ποιητέου σοι ὑποστάντα ὀργῇ τῇ ἐμῇ, ἐπεί τοι παράδειγμα ποιοῖντό σε οἵ τε νῦν πάντες καὶ ὁπόσοι ὕστεροι γένοιντ' ἄν, μηδαμῶς ἀκυροῦν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνδρὸς ἐντολάς.” 18.305. Ταύτην μὲν γράφει Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φθάνει γε ζῶντος Πετρώνιος δεξάμενος αὐτὴν βραδυνθέντος τοῦ πλοῦ τοῖς φέρουσιν εἰς τοσόνδε, ὥστε Πετρωνίῳ γράμματα πρὸ αὐτῆς ἀφικέσθαι, δι' ὧν μανθάνει τὴν Γαί̈ου τελευτήν. 18.306. θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἄρ' ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε Πετρωνίῳ κινδύνων, οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ τὸν Γάιον ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε, τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν * συνευεργετεῖν τῷ Πετρωνίῳ ἥ τε ̔Ρώμη καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή, μάλιστα δ' ὁπόσοι τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι, διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν Γάιον. 18.307. καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἢ γράψαι τῷ Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ θανεῖν ἀνακειμένην ἐπιστολήν, τὴν δ' αἰτίαν, ἐξ ἧς τελευτᾷ, καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον ἀφηγήσομαι προϊόντος τοῦ λόγου. 18.308. Πετρωνίῳ δὲ προτέρα μὲν παρῆν ἡ διασαφοῦσα τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιστολή, μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἡ κελεύουσα αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα, καὶ ἥσθη τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ τοῦ ὀλέθρου, ὃς τὸν Γάιον κατέλαβεν, 18.309. καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἐξεθαύμασεν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μισθὸν αὐτῷ τιμῆς τε τῆς εἰς τὸν ναὸς καὶ βοηθείας τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων σωτηρίας παρασχομένου. καὶ Πετρωνίῳ μὲν οὕτως μὴ ἂν τοπασθεὶς διεφεύχθη ῥᾳδίως ὁ κίνδυνος τοῦ θανεῖν. | 18.257. 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; 18.258. for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 18.261. 2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. 18.262. Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar’s epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. 18.263. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers; 18.264. “but if,” said they, “thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers’ determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.” 18.265. But Petronius was angry at them, and said, “If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.” 18.266. Then the Jews replied, “Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death, 18.267. which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. 18.268. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.” 18.269. 3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were; 18.271. and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, “Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?” They replied, “We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.” So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain; 18.272. and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it. Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue. 18.273. 4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, 18.274. that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; 18.275. and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. 18.276. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication,— 18.277. partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, 18.278. for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter. 18.279. 5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:— 18.281. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. 18.282. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner. 18.283. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.” 18.284. 6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; 18.285. for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds; 18.286. insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. 18.287. This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. 18.288. Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in. 18.289. 7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure; 18.291. hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: 18.292. “I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient; 18.293. for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.” And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities. 18.294. But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; 18.295. that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver. 18.296. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, “Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; 18.297. but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.” 18.298. 8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. 18.299. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said, 18.300. and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. 18.301. “If therefore,” said’ he, “thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.” 18.302. And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. 18.303. When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: 18.304. “Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.” 18.305. 9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead; 18.306. for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them; 18.307. for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. 18.308. Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius, 18.309. and admired God’s providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee. |
|
6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.184-2.203 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 2.184. Γάιος δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην, ὥστε θεὸν ἑαυτὸν καὶ δοκεῖν βούλεσθαι καὶ καλεῖσθαι τῶν τε εὐγενεστάτων ἀνδρῶν ἀκροτομῆσαι τὴν πατρίδα, ἐκτεῖναι δὲ τὴν ἀσέβειαν καὶ ἐπὶ ̓Ιουδαίαν. 2.185. Πετρώνιον μὲν οὖν μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἔπεμψεν ἐγκαθιδρύσοντα τῷ ναῷ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας αὐτοῦ, προστάξας, εἰ μὴ δέχοιντο ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τούς τε κωλύοντας ἀνελεῖν καὶ πᾶν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔθνος ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι. 2.186. θεῷ δ' ἄρα τῶν προσταγμάτων ἔμελεν. καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν σὺν τρισὶ τάγμασι καὶ πολλοῖς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχοις εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἤλαυνεν ἐκ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας, 2.187. ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἠπίστουν ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου φήμαις, οἱ δὲ πιστεύοντες ἦσαν ἐν ἀμηχάνῳ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν: ταχὺ δ' ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων τὸ δέος ἤδη παρούσης εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα τῆς στρατιᾶς. 2.188. Πόλις δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας παράλιος κατὰ τὸ μέγα πεδίον ἐκτισμένη, περιέχεται δὲ ὄρεσιν ἐκ μὲν τοῦ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν κλίματος ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα τῷ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μεσημβρινοῦ τῷ Καρμήλῳ διέχοντι σταδίους ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, τῷ δ' ὑψηλοτάτῳ κατ' ἄρκτον, ὃ καλοῦσιν κλίμακα Τυρίων οἱ ἐπιχώριοι: 2.189. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ σταδίους ἀφέστηκεν ἑκατόν. τοῦ δ' ἄστεος ὅσον ἀπὸ δύο σταδίων ὁ καλούμενος Βήλεος ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ παντάπασιν ὀλίγος, παρ' ᾧ τὸ Μέμνονος μνημεῖόν ἐστιν ἔχον ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ τόπον ἑκατονταπήχη θαύματος ἄξιον: 2.191. θαυμασιώτερον δὲ τούτου μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τὴν ὑπερχυθεῖσαν ὕελον ἐκ τοῦ τόπου πάλιν ψάμμον γίνεσθαι εἰκαίαν. τὸ μὲν οὖν χωρίον τοῦτο τοιαύτην εἴληχεν φύσιν. 2.192. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἀθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ πρὸς Πτολεμαί̈δι καθικέτευον τὸν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν. ὁ δὲ πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ἐνδοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς στρατιὰς ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι λείπει, 2.193. προελθὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ συγκαλέσας τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους πάντας εἰς Τιβεριάδα τήν τε ̔Ρωμαίων διεξῄει δύναμιν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἀπειλάς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἀπέφαινεν ἀγνώμονα: 2.194. πάντων γὰρ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐθνῶν κατὰ πόλιν συγκαθιδρυκότων τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας τὸ μόνους ἐκείνους ἀντιτάσσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦτο σχεδὸν ἀφισταμένων εἶναι καὶ μεθ' ὕβρεως. 2.195. Τῶν δὲ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος προτεινομένων καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ θεοῦ τι δείκηλον, οὐχ ὅπως ἀνδρός, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ναὸν μόνον ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἐν εἰκαίῳ τινὶ τόπῳ τῆς χώρας θέσθαι θεμιτὸν εἴη, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Πετρώνιος “ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐμοὶ φυλακτέος ὁ τοὐμοῦ δεσπότου νόμος”, ἔφη: “παραβὰς γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ φεισάμενος ὑμῶν ἀπολοῦμαι δικαίως. πολεμήσει δ' ὑμᾶς ὁ πέμψας με καὶ οὐκ ἐγώ: 2.196. καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς, ἐπιτάσσομαι.” πρὸς ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος πάντ' ἐβόα πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάσχειν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν. καταστείλας δ' αὐτῶν ὁ Πετρώνιος τὴν βοήν, “πολεμήσετε, εἶπεν, ἄρα 2.197. Καίσαρι;” καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι περὶ μὲν Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας θύειν ἔφασαν, εἰ δὲ βούλεται τὰς εἰκόνας ἐγκαθιδρύειν, πρότερον αὐτὸν δεῖν ἅπαν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος προθύσασθαι: παρέχειν δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὴν σφαγὴν ἅμα τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξίν. 2.198. ἐπὶ τούτοις θαῦμα καὶ οἶκτος εἰσῄει τὸν Πετρώνιον τῆς τε ἀνυπερβλήτου θρησκείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοίμου παραστήματος. καὶ τότε μὲν ἄπρακτοι διελύθησαν. 2.199. Ταῖς δ' ἑξῆς ἀθρόους τε τοὺς δυνατοὺς κατ' ἰδίαν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐν κοινῷ συλλέγων ποτὲ μὲν παρεκάλει, ποτὲ δὲ συνεβούλευεν, τὸ πλέον μέντοι διηπείλει τήν τε ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπανατεινόμενος ἰσχὺν καὶ τοὺς Γαί̈ου θυμοὺς τήν τε ἰδίαν πρὸς τούτοις ἀνάγκην. 2.201. εἰπών, ἢ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ συνεργοῦντος πείσας Καίσαρα σωθήσομαι μεθ' ὑμῶν ἡδέως ἢ παροξυνθέντος ὑπὲρ τοσούτων ἑτοίμως ἐπιδώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχήν”, διαφῆκεν τὸ πλῆθος πολλὰ κατευχομένων αὐτῷ, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς Πτολεμαί̈δος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντιόχειαν. 2.202. ἔνθεν εὐθέως ἐπέστελλεν Καίσαρι τήν τε ἐμβολὴν τὴν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἱκεσίας τοῦ ἔθνους, ὅτι τε, εἰ μὴ βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολέσαι, δέοι φυλάττειν τε αὐτοὺς τὸν νόμον καὶ παριέναι τὸ πρόσταγμα. 2.203. ταύταις ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐ σφόδρα μετρίως ἀντέγραψεν ὁ Γάιος, ἀπειλῶν Πετρωνίῳ θάνατον, ὅτι τῶν προσταγμάτων αὐτοῦ βραδὺς ὑπηρέτης ἐγίνετο. ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν τούτων γραμματοφόρους συνέβη χειμασθῆναι τρεῖς μῆνας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸν δὲ Γαί̈ου θάνατον ἄλλοι καταγγέλλοντες εὐπλόουν. ἔφθη γοῦν τὰς περὶ τούτων Πετρώνιος λαβὼν ἐπιστολὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις ἢ τὰς καθ' ἑαυτοῦ. | 2.184. 1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. 2.185. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: 2.186. but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. 2.187. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais. 2.188. 2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. 2.189. The very small river Belus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon’s monument, and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; 2.190. for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. 2.191. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of. 2.192. 3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and statues at Ptolemais, 2.193. and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because, 2.194. while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods,—for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar. 2.195. 4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, “And am not I also,” said he, “bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.” 2.196. Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, “Will you then make war against Caesar?” 2.197. The Jews said, “We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;” but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. 2.198. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success. 2.199. 5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined]. 2.200. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together, 2.201. and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; “for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.” Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; 2.202. from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. 2.203. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius’s epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius’s death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself. |
|
7. Mishnah, Avot, 1.2-1.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 1.2. שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק הָיָה מִשְּׁיָרֵי כְנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, עַל שְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים הָעוֹלָם עוֹמֵד, עַל הַתּוֹרָה וְעַל הָעֲבוֹדָה וְעַל גְּמִילוּת חֲסָדִים: 1.3. אַנְטִיגְנוֹס אִישׁ סוֹכוֹ קִבֵּל מִשִּׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, אַל תִּהְיוּ כַעֲבָדִים הַמְשַׁמְּשִׁין אֶת הָרַב עַל מְנָת לְקַבֵּל פְּרָס, אֶלָּא הֱווּ כַעֲבָדִים הַמְשַׁמְּשִׁין אֶת הָרַב שֶׁלֹּא עַל מְנָת לְקַבֵּל פְּרָס, וִיהִי מוֹרָא שָׁמַיִם עֲלֵיכֶם: | 1.2. Shimon the Righteous was one of the last of the men of the great assembly. He used to say: the world stands upon three things: the Torah, the Temple service, and the practice of acts of piety. 1.3. Antigonus a man of Socho received [the oral tradition] from Shimon the Righteous. He used to say: do not be like servants who serve the master in the expectation of receiving a reward, but be like servants who serve the master without the expectation of receiving a reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you. |
|
8. Mishnah, Parah, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 3.5. לֹא מָצְאוּ מִשֶּׁבַע, עוֹשִׂין מִשֵּׁשׁ, מֵחָמֵשׁ, מֵאַרְבַּע, מִשָּׁלשׁ, מִשְּׁתַּיִם וּמֵאֶחָת. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָם. הָרִאשׁוֹנָה עָשָׂה משֶׁה, וְהַשְּׁנִיָּה עָשָׂה עֶזְרָא, וְחָמֵשׁ, מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, שֶׁבַע מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָן. שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק וְיוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל עָשׂוּ שְׁתַּיִם שְׁתַּיִם, אֶלְיְהוֹעֵינַי בֶּן הַקּוֹף וַחֲנַמְאֵל הַמִּצְרִי וְיִשְׁמָעֵאל בֶּן פִּיאָבִי עָשׂוּ אַחַת אֶחָת: | 3.5. If they did not find the residue of the ashes of the seven [red cows] they performed the sprinkling with those of six, of five, of four, of three, of two or of one. And who prepared these? Moses prepared the first, Ezra prepared the second, and five were prepared from the time of Ezra, the words of Rabbi Meir. But the sages say: seven from the time of Ezra. And who prepared them? Shimon the Just and Yoha the high priest prepared two; Elihoenai the son of Ha-Kof and Hanamel the Egyptian and Ishmael the son of Piabi prepared one each. |
|
9. Mishnah, Sotah, 9.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 9.9. מִשֶּׁרַבּוּ הָרַצְחָנִים, בָּטְלָה עֶגְלָה עֲרוּפָה, מִשֶּׁבָּא אֶלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן דִּינַאי, וּתְחִינָה בֶּן פְּרִישָׁה הָיָה נִקְרָא, חָזְרוּ לִקְרוֹתוֹ בֶּן הָרַצְחָן. מִשֶּׁרַבּוּ הַמְנָאֲפִים, פָּסְקוּ הַמַּיִם הַמָּרִים, וְרַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי הִפְסִיקָן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (הושע ד) לֹא אֶפְקוֹד עַל בְּנוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תִזְנֶינָה וְעַל כַּלּוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תְנָאַפְנָה כִּי הֵם וְגוֹ'. מִשֶּׁמֵּת יוֹסֵי בֶן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵדָה וְיוֹסֵי בֶן יוֹחָנָן אִישׁ יְרוּשָׁלַיִם, בָּטְלוּ הָאֶשְׁכּוֹלוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (מיכה ז) אֵין אֶשְׁכּוֹל לֶאֱכֹל בִּכּוּרָה אִוְּתָה נַפְשִׁי: | 9.9. When murderers multiplied, the [ceremony of] breaking a heifer’s neck ceased. That was from the time of Eliezer ben Dinai, and he was also called Tehinah ben Perisha and he was afterwards renamed “son of the murderer”. When adulterers multiplied, the ceremony of the bitter waters ceased and it was Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai who discontinued it, as it is said, “I will not punish their daughters for fornicating, nor their daughters-in-law for committing adultery, for they themselves [turn aside with whores and sacrifice with prostitutes]” (Hosea 4:14). When Yose ben Yoezer of Zeredah and Yose ben Yoha of Jerusalem died, the grape-clusters ceased, as it is said, “There is not a cluster [of grapes] to eat; not a ripe fig I could desire [The pious are vanished from the land, none upright are left among men” (Micah 7:1-2). 9. Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: [the cessation of observation of the] purity laws has removed taste and fragrance, [the cessation of observation of] the tithes has removed the fatness of grain. But the Sages say: licentiousness and sorcery destroyed everything.,[The declaration over] the heifer whose neck is to be broken must be in the holy tongue; as it is said, “If a corpse is found slain on the land … then your elders and judges shall go out” (Deuteronomy 21:1-2)--three used to go out from the high court in Jerusalem. Rabbi Judah says: five, as it is said, “Your elders” two, “and your judges” two, and there cannot be a court of an even number, they add one more.,When murderers multiplied, the [ceremony of] breaking a heifer’s neck ceased. That was from the time of Eliezer ben Dinai, and he was also called Tehinah ben Perisha and he was afterwards renamed “son of the murderer”. When adulterers multiplied, the ceremony of the bitter waters ceased and it was Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai who discontinued it, as it is said, “I will not punish their daughters for fornicating, nor their daughters-in-law for committing adultery, for they themselves [turn aside with whores and sacrifice with prostitutes]” (Hosea 4:14). When Yose ben Yoezer of Zeredah and Yose ben Yoha of Jerusalem died, the grape-clusters ceased, as it is said, “There is not a cluster [of grapes] to eat; not a ripe fig I could desire [The pious are vanished from the land, none upright are left among men” (Micah 7:1-2).,When Rabbi Meir died, the composers of fables ceased. When Ben Azzai died, the diligent students [of Torah] ceased. When Ben Zoma died, the expounders ceased. When Rabbi Joshua died, goodness ceased from the world. When Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel died, locusts come and troubles multiplied. When Rabbi Elazar ben Azaryah died, the sages ceased to be wealthy. When Rabbi Akiba died, the glory of the Torah ceased. When Rabbi Hanina ben Dosa died, men of wondrous deeds ceased. When Rabbi Yose Katnuta died, the pious men (hasidim) ceased and why was his name called Katnuta? Because he was the youngest of the pious men. When Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai died, the splendor of wisdom ceased. When Rabban Gamaliel the elder died, the glory of the torah ceased, and purity and separateness perished. When Rabbi Ishmael ben Fabi died, the splendor of the priesthood ceased. When Rabbi died, humility and fear of sin ceased. Rabbi Phineas ben Yair says: when Temple was destroyed, scholars and freemen were ashamed and covered their head, men of wondrous deeds were disregarded, and violent men and big talkers grew powerful. And nobody expounds, nobody seeks, and nobody asks. Upon whom shall we depend? Upon our father who is in heaven. Rabbi Eliezer the Great says: from the day the Temple was destroyed, the sages began to be like scribes, scribes like synagogue-attendants, synagogue-attendants like common people, and the common people became more and more debased. And nobody seeks. Upon whom shall we depend? Upon our father who is in heaven. In the footsteps of the messiah insolence (hutzpah) will increase and the cost of living will go up greatly; the vine will yield its fruit, but wine will be expensive; the government will turn to heresy, and there will be no one to rebuke; the meeting-place [of scholars] will be used for licentiousness; the Galilee will be destroyed, the Gablan will be desolated, and the dwellers on the frontier will go about [begging] from place to place without anyone to take pity on them; the wisdom of the learned will rot, fearers of sin will be despised, and the truth will be lacking; youths will put old men to shame, the old will stand up in the presence of the young, “For son spurns father, daughter rises up against mother, daughter-in-law against mother-in-law a man’s own household are his enemies” (Micah 7:6). The face of the generation will be like the face of a dog, a son will not feel ashamed before his father. Upon whom shall we depend? Upon our father who is in heaven. Rabbi Pinchas ben Yair says, “Heedfulness leads to cleanliness, cleanliness leads to purity, purity leads to separation, separation leads to holiness, holiness leads to modesty, modesty leads to fear of sin, fear of sin leads to piety, piety leads to the Holy Spirit, The Holy Spirit leads to the resurrection of the dead, and the resurrection of the dead comes from Elijah, blessed be his memory, Amen.”,If the head was found in one place and the body in another place, they bring the head to the body, the words of Rabbi Eliezer. Rabbi Akiva says: [they bring] the body to the head.,Yoha the high priest brought to an end the confession made at the presentation of the tithe. He also discontinued the wakers and the knockers Up to his days the hammer used to strike in Jerusalem, And in his days there was no need to inquire about doubtfully tithed produce.,When the former prophets died, the Urim and Thummim ceased. When Temple was destroyed, the shamir and nopheth zufim ceased. And people of faith ceased, as it says, “Help, O Lord, for the faithful are no more” (Psalms 12:2). Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel in the name of Rabbi Joshua: from the day the Temple was destroyed, there is no day without a curse, the dew has not descended for a blessing, and the flavor has departed from produce. Rabbi Yose says: the fatness was also removed from produce.,From what part [of the body] do they measure? Rabbi Eliezer says: from the navel. Rabbi Akiva says: from the nose. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: from the place where he was made a slain person, from the neck.,If [the corpse] was found buried underneath a heap of stones, or hanging on a tree, or floating on the surface of the water, they would not break [the heifer’s neck], as it says: “In the earth” and not buried underneath a heap of stones, nor hanging on a tree; “In a field” and not floating on the surface of the water. If it was found near the border, or a city whose majority of inhabitants were Gentiles, or a city in which there is no court, they would not break [the heifer's neck]. They only measure the distance from a city in which there is a court. If [the corpse] was found exactly between two cities, both of them bring two heifers [between them], the words of Rabbi Eliezer; Jerusalem does not bring a heifer whose neck is to be broken.,The elders of Jerusalem departed and went away. The elders of that city bring “a heifer which has never been worked” (Deuteronomy 21:3). And a blemish does not disqualify it. They bring it down to a hard (etan) wadi “etan” is understood in its literal sense of “hard”. Even if it is not “hard”, it is valid [for the ceremony]. They break its neck with a hatchet from behind. The site may never be sown or tilled, but it is permitted to comb flax and chisel rocks.,If one witness says “I saw the murderer” and one witness says “You did not see him”; or if a woman says “I saw him” and another woman says “You did not see him”, they break its neck. If one witness says “I saw him” and two say “You did not see him”, they break its neck. If two say “We saw him” and one says to them “You did not see him”, they do not break its neck.,If the murderer was discovered before the heifer’s neck was broken, it goes free and grazes with the herd; But if after the heifer’s neck was broken, it is buried in that place because it came there from the outset in connection with a matter of doubt, and atoned for the doubt which is now gone. If the heifer’s neck was broken and afterwards the murderer is discovered, behold he is executed.,During the war with Vespasian they [the rabbis] decreed against [the use of] crowns worn by bridegrooms and against [the use of] the bell. During the war with Quietus they decreed against [the use of] crowns worn by brides and that nobody should teach their child Greek. During the final war they decreed that a bride should not go out in a palanquin inside the city, but our rabbis decreed that a bride may go out in a palanquin inside the city.,When the Sanhedrin ceased [to function], song ceased from the places of feasting, as it is said, “They drink their wine without song” (Isaiah 24:9).,The elders of that city then wash their hands with water in the place where the heifer's neck was broken and they say, “Our hands have not shed this blood, neither have our eyes seen it” (Deuteronomy 21:7). But did we really think that the elders of a court of justice are shedders of blood! Rather, [the intention of their statement is that the man found dead] did not come to us [for help] and we dismissed him without supplying him with food and we did not see him and let him go without escort. Then the priests exclaim, “Absolve, O Lord, Your people Israel, whom You redeemed, and do not let guilt for the blood of the innocent remain among your people Israel” (vs.. They did not need to say, “And they will be absolved of bloodguilt” (ibid), rather the Holy Spirit announces to them, “When you act in this way, the blood is forgiven you.” |
|
10. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 69a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 69a. וסיפא איצטריכא ליה פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין תחת ראשיהם,פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין אותן תחת ראשיהן שמעת מינה בגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן אמר רב פפא לא תימא תחת ראשיהן אלא אימא כנגד ראשיהן אמר רב משרשיא שמעת מינה תפילין מן הצד שפיר דמי,הכי נמי מסתברא דכנגד ראשיהן דאי סלקא דעתך תחת ראשיהן ותיפוק לי משום כלאים דהא איכא אבנט ונהי נמי דניתנו ליהנות בהן הא מתהני מכלאים,הניחא למ"ד אבנטו של כהן גדול (בשאר ימות השנה) זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט אלא למאן דאמר אבנטו של כ"ג לא זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט מאי איכא למימר,וכי תימא כלאים בלבישה והעלאה הוא דאסור בהצעה שרי והתניא (ויקרא יט, יט) לא יעלה עליך אבל אתה מותר להציעו תחתיך אבל אמרו חכמים אסור לעשות כן שמא תיכרך נימא אחת על בשרו,וכ"ת דמפסיק ליה מידי ביני ביני והאמר ר"ש בן פזי אמר ר' יהושע בן לוי אמר רבי משום קהלא קדישא שבירושלים אפי' עשר מצעות זו על גב זו וכלאים תחתיהן אסור לישן עליהן אלא לאו שמע מינה כנגד ראשיהן שמע מינה,רב אשי אמר לעולם תחת ראשיהן והא קא מתהני מכלאים בגדי כהונה קשין הן כי הא דאמר רב הונא בריה דר' יהושע האי נמטא גמדא דנרש שריא,ת"ש בגדי כהונה היוצא בהן למדינה אסור ובמקדש בין בשעת עבודה בין שלא בשעת עבודה מותר מפני שבגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן ש"מ,ובמדינה לא והתניא בעשרים וחמשה [בטבת] יום הר גרזים [הוא] דלא למספד,יום שבקשו כותיים את בית אלהינו מאלכסנדרוס מוקדון להחריבו ונתנו להם באו והודיעו את שמעון הצדיק מה עשה לבש בגדי כהונה ונתעטף בבגדי כהונה ומיקירי ישראל עמו ואבוקות של אור בידיהן וכל הלילה הללו הולכים מצד זה והללו הולכים מצד זה עד שעלה עמוד השחר,כיון שעלה עמוד השחר אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו יהודים שמרדו בך כיון שהגיע לאנטיפטרס זרחה חמה ופגעו זה בזה כיון שראה לשמעון הצדיק ירד ממרכבתו והשתחוה לפניו אמרו לו מלך גדול כמותך ישתחוה ליהודי זה אמר להם דמות דיוקנו של זה מנצחת לפני בבית מלחמתי,אמר להם למה באתם אמרו אפשר בית שמתפללים בו עליך ועל מלכותך שלא תחרב יתעוך עובדי כוכבים להחריבו אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו כותיים הללו שעומדים לפניך אמר להם הרי הם מסורין בידיכם,מיד נקבום בעקביהם ותלאום בזנבי סוסיהם והיו מגררין אותן על הקוצים ועל הברקנים עד שהגיעו להר גרזים כיון שהגיעו להר גריזים חרשוהו וזרעוהו כרשינין כדרך שבקשו לעשות לבית אלהינו ואותו היום עשאוהו יו"ט,אי בעית אימא ראויין לבגדי כהונה ואי בעית אימא (תהלים קיט, קכו) עת לעשות לה' הפרו תורתך,חזן הכנסת נוטל ספר תורה ש"מ חולקין כבוד לתלמיד במקום הרב אמר אביי כולה משום כבודו דכ"ג היא,וכהן גדול עומד מכלל שהוא יושב והא אנן תנן | 69a. That mishna’s teaching highlighting the prohibition to sleep in priestly vestments is needed for the latter clause of that mishna, which states: They remove their priestly vestments and fold them and place them under their heads. Since they are allowed to sleep on them, it must be emphasized that they may not sleep while wearing them.,The Gemara considers resolving the dilemma from the latter clause: They remove their priestly vestments and fold them and place them under their heads. The Gemara suggests: Learn from this that it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Rav Pappa said: Do not say that the mishna means they may actually place the vestments under their heads as a pillow; rather, say that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only next to their heads. Rav Mesharshiyya said: Given this understanding of that mishna, one can learn from here that one who places phylacteries to the side of his head when he sleeps has done well; there is no concern that he will turn over in his sleep and lie upon them.,So too, it is reasonable to say that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only next to their heads and not under their heads; as, if it could enter your mind to say that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed under their heads, and I would derive that it is prohibited due to the fact the priestly vestments contain a forbidden mixture of diverse kinds, as among them there is the belt, which is woven from a mixture of wool and linen. And even if it is assumed that it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments, it would still be prohibited to lie upon them because by doing so the priests would be deriving benefit from a garment made of diverse kinds.,The Gemara elaborates on the preceding argument: If one claims that the mishna permits priests to sleep upon their vestments, it works out well according to the one who said: The belt of the High Priest worn on Yom Kippur, which does not contain diverse kinds, is the same as the belt of a common priest. According to this view, the common priest’s belt does not contain diverse kinds, and therefore it may be permitted for a priest to sleep upon it. However, according to the one who said that the High Priest’s belt on Yom Kippur is not the same as the belt of a common priest, and that the belt of the common priest is made of diverse kinds, what is there to say? How could the mishna possibly permit priests to sleep upon their vestments?,And if you say that with regard to the prohibition of diverse kinds only wearing or placing the garment upon oneself is prohibited, but spreading them out and lying upon them on is permitted, and as such it should be permitted for the priests to sleep upon their vestments, this is incorrect. As, wasn’t it taught in a baraita that the verse states: “Neither shall there come upon you a garment of diverse kinds”(Leviticus 19:19), which implies: But you are permitted to spread it beneath you to lie upon. This is true according to Torah law, but the Sages said: It is prohibited to do so, lest a fiber wrap upon his flesh, which would lead to the transgression of the Torah prohibition.,And if you say that a priest could still avoid the prohibition of diverse kinds by placing a separation between himself and the belt containing diverse kinds, didn’t Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi say that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said that Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said in the name of the holy community in Jerusalem: Even if there are ten mattresses piled one atop the other and a garment of diverse kinds is placed underneath them all, it is prohibited to sleep upon them? This is because the rabbinic decree is applied equally to all cases irrespective of whether the original concern exists. Therefore, there can be no way for the priests to sleep upon the vestments without transgressing the prohibition of diverse kinds. Rather, must one not conclude from the preceding discussion that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only next to their heads? The Gemara concludes: Learn from it that this is indeed so.,Rav Ashi said: Actually, the mishna may be understood as permitting the vestments to be placed under their heads. One should not object that by doing so the priests would be deriving benefit from a garment made of diverse kinds because priestly vestments, and specifically the belt, are stiff, and therefore the prohibition of diverse kinds does not apply to them. This is in accordance with that which Rav Huna, son of Rabbi Yehoshua, said: This stiff felt [namta], made of diverse kinds, that is produced in the city of Neresh, is permitted, since a stiff object does not wrap around the body to provide warmth, and therefore the person wearing is not considered to have derived benefit from it.,Since the mishna’s intention is uncertain, it cannot provide a clear proof for the dilemma of whether it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. The Gemara therefore suggests another proof: Come and hear an explicit baraita concerning this issue: With regard to priestly vestments, it is prohibited to go out to the country, i.e., outside the Temple, while wearing them, but in the Temple it is permitted for the priests to wear them, whether during the Temple service or not during the service, due to the fact that it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Learn from this that it is indeed permitted.,§ The baraita taught that the priestly vestments may not be worn outside the Temple. The Gemara challenges this: Is it really not permitted to wear priestly vestments in the country? Wasn’t it taught in another baraita, in Megillat Ta’anit: The twenty-fifth of Tevet is known as the day of Mount Gerizim, which was established as a joyful day, and therefore eulogizing is not permitted.,What occurred on that date? It was on that day that the Samaritans [kutim] requested the House of our Lord from Alexander the Macedonian in order to destroy it, and he gave it to them, i.e., he gave them permission to destroy it. People came and informed the High Priest, Shimon HaTzaddik, of what had transpired. What did he do? He donned the priestly vestments and wrapped himself in the priestly vestments. And the nobles of the Jewish People were with him, with torches of fire in their hands. And all that night, these, the representatives of the Jewish people, approached from this side, and those, the armies of Alexander and the Samaritans, approached from that side, until dawn, when they finally saw one another.,When dawn arrived, Alexander said to the Samaritans: Who are these people coming to meet us? They said to him: These are the Jews who rebelled against you. When he reached Antipatris, the sun shone and the two camps met each other. When Alexander saw Shimon HaTzaddik, he descended from his chariot and bowed before him. His escorts said to him: Should an important king such as you bow to this Jew? He said to them: I do so because the image of this man’s face is victorious before me on my battlefields, i.e., when I fight I see his image going before me as a sign of victory, and therefore I know that he has supreme sanctity.,He said to the representatives of the Jewish people: Why have you come? They said to him: Is it possible that the Temple, the house in which we pray for you and for your kingdom not to be destroyed, gentiles will try to mislead you into destroying it, and we would remain silent and not tell you? He said to them: Who are these people who want to destroy it? The Jews said to him: They are these Samaritans who stand before you. He said to them: If so, they are delivered into your hands to deal with them as you please.,Immediately, they stabbed the Samaritans in their heels and hung them from their horses’ tails and continued to drag them over the thorns and thistles until they reached Mount Gerizim. When they arrived at Mount Gerizim, where the Samaritans had their temple, they plowed it over and seeded the area with leeks, a symbol of total destruction. This was just as they had sought to do to the House of our Lord. And they made that day a festival to celebrate the salvation of the Temple and the defeat of the Samaritans.,It is apparent from the baraita that Shimon HaTzaddik wore the priestly vestments even outside the Temple. This would seem to be in contravention of the ruling of the other baraita prohibiting this. The Gemara resolves the contradiction: If you wish, say Shimon HaTzaddik did not wear a set of genuine, sanctified priestly vestments; rather, he wore garments that were fitting to be priestly vestments in that they were made of the same material and design. And if you wish, say instead that he indeed wore a set of genuine priestly vestments, but in times of great need, such as when one seeks to prevent the destruction of the Temple, it is permitted to violate the halakha, as indicated by the verse: “It is time to act for the Lord, they have nullified your Torah” (Psalms 119:126).,§ It was taught in the mishna: The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and gives it to the head of the synagogue, who gives it to the deputy High Priest, who gives it to the High Priest. The Gemara suggests: Learn from here that honor may be given to a student in the presence of the teacher. Although the High Priest is considered everyone’s teacher and master, honor was nevertheless extended to other individuals without fear of impugning the High Priest’s honor. Abaye said: A proof may not be adduced from here because the entire process is for the honor of the High Priest. The passing of the Torah scroll to people of increasing importance demonstrates that the High Priest is considered the most important of all those present.,§ It was further taught in the mishna: The High Priest stands and receives the scroll from the Deputy. By inference, until that point he had been sitting. But didn’t we learn in a mishna: |
|
11. Megillat Ta‘Anit (Scroll of Fasting), Scroll, 22 Shevat Tagged with subjects: •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous mentioned in abot •simeon the righteous of the alexander legend, simeon the righteous of the caligula legend Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 |
12. Megillat Ta‘Anit (Scroll of Fasting), Scholion O, 22 Shevat, 21 Kislev Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 |
13. Megillat Ta‘Anit (Scroll of Fasting), Scholion P, 13 Adar, 22 Shevat, 21 Kislev Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 70 |