1. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 3.1.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 259; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 259
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3.1.4 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ Ξενοφῶν Ἀθηναῖος, ὃς οὔτε στρατηγὸς οὔτε λοχαγὸς οὔτε στρατιώτης ὢν συνηκολούθει, ἀλλὰ Πρόξενος αὐτὸν μετεπέμψατο οἴκοθεν ξένος ὢν ἀρχαῖος· ὑπισχνεῖτο δὲ αὐτῷ, εἰ ἔλθοι, φίλον αὐτὸν Κύρῳ ποιήσειν, ὃν αὐτὸς ἔφη κρείττω ἑαυτῷ νομίζειν τῆς πατρίδος.'' None | sup>
3.1.4 There was a man in the army named Xenophon, an Athenian, who was neither general nor captain nor private, but had accompanied the expedition because Proxenus, an old friend of his, had sent him at his home an invitation to go with him; Proxenus had also promised him that, if he would go, he would make him a friend of Cyrus, whom he himself regarded, so he said, as worth more to him than was his native state. '' None |
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2. Polybius, Histories, 2.56, 3.9.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 267, 271; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 267, 271
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3.9.8 εἰ μὲν οὖν μὴ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ξένους ἐγένετο κίνημα τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, εὐθέως ἂν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ παρασκευὴν πραγμάτων, ὅσον ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ.' ' None | sup>
2.56 1. \xa0Since, among those authors who were contemporaries of Aratus, Phylarchus, who on many points is at variance and in contradiction with him, is by some received as trustworthy,,2. \xa0it will be useful or rather necessary for me, as I\xa0have chosen to rely on Aratus' narrative for the history of the Cleomenic war, not to leave the question of their relative credibility undiscussed, so that truth and falsehood in their writings may no longer be of equal authority.,3. \xa0In general Phylarchus through his whole work makes many random and careless statements;,4. \xa0but while perhaps it is not necessary for me at present to criticize in detail the rest of these, I\xa0must minutely examine such as relate to events occurring in the period with which I\xa0am now dealing, that of the Cleomenic war.,5. \xa0This partial examination will however be quite sufficient to convey an idea of the general purpose and character of his work.,6. \xa0Wishing, for instance, to insist on the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians and also on that of Aratus and the Achaeans, he tells us that the Mantineans, when they surrendered, were exposed to terrible sufferings and that such were the misfortunes that overtook this, the most ancient and greatest city in Arcadia, as to impress deeply and move to tears all the Greeks.,7. \xa0In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery.,8. \xa0This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes.,9. \xa0Leaving aside the ignoble and womanish character of such a treatment of his subject, let us consider how far it is proper or serviceable to history.,10. \xa0A\xa0historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace.,11. \xa0For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates,,12. \xa0since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners.,13. \xa0Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger.,14. \xa0Who, for instance, does not think it an outrage for a free man to be beaten? but if this happen to one who was the first to resort to violence, we consider that he got only his desert, while where it is done for the purpose of correction or discipline, those who strike free men are not only excused but deemed worthy of thanks and praise.,15. \xa0Again, to kill a citizen is considered the greatest of crimes and that deserving the highest penalty, but obviously he who kills a thief or adulterer is left untouched, and the slayer of a traitor or tyrant everywhere meets with honour and distinction.,16. \xa0So in every such case the final criterion of good and evil lies not in what is done, but in the different reasons and different purposes of the doer. " 3.9.8 \xa0Had not the mutinous outbreak among the mercenaries occurred, he would very soon, as far as it lay in his power, have created some other means and other resources for resuming the contest, <'" None |
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3. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 20.1-20.3, 45.5, 49.2-49.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 257, 258, 259; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 257, 258, 259
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20.1 ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Δαρείου στρατῷ πεφευγὼς ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἀνὴρ Μακεδών, Ἀμύντας, οὐκ ἄπειρος τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου φύσεως, οὗτος ὡρμημένον ἰδὼν Δαρεῖον εἴσω τῶν στενῶν βαδίζειν ἐπʼ Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐδεῖτο κατὰ χώραν ὑπομένειν, ἐν πλάτος ἔχουσι πεδίοις καί ἀναπεπταμένοις πρὸς ἐλάττονας πλήθει τοσούτῳ διαμαχούμενον. 20.2 ἀποκριναμένου δὲ Δαρείου δεδιέναι μὴ φθάσωσιν αὑτὸν ἀποδράντες οἱ πολέμιοι καί διαφυγὼν Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀλλὰ τούτου γε, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, χάριν θάρρει βαδιεῖται γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἐπὶ σέ, καί σχεδὸν ἤδη βαδίζει. ταῦτα λέγων Ἀμύντας οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύετο Δαρεῖος εἰς Κιλικίαν, ἅμα δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς Συρίαν ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον. 20.3 ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ διαμαρτόντες ἀλλήλων αὖθις ἀνέστρεφον, Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἡδόμενός τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ καί σπεύδων ἀπαντῆσαι περὶ τὰ στενά, Δαρεῖος δὲ τὴν προτέραν ἀναλαβεῖν στρατοπεδείαν καί τῶν στενῶν ἐξελίξαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐγνώκει παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον ἐμβεβληκὼς ἑαυτὸν εἰς χωρία θαλάττῃ καί ὄρεσι καί ποταμῷ διὰ μέσου ῥέοντι τῷ Πινάρῳ δύσιππα, καί διεσπασμένα πολλαχοῦ, καί πρὸς τῆς ὀλιγότητος τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοντα τὴν θέσιν.
49.2 ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος, καίπερ καρτερᾶς ἐνδείξεως κατὰ τοῦ Φιλώτου προσπεσούσης, ἐκαρτέρησε σιωπῇ καί κατέσχεν, εἴτε θαρρῶν τῇ Παρμενίωνος εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴτε δεδιὼς τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ Μακεδὼν ὄνομα Λίμνος, ἐκ Χαλαίστρας, ἐπιβουλεύων Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Νικόμαχόν τινα τῶν νέων, πρὸς ὃν αὐτὸς ἐρωτικῶς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς πράξεως παρεκάλει. 49.3 τοῦ δὲ μὴ δεξαμένου, φράσαντος δὲ τἀδελφῷ Κεβαλίνῳ τὴν πεῖραν, ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος πρὸς Φιλώταν ἐκέλευσεν εἰσάγειν αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ὡς περὶ ἀναγκαίων ἔχοντας ἐντυχεῖν καὶ μεγάλων, ὁ δὲ Φιλώτας, ὅ τι δὴ παθὼν (ἄδηλον γὰρ ἐστιν), οὐ παρῆγεν αὐτούς, ὡς πρὸς ἄλλοις μείζοσι γιγνομένου τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τοῦτο δὶς ἐποίησεν. 49.4 οἱ δὲ καθʼ ὑπεροψίαν ἤδη τοῦ Φιλώτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἕτερον καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ προσαχθέντες πρῶτον μὲν τὰ τοῦ Λίμνου κατεῖπον, ἔπειτα παρεδήλωσαν ἡσυχῇ τὸν Φιλώταν, ὡς ἀμελήσειεν αὐτῶν δὶς ἐντυχόντων. καί τοῦτο δὴ σφόδρα παρώξυνε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον· καὶ τοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπὶ τὸν Λίμνου, ὡς ἠμύνετο συλλαμβανόμενος, ἀποκτείναντος αὑτόν, ἔτι μᾶλλον διεταράχθη, τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐκπεφευγέναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς νομίζων.' ' None | sup>
20.1 Now, there was in the army of Dareius a certain Macedonian who had fled from his country, Amyntas by name, and he was well acquainted with the nature of Alexander. This man, when he saw that Dareius was eager to attack Alexander within the narrow passes of the mountains, begged him to remain where he was, that he might fight a decisive battle with his vast forces against inferior numbers in plains that were broad and spacious. 20.2 And when Dareius replied that he was afraid the enemy would run away before he could get at them, and Alexander thus escape him, Indeed, said Amyntas, on this point, O king, thou mayest be without fear; for he will march against thee, nay, at this very moment, probably, he is on the march. Dareius would not listen to these words of Amyntas, but broke camp and marched into Cilicia, and at the same time Alexander marched into Syria against him. 20.3 But having missed one another in the night, they both turned back again, Alexander rejoicing in his good fortune, and eager to meet his enemy in the passes, while Dareius was as eager to extricate his forces from the passes and regain his former camping-ground. For he already saw that he had done wrong to throw himself into places which were rendered unfit for cavalry by sea and mountains and a river running through the middle (the Pinarus), which were broken up in many parts, and favoured the small numbers of his enemy.
49.2 But Alexander, although strong testimony against Philotas came to his ears, endured in silence and restrained himself either because he had confidence in Parmenio’s good will towards him, or because he feared the reputation and power of father and son. Meanwhile, however, a Macedonian named Limnus, from Chalaestra, conspired against Alexander’s life, In the late autumn of 330 B.C. and invited Nicomachus, one of the young men, whose lover he was, to take part with him in the undertaking. 49.3 Nicomachus would not accept the invitation, but told his brother Cebalinus of the attempt, and he, going to Philotas, ordered him to conduct them into the presence of Alexander, on the ground that there were matters of great importance about which they must see him. But Philotas, for whatever reason (and the reason is not known), would not conduct them in, alleging that the king was engaged on other matters of more importance. And he refused their request twice. 49.4 They now became suspicious of Philotas and applied to someone else, by whom they were brought before Alexander. In the first place they told him about the plot of Limnus, and then threw out veiled insinuations against Philotas, on the ground that he had neglected their petitions on two occasions. This greatly incensed Alexander; and when he found that Limnus had defended himself against arrest and had therefore been killed by the man sent to fetch him, he was still more disturbed in mind, thinking that the proof of the plot had escaped him. ' ' None |
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4. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.4-2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263
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2.4 τὸν μὲν ὕπατον Γάιον Φλαμίνιον οὐδὲν ἤμβλυνε τούτων, ἄνδρα πρὸς τῷ φύσει θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ μεγάλαις ἐπαιρόμενον εὐτυχίαις, ἃς πρόσθεν εὐτύχησε παραλόγως, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπᾳδούσης ἀπᾳδούσης with CS: ἀποκαλούσης . καὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐνισταμένου βίᾳ συμβαλὼν τοῖς Γαλάταις καὶ κρατήσας, Φάβιον δὲ τὰ μὲν σημεῖα, καίπερ ἁπτόμενα πολλῶν, ἧττον ὑπέθραττε διὰ τὴν ἀλογίαν· 2.5 τὴν δʼ ὀλιγότητα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὴν ἀχρηματίαν πυνθανόμενος καρτερεῖν παρεκάλει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ μὴ μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἄνθρωπον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ διὰ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἠσκημένῃ στρατιᾷ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐπιπέμποντας βοηθείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντας αὐτὴν ἐᾶν περὶ αὑτῇ μαραίνεσθαι τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ Ἀννίβου, καθάπερ φλόγα λάμψασαν ἀπὸ μικρᾶς καὶ κούφης δυνάμεως.' ' None | sup>
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many.
2.4 The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many. 2.5 But when he learned how few in number the enemy were, and how great was their lack of resources, he exhorted the Romans to bide their time, and not to give battle to a man who wielded an army trained by many contests for this very issue, but to send aid to their allies, to keep their subject cities well in hand, and to suffer the culminating vigour of Hannibal to sink and expire of itself, like a flame that flares up from scant and slight material.' ' None |
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5. Plutarch, Pericles, 18.1, 22.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 263
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18.1 ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατηγίαις εὐδοκίμει μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, οὔτε μάχης ἐχούσης πολλὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ κίνδυνον ἑκουσίως ἁπτόμενος, οὔτε τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ παραβάλλεσθαι χρησαμένους τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ καὶ θαυμασθέντας ὡς μεγάλους ζηλῶν καὶ μιμούμενος στρατηγούς, ἀεί τε λέγων πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ὡς ὅσον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ μενοῦσιν ἀθάνατοι πάντα τὸν χρόνον.
22.1 ὅτι δʼ ὀρθῶς ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι τὴν δύναμιν τῶν Ἀθηναίων συνεῖχεν, ἐμαρτύρησεν αὐτῷ τὰ γενόμενα. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ Εὐβοεῖς ἀπέστησαν, ἐφʼ οὓς διέβη μετὰ δυνάμεως. εἶτʼ εὐθὺς ἀπηγγέλλοντο Μεγαρεῖς ἐκπεπολεμωμένοι καὶ στρατιὰ πολεμίων ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις τῆς Ἀττικῆς οὖσα, Πλειστώνακτος ἡγουμένου, βασιλέως Λακεδαιμονίων.'' None | sup>
18.1 In his capacity as general, he was famous above all things for his saving caution; he neither undertook of his own accord a battle involving much uncertainty and peril, nor did he envy and imitate those who took great risks, enjoyed brilliant good-fortune, and so were admired as great generals; and he was for ever saying to his fellow-citizens that, so far as lay in his power, they would remain alive forever and be immortals.
22.1 That he was right in seeking to confine the power of the Athenians within lesser Greece, was amply proved by what came to pass. To begin with, the Euboeans revolted, 446. B.C. and he crossed over to the island with a hostile force. Then straightway word was brought to him that the Megarians had gone over to the enemy, and that an army of the enemy was on the confines of Attica under the leadership of Pleistoanax, the king of the Lacedaemonians.'' None |
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6. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • sideshadowing
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 257; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 257
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