1. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 20.7, 20.9, 23.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 71| 20.7. "פִּתִּיתַנִי יְהוָה וָאֶפָּת חֲזַקְתַּנִי וַתּוּכָל הָיִיתִי לִשְׂחוֹק כָּל־הַיּוֹם כֻּלֹּה לֹעֵג לִי׃", 20.9. "וְאָמַרְתִּי לֹא־אֶזְכְּרֶנּוּ וְלֹא־אֲדַבֵּר עוֹד בִּשְׁמוֹ וְהָיָה בְלִבִּי כְּאֵשׁ בֹּעֶרֶת עָצֻר בְּעַצְמֹתָי וְנִלְאֵיתִי כַּלְכֵל וְלֹא אוּכָל׃", 23.9. "לַנְּבִאִים נִשְׁבַּר לִבִּי בְקִרְבִּי רָחֲפוּ כָּל־עַצְמוֹתַי הָיִיתִי כְּאִישׁ שִׁכּוֹר וּכְגֶבֶר עֲבָרוֹ יָיִן מִפְּנֵי יְהוָה וּמִפְּנֵי דִּבְרֵי קָדְשׁוֹ׃", | 20.7. "O LORD, Thou hast enticed me, and I was enticed, Thou hast overcome me, and hast prevailed; I am become a laughing-stock all the day, Every one mocketh me.", 20.9. "And if I say: ‘I will not make mention of Him, Nor speak any more in His name’, Then there is in my heart as it were a burning fire Shut up in my bones, And I weary myself to hold it in, But cannot.", 23.9. "Concerning the prophets. My heart within me is broken, All my bones shake; I am like a drunken man, And like a man whom wine hath overcome; Because of the LORD, And because of His holy words.", |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 2.488-2.493 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, inspiration of the sibyl •aeneas at cumae, prophecy of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 182 | 2.488. / for ye are goddesses and are at hand and know all things, whereas we hear but a rumour and know not anything—who were the captains of the Danaans and their lords. But the common folk I could not tell nor name, nay, not though ten tongues were mine and ten mouths 2.489. / for ye are goddesses and are at hand and know all things, whereas we hear but a rumour and know not anything—who were the captains of the Danaans and their lords. But the common folk I could not tell nor name, nay, not though ten tongues were mine and ten mouths 2.490. / and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, 2.491. / and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, 2.492. / and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, 2.493. / and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, |
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| 3. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, inspiration of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 180, 181 |
| 4. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, inspiration of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 180, 181 |
5. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1215, 1239-1240 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 71| 1240. τὸ μέλλον ἥξει. καὶ σύ μʼ ἐν τάχει παρὼν | 1240. What is to be will come. And soon thou, present, |
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| 6. Timotheus of Miletus, Persae, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •prophecies of cassandra, on the cumaean sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 148 |
7. Herodotus, Histories, 8.20, 8.77, 8.96, 9.43 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61 | 8.20. Now the Euboeans had neglected the oracle of Bacis, believing it to be empty of meaning, and neither by carrying away nor by bringing in anything had they shown that they feared an enemy's coming. In so doing they were the cause of their own destruction, ,for Bacis' oracle concerning this matter runs as follows quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When a strange-tongued man casts a yoke of papyrus on the waves, /l l Then take care to keep bleating goats far from the coasts of Euboea /l /quote To these verses the Euboeans gave no heed; but in the evils then present and soon to come they suffered the greatest calamity. 8.77. I cannot say against oracles that they are not true, and I do not wish to try to discredit them when they speak plainly. Look at the following matter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When the sacred headland of golden-sworded Artemis and Cynosura by the sea they bridge with ships, /l l After sacking shiny Athens in mad hope, /l l Divine Justice will extinguish mighty Greed the son of Insolence /l l Lusting terribly, thinking to devour all. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Bronze will come together with bronze, and Ares /l l Will redden the sea with blood. To Hellas the day of freedom /l l Far-seeing Zeus and august Victory will bring. /l /quote Considering this, I dare to say nothing against Bacis concerning oracles when he speaks so plainly, nor will I consent to it by others. 8.96. When the battle was broken off, the Hellenes towed to Salamis as many of the wrecks as were still there and kept ready for another battle, supposing that the king could still make use of his surviving ships. ,A west wind had caught many of the wrecks and carried them to the shore in Attica called Colias. Thus not only was all the rest of the oracle fulfilled which Bacis and Musaeus had spoken about this battle, but also what had been said many years before this in an oracle by Lysistratus, an Athenian soothsayer, concerning the wrecks carried to shore there. Its meaning had eluded all the Hellenes: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" The Colian women will cook with oars. /l l But this was to happen after the king had marched away. /l /quote 9.43. Now for this prophecy, which Mardonius said was spoken of the Persians, I know it to have been made concerning not them but the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelees. There is, however, a prophecy made by Bacis concerning this battle: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" By Thermodon's stream and the grass-grown banks of Asopus, /l l Will be a gathering of Greeks for fight and the ring of the barbarian's war-cry; /l l Many a Median archer, by death untimely overtaken will fall /l l There in the battle when the day of his doom is upon him. /l /quote I know that these verses and others very similar to them from Musaeus referred to the Persians. As for the river Thermodon, it flows between Tanagra and Glisas. |
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8. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1226-1231, 1278-1284, 1451-1454, 1456-1460, 1455 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 141| 1455. ψευδηγόροις φήμαισιν ἐγχρίσας ἔπη, | |
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| 9. Aristotle, Problems, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61 |
| 10. Callimachus, Aetia, 1.21 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 192 |
| 11. Ennius, Annales, 164 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, prophecy of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 185 |
12. Cicero, On Divination, 1.34, 1.68, 2.133 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl •prophecies of cassandra, on the cumaean sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61; Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 148| 1.34. Iis igitur adsentior, qui duo genera divinationum esse dixerunt, unum, quod particeps esset artis, alterum, quod arte careret. Est enim ars in iis, qui novas res coniectura persequuntur, veteres observatione didicerunt. Carent autem arte ii, qui non ratione aut coniectura observatis ac notatis signis, sed concitatione quadam animi aut soluto liberoque motu futura praesentiunt, quod et somniantibus saepe contingit et non numquam vaticitibus per furorem, ut Bacis Boeotius, ut Epimenides Cres, ut Sibylla Erythraea. Cuius generis oracla etiam habenda sunt, non ea, quae aequatis sortibus ducuntur, sed illa, quae instinctu divino adflatuque funduntur; etsi ipsa sors contemnenda non est, si et auctoritatem habet vetustatis, ut eae sunt sortes, quas e terra editas accepimus; quae tamen ductae ut in rem apte cadant, fieri credo posse divinitus. Quorum omnium interpretes, ut grammatici poe+tarum, proxime ad eorum, quos interpretantur, divinationem videntur accedere. 1.68. At ex te ipso non commenticiam rem, sed factam eiusdem generis audivi: C. Coponium ad te venisse Dyrrhachium, cum praetorio imperio classi Rhodiae praeesset, cumprime hominem prudentem atque doctum, eumque dixisse remigem quendam e quinqueremi Rhodiorum vaticinatum madefactum iri minus xxx diebus Graeciam sanguine, rapinas Dyrrhachii et conscensionem in naves cum fuga fugientibusque miserabilem respectum incendiorum fore, sed Rhodiorum classi propinquum reditum ac domum itionem dari; tum neque te ipsum non esse commotum Marcumque Varronem et M. Catonem, qui tum ibi erant, doctos homines, vehementer esse perterritos; paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalia fuga venisse Labienum; qui cum interitum exercitus nuntiavisset, reliqua vaticinationis brevi esse confecta. 2.133. Ille vero nimis etiam obscurus Euphorion; at non Homerus. Uter igitur melior? Valde Heraclitus obscurus, minime Democritus. Num igitur conferendi? Mea causa me mones, quod non intellegam? Quid me igitur mones? ut si quis medicus aegroto imperet, ut sumat Terrigenam, herbigradam, domiportam, sanguine cassam, potius quam hominum more cocleam diceret. Nam Pacuvianus Amphio Quadrupés tardigrada, agréstis, humilis, áspera, Capité brevi, cervice ánguina, aspectú truci, Evíscerata, inánima, cum animalí sono cum dixisset obscurius, tum Attici respondent: Non íntellegimus, nísi si aperte díxeris. At ille uno verbo: Testudo. Non potueras hoc igitur a principio, citharista, dicere? | 1.34. I agree, therefore, with those who have said that there are two kinds of divination: one, which is allied with art; the other, which is devoid of art. Those diviners employ art, who, having learned the known by observation, seek the unknown by deduction. On the other hand those do without art who, unaided by reason or deduction or by signs which have been observed and recorded, forecast the future while under the influence of mental excitement, or of some free and unrestrained emotion. This condition often occurs to men while dreaming and sometimes to persons who prophesy while in a frenzy — like Bacis of Boeotia, Epimenides of Crete and the Sibyl of Erythraea. In this latter class must be placed oracles — not oracles given by means of equalized lots — but those uttered under the impulse of divine inspiration; although divination by lot is not in itself to be despised, if it has the sanction of antiquity, as in the case of those lots which, according to tradition, sprang out of the earth; for in spite of everything, I am inclined to think that they may, under the power of God, be so drawn as to give an appropriate response. Men capable of correctly interpreting all these signs of the future seem to approach very near to the divine spirit of the gods whose wills they interpret, just as scholars do when they interpret the poets. 1.68. I seem to be relying for illustrations on myths drawn from tragic poets. But you yourself are my authority for an instance of the same nature, and yet it is not fiction but a real occurrence. Gaius Coponius, a man of unusual capacity and learning, came to you at Dyrrachium while he, as praetor, was in command of the Rhodian fleet, and told you of a prediction made by a certain oarsman from one of the Rhodian quinqueremes. The prediction was that in less than thirty days Greece would be bathed in blood; Dyrrachium would be pillaged; its defenders would flee to their ships and, as they fled, would see behind them the unhappy spectacle of a great conflagration; but the Rhodian fleet would have a quick passage home. This story gave you some concern, and it caused very great alarm to those cultured men, Marcus Varro and Marcus Cato, who were at Dyrrachium at the time. In fact, a few days later Labienus reached Dyrrachium in flight from Pharsalus, with the news of the loss of the army. The rest of the prophecy was soon fulfilled. 2.133. Which of them, pray, is the better poet? Heraclitus is very obscure; Democritus is not so in the least: then are they to be compared? But you give me advice and for my good in words that I cannot understand. Then why do you advise me at all? Thats like a doctor ordering a patient to takeA bloodless, earth-engendered thing that crawlsAnd bears its habitation on its back,instead of saying in common, every-day speech, a snail. Amphion, in a play by Pacuvius, speaks to the Athenians of a creature asFour-footed, of stature short; rough, shy, and slow;Fierce-eyed, with tiny head and serpents neck;When disembowelled and deprived of life,It lives for ever in melodious song.His meaning being too obscure the Athenians replied:Speak plainer, else we cannot understand.Whereupon he described it in a single word — a tortoise. Couldnt you have said so at first, you cithara-player? [65] |
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13. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.4, 14.152-14.153, 14.775-14.777 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •body of the prophet, and ageing of sibyl •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 191; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 1.4. ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen. 14.152. usque adeo mutata ferar, nullique videnda, 14.153. voce tamen noscar; vocem mihi fata relinquent.” 14.775. moenia conduntur, Tatiusque patresque Sabini 14.776. bella gerunt, arcisque via Tarpeia reclusa 14.777. dignam animam poena congestis exuit armis. | |
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14. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260-1.262 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, 1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. | 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. |
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| 15. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.2-3.6, 3.218-3.380, 3.489-3.701, 3.732-3.829 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl •apollo, of the sibyl and apollo Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 7, 71, 194; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 183, 184 |
| 16. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 17. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
18. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.38, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 | 2.38. 1. Tatius, the king of the Sabines, being informed of their preparations, broke camp in the night and led his army through the country, without doing any damage to the property in the fields, and before sunrise encamped on the plain that lies between the Quirinal and Capitoline hills. But observing all the posts to be securely guarded by the enemy and no strong position left for his army, he fell into great perplexity, not knowing what use to make of the enforced delay.,2. While he was thus at his wit's end, he met with an unexpected piece of good fortune, the strongest of the fortresses being delivered up to him in the following circumstances. It seems that, while the Sabines were passing by the foot of the Capitoline to view the place and see whether any part of the hill could be taken within by surprise of or by force, they were observed from above by a maiden whose name was Tarpeia, the daughter of a distinguished man who had been entrusted with the guarding of the place.,3. This maiden, as both Fabius and Cincius relate, conceived a desire for the bracelets which the men wore on their left arms and for their rings; for at that time the Sabines wore ornaments of gold and were no less luxurious in their habits than the Tyrrhenians. But according to the account given by Lucius Piso, the ex-censor, she was inspired by the desire of performing a noble deed, namely, to deprive the enemy of their defensive arms and thus deliver them up to her fellow citizens.,4. Which of these accounts is the truer may be conjectured by what happened afterwards. This girl, therefore, sending out one of her maids by a little gate which was not known to be open, desired the king of the Sabines to come and confer with her in private, as if she had an affair of necessity and importance to communicate to him. Tatius, in the hope of having the place betrayed to him, accepted the proposal and came to the place appointed; and the maiden, approaching within speaking distance, informed him that her father had gone out of the fortress during the night on some business, but that she had the keys of the gates, and if they came in the night, she would deliver up the place to them upon condition that they gave her as a reward for her treachery the things which all the Sabines wore on their left arms.,5. And when Tatius consented to this, she received his sworn pledge for the faithful performance of the agreement and gave him hers. Then having appointed, as the place to which the Sabines were to repair, the strongest part of the fortress, and the most unguarded hour of the night as the time for the enterprise, she returned without being observed by those inside. 4.62. 1. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. |
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| 19. Catullus, Poems, 51 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, inspiration of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 180, 181 |
| 20. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.839-13.843 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 21. Plutarch, Sulla, 2.7.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 86 |
22. Plutarch, Romulus, 17.2-17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 17.2. ἐπὶ τούτοις βαρέως φέροντες οἱ λοιποὶ Σαβῖνοι Τάτιον ἀποδείξαντες στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐστράτευσαν. ἦν δὲ δυσπρόσοδος ἡ πόλις, ἔχουσα πρόβλημα τὸ νῦν Καπιτώλιον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρὰ καθειστήκει καὶ Ταρπήιος ἡγεμὼν αὐτῆς, οὐχὶ Ταρπηία παρθένος, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, εὐήθη τὸν Ῥωμύλον ἀποδεικνύοντες· ἀλλὰ θυγάτηρ ἡ Ταρπηία τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὖσα προὔδωκε τοῖς Σαβίνοις, ἐπιθυμήσασα τῶν χρυσῶν βραχιονιστήρων οὓς εἶδε περικειμένους, καὶ ᾔτησε μισθὸν τῆς προδοσίας ἃ φοροῖεν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς χερσί. 17.3. συνθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Τατίου, νύκτωρ ἀνοίξασα πύλην μίαν, ἐδέξατο τοὺς Σαβίνους. οὐ μόνος οὖν ὡς ἔοικεν Ἀντίγονος ἔφη προδιδόντας μὲν φιλεῖν, προδεδωκότας δὲ μισεῖν, οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς Ῥοιμητάλκου, φιλεῖν μὲν προδοσίαν, προδότην δὲ μισεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινόν τι τοῦτο πάθος ἐστὶ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς τοῖς δεομένοις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἰοῦ καὶ χολῆς ἐνίων θηρίων δέονται· τὴν γὰρ χρείαν ὅτε λαμβάνουσιν ἀγαπῶντες, ἐχθαίρουσι τὴν κακίαν ὅταν τύχωσι. 17.4. τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ταρπηίαν τότε παθὼν ὁ Τάτιος, ἐκέλευσε μεμνημένους τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοὺς Σαβίνους μηδενὸς αὐτῇ φθονεῖν ὧν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς ἔχουσι, καὶ πρῶτος ἅμα τὸν βραχιονιστῆρα τῆς χειρὸς περιελὼν καὶ τὸν θυρεὸν ἐπέρριψε. πάντων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιούντων, βαλλομένη τε τῷ χρυσῷ καὶ καταχωσθεῖσα τοῖς θυρεοῖς, ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ βάρους ἀπέθανεν. 17.5. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ Ταρπήιος προδοσίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου διωχθείς, ὡς Ἰόβας φησὶ Γάλβαν Σουλπίκιον ἱστορεῖν. τῶν δʼ ἄλλα περὶ Ταρπηίας λεγόντων ἀπίθανοι μέν εἰσιν οἱ Τατίου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἡγεμόνος τῶν Σαβίνων οὖσαν αὐτήν, Ῥωμύλῳ δὲ βίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν, ἱστοροῦντες ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός· ὧν καὶ Ἀντίγονός ἐστι. Σιμύλος δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ παντάπασι ληρεῖ, μὴ Σαβίνοις οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ Κελτοῖς τὴν Ταρπηίαν προδοῦναι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἐρασθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως. λέγει δὲ ταῦτα· ἡ δʼ ἀγχοῦ Τάρπεια παραὶ Καπιτώλιον αἶπος ναίουσα Ῥώμης ἔπλετο τειχολέτις, Κελτῶν ἣ στέρξασα γαμήλια λέκτρα γενέσθαι σκηπτούχῳ, πατέρων οὐκ ἐφύλαξε δόμους. καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς· τὴν δʼ οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Βόιοί τε καὶ ἔθνεα μυρία Κελτῶν χηράμενοι ῥείθρων ἐντὸς ἔθεντο Πάδου, ὅπλα δʼ ἐπιπροβαλόντες ἀρειμανέων ἀπὸ χειρῶν κούρῃ ἐπὶ στυγερῇ κόσμον ἔθεντο φόνον. | 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.3. Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom. |
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23. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 17.1. ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Μάριος ἥδετο, καὶ κατεπράυνεν αὐτούς ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἀπιστῶν, ἀλλʼ ἔκ τινων λογίων τὸν τῆς νίκης ἅμα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον ἐκδεχόμενος. καὶ γάρ τινα Σύραν γυναῖκα, Μάρθαν ὄνομα, μαντεύεσθαι λεγομένην ἐν φορείῳ κατακειμένην σεμνῶς περιήγετο, καὶ θυσίας ἔθυεν ἐκείνης κελευούσης. ἣν πρότερον μὲν ἀπήλασεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐντυχεῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλομένην καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζουσαν, 17.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιοῦσα διάπειραν ἐδίδου καὶ μάλιστα τῇ Μαρίου παρακαθίζουσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν μονομάχων ἐπιτυχῶς προηγόρευε τὸν μέλλοντα νικᾶν, ἀναπεμφθεῖσα πρὸς Μάριον ὑπʼ· ἐκείνης ἐθαυμάζετο. καὶ τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐν φορείῳ παρεκομίζετο, πρὸς δὲ τὰς θυσίας κατῄει φοινικίδα διπλῆν ἐμπεπορπημένη καὶ λόγχην ἀναδεδεμένην ταινίαις καὶ στεφανώμασι φέρουσα. 17.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ δρᾶμα πολλοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν παρεῖχεν, εἴτε πεπεισμένος ὡς ἀληθῶς εἴτε πλαττόμενος καὶ συνυποκρινόμενος ἐπιβείκνυται τὴν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ περὶ τοὺς γῦπας θαύματος ἄξιον Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μύνδιος ἱστόρηκε. δύο γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο πρὸ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς στρατιὰς καὶ παρηκολούθουν γνωριζόμενοι χαλκοῖς περιδεραίοις· ταὐτὰ δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται συλλαβόντες αὐτούς περιῆψαν, εἶτα ἀφῆκαν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου γνωρίζοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτούς οἱ στρατιῶται αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατιῶται with Reiske: τοὺς στρατιώτας , which Bekker and Ziegler bracket. καὶ φανέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐξόδοις ἔχαιρον ὡς ἀγαθὸν τι πράξοντες. | 17.1. 17.2. 17.3. |
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| 24. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 57 |
| 25. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 13.88, 34.22-34.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
26. Tacitus, Histories, 4.61, 4.65, 5.22, 5.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 | 4.61. Civilis, in accordance with a vow such as these barbarians frequently make, had dyed his hair red and let it grow long from the time he first took up arms against the Romans, but now that the massacre of the legions was finally accomplished, he cut it short; it was also said that he presented his little son with some captives to be targets for the child's arrows and darts. However, he did not bind himself or any Batavian by an oath of allegiance to Gaul, for he relied on the resources of the Germans, and he felt that, if it became necessary to dispute the empire with the Gauls, he would have the advantage of his reputation and his superior power. Munius Lupercus, commander of a legion, was sent, among other gifts, to Veleda. This maiden of the tribe of the Bructeri enjoyed extensive authority, according to the ancient German custom, which regards many women as endowed with prophetic powers and, as the superstition grows, attributes divinity to them. At this time Veleda's influence was at its height, since she had foretold the German success and the destruction of the legions. But Lupercus was killed on the road. A few of the centurions and tribunes of Gallic birth were reserved as hostages to assure the alliance. The winter quarters of the auxiliary infantry and cavalry and of the legions were pulled down and burned, with the sole exception of those at Mainz and Vindonissa. 4.65. The people of Cologne first took some time to consider the matter, and then, since fear for the future did not allow them to submit to the terms proposed and present circumstances made it impossible to reject them openly, they made the following reply: "The first opportunity of freedom we seized with more eagerness than caution that we might join ourselves with you and the other Germans who are of our own blood. But it is safer to build the walls of the town higher rather than to pull them down at the moment when the Roman armies are concentrating. All the foreigners of Italian or provincial origin within our lands have been destroyed by war or have fled each to his own home. The first settlers, established here long ago, have become allied with us by marriage, and to them as well as to their children this is their native city; nor can we think that you are so unjust as to wish us to kill our own parents, brothers, and children. We now suppress the duties and all charges that are burdens on trade: let there be free intercourse between us, but by day and without arms until by lapse of time we shall become accustomed to our new and unfamiliar rights. We will have as arbiters Civilis and Veleda, before whom all our agreements shall be ratified." With these proposals they first calmed the Tencteri and then sent a delegation to Civilis and Veleda with gifts which obtained from them everything that the people of Cologne desired; yet the embassy was not allowed to approach Veleda herself and address her directly: they were kept from seeing her to inspire them with more respect. She herself lived in a high tower; one of her relatives, chosen for the purpose, carried to her the questions and brought back her answers, as if he were the messenger of a god. 5.22. He had gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the camps that were being built for the legions' winter quarters, and was now returning with the fleet, while his escort straggled and his sentries were careless. The Germans noticed this and planned an ambuscade; they selected a night black with clouds, and slipping down-stream got within the camp without opposition. Their onslaught was helped at first by cunning, for they cut the tent ropes and massacred the soldiers as they lay buried beneath their own shelters. Another force put the fleet into confusion, throwing grappling-irons on board and dragging the boats away; while they acted in silence at first to avoid attracting attention, after the slaughter had begun they endeavoured to increase the panic by their shouts. Roused by their wounds the Romans looked for their arms and ran up and down the streets of the camp; few were properly equipped, most with their garments wrapped around their arms and their swords drawn. Their general, half-asleep and almost naked, was saved only by the enemy's mistake; for the Germans dragged away his flagship, which was distinguished by a standard, thinking that he was there. But Cerialis had spent the night elsewhere, as many believe, on account of an intrigue with Claudia Sacrata, a Ubian woman. The sentries tried to use the scandalous behaviour of their general to shield their own fault, claiming that they had been ordered to keep quiet that his rest might not be disturbed; that was the reason that trumpet-call and the challenges had been omitted, and so they had dropped to sleep themselves. The enemy sailed off in broad daylight on the ships that they had captured; the flagship they took up the Lippe as a gift to Veleda. 5.24. That the legions could then have been crushed, and that the Germans wished to do so but were craftily dissuaded by him, were claims afterwards made by Civilis; and in fact his claim seems not far from the truth, since his surrender followed a few days later. For while Cerialis by secret messengers was holding out to the Batavians the prospect of peace and to Civilis of pardon, he was also advising Veleda and her relatives to change the fortunes of a war, which repeated disasters had shown to be adverse to them, by rendering a timely service to the Roman people: he reminded them that the Treviri had been cut to pieces, the Ubii had returned to their allegiance, and the Batavians had lost their native land; they had gained nothing from their friendship with Civilis but wounds, banishment, and grief. An exile and homeless he would be only a burden to any who harboured him, and they had already done wrong enough in crossing the Rhine so many times. If they transgressed further, the wrong and guilt would be theirs, but vengeance and the favour of heaven would belong to the Romans. |
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27. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 4.27.4, 9.17.5, 10.12.1-10.12.2, 10.12.11, 10.14.6, 10.32.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl •apollo, of the sibyl and apollo Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 183| 4.27.4. μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν ἐς τὸν οἰκισμὸν οἱ Βάκιδος ἐνῆγον χρησμοί. Βάκιδι γὰρ μανέντι ἐκ Νυμφῶν ἐς ἄλλους τέ ἐστιν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίων κάθοδον προειρημένα καὶ τότε δὴ Σπάρτης μὲν ἀπʼ ἀγλαὸν ἄνθος ὀλεῖται, Μεσσήνη δʼ αὖτις οἰκήσεται ἤματα πάντα. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς Εἴρας, ὅντινα ἁλώσοιτο τρόπον, Βάκιν ἐφώρασα εἰρηκότα· καί οἱ καὶ τόδε ἐστὶ τῶν χρησμῶν, οἵ τʼ ἀπὸ Μεσσήνης πατάγῳ κρουνοῖς τε δαμείσης. 9.17.5. ταῦτα δὲ αἱ πόλεις αὗται πεπιστεύκασιν ἐκ χρησμῶν τῶν Βάκιδος, ἔστι γὰρ καὶ τάδε ἐν τοῖς χρησμοῖς· ἀλλʼ ὁπόταν Τιθορεὺς Ἀμφίονί τε Ζήθῳ τε χύτλα καὶ εὐχωλὰς μειλίγματʼ ἐνὶ χθονὶ χεύῃ θελγομένου ταύροιο κλυτοῦ μένει ἠελίοιο, καὶ τότε δὴ πεφύλαξο πόλει κακὸν οὐκ ἀλαπαδνόν ἐρχόμενον· καρποὶ γὰρ ἀποφθινύθουσιν ἐν αὐτῇ γαίης δασσαμένων, Φώκου δʼ ἐπὶ σῆμα φερόντων. 10.12.1. πέτρα δέ ἐστιν ἀνίσχουσα ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς· ἐπὶ ταύτῃ Δελφοὶ στᾶσάν φασιν ᾆσαι τοὺς χρησμοὺς γυναῖκα ὄνομα Ἡροφίλην, Σίβυλλαν δὲ ἐπίκλησιν. τὴν δὲ πρότερον γενομένην, ταύτην ταῖς μάλιστα ὁμοίως οὖσαν ἀρχαίαν εὕρισκον, ἣν θυγατέρα Ἕλληνες Διὸς καὶ Λαμίας τῆς Ποσειδῶνός φασιν εἶναι, καὶ χρησμούς τε αὐτὴν γυναικῶν πρώτην ᾆσαι καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Λιβύων Σίβυλλαν λέγουσιν ὀνομασθῆναι. 10.12.2. ἡ δὲ Ἡροφίλη νεωτέρα μὲν ἐκείνης, φαίνεται δὲ ὅμως πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου γεγονυῖα καὶ αὕτη τοῦ Τρωικοῦ, καὶ Ἑλένην τε προεδήλωσεν ἐν τοῖς χρησμοῖς, ὡς ἐπʼ ὀλέθρῳ τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ Εὐρώπης τραφήσοιτο ἐν Σπάρτῃ, καὶ ὡς Ἴλιον ἁλώσεται διʼ αὐτὴν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων. Δήλιοι δὲ καὶ ὕμνον μέμνηνται τῆς γυναικὸς ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα. καλεῖ δὲ οὐχ Ἡροφίλην μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἄρτεμιν ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν αὑτήν, καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος γυνὴ γαμετή, τοτὲ δὲ ἀδελφὴ καὶ αὖθις θυγάτηρ φησὶν εἶναι. 10.12.11. χρησμολόγους δὲ ἄνδρας Κύπριόν τε Εὔκλουν καὶ Ἀθηναίους Μουσαῖον τὸν Ἀντιοφήμου καὶ Λύκον τὸν Πανδίονος, τούτους τε γενέσθαι καὶ ἐκ Βοιωτίας Βάκιν φασὶ κατάσχετον ἄνδρα ἐκ νυμφῶν· τούτων πλὴν Λύκου τῶν ἄλλων ἐπελεξάμην τοὺς χρησμούς. τοσαῦται μὲν ἄχρι ἐμοῦ λέγονται γυναῖκες καὶ ἄνδρες ἐκ θεοῦ μαντεύσασθαι· ἐν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τῷ πολλῷ καὶ αὖθις γένοιτο ἂν ἕτερα τοιαῦτα. 10.14.6. θαῦμα οὖν ἐποιούμεθα εἰ ἀπηξίωσεν ἐκείνου μόνου μὴ προσέσθαι τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπώσασθαι ἂν τὸν θεὸν καὶ ἅπαντα ὁμοίως ἡγοῦντο ὅσα ἀπὸ τοῦ Πέρσου, εἰ ὥσπερ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πρότερον ἢ ἀναθεῖναι σφᾶς ἐπήροντο τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα· οἱ δὲ εἰδότα τὸν θεὸν ὅτι ἱκέτης τοῦ Πέρσου γενήσοιτο ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς, ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὰ δῶρα ἔφασαν οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι λαβεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἀναθέντι τὸ ἔχθος ἄπαυστον ποιήσῃ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μήδου. στρατείαν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἔστιν εὑρεῖν προρρηθεῖσαν μὲν ἐν τοῖς Βάκιδος χρησμοῖς, πρότερον δʼ ἔτι Εὔκλῳ τὰ ἐς αὐτὴν πεποιημένα ἐστίν. 10.32.8. Τιθορέα δὲ ἀπωτέρω Δελφῶν ὀγδοήκοντα ὡς εἰκάσαι σταδίοις ἐστὶ καὶ ἑκατὸν ἰόντι τὴν διὰ τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ· τὴν δὲ οὐ πάντα ὀρεινήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὀχήμασιν ἐπιτήδειον πλεόνων ἔτι ἐλέγετο εἶναι σταδίων. διάφορα ἐς τὸ ὄνομα οἶδα τῆς πόλεως Ἡροδότῳ τε εἰρημένα ἐν ἐπιστρατείᾳ τοῦ Μήδου καὶ Βάκιδι ἐν χρησμοῖς. | 4.27.4. Epaminondas was most strongly drawn to the foundation by the oracles of Bacis, who was inspired by the Nymphs and left prophecies regarding others of the Greeks as well as the return of the Messenians: Then indeed shall the bright bloom of Sparta perish and Messene again shall be inhabited for all time. I have discovered that Bacis also told in what manner Eira would be captured, and this too is one of his oracles: The men of Messene o'ercome by the thunder's roll and spouting rain. 9.17.5. Both these cities hold this belief, and they do so because of the oracles of Bacis, in which are the lines:— But when a man of Tithorea to Amphion and to Zethus Pours on the earth peace-offerings of libation and prayer, When Taurus is warmed by the might of the glorious sun, Beware then of no slight disaster threatening the city; For the harvest wastes away in it, When they take of the earth, and bring it to the tomb of Phocus. 10.12.1. There is a rock rising up above the ground. On it, say the Delphians, there stood and chanted the oracles a woman, by name Herophile and surnamed Sibyl. The former Sibyl I find was as ancient as any; the Greeks say that she was a daughter of Zeus by Lamia , daughter of Poseidon, that she was the first woman to chant oracles, and that the name Sibyl was given her by the Libyans. 10.12.2. Herophile was younger than she was, but nevertheless she too was clearly born before the Trojan war, as she foretold in her oracles that Helen would be brought up in Sparta to be the ruin of Asia and of Europe , and that for her sake the Greeks would capture Troy . The Delians remember also a hymn this woman composed to Apollo. In her poem she calls herself not only Herophile but also Artemis, and the wedded wife of Apollo, saying too sometimes that she is his sister, and sometimes that she is his daughter. 10.12.11. It is said that the men who uttered oracles were Euclus of Cyprus , the Athenians Musaeus, son of Antiophemus, and Lycus, son of Pandion, and also Bacis, a Boeotian who was possessed by nymphs. I have read the oracles of all these except those of Lycus. These are the women and men who, down to the present day, are said to have been the mouthpiece by which a god prophesied. But time is long, and perhaps similar things may occur again. 10.14.6. Now I greatly marveled that it was from Themistocles alone that the priestess refused to accept Persian spoils. Some thought that the god would have rejected alike all offerings from Persian spoils, if like Themistocles the others had inquired of Apollo before making their dedication. Others said that the god knew that Themistocles would become a suppliant of the Persian king, and refused to take the gifts so that Themistocles might not by a dedication render the Persian's enmity unappeasable. The expedition of the barbarian against Greece we find foretold in the oracles of Bacis, and Euclus wrote his verses about it at an even earlier date. 10.32.8. Tithorea is, I should guess, about one hundred and eighty stades distant from Delphi on the road across Parnassus . This road is not mountainous throughout, being fit even for vehicles, but was said to be several stades longer. I am aware that Herodotus Hdt. 8.32 in his account of the Persian invasion gives the town a different name from that given to it in the oracles of Bacis. |
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| 28. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 29. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61 |
30. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6, 1.6.8-1.6.12 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 61; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 | 1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum , by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods? |
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| 31. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.348 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 32. Procopius, De Bellis, 5.25.19 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 33. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 9.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 34. Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 4.62.5-4.62.6 Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 86 |
| 35. Timon of Phlius, Supplementum Hellenisticum, 786 Tagged with subjects: •appeal of the sibyl Found in books: Bacchi (2022), Uncovering Jewish Creativity in Book III of the Sibylline Oracles: Gender, Intertextuality, and Politics, 195 |
| 36. Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 2.5-2.6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
38. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.42-6.54, 6.69-6.84, 6.86, 6.89, 6.97-6.100, 6.103-6.105, 7.41, 9.528 Tagged with subjects: •aeneas at cumae, inspiration of the sibyl •aeneas at cumae, prophecy of the sibyl Found in books: Pillinger (2019), Cassandra and the Poetics of Prophecy in Greek and Latin Literature, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185 | 6.42. 0 Icarus, in such well-graven scene 6.43. How proud thy place should be! but grief forbade: 6.44. Twice in pure gold a father's fingers strove 6.45. To shape thy fall, and twice they strove in vain. 6.46. Aeneas long the various work would scan; 6.47. But now Achates comes, and by his side 6.48. Deiphobe, the Sibyl, Glaucus' child. 6.49. Thus to the prince she spoke : 6.50. “Is this thine hour 6.51. To stand and wonder? Rather go obtain 6.52. From young unbroken herd the bullocks seven, 6.53. And seven yearling ewes, our wonted way.” 6.54. Thus to Aeneas; his attendants haste 6.69. For only unto prayer this haunted cave 6.70. May its vast lips unclose.” She spake no more. 6.71. An icy shudder through the marrow ran 6.72. of the bold Trojans; while their sacred King 6.73. Poured from his inmost soul this plaint and prayer : 6.74. “Phoebus, who ever for the woes of Troy 6.75. Hadst pitying eyes! who gavest deadly aim 6.76. To Paris when his Dardan shaft he hurled 6.77. On great Achilles! Thou hast guided me 6.78. Through many an unknown water, where the seas 6.79. Break upon kingdoms vast, and to the tribes 6.80. of the remote Massyli, whose wild land 6.81. To Syrtes spreads. But now; because at last 6.82. I touch Hesperia's ever-fleeting bound, 6.83. May Troy 's ill fate forsake me from this day! 6.84. 0 gods and goddesses, beneath whose wrath 6.86. Spare, for ye may, the remt of my race! 6.89. (Which asks no kingdom save what Fate decrees) 6.97. Shall honor; thy dark books and holy songs 6.98. I there will keep, to be my people's law; 6.99. And thee, benigt Sibyl for all time 6.100. A company of chosen priests shall serve. 6.103. In swift confusion! Sing thyself, I pray.” 6.104. So ceased his voice; the virgin through the cave, 6.105. Scarce bridled yet by Phoebus' hand divine, 7.41. hore-haunting birds of varied voice and plume 9.528. had thickly overgrown, and seldom showed |
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