Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.


graph

graph

All subjects (including unvalidated):
subject book bibliographic info
severus Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 112, 210
Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343, 386
Inwood and Warren (2020), Body and Soul in Hellenistic Philosophy, 179, 180, 182, 193
Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 198, 207
Katzoff(2005), Law in the Documents of the Judaean Desert, 125, 188
McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 158
Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 185
Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 56, 114
Vazques and Ross (2022), Time and Cosmology in Plato and the Platonic Tradition, 113
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343, 386
Vlassopoulos (2021), Historicising Ancient Slavery, 157
Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 223
d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 34, 35, 131, 137
severus, a., caecina Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 77, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 118, 135
severus, abgar Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 35, 38
severus, accession of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 182
severus, aëtius, flavii Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 333
severus, alexander Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 109, 112, 113, 227, 243, 365, 366
Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 22, 27, 128
Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 743, 864, 865, 867
Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 147
Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 307
Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 187
Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 23, 27
Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 24, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 58, 59, 62, 105, 106, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 123, 124, 129, 153, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 185, 187, 193, 194, 195, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 240, 242, 244, 246, 282, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 297, 301, 302, 307, 316
Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 52, 54, 73, 101, 191, 192, 382, 383
Demoen and Praet (2009), Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii, 278
Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 54, 69, 157, 212
Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 67
Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 327
Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 32, 104
Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 123
Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 132
Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 339
Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 18, 23
Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 251, 284
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85, 217
Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 168
Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 160
Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 1, 255, 256, 257, 266, 270, 271, 272, 283
severus, alexander, emperor Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 126, 183, 330, 360
Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 285, 297, 382, 422
Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355, 378, 422, 473, 478, 523
Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 259, 260, 328
severus, alexander, julia avita mamaea, mother of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355
severus, alexander, roman emperor Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 262
Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3, 66, 97, 199, 200
severus, alexander, roman emperor, assassination of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3
severus, alexander, roman emperor, elevation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 198
severus, alexander, roman emperor, instability of reign Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 200
severus, and, gregory of tours, letter of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 330
severus, antoninus son of Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 101, 199
Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 101, 199
severus, antoninus, son of Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 280
severus, associate of augustine Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 298
severus, aurelius alexander, m. Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 89
severus, bishop of mileve Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 168
severus, bishop of minorca Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 292
severus, bishop of thuburiscum Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 170, 172
severus, c. iulius Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 134
severus, c., julius Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 141
severus, caecina Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 366, 367
severus, cassius Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 157
Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
severus, cassius dio, dreams/portents, pamphlet on for septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 19, 20, 21, 118, 119
severus, chronicon, sulpicius Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 100
severus, civil war with septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3, 21, 23, 24, 83, 120, 121, 125, 126, 129, 132
severus, civil war with septimius lugdunum, battle of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 23, 121, 127
severus, claudius, ? Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 120
severus, cn. claudius Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 259, 272, 289
severus, coinage of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 188
severus, cornelius Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 111
Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 172
Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 192
severus, date, zacharias scholasticus, life of Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 371
severus, demotes to a village, antiocheia on orontes, septimius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353
severus, desecration of body by septimius, severus, civil war with septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 127
severus, desire to kill, caracalla, roman emperor, septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 163, 164
severus, dialogues, sulpicius Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 294
severus, didius julianus, m. didius iulianus Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 218
severus, dreams, in late antique and medieval christian literature, zacharias scholasticus, life of Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 388
severus, drusus the younger, nero claudius drusus, later drusus iulius caesar, debate with caecina Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 94
severus, egyptian journey, septimius Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 147
severus, elagabalus, roman emperor, alexander, links with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 198
severus, election of roman provincial governors to be modeled on jewish procedures, alexander Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 89
severus, emperor Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 121
severus, emperor, alexander Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 48, 51, 52
severus, emperor, septimius Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 49, 94, 125, 126, 141, 183, 188, 196, 198, 282, 359, 360, 411, 438, 684
Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 48, 49, 51
Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 72
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245
Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 163
severus, emperors and egypt, septimius Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 231, 232
severus, emperors, alexander Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 78
severus, emperors, septimius Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 108
severus, encouragement by, cassius dio, septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 31
severus, encratite Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 238
severus, flavius messius phoebus Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 21
severus, geta, son of septimius Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 188, 411, 438, 684
severus, governor, catilius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 346
severus, governor, valerius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366
severus, grandfather ? of the septimius emperor Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 332, 333
severus, herennius Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
severus, influence of caracalla, roman emperor, septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 146
severus, iulia domna, wife of septimius Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
severus, iulius sex., consul Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 291
severus, julia maesa, sister-in-law of septimius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355
severus, julius Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 141
severus, keeps aviaries, alexander Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 208
severus, king, emperor Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 113
severus, l., roman emperor, adventus of 193 septimius ce Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 27, 28, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 129, 143, 169
severus, l., roman emperor, antonine septimius dynasty, adoption of into Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 122, 128, 134, 146, 182
severus, l., roman emperor, byzantium, vengeance against, 196 septimius ce Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 124
severus, l., roman emperor, civil septimius wars, absence during Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 121, 122, 124, 127
severus, l., roman emperor, civilis septimius princeps, veneer of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 118, 120, 128, 143, 144, 145
severus, l., roman emperor, dio’s obituary of marcus septimius aurelius, comparisons with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 145
severus, l., roman emperor, dio’s view of septimius, general Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 28, 31, 113
severus, l., roman emperor, dio’s view septimius of discrepancies and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 137, 145
severus, l., roman emperor, financial septimius affairs, approach to Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141, 142
severus, l., roman emperor, hercules and septimius bacchus, links with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141, 142
severus, l., roman emperor, issus, battle septimius of propaganda use of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 122, 123
severus, l., roman emperor, lepcis septimius magna, visit to Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24
severus, l., roman emperor, marcus septimius aurelius, criticism of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 134, 145, 163
severus, l., roman emperor, marcus septimius aurelius, links with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 122, 128, 144, 145, 146, 160, 164
severus, l., roman emperor, parthian campaign, first septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23
severus, l., roman emperor, parthian campaigns of septimius, general Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 113, 116, 120, 121, 124, 125, 133, 143
severus, l., roman emperor, parthian septimius campaign, second Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 129
severus, l., roman emperor, parthian septimius campaigns, absence during Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 125
severus, l., roman emperor, parthicus septimius maximus, title of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 116, 125
severus, l., roman emperor, plebs, septimius people, relationship with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 83, 115, 116, 117, 118, 128, 129, 130
severus, l., roman emperor, praetorian septimius guard, punishment of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 118
severus, l., roman emperor, praetorian septimius guard, reformation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 118
severus, l., roman emperor, rome, sojourn in septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 129
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius adiabenicus, title of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 125
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius africa, visit to Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius arabicus, title of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 125
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius augustus, imitation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 130, 134
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius augustus, praise for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128, 160
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius babylon, capture of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 129
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius britain campaign in Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 113, 127, 133, 134, 162, 163
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius commodus, rehabilitation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128, 143, 146, 156, 160
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius ctesiphon, campaign against Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 129
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius egypt, visit to Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius equestrians, support for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 143
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius hatra, unsuccessful campaign against Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 129
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius marius, praise for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128, 160
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius nerva, links with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 116
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius pertinax, association with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 119, 120, 152, 160
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius pertinax, avenger of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 118, 119
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius pertinax, funeral for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 113, 119, 120, 143, 151
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius seleucia, capture of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 129
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius senate, relationship with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 24, 27, 28, 56, 57, 83, 84, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 128, 143, 173
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius soldiers, relationship with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 114, 116, 129, 134, 146, 166, 173
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius sulla, praise for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128, 160
severus, l., roman emperor, septimius trajan, imitation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 116, 134, 143
severus, l., roman septimius emperor Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3, 11, 19, 20, 21, 25, 31, 50, 52, 79, 83, 84, 92, 126, 131, 132, 191
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, administrative style of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 142, 143
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, autobiography of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 24, 27
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, building program of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141, 142
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, clemency and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 123, 127, 160
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, cruelty/brutality of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 28, 122, 123, 124, 127, 160
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, death of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 20, 30, 134, 162
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, decennalia of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 113, 129, 130, 132
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, dio’s criticism of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 30, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 137, 141, 142
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, dio’s obituary of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 137, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 162, 191
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, dio’s support for Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 24, 30, 119, 137, 142
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, dreams/portents and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 19, 20, 21, 31, 118, 122, 123, 132
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, education of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141, 145, 191
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, funeral of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 119
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, historia augusta’s portrayal of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 28
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, legitimization of rule Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 119, 127, 137, 169, 194
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, ludi saeculares and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 24, 130, 132
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, misrepresentations/pretense and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 114, 117, 118, 123, 127, 128, 129, 131, 143
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, patron deities of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141, 142
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, peacetime actions and routine of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 142, 143, 144
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, personality of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 141
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, piety of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 119
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, political consensus/balance and Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 28
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, private life of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 143
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, propaganda of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 9, 21, 23, 24, 122, 126, 129, 130
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, public presentation/self-presentation of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 116, 117, 118, 143, 160
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, stability of reign Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3, 131, 137
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, succession plans of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 76, 84, 93, 129, 130, 134, 145, 146, 162, 163, 164, 173
severus, l., roman septimius emperor, titulature of Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 116, 119
severus, l., septimius Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 222, 236, 237
Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 89
severus, laodicea, “nymphaeum a”, sept. nymph. Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 298
severus, legionary legate, verulanus Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 334
severus, links with, elagabalus, roman emperor, septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 195
severus, links with, macrinus, roman emperor, septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 155, 156, 157, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189
severus, marriage ban, soldiers, terminated by Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 19, 100, 107, 108, 109
severus, minorca, bishop Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 292
severus, mother of iulia domna, wife of septimius caracalla Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 82
severus, munatius sulla cerialis, m., numerianus, associate of septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 126, 127, 131
severus, neros purported architect Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 343
severus, niger, pescennius, rival of septimius Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 56
severus, nomen antoninorum and Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 39, 184, 185, 188
severus, of antioch Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 100
Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 640
Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 353, 354, 355, 358, 365, 370, 377, 384, 400, 405
Ernst (2009), Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition, 289
Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 129
Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 194
de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 223
severus, of antioch, bishop Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 30, 31, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255
severus, of antioch, saints Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 756
severus, of ashmunain Grypeou and Spurling (2009), The Exegetical Encounter between Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity, 149
severus, of dreams, in late antique and medieval christian literature, antioch, on the martyr st. leontius Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 747, 758
severus, of laodicea combusta Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 139, 140
Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 199, 234, 254, 397
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 153, 154
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, authenticity and historicity of Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, burning of synagogue Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 162, 163, 164
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, conversion accounts of jewish women Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 158, 159, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, social dynamics between jewish and christian communities Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 155, 156, 157, 158
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, story of jewish retreat and control of synagogue Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 156, 157
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, story of the greedy slave Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 156
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, summary Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159
severus, of letter on the conversion of the jews, minorca, violence Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 156
severus, of minorca Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 98
Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 3
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, authenticity of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 53, 64, 66
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, authorship of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 53
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, charges of jews hiding weapons in synagogue in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44, 45, 46, 57, 58, 64, 67, 71
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, exodus account in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 50
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, family divisions described in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 346
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, gregory of tours and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 330
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, jewish violence against christians recounted in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 46
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, laws against anti-jewish violence and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 57, 58, 66
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, life of barsauma and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 200
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, mass conversion recounted in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 64, 66, 88, 151, 179, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236, 237, 273, 274, 330, 337, 344, 345, 346, 347, 354, 405
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, rabbis’ absence from Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 389
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, relation to demotion of gamaliel vi and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44, 230
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, rhetorical strategies of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 62, 63, 64
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, sabbath law and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 391
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, st. stephen’s relics and Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44, 62, 63
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, stoning as form of punishment in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 93
severus, of minorca on the conversion of the letter of jews, summary of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52
severus, of minorca, bishop Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 180
severus, of minorca, letter on the conversion of the jews, dreams, as evidence of divine origins and trustworthiness Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 155
severus, on aurum coronarium, alexander Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 180
severus, patriarchs, jewish, absence of from the letter of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 237
severus, patron of bassianus Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 139
severus, pescennius niger, g., roman emperor, civil war with Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 3, 23, 24, 28, 83, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 129
severus, plautianus, c. fulvius plautianus, as threat to septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 131
severus, prefect of the city of rome Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 173
severus, proconsul, julius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 430, 472
severus, propaganda of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 136, 254
severus, q. rustius Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 340
severus, republic, arch of septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 24, 121
severus, republic, decoration of for adventus of septimius Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115, 116
severus, roman emperor, alexander Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 12, 14
severus, roman emperor, septimius Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 135
severus, roman septimius emperor Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24
severus, rome, arch of septimius Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 122, 128, 188, 196
severus, scriptores historiae augustae, alexander Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 864, 865, 866
severus, secular games and Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 105, 106, 165
severus, septimius Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 159, 316, 340
Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 56
Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 77, 113
Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 180, 187, 208
Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 23, 24, 27, 29, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 52, 57, 62, 71, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 104, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114, 121, 123, 127, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 218, 219, 220, 221, 228, 229, 230, 235, 262, 263, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 283, 300, 301, 308
Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 50, 59, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 138, 166, 173, 175, 176, 301, 348, 381, 385, 388, 419, 438, 443
Demoen and Praet (2009), Theios Sophistes: Essays on Flavius Philostratus' Vita Apollonii, 358
Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 149
Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 12, 61
Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 32, 34
Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 226, 227
Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 216
Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 200
Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 27, 176, 178, 179, 313, 316
Katzoff(2005), Law in the Documents of the Judaean Desert, 124
Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 35, 49, 50, 57, 117, 118, 119, 134, 315, 337, 345, 351
Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 84, 297, 405
Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 23
Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 91, 92
Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 23, 37
Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 17
Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 137, 152, 153, 178
Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 81
Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20, 33, 39, 111, 251, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 189, 206, 210
Rüpke and Woolf (2013), Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE. 154
Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 320
Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 40, 168, 169, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188
Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 144, 157
Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 244, 266, 268, 270, 272, 277, 284
de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 119
severus, septimius, emperor Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 119
Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 67
Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 64, 257, 260, 298
Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 333
Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 37
Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 19, 67, 87, 381
severus, septimius, emperor, ends marriage ban Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 19, 101, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 381
severus, septimius, emperor, recontextualization of Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 125, 126
severus, septimius, sister of punic-speaking Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 62
severus, septimus Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 763, 1010, 1014
Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 313, 352, 353, 479, 536
Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 183
Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 201
Zachhuber (2022), Time and Soul: From Aristotle to St. Augustine. 29
severus, severians Rasimus (2009), Paradise Reconsidered in Gnostic Mythmaking: Rethinking Sethianism in Light of the Ophite Evidence, 88, 89, 97
severus, severus, alexander, m. aurel[l]ius alexander Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 227, 237
severus, sulpicius Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 116
Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 63
Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 52, 53, 83
Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 58, 244
Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 23, 134, 136, 137, 147, 150
Gera (2014), Judith, 36
Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 51
Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 51
Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 284
Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 96, 176
Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 30, 299
Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 65, 90, 91
severus, supernatural agents, sulpicius Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 10, 14
severus, synagogues in rome Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 84, 285
severus, tetrarch de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 72
severus, titulature of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 183, 185, 186
severus, valerius Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 140
severus, validity of account of destruction of temple, sulpicius Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 319
severus, vienne and lyons, on septimus Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 199

List of validated texts:
52 validated results for "severus"
1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.23-15.25 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, summary of • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), conversion accounts of Jewish women

 Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 171; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 51, 192

sup>
15.23 וַיָּבֹאוּ מָרָתָה וְלֹא יָכְלוּ לִשְׁתֹּת מַיִם מִמָּרָה כִּי מָרִים הֵם עַל־כֵּן קָרָא־שְׁמָהּ מָרָה׃ 15.24 וַיִּלֹּנוּ הָעָם עַל־מֹשֶׁה לֵּאמֹר מַה־נִּשְׁתֶּה׃ 15.25 וַיִּצְעַק אֶל־יְהוָה וַיּוֹרֵהוּ יְהוָה עֵץ וַיַּשְׁלֵךְ אֶל־הַמַּיִם וַיִּמְתְּקוּ הַמָּיִם שָׁם שָׂם לוֹ חֹק וּמִשְׁפָּט וְשָׁם נִסָּהוּ׃'' None
sup>
15.23 And when they came to Marah, they could not drink of the waters of Marah, for they were bitter. Therefore the name of it was called Marah. 15.24 And the people murmured against Moses, saying: ‘What shall we drink?’ 15.25 And he cried unto the LORD; and the LORD showed him a tree, and he cast it into the waters, and the waters were made sweet. There He made for them a statute and an ordice, and there He proved them;'' None
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), conversion accounts of Jewish women • Severus, Severians

 Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 168; Rasimus (2009), Paradise Reconsidered in Gnostic Mythmaking: Rethinking Sethianism in Light of the Ophite Evidence, 89, 97

sup>
3 And the LORD God called unto the man, and said unto him: ‘Where art thou?’,In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, till thou return unto the ground; for out of it wast thou taken; for dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return.’,And the woman said unto the serpent: ‘of the fruit of the trees of the garden we may eat;,And he said: ‘I heard Thy voice in the garden, and I was afraid, because I was naked; and I hid myself.’,And the eyes of them both were opened, and they knew that they were naked; and they sewed fig-leaves together, and made themselves girdles.,And He said: ‘Who told thee that thou wast naked? Hast thou eaten of the tree, whereof I commanded thee that thou shouldest not eat?’,And the LORD God said unto the serpent: ‘Because thou hast done this, cursed art thou from among all cattle, and from among all beasts of the field; upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life.,Now the serpent was more subtle than any beast of the field which the LORD God had made. And he said unto the woman: ‘Yea, hath God said: Ye shall not eat of any tree of the garden?’,And the man said: ‘The woman whom Thou gavest to be with me, she gave me of the tree, and I did eat.’,And they heard the voice of the LORD God walking in the garden toward the cool of the day; and the man and his wife hid themselves from the presence of the LORD God amongst the trees of the garden.,And when the woman saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was a delight to the eyes, and that the tree was to be desired to make one wise, she took of the fruit thereof, and did eat; and she gave also unto her husband with her, and he did eat.,And the LORD God said unto the woman: ‘What is this thou hast done?’ And the woman said: ‘The serpent beguiled me, and I did eat.’,And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; they shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise their heel.’,And unto Adam He said: ‘Because thou hast hearkened unto the voice of thy wife, and hast eaten of the tree, of which I commanded thee, saying: Thou shalt not eat of it; cursed is the ground for thy sake; in toil shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life.,Therefore the LORD God sent him forth from the garden of Eden, to till the ground from whence he was taken.,So He drove out the man; and He placed at the east of the garden of Eden the cherubim, and the flaming sword which turned every way, to keep the way to the tree of life.,Unto the woman He said: ‘I will greatly multiply thy pain and thy travail; in pain thou shalt bring forth children; and thy desire shall be to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee.’,for God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, then your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as God, knowing good and evil.’,And the LORD God said: ‘Behold, the man is become as one of us, to know good and evil; and now, lest he put forth his hand, and take also of the tree of life, and eat, and live for ever.’,And the serpent said unto the woman: ‘Ye shall not surely die;,And the man called his wife’s name Eve; because she was the mother of all living.,And the LORD God made for Adam and for his wife garments of skins, and clothed them.,but of the fruit of the tree which is in the midst of the garden, God hath said: Ye shall not eat of it, neither shall ye touch it, lest ye die.’,Thorns also and thistles shall it bring forth to thee; and thou shalt eat the herb of the field.'' None
3. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 9.7-9.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, Jewish violence against Christians recounted in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, authenticity of • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, charges of Jews hiding weapons in synagogue in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, rhetorical strategies of • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, summary of • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), social dynamics between Jewish and Christian communities • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), story of Jewish retreat and control of synagogue • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), story of the greedy slave • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), summary • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), violence

 Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 156; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 46, 64

sup>
9.7 הָאוֹיֵב תַּמּוּ חֳרָבוֹת לָנֶצַח וְעָרִים נָתַשְׁתָּ אָבַד זִכְרָם הֵמָּה׃ 9.8 וַיהוָה לְעוֹלָם יֵשֵׁב כּוֹנֵן לַמִּשְׁפָּט כִּסְאוֹ׃'' None
sup>
9.7 O thou enemy, the waste places are come to an end for ever; And the cities which thou didst uproot, Their very memorial is perished. 9.8 But the LORD is enthroned for ever; He hath established His throne for judgment.'' None
4. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 9.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, summary of • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), conversion accounts of Jewish women • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), social dynamics between Jewish and Christian communities • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca), summary

 Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 158; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 48

sup>
9.1 וְנָתַתִּי אֶת־יְרוּשָׁלִַם לְגַלִּים מְעוֹן תַּנִּים וְאֶת־עָרֵי יְהוּדָה אֶתֵּן שְׁמָמָה מִבְּלִי יוֹשֵׁב׃9.1 מִי־יִתְּנֵנִי בַמִּדְבָּר מְלוֹן אֹרְחִים וְאֶעֶזְבָה אֶת־עַמִּי וְאֵלְכָה מֵאִתָּם כִּי כֻלָּם מְנָאֲפִים עֲצֶרֶת בֹּגְדִים׃ ' None
sup>
9.1 Oh that I were in the wilderness, In a lodging-place of wayfaring men, That I might leave my people, And go from them! For they are all adulterers, An assembly of treacherous men.'' None
5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 386

6. Catullus, Poems, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 386

sup>
1 To thee ( Cornelius !); for wast ever fain,To deem my trifles somewhat boon contain;,E'en when thou single 'mongst Italians found,Daredst all periods in three Scripts expound,Learned (by Jupiter !) elaborately.,Then take thee whatso in this booklet be,,Such as it is, whereto O Patron Maid,To live down Ages lend thou lasting aid!"" None
7. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cassius Severus • Severus Alexander

 Found in books: Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 461; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 1

8. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.336 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343

sup>
9.336 By neither battle nor blockade subdued Caesar shall give you life! O slaves most base, Your former master slain, ye seek his heir! Why doth it please you not yet more to earn Than life and pardon? Bear across the sea Metellus' daughter, Magnus' weeping spouse, And both his sons; outstrip the Pharian gift, Nor spare this head, which, laid before the feet of that detested tyrant, shall deserve A full reward. Thus, cowards, shall ye learn "" None
9. New Testament, Mark, 5.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus, • Alexander Severus, emperor

 Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 27; Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 52

sup>
5.22 Καὶ ἔρχεται εἷς τῶν ἀρχισυναγώγων, ὀνόματι Ἰάειρος,'' None
sup>
5.22 Behold, one of the rulers of the synagogue, Jairus by name, came; and seeing him, he fell at his feet, '' None
10. Plutarch, Crassus, 31.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (grandfather ? of the Emperor)

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 271; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 332

sup>
31.3 τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου φήσαντος οὔτε αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνειν οὔτʼ ἐκεῖνον, ὡς ἑκατέρῳ πάτριόν ἐστι ποιουμένους τὴν σύνοδον, εἶναι μέν αὐτόθεν ἔφη σπονδὰς καὶ εἰρήνην ὁ Σουρήνας Ὑρώδῃ τε βασιλεῖ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις, δεῖν δὲ γράψασθαι τὰς συνθήκας ἐπὶ τόν ποταμὸν προσελθόντας· οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς γε, ἔφη, πάνυ μνήμονες ὁμολογιῶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ προὔτεινε τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ. μεταπεμπομένου δʼ ἵππον οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖν βασιλεὺς γάρ σοι δίδωσι τοῦτον.'' None
sup>
31.3 '' None
11. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343

sup>
3.1 \xa0At the beginning of his reign he used to spend hours in seclusion every day, doing nothing but catch flies and stab them with a keenly-sharpened stylus. Consequently when someone once asked whether anyone was in there with Caesar, Vibius Crispus made the witty reply: "Not even a fly." Then he saluted his wife Domitia as Augusta. He had had a son by her in his second consul­ship, whom he lost the second year after he became emperor; he divorced her because of her love for the actor Paris, but could not bear the separation and soon took her back, alleging that the people demanded it.'' None
12. Tacitus, Annals, 1.72, 2.28, 3.33-3.34, 15.22, 15.42 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Caecina Severus, A. • Cassius Severus • Drusus the Younger (Nero Claudius Drusus, later Drusus Iulius Caesar), debate with Caecina Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor),, routine • Severus (Neros purported architect) • Severus Alexander, emperor

 Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 157; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93, 94; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 343; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 422; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 217; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 189, 247, 259, 264, 461

sup>
1.72 Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum.
2.28
Vt satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Flacco internuntio sermones commeare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, convictibus adhibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat); cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donec Iunius quidam, temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium detulit. celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat avidumque famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consules, cognitionem senatus poscit. et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroci.
3.33
Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.
15.22
Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est.
15.42
Ceterum Nero usus est patriae ruinis extruxitque domum in qua haud proinde gemmae et aurum miraculo essent, solita pridem et luxu vulgata, quam arva et stagna et in modum solitudinum hinc silvae inde aperta spatia et prospectus, magistris et machinatoribus Severo et Celere, quibus ingenium et audacia erat etiam quae natura denegavisset per artem temptare et viribus principis inludere. namque ab lacu Averno navigabilem fossam usque ad ostia Tiberina depressuros promiserant squalenti litore aut per montis adversos. neque enim aliud umidum gignendis aquis occurrit quam Pomptinae paludes: cetera abrupta aut arentia ac, si perrumpi possent, intolerandus labor nec satis causae. Nero tamen, ut erat incredibilium cupitor, effodere proxima Averno iuga conisus est; manentque vestigia inritae spei.'' None
sup>
1.72 \xa0In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â\x80\x94 betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown author­ship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother.
1.72
\xa0In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â\x80\x94 betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. <
2.28
\xa0When he had found witnesses enough, and slaves to testify in the same tenor, he asked for an interview with the sovereign, to whom the charge and the person implicated had been notified by Vescularius Flaccus, a Roman knight on familiar terms with Tiberius. The Caesar, without rejecting the information, declined a meeting, as "their conversations might be carried on through the same intermediate, Flaccus." In the interval, he distinguished Libo with a praetor­ship and several invitations to dinner. There was no estrangement on his brow, no hint of asperity in his speech: he had buried his anger far too deep. He could have checked every word and action of Libo: he preferred, however, to know them. At length, a certain Junius, solicited by Libo to raise departed spirits by incantations, carried his tale to Fulcinius Trio. Trio\'s genius, which was famous among the professional informers, hungered after notoriety. He swooped immediately on the accused, approached the consuls, and demanded a senatorial inquiry. The Fathers were summoned, to deliberate (it was added) on a case of equal importance and atrocity.
2.28
\xa0When he had found witnesses enough, and slaves to testify in the same tenor, he asked for an interview with the sovereign, to whom the charge and the person implicated had been notified by Vescularius Flaccus, a Roman knight on familiar terms with Tiberius. The Caesar, without rejecting the information, declined a meeting, as "their conversations might be carried on through the same intermediate, Flaccus." In the interval, he distinguished Libo with a praetorship and several invitations to dinner. There was no estrangement on his brow, no hint of asperity in his speech: he had buried his anger far too deep. He could have checked every word and action of Libo: he preferred, however, to know them. At length, a certain Junius, solicited by Libo to raise departed spirits by incantations, carried his tale to Fulcinius Trio. Trio\'s genius, which was famous among the professional informers, hungered after notoriety. He swooped immediately on the accused, approached the consuls, and demanded a senatorial inquiry. The Fathers were summoned, to deliberate (it was added) on a case of equal importance and atrocity. <
3.33
\xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." <
3.33
\xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governor­ships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <
15.22
\xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. <
15.22
\xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi.
15.42
\xa0However, Nero turned to account the ruins of his fatherland by building a palace, the marvels of which were to consist not so much in gems and gold, materials long familiar and vulgarized by luxury, as in fields and lakes and the air of solitude given by wooded ground alternating with clear tracts and open landscapes. The architects and engineers were Severus and Celer, who had the ingenuity and the courage to try the force of art even against the veto of nature and to fritter away the resources of a Caesar. They had undertaken to sink a navigable canal running from Lake Avernus to the mouths of the Tiber along a desolate shore or through intervening hills; for the one district along the route moist enough to yield a supply of water is the Pomptine Marsh; the rest being cliff and sand, which could be cut through, if at all, only by intolerable exertions for which no sufficient motive existed. None the less, Nero, with his passion for the incredible, made an effort to tunnel the height nearest the Avernus, and some evidences of that futile ambition survive. <
15.42
\xa0However, Nero turned to account the ruins of his fatherland by building a palace, the marvels of which were to consist not so much in gems and gold, materials long familiar and vulgarized by luxury, as in fields and lakes and the air of solitude given by wooded ground alternating with clear tracts and open landscapes. The architects and engineers were Severus and Celer, who had the ingenuity and the courage to try the force of art even against the veto of nature and to fritter away the resources of a Caesar. They had undertaken to sink a navigable canal running from Lake Avernus to the mouths of the Tiber along a desolate shore or through intervening hills; for the one district along the route moist enough to yield a supply of water is the Pomptine Marsh; the rest being cliff and sand, which could be cut through, if at all, only by intolerable exertions for which no sufficient motive existed. None the less, Nero, with his passion for the incredible, made an effort to tunnel the height nearest the Avernus, and some evidences of that futile ambition survive.'' None
13. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cassius Severus • Septimius Severus

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45

sup>
1.1 \xa0Rome was in a state of excitement and horror-stricken not only at the recent outrageous crime, but also at the thought of Otho\'s former character. Now it was terrified in addition by news with regard to Vitellius, which had been suppressed before Galba\'s death, so that the citizens believed that only the army of Upper Germany had mutinied. Then the thought that two men, the worst in the world for their shamelessness, indolence, and profligacy, had been apparently chosen by fate to ruin the empire, caused open grief not only to the senators and knights who had some share and interest in the state, but even to the common people. Their talk was no longer of the recent horrors of a bloody peace, but they recalled memories of the civil wars and spoke of the many times the city had been captured by Roman armies, of the devastation of Italy, of the plundering of the provinces, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina, names notorious for public disaster. They said that the world had been well-nigh overturned, even when the principate was the prize of honest men; but yet the empire had remained when Julius Caesar won, and had likewise remained when Augustus won; the republic would have remained if Pompey and Brutus had been successful; but now â\x80\x94 should they go to the temples to pray for an Otho or a Vitellius? Prayers for either would be impious and vows for either detestable when, in the struggle between the two, the only thing of which men were certain was that the victor would be the worse. There were some who had forebodings of Vespasian and the armies in the East, and yet although Vespasian was a better man than Otho or Vitellius, they shuddered at another war and another massacre. Indeed Vespasian\'s reputation was uncertain; he, unlike all his predecessors, was the only emperor who was changed for the better by his office.,\xa0I\xa0will now relate the origin and causes of the revolt of Vitellius. After Julius Vindex had been slain and all his forces with him, the army, flushed with joy over the booty and glory it had won, as was natural since it had secured a very rich victory without effort or danger, preferred to advance and fight, to secure rewards rather than mere pay. The soldiers had long endured a profitless service which was severe because of the character of the district and of the climate, and also because discipline was strict. But discipline which is stern in time of peace is broken down by civil strife, for there are men on both sides ready to corrupt, and treachery goes unpunished. The army had men, weapons, and horses in abundance for use and for show, but before the war the soldiers had been acquainted with only their own centuries and squadrons, for the armies were then separated by the boundaries of the provinces. But at that time the legions had been mobilized against Vindex, so that they had become acquainted with their own strength and that of the Gallic provinces. Therefore they were again looking for war and new quarrels; they no longer called the Gauls "allies" as before, but "enemies" and "the defeated." In fact that part of the Gallic provinces which borders the Rhine had not failed to attach itself to the same party and at this time was most vigorous in urging the soldiers on against "the Galbans," for they had given them this name in scorn of Vindex. Accordingly, being hostile first of all towards the Sequani and the Aeduans, and then towards other states in proportion to their wealth, their souls thirsted for the storming of cities, the ravaging of fields, and the looting of houses. Their irritation arose not simply from greed and arrogance â\x80\x94 faults especially common to the stronger â\x80\x94 but also from the insolent spirit of the Gauls, who as an insult to the army boasted that Galba had remitted a\xa0quarter of their tribute and had rewarded them as communities. There was, too, a rumour cleverly spread abroad and rashly believed, that the legions were being decimated and the most active centurions dismissed. From every side came alarming messages and from Rome disturbing reports; the colony of Lyons was hostile and, owing to its persistent loyalty to Nero, was filled with rumours; but the amplest material for imagination and credulity was to be found within the camp\xa0itself in the soldiers\' hatreds, in their fears, and also, when they considered their own strength, in their self-confidence.,\xa0About the first of December in the preceding year Aulus Vitellius had entered Lower Germany and carefully inspected the winter quarters of the legions. Many of the troops had their ranks restored, their disgrace removed, the marks against them cancelled. He did much for his selfish ends, but some things with sound judgment; among these was the honest change he made from the meanness and greed which Fonteius Capito had shown in taking away or bestowing military rank. The acts of Vitellius were not regarded as those simply of a consular legate, but without exception were taken to be more significant; and while the strict thought Vitellius demeaned himself, his partisans called it affability and kindness where he gave away his own property without limit and without judgment and squandered what belonged to others; at the same time their greed for power made them translate his very faults into virtues. There were many in both armies obedient and law-abiding, as well as many unprincipled and energetic. But the commanders of the legions, Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens, were men of boundless greed and extraordinary recklessness. Valens was hostile to Galba, because Galba had treated with ingratitude his disclosure of Verginius\'s hesitation and his crushing of Capito\'s plans. He began to urge Vitellius on and to point out to him the eager spirit of the soldiers, saying that he enjoyed great fame everywhere, that Flaccus Hordeonius would give no occasion for delay, that Britain would join him, the German auxiliaries follow his standard; the loyalty of the provinces he declared weak, the old emperor\'s rule precarious and sure soon to pass; let him but open his arms and hurry to meet approaching fortune. He maintained that Verginius had hesitated with good reason, for he was of equestrian family, his father was unknown and he would have been unequal to the office if he had got the imperial power, but safe if he refused it; but to Vitellius, his father\'s three consulships and the censorship in which he had Caesar as colleague had long since given him imperial dignity and had taken away from him the security of a subject. These arguments stirred his sluggish nature to covetousness rather than to hope.,\xa0But in Upper Germany, Caecina, a handsome young man of towering stature and boundless ambition, had won over the support of the soldiers by his clever speech and dignified carriage. This youth Galba had put in command of a legion, for when he was quaestor in Baetica, he had not hesitated to join Galba\'s party. But later, when Galba found that he had embezzled public money, he ordered him to be prosecuted for peculation. Caecina took this hard and decided to embroil everything and conceal his private wounds amid the misfortunes of the state. And there were not lacking seeds of discord in the army, because it had taken part in full force in the war against Vindex and had not gone over to Galba until Nero had been killed, and then had been anticipated in taking the oath of allegiance to Galba by some detachments from Lower Germany. The Treviri, too, and Lingones, as well as other states which Galba had punished with harsh edicts or loss of territory, were closely associated with the legions\' winter quarters, with the result that there were seditious conferences and the soldiers were demoralized by mixing with the civilian inhabitants, and the attachment that they apparently showed Verginius was ready to be given to anyone else.,\xa0The community of the Lingones, according to their ancient custom, had sent clasped right hands, an emblem of friendship, as gifts to the legions. Their envoys, assuming the appearance of poverty and sorrow, complained both at headquarters and in the messes of the common soldiers, now of their wrongs, again of the rewards given to neighbouring communities, and, when the soldiers were ready to lend a listening ear, of the dangers and the insults suffered by the army itself, and so inflamed the temper of the troops. In fact, they were not far from mutiny when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the envoys to leave and told them to go out of camp by night that their departure might be less noticeable. From this arose a disturbing report, for many maintained that the envoys had been killed; and it was urged that if the soldiers did not take thought for themselves, the most energetic among them and those who complained of present conditions would be put to death under the cover of darkness without the knowledge of their fellows. Thereupon the legions bound themselves by a secret oath; the auxiliary soldiers joined them. These had been at first suspected of planning to attack the legions, because their infantry and cavalry had surrounded the camp; but presently they showed themselves more zealous in the same cause; for the wicked conspire more readily to make war than to preserve harmony in time of peace.,\xa0Yet the legions of Lower Germany had taken the usual oath of allegiance to Galba on the first of January, although there was great hesitation and only a\xa0few in the front ranks repeated it, while the rest silently waited, each on the courage of his neighbour, it being human nature to follow eagerly a course that one hesitates to begin. But there was a diversity of sentiment in the legions themselves. The First and Fifth were so mutinous that some stoned Galba\'s images. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth legions, while daring to do nothing worse than murmur and threaten, were seeking some opening for an outbreak. In the Upper army, however, the Fourth and Twenty-second legions, who were wintering in the same camp, on the very first of January tore down the images of Galba, the Fourth legion with greater readiness, the Twenty-second with hesitation at first, but presently in full accord; and they called in their oath on the now forgotten names of the senate and Roman people that they might not seem to give up reverence for the empire. No one of the legates or tribunes made any effort in Galba\'s behalf; some, as is usual in an uproar, were conspicuous in causing trouble. Yet no one addressed the soldiers in formal speech or from the tribunal, for there was no one as yet to whom claim for such service could be made.,\xa0Hordeonius Flaccus, the consular legate, was a spectator of this disgraceful scene. He did not dare to check those who were in a fury or to restrain the doubtful or even to exhort the loyal, but he was slow to act, timid, and innocent only because of his sloth. Four centurions of the Twenty-second legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, were swept away by the onrush of the soldiers when they tried to protect Galba\'s images, and were thrown into chains. No man had any loyalty or thought for his former oath, but as happens in mutinies all joined the majority. On the night which followed January first, an eagle-bearer of the Fourth legion came to Cologne and reported to Vitellius at table that the Fourth and Twenty-second legions had thrown down Galba\'s statues and taken the oath of allegiance to the senate and the Roman people. Such an oath seemed idle; they decided to seize fortune while in the balance and to offer an emperor to the soldiery. Vitellius sent men to the legions and legates to announce that the Upper army had mutinied against Galba: therefore they must either fight against the mutineers or, if they preferred harmony and peace, must take an emperor. There was less danger, he added, in accepting an emperor than in looking for one.,\xa0The winter quarters of the First legion were nearest, and the most energetic of the commanders was Fabius Valens. The next day he entered Cologne with the horsemen of the legion and the auxiliary troops and saluted Vitellius as emperor. The legions of the same province showed the greatest rivalry in following this example; and the Upper army, abandoning the specious names of the senate and the Roman people, came over to Vitellius on the third of January, so that it was easy to realize that during the two preceding days it had never been faithful to the state. The citizens of Cologne, the Treviri, the Lingones, showed the same enthusiasm as the army. Individuals offered their personal services, horses, arms, or money, according to the physical strength, wealth, or talent that each possessed. Not only the chief men of the colonies and camps who had present wealth in abundance and great hopes should they secure a victory, but also whole companies and common soldiers, prompted by excitement and enthusiasm and also by greed, contributed their own spending money, or in place of money their belts and bosses, and the decorations of their armour adorned with silver.,\xa0Therefore Vitellius praised the eager spirit of the soldiers and then distributed the imperial offices which had been usually held by freedmen among Roman knights; he also paid the fees for furloughs to the centurions out of his own purse. He frequently gave his approval to the savagery of the soldiers who demanded that many be given up to punishment; in some rare instances he evaded it by throwing the accused into chains. Pompeius Propinquus, imperial agent in Belgian Gaul, was immediately put to death; Julius Burdo, commander of the German fleet, he saved by a clever ruse. The army\'s anger had blazed out against Burdo, because he had invented a charge against Fonteius Capito, and later had plotted against him. The soldiers remembered Capito with gratitude, and while Vitellius might kill openly before the angry mob, he could not pardon except by deceit. And so Burdo was kept under guard and released only after the victory of Vitellius, when the hatred of the soldiers for him was now appeased. In the meantime the centurion Crispinus was offered as a scapegoat. Capito\'s blood was on his hands, and that made him the more obvious victim of the soldiers\' demands and the cheaper sacrifice in the eyes of the executioner.,\xa0Next Julius Civilis was saved from danger. He had great influence with the Batavians so that Vitellius did not wish to alienate this savage people by punishing him. Moreover there were in the country of the Lingones eight cohorts of Batavians, auxiliaries belonging to the Fourteenth legion, who at that time, owing to the discord of the moment, had withdrawn from the legion; and, whichever way they inclined, these eight cohorts would have great weight as allies or opponents. The centurions Nonius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, of whom we have spoken above, he ordered to be executed, for they had been pronounced guilty of loyalty â\x80\x94 the worst of charges among rebels. He also now gained the adherence of Valerius Asiaticus, governor of the Belgic province, whom he later made his son-inâ\x80\x91law; likewise of Junius Blaesus who was in charge of Gallia Lugdunensis, together with the Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse who were stationed at Lyons. The forces in Raetia did not delay joining his side at once; nor was there any hesitation even in Britain.,\xa0The governor of Britain was Trebellius Maximus, whose greed and meanness made him despised and hated by his soldiers. Their hostility towards him was increased by Roscius Coelius, the commander of the Twentieth legion, who had long been at odds with him; but now, on the occasion of civil war, the hostility between the two broke out with great violence. Trebellius charged Coelius with stirring up mutiny and destroying discipline; Coelius reproached Trebellius with robbing the legions and leaving them poor, while meantime the discipline of the army was broken down by this shameful quarrel between the commanders; and the trouble reached such a point that Trebellius was openly insulted by the auxiliary soldiers as well as by the legions, and when deserted by the auxiliary foot and horse who joined Coelius, fled to Vitellius. The province remained quiet, although the consular governor had been removed: control was in the hands of the commanders of the legions, who were equal in authority; but Coelius actually had the greater power because of his audacity.,\xa0Now that the army in Britain had joined his standard, Vitellius, who had enormous strength and resources at his command, selected two leaders and two lines of advance for the war. He ordered Fabius Valens to win over the Gallic provinces, or, if they refused his advances, to lay them waste and then break into Italy by the Cottian Alps. Caecina was to descend by the nearer route over the Pennine range. Valens was given picked soldiers from the Lower army together with the eagle of the Fifth legion and auxiliary foot and horse, the whole force numbering about 40,000 armed men. Caecina took from the Upper army 30,000; but his real strength lay in the Twenty-first legion. Both were given in addition German auxiliaries with whom Vitellius completed his own forces also, as he was prepared to follow with his whole strength.,\xa0There was a marked contrast between army and general. The soldiers were eager; they demanded battle, while the Gallic provinces were still timid and the Spanish hesitant. "Neither winter," they declared, "nor the delay caused by a peace which only a coward would make is an obstacle to us. We must invade Italy, seize Rome. In civil strife, where one must act rather than debate, nothing is more safe than haste." Vitellius, however, was sunk in sloth and was already enjoying a foretaste of his imperial fortune by indolent luxury and extravagant dinners; at midday he was tipsy and gorged with food. Still the soldiers in their eagerness and vigour actually performed the duties of a general, so that they inspired the energetic with hope or the indolent with fear, exactly as if the commander-inâ\x80\x91chief were there in person. They were drawn up in line and eager for action; they demanded the signal for the start. Vitellius was at once given the additional name of Germanicus; the appellation Caesar he forbade even after he was victorious. It was a happy augur to the mind of Fabius Valens and the army which he was leading to war that, on the very day they started, an eagle flew gently along before the advancing army apparently to guide their march; and for a long distance such were the exultant cries of the troops, such the undisturbed calm of the bird, that it was welcomed as a certain omen of a great and successful issue.,\xa0The army approached the Treviri with a sense of security which they naturally felt among allies. But at Divodurum, a town of the Mediomatrici, though received with all courtesy, the army was struck with sudden panic; the soldiers hurriedly seized their arms to massacre the innocent citizens, not for booty or from a desire to loot, but prompted by wild fury, the cause of which was uncertain and the remedies therefore more difficult. Finally, however, they were quieted by their general\'s appeals and refrained from completely destroying the community; still about\xa04,000 had been massacred, and such terror spread over the Gallic provinces that later on, as the army advanced, entire communities headed by their magistrates came out to meet it with appeals, women and children prostrating themselves along the roads, while everything else that can appease an enemy\'s wrath was offered to secure peace, although there was no war.,\xa0Fabius Valens heard the news of Galba\'s death and the accession of Otho in the state of the Leuci. The soldiers were neither moved to joy nor stirred by fear; they thought only of war. The Gauls no longer hesitated; though they hated Otho and Vitellius equally, they also feared Vitellius. The next state was that of the Lingones, which was faithful to his party. There the Roman soldiers enjoyed a kindly reception and vied with one another in good behaviour. Yet the joy over this was short-lived, because of the violence of the auxiliary infantry, which, as we said above, had detached themselves from the Fourteenth legion and been incorporated by Fabius Valens in his force. At first a quarrel arose between the Batavians and the legionaries, and then a brawl. Finally, as the soldiers took sides with one or the other, they broke out almost into open battle, and in fact would have done so had not Valens, by the punishment of a\xa0few men, reminded the Batavians of the authority which they had forgotten. It was in vain that the Roman troops tried to find an excuse for war against the Aeduans; when ordered to furnish money and arms, the Aeduans went so far as to provide the army with supplies without cost, and what the Aeduans had done from fear the people of Lyons did from joy. The Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse were withdrawn from the city; it was decided, however, to leave the Eighteenth cohort there, for that was their usual winter quarters. Manlius Valens, commander of the Italic legion, enjoyed no honour with Vitellius, though he had done good service to his party. Fabius had defamed him by secret charges of which Manlius knew nothing, but praised him openly that, being off his guard, he might be more easily deceived.,\xa0The old feud between the people of Lyons and Vienne had been inflamed by the last war. They had inflicted many losses on each other and had done this too frequently and savagely for anyone to believe that they were fighting only for Nero or Galba. Galba too had taken advantage of his displeasure to divert the revenues of Lyons into his own treasury; on the other hand he had shown great honour to the people of Vienne. Hence arose rivalry and envy and a bond of hatred between the peoples who were separated only by a single river. Therefore the people of Lyons began to stir up individual soldiers and spur them on to destroy Vienne by reminding them that its inhabitants had besieged their own colony, aided Vindex in his attempts, and had lately enrolled legions for the defence of Galba. More, after they had put forward these pretexts for hating Vienne, they began to point out the large booty to be obtained, no longer exhorting them in secret, but making public appeals. "Advance as avengers," they said; "destroy the home of war in Gaul. At Vienne there is nothing that is not foreign and hostile. We, a Roman colony and a part of your army, have shared your successes and reverses. Do not abandon us to an angry foe, should fortune prove adverse.",\xa0By these and similar appeals, they had brought the soldiers to the point where not even the commanders and leaders of the party thought it possible to check the army\'s hostile fury, when the people of Vienne, well aware of their danger, diverted the soldiers from their purpose by coming out along the line of advance, bearing veils and fillets, and clasping the soldiers\' weapons, knees, and feet. Valens too gave each soldier three hundred sesterces. The age also and the dignity of the colony prevailed; and the words of Fabius, as he urged the soldiers to leave the Viennese in safety and unharmed, received a favourable hearing. Still the people were all deprived of their weapons, and they assisted the soldiers with private means of every sort. Yet report has always consistently said that Valens himself was bribed with a large sum. He had long been poor; now suddenly becoming rich, he hardly concealed his change of fortune. His desires had been increased by long poverty, so that he now put no restraint upon himself, and after a youth of poverty became a prodigal old man. Next he led his army slowly through the lands of the Allobroges and Vocontii, the very length of each day\'s advance and the choice of encampment being sold by the general, who drove shameless bargains to the detriment of the owners of the land and the local magistrates. Indeed he acted so threateningly that he was on the point of applying the torch to Lucus, a town of the Vocontii, until he was soothed by money. Whenever money was not available, he was appeased by sacrifices to his lust. In this way they reached the Alps.,\xa0Caecina gained even more booty and shed more blood. His reckless spirit had been provoked by the Helvetii, a Gallic people once famous for their deeds in arms and for their heroes, later only for the memory of their name. of Galba\'s murder they knew nothing and they refused to recognize the authority of Vitellius. The origin of the war was due to the greed and haste of the Twenty-first legion, which had embezzled the money sent to pay the garrison of a fort once defended by the Helvetians with their own forces and at their own expense. This angered the Helvetians, who intercepted some letters which were being carried in the name of the army in Germany to the legions in Pannonia, and they kept the centurions and certain soldiers in custody. Caecina, eager for war, always moved to punish every fault instantly before there was a chance for repentance: he immediately shifted camp, devastated the fields, and ravaged a place that during the long peace had been built up into the semblance of a town and was much resorted to for its beauty and healthful waters. Messages were sent to the auxiliaries in Raetia, directing them to attack in the rear the Helvetians who were facing the Roman legion.,\xa0The Helvetians were bold before the crisis came, but timid in the face of danger; and although at the beginning of the trouble they had chosen Claudius Severus leader, they had not learned the use of arms, did not keep their ranks, or consult together. Battle against veterans would be destructive to them; a\xa0siege would be dangerous, for their walls had fallen into ruin from lapse of time. On the one side was Caecina with a strong force, on the other the Raetian horse and foot, and the young men of Raetia itself, who were accustomed to arms and trained in warfare. Everywhere were rapine and slaughter. Wandering about between the two armies, the Helvetians threw away their arms and fled for life to Mt.\xa0Vocetius, the majority of them wounded or straggling. A\xa0cohort of Thracian infantry was immediately dispatched against them and dislodged them. Then, pursued by Germans and Raetians through their forests, they were cut down even in their hiding places. Many thousands were massacred, many thousands sold into slavery. After all had been destroyed, when the Roman army was advancing to attack Aventicum, the capital of the tribe, the people of that town sent envoys to offer surrender and this was accepted. Caecina punished Julius Alpinus, one of the leading men, as the promoter of the war: the rest he left to the mercy or the cruelty of Vitellius.,\xa0It is not easy to say whether the envoys of the Helvetians found the general or the soldiers less merciful. The soldiers demanded the destruction of the state, shaking their weapons, and fists in the faces of the envoys. Even Vitellius did not refrain from threatening words, till Claudius Cossus, one of the envoys, assuaged the anger of the soldiers; Cossus was a man of well-known eloquence, but at this time he concealed his skill as an orator under an appropriate trepidation which made him all the more effective. Like all mobs, the common soldiers were given to sudden change and were as ready to show pity as they had been extravagant in cruelty. By floods of tears and persistent prayers for a milder decision, the envoys obtained safety and protection for their state.,\xa0While Caecina delayed a\xa0few days among the Helvetians until he should learn the views of Vitellius, being engaged at the same time in preparations for the passage of the Alps, he received the joyful news from Italy that the Silian detachment of horse that was operating along the\xa0Po had taken the oath of allegiance to Vitellius. This detachment had served under Vitellius when he was proconsul in Africa; later Nero had removed it to send it to Egypt, but it had been recalled because of the war with Vindex and was at this time in Italy. Prompted by the decurions who, being wholly unacquainted with Otho but bound to Vitellius, kept extolling the strength of the approaching legions and the reputation of the army in Germany, the members of the troop came over to the side of Vitellius, and as a kind of gift to the new emperor, they secured for him the strongest of the transpadane towns, Mediolanum, Novaria, Eporedia, and Vercellae. This fact Caecina learned from the inhabitants of these towns, and since a single squadron of horse could not protect the broadest part of Italy, he sent in advance infantry, made up of Gauls, Lusitanians, and Britons, and some German detachments with the squadron of Petra\'s horse, while he himself delayed a little to see whether he should turn aside over the Raetian range to Noricum to oppose the imperial agent Petronius Urbicus, who was regarded as faithful to Otho since he had called out auxiliary troops and broken down the bridges over the stream. But Caecina was afraid that he might lose the infantry and cavalry which he had already dispatched before him, and, at the same time, he realized that there was more glory in securing Italy, and that wherever the decisive struggle took place, the people of Noricum would come with the other prizes of victory. He accordingly led his reserve troops and the heavy armed legions over the Pennine Pass while the Alps were still covered with the winter\'s snow.,\xa0Otho, meanwhile, contrary to everyone\'s expectation made no dull surrender to luxury or ease: he put off his pleasures, concealed his profligacy, and ordered his whole life as befitted the imperial position; with the result that these simulated virtues and the sure return of his vices only inspired still greater dread. Marius Celsus, consul-elect, whom he had saved from the fury of the soldiers by pretending to imprison him, he had called to the Capitol, for he wished to obtain the credit of being merciful by his treatment of a distinguished man whom his party hated. Celsus boldly pleaded guilty of constant loyalty to Galba and went so far as to claim that his example was to Otho\'s advantage. Otho did not act toward him as if he were pardoning a criminal, but to avoid having to fear him as an enemy took steps to be reconciled to him and immediately began to treat him as one of his intimate friends; he later chose him as one of the leaders for the war. But Celsus, on his side, as by a fatal impulse, maintained a loyalty to Otho which was unbroken and ill-starred. His safety, which gave joy to the chief men of the state and which was commented on favourably by the common people, was not unpopular even with the soldiers, who admired the same virtue which roused their anger.,\xa0Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero\'s knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death.,\xa0At the same time the people demanded the punishment of Calvia Crispinilla. She was saved from danger, however, through various artifices on the part of the emperor, who brought ill-reputation upon himself by his duplicity. Crispinilla had taught Nero profligacy; then she had crossed to Africa to stir up Clodius Macer to rebellion, and had openly tried to bring famine on the Roman people. Afterwards she secured popularity with the entire city by her marriage with a former consul, and so was unharmed under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. Still later she became powerful through her wealth and childlessness, which have equal weight both in good and evil times.,\xa0Meantime Otho sent Vitellius many letters, disfigured by unmanly flattery, offering him money and favour and granting him any quiet place he chose wherein to spend his profligate life. Vitellius made similar proposals. At first both wrote in genial tones, resorting to pretence which was at once foolish and unbecoming: later, as if engaged in a common brawl, they each charged the other with debaucheries and low practices, neither of them falsely. Otho, after recalling the delegates that Galba had dispatched, sent them again in the name of the senate to the two armies in Germany, to the Italic legion, and to the troops that were stationed at Lyons. The envoys remained with Vitellius, too readily for men to think they were detained. The praetorians that Otho had sent with the delegation to show it honour were sent back before they could mix with the legions. Fabius Valens also sent letters in the name of the army in Germany to the praetorian and city cohorts, boasting of the strength of his party and offering terms of agreement. He even reproached them for diverting to Otho the imperial power that had been given to Vitellius so long before.,\xa0Thus the praetorians were plied at the same time with promises and threats. They were told that they were unequal to war but would lose nothing in peace; and yet they did not give up their loyalty. Otho sent secret agents to Germany, and Vitellius sent his agents to Rome. Neither accomplished anything, but the agents of Vitellius got off safely, since amid the great multitude they neither knew people nor were themselves known; Otho\'s agents, however, were betrayed by their strange faces, since in the army everyone knew everyone else. Vitellius wrote a letter to Otho\'s brother, Titianus, in which he threatened him and his son with death if his own mother and children were not kept unharmed. As a matter of fact both families were uninjured: under Otho this was probably due to fear; Vitellius, when victor, got the credit for mercy.,\xa0The first message that gave Otho confidence came from Illyricum, to the effect that the legions of Dalmatia and Pannonia and Moesia had sworn allegiance to him. The same news was brought from Spain, whereupon Otho extolled Cluvius Rufus in a proclamation; but immediately afterwards word was brought that Spain had gone over to Vitellius. Not even Aquitania long remained faithful, although it had been made to swear allegiance to Otho by Julius Cordus. Nowhere was there loyalty or affection. Fear and necessity made men shift now to one side, now to the other. The same terror brought the province of Narbonensis over to Vitellius, it being easy to pass to the side of the nearest and the stronger. The distant provinces and all the armed forces across the sea remained on Otho\'s side, not from any enthusiasm for his party, but because the name of the city and the splendour of the senate had great weight; moreover the emperor of whom they first heard preëmpted their regard. The oath of allegiance to Otho was administered to the army in Judea by Vespasian, to the legions in Syria by Mucianus. At the same time Egypt and all the provinces to the East were governed in Otho\'s name. Africa showed the same ready obedience, led by Carthage, without waiting for the authority of Vipstanius Apronianus, the proconsul; Crescens, one of Nero\'s freedmen â\x80\x94 for in evil times even freedmen take part in the government â\x80\x94 had given the commonfolk a feast in honour of the recent accession; and the people hurried on with extravagant zeal the usual demonstrations. The rest of the communities followed Carthage.,\xa0Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless.,\xa0With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero\'s memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho\'s nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title.,\xa0While all men\'s thoughts were thus absorbed in civil war, there was no interest in foreign affairs. This inspired the Rhoxolani, a people of Sarmatia who had massacred two cohorts the previous winter, to invade Moesia with great hopes. They numbered nine thousand horse, and their restive temper along with their success made them more intent on booty than on fighting. Consequently, when they were straggling and off their guard, the Third legion with some auxiliary troops suddenly attacked them. On the Roman side everything was ready for battle. The Sarmatians were scattered or in their greed for booty had weighted themselves down with heavy burdens, and since the slippery roads deprived them of the advantage of their horses\' speed, they were cut down as if they were in fetters. For it is a strange fact that the whole courage of the Sarmatians is, so to speak, outside themselves. No people is so cowardly when it comes to fighting on foot, but when they attack the foe on horseback, hardly any line can resist them. On this occasion, however, the day was wet and the snow melting: they could not use their pikes or the long swords which they wield with both hands, for their horses fell and they were weighted down by their coats of mail. This armour is the defence of their princes and all the nobility: it is made of scales of iron or hard hide, and though impenetrable to blows, nevertheless it makes it difficult for the wearer to get up when overthrown by the enemy\'s charge; at the same time they were continually sinking deep in the soft and heavy snow. The Roman soldier with his breast-plate moved readily about, attacking the enemy with his javelin, which he threw, or with his lances; when the situation required he used his short sword and cut down the helpless Sarmatians at close quarters, for they do not use the shield for defensive purposes. Finally the few who escaped battle hid themselves in the swamps, where they lost their lives from the cruel winter or the severity of their wounds. When the news of this reached Rome, Marcus Aponius, governor of Moesia, was given a triumphal statue; Fulvius Aurelius, Julianus Tettius, and Numisius Lupus, commanders of the legions, were presented with the decorations of a consul; for Otho was pleased and took the glory to himself, saying that he was lucky in war and had augmented the State through his generals and his armies.,\xa0In the meantime, from a slight beginning which caused no fear, a mutiny arose which almost destroyed the city. Otho had given orders that Seventeenth cohort be brought from the colony of Ostia to Rome. Varius Crispinus, one of the praetorian tribunes, had been charged with equipping these troops. That he might be the freer to carry out his orders, when the camp was quiet, he ordered the armoury to be opened and the wagons belonging to the cohort to be loaded at nightfall. The hour gave rise to suspicion; his motive became the basis of a charge against him; and his attempt to secure quiet resulted in an uproar, while the sight of arms in the hands of drunken men roused a desire to use them. The soldiers began to murmur and charged the tribunes and centurions with treachery, saying that the slaves of the senators were being armed for Otho\'s destruction. A\xa0part of the soldiers were ignorant of the circumstances and heavy with wine; the worst of them wished to make this an opportunity for looting; the great mass, as is usual, were ready for any new movement, and the natural obedience of the better disposed was rendered ineffective by the night. When the tribune attempted to stay the mutiny, they killed him and the strictest of the centurions. Then they seized their arms, drew their swords, and jumping on their horses, hurried to Rome and to the Palace.,\xa0Otho was giving a great banquet to men and women of the nobility. In terror as to whether this was some chance frenzy on the part of the soldiers or some treachery on the part of the emperor, the guests did not know whether it was more dangerous to stay and be caught or to flee and scatter. Now they pretended courage, now they were unmasked by their fears; at the same time they watched Otho\'s face; and as generally happens when men\'s minds are inclined to suspicion, it was just when Otho felt fear that he made others fear him. Yet he was terrified as much by the danger to the senate as to himself; he had sent at once the prefects of the praetorian guard to calm the soldiers\' anger and he told all to leave the banquet quickly. Then in every direction went officers of the state, throwing away their insignia of office and avoiding the attendance of their friends and slaves; old men and women stole in the darkness along different streets, few of them trying to reach their homes, but most of them hurrying to the houses of their friends and the obscurest hiding-place of the humblest dependent each had.,\xa0The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.,\xa0Otho was in a difficult position owing to the general disturbance and the divergences of sentiment among the soldiers; for the best of them demanded that some check be put on the present licence, while the larger mob delighted in mutinies and in an emperor whose power depended on popular favour, and were easily driven on to civil war by riots and rapine. He realized, however, that a throne gained by crime cannot be maintained by sudden moderation and old-fashioned dignity; but being distressed by the crisis that had befallen the city and the danger of the senate, he finally spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, I\xa0have not come to kindle your sentiments into love for me, nor to exhort your hearts to courage, for both these qualities you have in marked abundance; but I\xa0have come to ask you to put some check to your bravery and some limit to your regard for me. The recent disturbances owed their beginning not to any greed or hate, which are the sentiments that drive most armies to revolt, or even to any shirking or fear of danger; it was your excessive loyalty that spurred you to an action more violent than wise. Very often honourable motives have a fatal end, unless men employ judgment. We are proceeding to war. Do the exigencies of events or the rapid changes in the situation allow every report to be heard openly, every plan to be discussed in the presence of all? It is as proper that soldiers should not know certain things as that they should know them. The authority of the leaders and strict discipline are maintained only by holding it wise that in many cases even centurions and tribunes should simply receive orders. For if individuals may inquire the reason for the orders given them, then discipline is at an end and authority also ceases. Suppose in the field you have to take your arms in the dead of night, shall one or two worthless and drunken men â\x80\x94 for I\xa0cannot believe that the recent madness was due to the panic of more than that â\x80\x94 stain their hands in the blood of a centurion or tribune? Shall they burst into the tent of their general?,\xa0"You, it is true, did that for me. But in time of riot, in the darkness and general confusion, an opportunity may also be given for an attack on me. Suppose Vitellius and his satellites should have an opportunity to choose the spirit and sentiment with which they would pray you to be inspired, what will they prefer to mutiny and strife? Will they not wish that soldier should not obey centurion or centurion tribune, so that we may all, foot and horse, in utter confusion rush to ruin? It is rather by obedience, fellow-soldiers, than by questioning the commands of the leaders, that success in war is obtained, and that is the bravest army in time of crisis which has been most orderly before the crisis. Yours be the arms and spirit; leave to me the plan of campaign and the direction of your valour. Few were at fault; two shall pay the penalty: do all the rest of you blot out the memory of that awful night. And I\xa0pray that no army may ever hear such cries against the senate. That is the head of the empire and the glory of all the provinces; good heavens, not even those Germans whom Vitellius at this moment is stirring up against us would dare to call it to punishment. Shall any child of Italy, any true Roman youth, demand the blood and murder of that order through whose splendid glory we outshine the meanness and base birth of the partisans of Vitellius? Vitellius has won over some peoples; he has a certain shadow of an army, but the senate is with us. And so it is that on our side stands the state, on theirs the enemies of the state. Tell me, do you think that this fairest city consists of houses and buildings and heaps of stone? Those dumb and iimate things can perish and readily be replaced. The eternity of our power, the peace of the world, my safety and yours, are secured by the welfare of the senate. This senate, which was established under auspices by the Father and Founder of our city and which has continued in unbroken line from the time of the kings even down to the time of the emperors, let us hand over to posterity even as we received it from our fathers. For as senators spring from your number, so emperors spring from senators.",\xa0Both this speech, well adapted as it was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment of more than two) were gratefully received, and in this way those who could not be checked by force were calmed for the present. But the city was not yet quiet; there was the din of weapons and the face of war, for while the troops did not engage in any general riot, they nevertheless distributed themselves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or some distinction had made the object of gossip. Most of them believed that soldiers of Vitellius, too, had come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the different parties, so that there was suspicion everywhere, and the intimacy of the home was hardly free from fear. But there was the greatest terror in public, where men changed their spirit and looks according to the message that rumour brought at the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart over doubtful news or show too much joy over favourable report. Moreover, when the senate had assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain the proper measure in anything, that silence might not seem sullen or open speech suspicious; while Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So the senators turned and twisted their proposals to mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy and traitor; but the most foreseeing attacked him only with ordinary terms of abuse, although some made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they did this when there was an uproar and many speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning by a riot of words.,\xa0Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess\'s hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno\'s chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people\'s minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes.,\xa0Otho purified the city and then considered his plan for a campaign. Since the Pennine and Cottian Alps and the other passes into Gaul were closed by the forces of Vitellius, he decided to attack Narbonese Gaul with his fleet, which was strong and loyal, for he had enrolled as a legion those who had survived the massacre at the Mulvian Bridge and who had been kept in prison by Galba\'s cruelty; and so he had given the rest reason to hope for an honourable service hereafter. He added to the fleet the city cohorts and many of the praetorians to be the strength and back-bone of the army and also to advise and control the leaders themselves. At the head of the expedition he placed Antonius Novellus, Suedius Clemens, centurions of the first rank, and Aemilius Pacensis, to whom he had restored the tribunate which Galba had taken away. His freedman Moschus, however, retained command of the fleet, no change being made in his rank, that he might keep watch over the fidelity of men more honourable than himself. As commanders of the foot and horse he named Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, Annius Gallus, but he trusted most in Licinius Proculus, prefect of the praetorian guard. Indefatigable on home service, inexperienced in war, Proculus, in strict accordance with their individual characters, made the "influence" of Paulinus, the "energy" of Celsus, the "proved ability" of Gallus the bases of his accusations, and thus â\x80\x94 nothing is easier â\x80\x94 by dishonesty and cunning outdid the virtuous and modest.,\xa0About this time Cornelius Dolabella was banished to the colony of Aquinum. He was not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge was made against him; but he had been made prominent by his ancient name and his close relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join his expedition, not to share or help in the war but simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitellius, who was treated in the same way as the others and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No class was free from fear or danger. The leading men of the senate were weak from old age and had grown inactive through a long peace; the nobility was indolent and had forgotten the art of war; the knights were ignorant of military service; the more all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation brought splendid arms and fine horses; some made extravagant preparations for banquets and provided incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The wise had thought for peace and for the state; the foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with idle hopes; many who had been distressed by loss of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty.,\xa0But the mob and the mass of the people, whose vast numbers kept them aloof from cares of state, gradually began to feel the evils of war, for all money was now diverted to the use of the soldiers, and the prices of provisions rose. Such things had not affected the common people so much during the revolt of Vindex, because the city at that time was safe and the war was in a province; since it was between the legions and the Gauls, it was regarded as a foreign war. In fact, from the time when the deified Augustus had established the power of the Caesars, the wars of the Roman people had been far from Rome and had caused anxiety or brought honour to a single individual alone; under Tiberius and Gaius only the misfortunes of peace affected the state; the attempt of Scribonianus against Claudius was checked the moment it was known; Nero had been driven from his throne rather by messages and rumours than by arms. But now, legions and fleets and, by an act almost without precedent, the soldiers of the praetorian and city cohorts were led away to action; the East and the West and all the forces that both have behind them formed material for a long war had there been other leaders. There were some who attempted to delay Otho\'s departure by bringing forward the religious consideration that the sacred shields had not yet been restored to their place. Yet he scorned every delay, for delay had proved ruinous to Nero also; and the fact that Caecina had already crossed the Alps spurred him on.,\xa0On the fourteenth of March, after entrusting the interests of state to the senate, he granted to those who had been recalled from exile all that was left from the sales of property confiscated by Nero, so far as the monies had not yet been paid into the Imperial Treasury, â\x80\x94 a\xa0most just donation, and one that was generous in appearance; but it was worthless because the property had been hastily realized on long before. Then he called an assembly, extolled the majesty of Rome, and praised the enthusiasm of the people and senate in his behalf. Against the party of Vitellius he spoke with moderation, blaming the legions for their ignorance rather than boldness, and making no mention of Vitellius. This omission may have been moderation on his part, or the man who wrote his speech may have omitted all insults towards Vitellius, fearing for himself. This is probable, because it was generally believed that Otho employed the ability of Galerius Trachalus in civil matters, as he did that of Suetonius Paulinus and Marius Celsus in planning his military movements, and there were some who recognized the very style of Trachalus, which was well known, because he frequently appeared in court, and which was copious and sonorous in order to fill the ears of the people. The shouts and cries from the mob, according to their recognized fashion of flattering an emperor, were excessive and insincere. Men vied with one another in the expression of their enthusiasm and vows, as if they were applauding the Dictator Caesar or the Emperor Augustus. They did this, not from fear or affection, but from their passionate love of servitude. As happens in households of slaves, each one was spurred on by his private motive, and the honour of the state was held cheap. When Otho set out, he left the good order of the city and the cares of empire in the charge of his brother, Salvius Titianus.'' None
14. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus (Emperor) • Septimius Severus (addressed by Statius) • Septimius Severus (grandfather ? of the Emperor)

 Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 332, 333; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 32

15. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Septimius Severus • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343, 386; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 157; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 207; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 50; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343, 386

16. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caracalla (Roman emperor), Septimius Severus, desire to kill • Caracalla (Roman emperor), Septimius Severus, influence of • Cassius Dio, dreams/portents, pamphlet on for Septimius Severus • Elagabalus (Roman emperor), Septimius Severus, links with • Elagabalus (Roman emperor), Severus Alexander, links with • Macrinus (Roman emperor), Septimius Severus, links with • Munatius Sulla Cerialis, M., Numerianus (associate of Septimius Severus) • Pescennius Niger, G. (Roman emperor), civil war with Severus • Republic, Arch of Septimius Severus • Republic, decoration of, for adventus of Septimius Severus ( • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor),, condemned • Septimius Severus (emperor),, offers Numerianus senatorial rank • Septimius Severus, Emperor • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Adiabenicus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Antonine dynasty, adoption of into • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Arabicus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Augustus, praise for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Babylon, capture of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Britain, campaign in • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Byzantium, vengeance against (196 CE) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Commodus, rehabilitation of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Ctesiphon, campaign against • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s criticism of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s obituary of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s obituary of Marcus Aurelius, comparisons with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s support for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s view of (general) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s view of, discrepancies and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Hatra, unsuccessful campaign against • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Hercules and Bacchus, links with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Historia Augusta’s portrayal of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Issus, battle of, propaganda use of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Marcus Aurelius, criticism of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Marcus Aurelius, links with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Marius, praise for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Nerva, links with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, first ( • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, second • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaigns of (general) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaigns, absence during • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthicus Maximus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, association with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, avenger of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, funeral for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Rome, sojourn in ( • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Seleucia, capture of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Senate, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Sulla, praise for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Trajan, imitation of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), administrative style of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), adventus of (193 CE) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), autobiography of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), building program of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), civil wars, absence during • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), civilis princeps, veneer of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), clemency and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), cruelty/brutality of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), death of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), decennalia of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), dreams/portents and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), education of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), equestrians, support for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), financial affairs, approach to • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), legitimization of rule • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), misrepresentations/pretense and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), patron deities of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), peacetime actions and routine of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), personality of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), plebs, people, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), political consensus/balance and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), praetorian guard, punishment of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), praetorian guard, reformation of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), private life of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), propaganda of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), public presentation/self-presentation of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), stability of reign • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), succession plans of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), titulature of • Severus Alexander • Severus Alexander (Roman emperor), elevation of • Severus, accession of • Severus, titulature of • civil war with Septimius Severus • civil war with Septimius Severus, Lugdunum, battle of • civil war with Septimius Severus, desecration of body by Septimius Severus

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 182, 183; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 44, 48, 49, 84, 88, 95, 97, 98, 101, 102, 104, 106, 108, 112, 137, 139, 143, 145, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159, 162, 163, 164, 168, 170, 171, 186, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 228, 244, 262, 268, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 282, 289, 290, 293; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 40, 206; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 27, 28, 56, 57, 79, 83, 92, 93, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 133, 137, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 151, 155, 160, 162, 163, 164, 166, 173, 183, 184, 185, 186, 191, 194, 195, 198; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 157; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 90, 356; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 271, 277

52.39.4 \xa0do not grow rich yourself while levying tribute on them, do not live in luxury yourself while imposing hardships upon them, are not licentious yourself while reproving licentiousness in them, â\x80\x94 when, instead of all this, your life is in every way and manner precisely like theirs? Therefore, since you have in your own hands a mighty means of protection, â\x80\x94 that you never do wrong to another, â\x80\x94 be of good courage and believe me when I\xa0tell you that you will never become the object of hatred or of conspiracy. 53.19 1. \xa0In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times.,2. \xa0Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records.,3. \xa0But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates.,4. \xa0As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult.,5. \xa0In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.,6. \xa0Hence in my own narrative of later events, so far as they need to be mentioned, everything that I\xa0shall say will be in accordance with reports that have been given out, whether it be really the truth or otherwise. In addition to these reports, however, my own opinion will be given, as far as possible, whenever I\xa0have been able, from the abundant evidence which I\xa0have gathered from my reading, from hearsay, and from what I\xa0have seen, to form a judgment that differs from the common report. 53.19 \xa0In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times.,\xa0Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records.,\xa0But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates.,\xa0As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult.,\xa0In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.,\xa0Hence in my own narrative of later events, so far as they need to be mentioned, everything that I\xa0shall say will be in accordance with reports that have been given out, whether it be really the truth or otherwise. In addition to these reports, however, my own opinion will be given, as far as possible, whenever I\xa0have been able, from the abundant evidence which I\xa0have gathered from my reading, from hearsay, and from what I\xa0have seen, to form a judgment that differs from the common report. 78.17.3 \xa0and he was destined to pay the penalty for his conduct, as were also the rest of the informers. As for Antoninus himself, he would send us word that he was going to hold court or transact some other public business directly after dawn, but he would keep us waiting until noon and often until evening, and would not even admit us to the vestibule, so that we had to stand round outside somewhere; and usually at some late hour he decided that he would not even exchange greetings with us that day.' ' None
17. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 6.19.4, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Fabius Severus, L. • Iulius Severus, Sex. (cos. • Septimius Severus • Septimus Severus • Severus, Alexander

 Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 743; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 192; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 536; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 39; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 142, 444

sup>
6.19.4 To Nepos. You know that the price of land, especially in the suburbs of Rome, has gone up. The cause of this sudden increase in value has been the theme of general discussion. At the last elections the senate passed the following wholesome resolutions; "That no candidates should provide public entertainments, send presents, and deposit sums of money.\'\' The first two practices had gone on openly, and been carried beyond all reasonable lengths ; the last-named had been indulged in secretly, but still to every one\'s knowledge. So our friend Homullus clearly availed himself of the uimity of the senate, and, instead of making a speech, he asked that the consuls should acquaint the Emperor with the wishes of the whole body of senators, and beg him to take steps to devise means to put a stop to this evil, as he had already done to other scandals. He has done so, for by means of the Corrupt Practices Act he has restricted the shameful and scandalous expenses which candidates used to incur, and he has issued orders that all candidates shall have invested a third of their patrimony in land. He very justly took the view that it was disgraceful that candidates for public offices should regard Rome and Italy, not as their mother country, but as a mere inn or lodging-place, in which they were staying as travellers. So the candidates are busy running about buying up whatever they hear is on sale, and they are forcing a number of estates into the market. Consequently if you are tired of your Italian estates, now is the real good time to sell them and buy others in the provinces, for the candidates have to sell their provincial properties to enable them to purchase here. Farewell. ' "
10.96
To Trajan. I cannot express, Sir, in words the joy I experienced when I received your letter telling me that you had granted the Alexandrine as well as the Roman citizenship upon my ointment-doctor Harpocras, although you have made it a rule to follow the practice of your predecessors and not grant it promiscuously. I beg to inform you that Harpocras belongs to the district of Memphis. Let me beg of your great kindness, Sir, to send me a letter, as you promised, for your friend Pompeius Planta, the praefect of Egypt. As, Sir, I shall come to meet you that I may enjoy the pleasure at the earliest moment of welcoming you on your long-hoped-for return, * I pray that you will permit me to join you on the road as far out from Rome as possible. ,Trajan to Pliny. There is no necessity, my dear Pliny, to employ more soldiers in guarding the prisons. Let us continue to observe the custom of your province which utilised the public slaves for that purpose, for it depends upon the severity and attention you show whether they will perform their duties faithfully. As you say, the chief danger to be apprehended, if you mix soldiers with the public slaves, is that they will grow more careless, for each will trust to the other. So let this be our standing rule, to withdraw as few soldiers as possible from the standards. ,Trajan to Pliny. Sempronius Caelianus acted in conformity with my commands in sending to you the slaves, into whose case we must inquire to see whether they have deserved capital punishment. But it all depends on whether they volunteered to serve, or whether they were picked out for service or even offered as substitutes. If they were picked out, then the recruiting officer made a mistake; if they were offered as substitutes, the fault lies with those who offered them; if they came of their own free will, knowing their status as slaves, then they are the persons to be visited with punishment. For it does not much matter that they had not yet been assigned to a company of the legions. The real truth as to their origin should have been found out on the day when they were passed for service. ,Trajan to Pliny. You will be best able to judge and determine what ought to be done at the present time in the matter of the theatre which the people of Nicaea have begun to build. It will be enough for me to be informed of the plan you adopt. Do not trouble, moreover, to call on the private individuals to build the portions they promised until the theatre is erected, for they made those promises for the sake of having a theatre. All the Greek peoples have a passion for gymnasia, and so perhaps the people of Nicaea have set about building one on a rather lavish scale, but they must be content to cut their coat according to their cloth. You again must decide on what advice to give to the people of Claudiopolis in the matter of the bath which, as you say, they have begun to build in a rather unsuitable site. There must be plenty of architects to advise you, for there is no province which is without some men of experience and skill in that profession, and remember again that it does not save time to send one from Rome, when so many of our architects come to Rome from Greece. ,Trajan to Pliny. You may, my dear Pliny, without any religious scruples, if the site seems to require the change, remove the temple of the Mother of the Gods to a more suitable spot, nor need the fact that there is no record of legal consecration trouble you, for the soil of a foreign city may not be suitable for the consecration which our laws enjoin. ,Trajan to Pliny. It is possible, of course, that Domitian was unaware of the true circumstances in which Archippus was situated when he wrote in such a flattering strain about the honour to be paid him. However, it suits my way of thinking better to suppose that he was restored to his old position by the intervention of the Emperor, especially as the honour of a statue was so often decreed to Archippus by persons who were thoroughly aware of the sentence passed upon him by the proconsul Paullus. These facts, however, my dear Pliny, do not mean that you should consider any new charge brought against him as the less deserving of attention. I have read the memorials of Furia Prima, his accuser, and of Archippus himself, which you enclosed in your second letter. %%% 10.96 To Trajan. Your filial piety, most sacred emperor, prompted your desire to succeed your father as late as possible, but the immortal gods have hastened to bring your talents to the guidance of the state which has fallen to your care. * I pray therefore that prosperity may wait upon you, and through you upon the human race - in other words, I pray that whatever befalls may be worthy of your reign. It is my earnest wish that both in public and private life strength and cheerfulness, most excellent emperor, may be yours. ,To Trajan. Words fail me to express the pleasure you have given me, Sir, in that you have thought me worthy of the privileges which belong to those who have three children. * For although in this case you have granted the prayers of that excellent man, Julius Servianus, who is your devoted servant, I still gather from your rescript that you indulged his wishes all the more willingly because it was for me that he asked the favour. I seem therefore to have attained the summit of my ambition now that at the beginning of your most auspicious reign you have allowed me to win this peculiar mark of your regard, and I desire children of my own all the more now, when I even wished to have them in the late terrible regime, ** as you can judge from my having married twice. But the gods have decreed a better fate for me, and have reserved all my good fortune intact to be granted by your bounty. I should much prefer to become a father at a time like this, when my future happiness and prosperity are assured to me. 0 ,To Trajan. The moment, Sir, I was promoted by your kindness to be prefect of the Treasury of Saturn, I resigned all my other duties, which, I may add, I never took on indiscriminately, in order that I might be able to apply myself wholeheartedly to the office bestowed upon me. Hence, when the provincials desired me to champion their case against Marius Priscus, * I asked to be excused the honour, and my petition was granted. But subsequently, when the consul-designate proposed that representations should be made to us, whose excuses had already been accepted, to get us to consent to allow the senate to direct us as it pleased and our names to be thrown into the urn, ** I judged it most likely to conduce to the tranquillity of your reign that I should not oppose the wishes of that noble order, especially as they were expressed with such moderation. I trust that you consider that I was justified in giving way, for I wish to test every act and word of mine by the conscientious standard which guides your conduct. 0 ,Trajan to Pliny. You acted the part of a good citizen and a good senator in thus obeying the injunctions of that noble order, which it was perfectly justified in laying upon you. I trust that you will continue to play that part according to the loyalty you have already shown me. ,To Trajan. The kindnesses, most excellent of emperors, which I have received at your hands have been so manifold that I am encouraged to dare to seek your interest on behalf of my friends, among whom Voconius Romanus has deserved, perhaps, the first place. He has been my schoolfellow and companion from my earliest years. For that reason I petitioned the late emperor, your father, to promote him to the senatorial order. However, the granting of my prayer has been left over for your goodness to accomplish, because the mother of Romanus had omitted some legal technicalities in handing over the liberal sum of four million sesterces which she had promised in a document addressed to your father to confer upon her son. * Nevertheless, she has subsequently, by my advice, made good the omissions, for she has not only conveyed the farms over to him, but has carried out all the legal requirements necessary in making such a conveyance. Now that is finished which delayed my hopes, I have the fullest confidence in pledging my word to you for the character of my friend Romanus, a character which is adorned by his liberal education and his striking filial piety, thanks to which he has deserved this act of generosity on his mother's part, the inheritance he came in for from his father, and his adoption by his step-father. All these qualities are set off by the splendour of his family and the wealth of his parents, and I trust also that even my entreaties on his behalf will add to these separate commendations to your kindness. I pray you therefore. Sir, that you will enable me to receive the congratulations I most desire to obtain, and that since my wishes are honourable - as I hope they are - I may be able to boast of your favourable regard not only towards myself alone but also towards my friend. ,To Trajan. Last year, Sir, when I was in serious ill-health and was in some danger of my life I called in an ointment-doctor {iatroliptes}, and I can only adequately repay him for the pains and interest he took in my case if you are kind enough to help me. Let me, therefore, entreat you to bestow on him the Roman citizenship, for he belongs to a foreign race and was manumitted by a foreign lady. His name is Harpocras, his patroness being Thermuthis, the daughter of Theon, but she has been dead for some years. I also beg you to give full Roman citizenship * to the freedwomen of Antonia Maximilla, a lady of great distinction, Hedia, and Antonia Harmeris. It is at the request of their patroness that I beg this favour. ,To Trajan. I thank you, Sir, for having so promptly granted my request and for your bestowal of full citizenship on the freedwomen of a lady who is my intimate friend, and the Roman citizenship upon Harpocras, my ointment-doctor. But though I gave particulars, in accordance with your wishes, of his age and ficial position, I have been reminded by those more skilled in such matters than I am that as Harpocras is an Egyptian, I ought first to have obtained for him the Egyptian citizenship before asking for the Roman. For my own part, I thought that no distinction was drawn between Egyptians and all other foreigners, and so was satisfied with merely informing you that he had received his freedom at the hands of a foreign lady, and that his patroness had been dead for some time. I do not regret my ignorance in this matter, inasmuch as it has enabled me to owe you a deeper debt of gratitude for the same individual. So I beg that you will bestow upon him both the Alexandrine and the Roman citizenship, that I may lawfully enjoy the full extent of your kindness. I have sent particulars of his age and income to your freedmen, according to your instructions, so as to prevent any further accidental delay of your goodness. ,Trajan to Pliny. I make a practice of following the rules of my predecessors in not making promiscuous grants of the Alexandrine citizenship, but since you have already obtained the Roman citizenship for Harpocras, your ointment-doctor, I cannot very well refuse this further request of yours. You must let me know to what district he belongs, so that I may write to my friend Pompeius Planta, who is praefect of Egypt. ,To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 ,Trajan to Pliny. You have given me an abundance of private and all the public reasons I could desire for asking leave of absence, but, personally, I should have been quite content to accept the mere expression of your wish, for I have not the slightest doubt that you will return as early as you possibly can to resume your busy post. I give you permission to erect a statue of mine in the place you ask - although I am very loath to accept such honours - so as to avoid appearing to check the flow of your loyalty towards me. ,To Trajan. My recent illness, Sir, laid me under great obligations to Postumius Marinus, my doctor, and I shall only be able to fully repay him if you are kind enough to grant, with your usual goodness of heart, the request I have to make. I beg you, therefore, to give the citizenship to his relations, to Chrysippus the son of Mithridates, and to the wife of Chrysippus, Stratonica the daughter of Epigonus, and also to the children of the same Chrysippus, Epigonus and Mithridates, with the proviso that they may be placed under the authority of their father, and may preserve their rights as patrons towards their freedmen. I also beg you to bestow full Roman citizenship upon Lucius Satrius Abascantus, Publius Caesius Phosporus, and Pancharia Soteris, whose patrons are quite willing for them to receive the favour. ,To Trajan. I know, Sir, that you have not lost sight of the requests I put forward, for your memory never forgets an opportunity for conferring a kindness. Nevertheless, as you have often indulged me in this manner, I would at the same time most earnestly entreat and recommend you to see fit to promote Attius Sura to the praetorship when a vacancy arises. He is a most unambitious man, but he is encouraged to entertain hopes of this office by the splendour of his family, by his remarkable integrity of conduct during his years of poverty, and, above all, by the happy days on which he has fallen, which incite and encourage those of your subjects who have good consciences to hope for the enjoyment of your kindness. ,To Trajan. As I am convinced. Sir, that the best testimonial to and appreciation of my character is to receive marks of distinction from so upright an emperor as yourself, I beg you to add to the dignity to which you have so kindly advanced me, by giving me the role either of augur or of septemvir, * now that they are vacant, so that by virtue of my priesthood I may publicly entreat the favour of the gods for you which now I implore in my private devotion. ,To Trajan. I congratulate you, best of emperors, on your most remarkable, magnificent, and illustrious victory * in your own name and that of the State, and I pray the immortal gods that an equally happy result may attend all your plans, that so the glory of your empire may be renewed and increased by your conspicuous virtues. ,To Trajan. It is because I feel sure, Sir, that you will be interested to hear, that I send you news that I have rounded Cape Malea and have made my way with all my retinue to Ephesus. Though I have been delayed by contrary winds, I am now on the point of setting out for my province, travelling part of the way by coasters and part by land carriage, for the prevailing Etesian winds are as great an obstacle to journeying by sea as the overpowering heat is by land. ,Trajan to Pliny. You have done well to send me news, my dear Pliny, for I am exceedingly interested to hear what sort of a journey you are having to your province. You are doing wisely to make use of coasters and land carriage alternately, according to the difficulties of the various districts. ,To Trajan. Though I had a very favourable passage by sea as far as Ephesus, Sir, when I started from that city and began to make my way along by land carriage I was greatly troubled by the intense heat and some slight attacks of fever, and halted at Pergamum. Then again, when I embarked on coasting vessels, I was detained by contrary winds and did not reach Bithynia until considerably later than I had expected - that is to say, until the 17th of September. * However, I cannot complain of the delay, for I was enabled after all, most luckily, to be able to celebrate your birthday in the province. ** I am now engaged in examining into the expenditure, revenue, and debts of the people of Prusa, and the more I look into them the more necessary I find it. For a number of sums of money are being detained on various pretexts by private individuals, and certain of the items paid out of the public funds are far from being legitimate. I am writing this. Sir, immediately upon my entry. 0 ,To Trajan. I entered the province, Sir, on September l7th, and I found the people as obediently and loyally disposed towards you as you deserve that the whole human race should be. You might consider, Sir, whether you think it necessary to send a public surveyor, for I think that considerable sums of money might be recovered from the contractors for the public works, if an honest survey were made. I am convinced of that from the public accounts of the people of Prusa, which I am examining with the greatest care. ,Trajan to Pliny. I wish it had been possible for you and your companions to reach Bithynia without the slightest inconvenience or illness, and that you could have had as pleasant a journey by water from Ephesus as you had as far as that city. However, I have learned from your letters, my dear Pliny, the date of your arrival in Bithynia, and I trust the people of the province will understand that I have had an eye to their interests, for you too will do what you can to make it clear to them that you were specially selected to be sent to them as my representative. The examination of their public accounts must be one of your first duties, for it is fairly evident that they have been tampered with. I have scarcely enough surveyors for the public works which are in progress at Rome or the immediate district, but surely there are trustworthy persons to be found in every province, and therefore you too will be able to find some, provided you take the trouble to make a careful search. ,To Trajan. I beg, Sir, that you will give me the guidance of your advice. I am doubtful whether I ought to guard the prisons by means of the public slaves of the various states - which has been the custom hitherto - or by means of soldiers. For I am afraid that the public slaves are not to be depended upon as guards, and, on the other hand, this duty would take up the time of a very considerable number of soldiers. Meanwhile, I have added a few soldiers to the public slaves, but I see there is some danger of such a course making both negligent, so long as each section feels confident of being able to throw the blame of a fault both have committed upon the other. ,To Trajan. Gabius Bassus, Sir, the prefect of the coast of Pontus, has come to me in a most respectful and dutiful manner, and has spent several days in my company. So far as I can read his character, he is an excellent man and worthy of your favour. I told him that you had given orders that he should be content with ten privileged soldiers, two horsemen, and one centurion, out of the cohorts which you desired me to command. His answer was that this number was quite inadequate, and that he would himself write to you. That is the reason why I did not think it proper to at once recall from his command those above the assigned number. ,Trajan to Pliny. I too have had a letter from Gabius Bassus, in which he says that the force assigned to him by my orders is inadequate. I have ordered the reply which I sent him to be enclosed with this letter, to acquaint you with its contents. It makes all the difference whether such a request is due to the exigencies of the situation or merely to a man's personal ambition. However, we ought to consider primarily the public interest and to take care, as far as possible, that soldiers are not absent from the standards. ,To Trajan. The people of Prusa, Sir, have a public bath which is in a neglected and dilapidated state. They wish, with your kind permission, to restore it; but I think a new one ought to be built, and I reckon that you can safely comply with their wishes. The money for its erection will be forthcoming, for first there are the sums I spoke of * which I have already begun to claim and demand from private individuals, and secondly there is the money usually collected for a free distribution of oil which they are now prepared to utilise for the construction of a new bath. Besides, the dignity of the city and the glory of your reign demand its erection. ,Trajan to Pliny. If the construction of a new bath will not cripple the fices of Prusa, we can indulge their wishes, only it must be understood that no new imposts are to be raised to meet the cost, and that their contributions for necessary expenses shall not show any falling off. ,To Trajan. Your legate, Sir, Servilius Pudens, reached Nicomedia on November 24th, and has freed me from the suspense entailed by waiting so long for his arrival. ,To Trajan. Your kindness to me, Sir, has cemented the friendship between Rosianus Geminus and myself, for he was my quaestor when I was consul, and I found him most remarkably devoted to my interests. Since the end of my consulship he has shown me extraordinary deference, and he is constantly renewing the pledges of our official friendship by the private attentions he pays me. I beg, therefore, that you yourself will favourably entertain my request for his advancement, for if you follow my advice you will bestow upon him your warmest favour. He will do his best in any commission you may give him to deserve still higher posts. I feel compelled to be less lavish in my praise than I might be from the fact that I trust his honesty, uprightness, and industry are already well known to you, not only from the office he has held under your eyes in Rome, but from his service with you in your army. However, I must repeat yet again the request which I fear I have not sufficiently urged upon you - at least, so my affection makes me fancy - and I beg you, Sir, that you will as early as possible see your way to let me rejoice in the advancement of my quaestor's dignity, and in the advancement of my own dignity through his. ,To Trajan. Maximus, Sir, your freedman and procurator, assures me that he absolutely requires some soldiers in addition to the ten privileged soldiers whom you ordered me to pass over to that worthy man Gemellinus. I thought it better to leave some of these in attendance upon him as I found them so engaged, especially as he was going into Paphlagonia to collect stores of corn. I also added two horsemen for additional security at his urgent request. I beg of yon to write and let me know what arrangements you would like for the future. ,Trajan to Pliny. As my freedman Maximus is on the point of setting out to collect stores of corn you did right to give him a guard of soldiers, for he was engaged on an extraordinary errand. But when he returns to his old duties, the two soldiers you assigned him and two more from Virdius Gemellinus, my procurator, whom he is assisting, will be quite sufficient for him. ,To Trajan. Sempronius Caelianus, who is an excellent young officer, has sent me two slaves who were discovered among the recruits, and I have postponed their punishment in order to consult you, who are at once the founder and upholder of military discipline, as to the penalty I should inflict What makes me specially doubtful in the matter is, that though the two men had subscribed to the military oath, they had not been assigned to any company of the legions. So I beg you, Sir, to write and tell me what course I ought to adopt, the more so as the case promises to be a precedent. ,To Trajan. As you have given me authority to refer to you wherever I am in doubt, you may, Sir, condescend to hear my difficulty without compromising your great position. In many of the States, but especially in Nicomedia and Nicaea, there are certain persons lying under sentence to the mines, to take part in the gladiatorial shows, and to similar penalties, who are now acting as and performing the duties of public slaves, and are even drawing an annual salary as such. When I was told of this, I hesitated for a long time as to what course I ought to adopt. For I thought it would be showing too harsh a severity to hand them over to their penalties after so many years, especially as many of them are old men, and are, to all accounts, now living a decent and respectable life, yet I thought it was scarcely the proper thing to retain criminals as public servants. Moreover, to keep men doing nothing at the State expense is inexpedient, and if they were not kept they might be a source of danger. I have therefore left the whole matter in suspense until I could take your advice. You will ask perhaps how it comes about that they were released from the penalties to which they were condemned. I too have asked the same question, but have found no answer which is at all satisfactory. The decrees by which they were condemned were produced, but no documents sanctioning their liberation, though there are some who say that they were released on petition by the authority of certain proconsuls and legates, and this theory is the more plausible, as it is hardly credible that anyone would have ventured on such a step without authority. ,Trajan to Pliny. Let us not forget that you were sent to your province for the express reason that there seemed to be many abuses rampant there which required correction. And most certainly we must redress such a scandal as that persons condemned to penalties should not only, as you say, be released therefrom without authorisation, but even be placed in stations which ought to be filled by honest servants. So all those who were sentenced within the last ten years and released on insufficient authority must be sent back to work out their sentences, and if there are any whose condemnation dates back beyond the last ten years and are now old men, let us apportion them to fulfil duties which are not far removed from being penal. For it is the custom to send such cases to work in the public baths, to clean out the sewers, and to repair the roads and streets. ,To Trajan. While I was visiting a distant part of the province a most desolating fire broke out at Nicomedia and destroyed a number of private houses and two public buildings, the almshouse * and temple of Isis, although a road ran between them. The fire was allowed to spread farther than it need have done, first, owing to the violence of the wind, and, secondly, to the laziness of the inhabitants, it being generally agreed that they stood idly by without moving and merely watched the catastrophe. Moreover, there is not a single public fire-engine ** or bucket in the place, and not one solitary appliance for mastering an outbreak of fire. However, these will be provided in accordance with the orders I have already given. But, Sir, I would have you consider whether you think a guild of firemen, of about 150 men, should be instituted. I will take care that no one who is not a genuine fireman should be admitted, and that the guild should not misapply the charter granted to it, and there would be no difficulty in keeping an eye on so small a body. 0 ,Trajan to Pliny. You have conceived the idea that a guild of firemen might be formed in Nicomedia on the model of various others already existing. But it is to be remembered that your province of Bithynia, and especially city states like Nicomedia, are the prey of factions. Whatever name we may give to those who form an association, and whatever the reason of the association may be, they will soon degenerate into secret societies. It is better policy to provide appliances for mastering conflagrations and encourage property owners to make use of them, and, if occasion demands, press the crowd which collects into the same service. ,To Trajan. We have taken the usual vows, * Sir, for your safety, with which the public well-being is bound up, and at the same time paid our vows of last year, praying the gods that they may ever allow us to pay them and renew them again. ,Trajan to Pliny. I am pleased to learn from your letter, my dear Pliny, that you and the people of your province have paid the vows you undertook for my health and safety to the immortal gods, and have again renewed them. ,To Trajan. Sir, the people of Nicomedia spent 3,329,000 sesterces upon an aqueduct, which was left in an unfinished state, and I may say in ruin, and they also levied taxes to the extent of two millions for a second one. This too has been abandoned, and to obtain a water-supply those who have wasted these enormous sums must go to new expense. I have myself visited a splendidly clear spring, from which it seems to me the supply ought to be brought to the town as indeed they tried to do by their first scheme - by an aqueduct of arches, so that it might not be confined only to the low-lying and level parts of the city. Very few of the arches are still standing; some could be built from the shaped blocks {lapis quadratus} which were taken from the earlier work, and part again, in my opinion, should be constructed of brick {opus testaceum}, * which is both cheaper and more easily handled, but the first thing that might be done is for you to send an engineer skilled in such work, or an architect, to prevent a repetition of the former failures. I can at least vouch for this, that such an undertaking would be well worthy of your reign owing to its public utility and its imposing design. ,Trajan to Pliny. Steps must certainly be taken to provide the city of Nicomedia with a water-supply, and I have every confidence that you will undertake the duty with all necessary diligence. But I swear that it is also part of your diligent duty to find out who is to blame for the waste of such sums of money by the people of Nicomedia on their aqueducts, and whether or not there has been any serving of private interests in thus beginning and then abandoning the works. See that you bring to my knowledge whatever you may find out. ,To Trajan. The theatre at Nicaea, Sir, the greater part of which has already been constructed, though it is still incomplete, has already cost more than ten million sesterces, - so at least I am told, for the accounts have not been made out, - and I am afraid the money has been thrown away. For the building has sunk, and there are great gaping crevices to be seen, either because the ground is soft and damp, or owing to the brittleness and crumbling character of the stone, and so it is worth consideration whether it should be finished or abandoned, or even pulled down. For the props and buttresses by which it is shored up seem to me to be more costly than strength-giving. Many parts of this theatre were promised by private persons, as for example the galleries and porticos above the pit, but all these are postponed now that the work, which had to be finished first, has come to a stop. The same people of Nicaea began, before my arrival here, to restore the public gymnasium, which had been destroyed by fire, on a more extensive and wider scale than the old building, and they have already disbursed a considerable sum thereon, and I fear to very little purpose, for the structure is not well put together, and looks disjointed. Moreover, the architect - though it is true he is the rival of the man who began the work - declares that the walls, in spite of their being twenty-two feet thick, cannot bear the weight placed upon them, because they have not been put together with cement in the middle, and have not been strengthened with brickwork. The people of Claudiopolis, again, are excavating rather than constructing an immense public bath in a low-lying situation with a mountain hanging over it, and they are using for the purpose the sums which the senators, who were added to the local council by your kindness, have either paid as their entrance fee, * or are paying according as I ask them for it. Consequently, as I am afraid that the public money at Nicaea may be unprofitably spent, and that - what is more precious than any money - your kindness at Claudiopolis may be turned to unprofitable account, I beg you not only for the sake of the theatre, but also for these baths, to send an architect to see which is the better course to adopt, either, after the money which has already been expended, to finish by hook or by crook the works as they have been begun, or to repair them where they seem to require it, or if necessary change the sites entirely, lest in our anxiety to save the money already disbursed we should lay out the remaining sums with just as poor results. ,To Trajan. I consider the splendour of your position and the loftiness of your mind, it seems to me most fitting that I should point out to you schemes which would be worthy of your eternal fame and glory, and which would not only be imposing to the imagination, but of great public utility. There lies in the territory of the people of Nicomedia a most spacious lake, * by which marble, grain, timber, and bulky articles can be brought by barges to the high road with but little expense and labour, though it is a very laborious and costly business to take them down on waggons to the sea. ** (?) To connect the lake with the sea would demand a large supply of workmen, but they are to be found on the spot, for in the country districts labourers are plentiful, and they are still more plentiful in the city, while it is quite certain that all would be perfectly willing to help in an undertaking which would be of profit to everyone. It only remains for you, if you think fit, to send a surveyor or an architect to make careful observations and find out whether the lake lies at a higher level than the sea, for the engineers in this district hold that it is forty cubits higher. I find that one of the earlier kings † dug a trench over the same site, but it is doubtful whether his object was to drain off the moisture from the surrounding fields, or to join the waters of the lake and the river. For the trench was not completed, and it is not known whether the work was abandoned because of the king's death, or because the success of the enterprise was despaired of. But this only fires my desire and anxiety - you will pardon my eager ambition for your glory - that you should complete what the kings merely commenced. ,Trajan to Pliny. That lake you speak of may perhaps tempt me into making up my mind to connect it with the sea, but obviously careful investigations must be made to provide against its totally emptying itself if its waters be brought down to the sea, and to find out what volume of water flows into it, and what are the sources of supply. You will be able to obtain a surveyor from Calpurnius Macer, * and I will also send you someone who is an expert in that class of work. ,To Trajan. When I asked for a statement of the expenditure of the city of Byzantium - which is abnormally high - it was pointed out to me, Sir, that a delegate was sent every year with a complimentary decree to pay his respects to you, and that he received the sum of twelve thousand sesterces for so doing. Remembering your instructions, I determined to order that the delegate should be kept at home, and that only the decree should be forwarded, in order to lighten the expenses without interfering with the performance of their public act of homage. Again, a tax of three thousand sesterces has been levied upon the same city, which is given every year as travelling expenses to the delegate who is sent to pay the homage of the city to the governor of Moesia. This, too, I decided to do away with for the future. I beg, Sir, that, by writing and telling me what you think of these matters, you will deign either to approve my decision or correct me if you think I have been at fault. ,Trajan to Pliny. You have done quite right, my dear Pliny, in cancelling the expenditure by the people of Byzantium of those twelve thousand sesterces on a delegate to come and pay their respects to me. They will for the future do their duty well enough, even though the decree alone is sent on to me through you. The governor of Moesia will also pardon them if they are less lavish in the honours they show him. ,To Trajan. I beg you, Sir, to write and tell me whether you wish the permits, * the terms of which have expired, to be recognised as valid, and for how long, and so free me from my indecision. For I am afraid of blundering either one way or the other, either by confirming what ought to lapse, or by putting obstacles in the way of those which are necessary. ,Trajan to Pliny. The permits, of which the terms have expired, ought not to be recognised, and consequently I make it my special duty to send out new permits to all the provinces before the day when they are required. ,To Trajan. When I wished, Sir, to be informed of those who owed money to the city of Apamea, and of its revenue and expenditure, I was told that though everyone was anxious that the accounts of the colony should be gone through by me, no proconsul had ever done so before, and that it was one of their privileges and most ancient usages that the administration of the colony should be left to themselves entirely. I got them to set forth in a memorial their arguments and the authorities they cited, which I am sending on to you just as I received it, although I am aware that much of it is quite irrelevant to the point at issue. So I beg you will deign to instruct me as to the course I should adopt, for I am anxious not to seem either to have exceeded or to have fallen short of my duty. ,Trajan to Pliny. The memorial of the people of Apamea which you enclosed with your letter makes it unnecessary for me to examine into the reasons why they wish it to be known that those who have hitherto acted as proconsuls in the province refrained from inspecting their accounts, though they have no objection to your inspecting them. Their frankness, therefore, merits reward, and you will let them know that your inspection at my express wish will not prejudice the privileges they possess. ,To Trajan. Before my arrival, Sir, the people of Nicomedia had commenced to make certain additions to their old forum, in one corner of which stands a very ancient shrine of the Great Mother, * which should either be restored or removed to another site, principally for this reason, that it is much less lofty than the new buildings, which are being run up to a good height. When I inquired whether the temple was protected by any legal enactments, I discovered that the form of dedication is different here from what it is with us in Rome. Consider therefore. Sir, whether you think that a temple can be removed without desecration when there has been no legal consecration of the site, for, if there are no religious objections, the removal would be a great convenience. ,To Trajan. It is difficult. Sir, to find words to express the pleasure I have received at the favour you have shown my wife's mother * and myself in transferring her relative, Caelius Clemens, to this province. For I begin to realise thoroughly the full measure of your kindness when I and all my household receive such abundant favours at your hands, adequate thanks for which I dare not venture to offer you, though I do thank you from the bottom of my heart. Consequently, I take refuge in vows on your behalf, and pray to Heaven that I may not be thought unworthy of the kindnesses you shower so plentifully upon me. ,To Trajan. We have celebrated. Sir, with the thankfulness appropriate to the occasion, the day on which you preserved the empire by undertaking the duties of Emperor, * and have prayed the gods to keep you in safety and prosperity, since on you ,Trajan to Pliny. I am glad to learn from your letter, my dear Pliny, with what devotion and joy the troops and the provincials have celebrated the anniversary of my coming to the throne, repeating the formula at your dictation. ,To Trajan Thanks, Sir, to your forethought and my administration the public revenues have either already been collected or are being collected at this moment, and I am afraid that the money may lie idle. For an opportunity of buying land rarely or never arises, and it is impossible to find persons ready to borrow from the State, especially at twelve per cent per month, for at that rate they can borrow from private individuals. Consider therefore, Sir, whether you think the rate of interest should be lowered and by this means attract suitable borrowers, or whether, if they are not forthcoming even then, the money should be divided among the decurions in such a way that they give good security for it to the State. Such a course, even though it displeased them and they were unwilling to take the money, would be less obnoxious provided the rate were lowered. ,Trajan to Pliny. I do not see any other remedy, my dear Pliny, than the lowering of the rate of interest, which would facilitate the investment of the public moneys. You must fix the rate according to the number of those likely to borrow. But if people are averse to borrowing, it would not be in consoce with the justice of our reign to force a loan upon them, as possibly they too would find no investment for it. ,To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 ,Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. ,To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. ,To Trajan. Flavius Archippus has implored me, by your safety and eternal fame, to transmit to you a memorial which he has placed in my hands. I thought it my duty to grant his request, but at the same time to acquaint his accuser of the fact that I was about to send it. She too has sent me a memorial, which I enclose with this letter, so that having heard, as it were, both sides of the case, you may the more easily determine on the course to pursue. " '' None
18. Tertullian, To Scapula, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimus Severus

 Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 763; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 146; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117, 118, 119, 134, 337

sup>
4 We who are without fear ourselves are not seeking to frighten you, but we would save all men if possible by warning them not to fight with God. You may perform the duties of your charge, and yet remember the claims of humanity; if on no other ground than that you are liable to punishment yourself, (you ought to do so). For is not your commission simply to condemn those who confess their guilt, and to give over to the torture those who deny? You see, then, how you trespass yourselves against your instructions to wring from the confessing a denial. It is, in fact, an acknowledgment of our innocence that you refuse to condemn us at once when we confess. In doing your utmost to extirpate us, if that is your object, it is innocence you assail. But how many rulers, men more resolute and more cruel than you are, have contrived to get quit of such causes altogether - as Cincius Severus, who himself suggested the remedy at Thysdris, pointing out how the Christians should answer that they might secure an acquittal; as Vespronius Candidus, who dismissed from his bar a Christian, on the ground that to satisfy his fellow citizens would break the peace of the community; as Asper, who, in the case of a man who gave up his faith under slight infliction of the torture, did not compel the offering of sacrifice, having owned before, among the advocates and assessors of court, that he was annoyed at having had to meddle with such a case. Pudens, too, at once dismissed a Christian who was brought before him, perceiving from the indictment that it was a case of vexatious accusation; tearing the document in pieces, he refused so much as to hear him without the presence of his accuser, as not being consistent with the imperial commands. All this might be officially brought under your notice, and by the very advocates, who are themselves also under obligations to us, although in court they give their voice as it suits them. The clerk of one of them who was liable to be thrown upon the ground by an evil spirit, was set free from his affliction; as was also the relative of another, and the little boy of a third. How many men of rank (to say nothing of common people) have been delivered from devils, and healed of diseases! Even Severus himself, the father of Antonine, was graciously mindful of the Christians; for he sought out the Christian Proculus, surnamed Torpacion, the steward of Euhodias, and in gratitude for his having once cured him by anointing, he kept him in his palace till the day of his death. Antonine, too, brought up as he was on Christian milk, was intimately acquainted with this man. Both women and men of highest rank, whom Severus knew well to be Christians, were not merely permitted by him to remain uninjured; but he even bore distinguished testimony in their favour, and gave them publicly back to us from the hands of a raging populace. Marcus Aurelius also, in his expedition to Germany, by the prayers his Christian soldiers offered to God, got rain in that well-known thirst. When, indeed, have not droughts been put away by our kneelings and our fastings? At times like these, moreover, the people crying to the God of gods, the alone Omnipotent, under the name of Jupiter, have borne witness to our God. Then we never deny the deposit placed in our hands; we never pollute the marriage bed; we deal faithfully with our wards; we give aid to the needy; we render to none evil for evil. As for those who falsely pretend to belong to us, and whom we, too, repudiate, let them answer for themselves. In a word, who has complaint to make against us on other grounds? To what else does the Christian devote himself, save the affairs of his own community, which during all the long period of its existence no one has ever proved guilty of the incest or the cruelty charged against it? It is for freedom from crime so singular, for a probity so great, for righteousness, for purity, for faithfulness, for truth, for the living God, that we are consigned to the flames; for this is a punishment you are not wont to inflict either on the sacrilegious, or on undoubted public enemies, or on the treason-tainted, of whom you have so many. Nay, even now our people are enduring persecution from the governors of Legio and Mauritania; but it is only with the sword, as from the first it was ordained that we should suffer. But the greater our conflicts, the greater our rewards. '' None
19. Tertullian, Apology, 5.6, 35.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus, Roman Emperor

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 146; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 135; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 186

sup>
5.6 To say a word about the origin of laws of the kind to which we now refer, there was an old decree that no god should be consecrated by the emperor till first approved by the senate. Marcus Æmilius had experience of this in reference to his god Alburnus. And this, too, makes for our case, that among you divinity is allotted at the judgment of human beings. Unless gods give satisfaction to men, there will be no deification for them: the god will have to propitiate the man. Tiberius accordingly, in whose days the Christian name made its entry into the world, having himself received intelligence from Palestine of events which had clearly shown the truth of Christ's divinity, brought the matter before the senate, with his own decision in favour of Christ. The senate, because it had not given the approval itself, rejected his proposal. C sar held to his opinion, threatening wrath against all accusers of the Christians. Consult your histories; you will there find that Nero was the first who assailed with the imperial sword the Christian sect, making progress then especially at Rome. But we glory in having our condemnation hallowed by the hostility of such a wretch. For any one who knows him, can understand that not except as being of singular excellence did anything bring on it Nero's condemnation. Domitian, too, a man of Nero's type in cruelty, tried his hand at persecution; but as he had something of the human in him, he soon put an end to what he had begun, even restoring again those whom he had banished. Such as these have always been our persecutors - men unjust, impious, base, of whom even you yourselves have no good to say, the sufferers under whose sentences you have been wont to restore. But among so many princes from that time to the present day, with anything of divine and human wisdom in them, point out a single persecutor of the Christian name. So far from that, we, on the contrary, bring before you one who was their protector, as you will see by examining the letters of Marcus Aurelius, that most grave of emperors, in which he bears his testimony that that Germanic drought was removed by the rains obtained through the prayers of the Christians who chanced to be fighting under him. And as he did not by public law remove from Christians their legal disabilities, yet in another way he put them openly aside, even adding a sentence of condemnation, and that of greater severity, against their accusers. What sort of laws are these which the impious alone execute against us - and the unjust, the vile, the bloody, the senseless, the insane? Which Trajan to some extent made naught by forbidding Christians to be sought after; which neither a Hadrian, though fond of searching into all things strange and new, nor a Vespasian, though the subjugator of the Jews, nor a Pius, nor a Verus, ever enforced? It should surely be judged more natural for bad men to be eradicated by good princes as being their natural enemies, than by those of a spirit kindred with their own. " "
35.9
This is the reason, then, why Christians are counted public enemies: that they pay no vain, nor false, nor foolish honours to the emperor; that, as men believing in the true religion, they prefer to celebrate their festal days with a good conscience, instead of with the common wantonness. It is, forsooth, a notable homage to bring fires and couches out before the public, to have feasting from street to street, to turn the city into one great tavern, to make mud with wine, to run in troops to acts of violence, to deeds of shamelessness to lust allurements! What! Is public joy manifested by public disgrace? Do things unseemly at other times beseem the festal days of princes? Do they who observe the rules of virtue out of reverence for C sar, for his sake turn aside from them? Shall piety be a license to immoral deeds, and shall religion be regarded as affording the occasion for all riotous extravagance? Poor we, worthy of all condemnation! For why do we keep the votive days and high rejoicings in honour of the C sars with chastity, sobriety, and virtue? Why, on the day of gladness, do we neither cover our door-posts with laurels, nor intrude upon the day with lamps? It is a proper thing, at the call of a public festivity, to dress your house up like some new brothel. However, in the matter of this homage to a lesser majesty, in reference to which we are accused of a lower sacrilege, because we do not celebrate along with you the holidays of the C sars in a manner forbidden alike by modesty, decency, and purity - in truth they have been established rather as affording opportunities for licentiousness than from any worthy motive - in this matter I am anxious to point out how faithful and true you are, lest perchance here also those who will not have us counted Romans, but enemies of Rome's chief rulers, be found themselves worse than we wicked Christians! I appeal to the inhabitants of Rome themselves, to the native population of the seven hills: does that Roman vernacular of theirs ever spare a C sar? The Tiber and the wild beasts' schools bear witness. Say now if nature had covered our hearts with a transparent substance through which the light could pass, whose hearts, all graven over, would not betray the scene of another and another C sar presiding at the distribution of a largess? And this at the very time they are shouting, May Jupiter take years from us, and with them lengthen like to you,- words as foreign to the lips of a Christian as it is out of keeping with his character to desire a change of emperor. But this is the rabble, you say; yet, as the rabble, they still are Romans, and none more frequently than they demand the death of Christians. of course, then, the other classes, as befits their higher rank, are religiously faithful. No breath of treason is there ever in the senate, in the equestrian order, in the camp, in the palace. Whence, then, came a Cassius, a Niger, an Albinus? Whence they who beset the C sar between the two laurel groves? Whence they who practised wrestling, that they might acquire skill to strangle him? Whence they who in full armour broke into the palace, more audacious than all your Tigerii and Parthenii. If I mistake not, they were Romans; that is, they were not Christians. Yet all of them, on the very eve of their traitorous outbreak, offered sacrifices for the safety of the emperor, and swore by his genius, one thing in profession, and another in the heart; and no doubt they were in the habit of calling Christians enemies of the state. Yes, and persons who are now daily brought to light as confederates or approvers of these crimes and treasons, the still remt gleanings after a vintage of traitors, with what verdant and branching laurels they clad their door-posts, with what lofty and brilliant lamps they smoked their porches, with what most exquisite and gaudy couches they divided the Forum among themselves; not that they might celebrate public rejoicings, but that they might get a foretaste of their own votive seasons in partaking of the festivities of another, and inaugurate the model and image of their hope, changing in their minds the emperor's name. The same homage is paid, dutifully too, by those who consult astrologers, and soothsayers, and augurs, and magicians, about the life of the C sars - arts which, as made known by the angels who sinned, and forbidden by God, Christians do not even make use of in their own affairs. But who has any occasion to inquire about the life of the emperor, if he have not some wish or thought against it, or some hopes and expectations after it? For consultations of this sort have not the same motive in the case of friends as in the case of sovereigns. The anxiety of a kinsman is something very different from that of a subject. "" None
20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Caecina Severus • Cassius Dio, dreams/portents, pamphlet on for Septimius Severus • Republic, decoration of, for adventus of Septimius Severus ( • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor) • Septimius Severus (emperor), ends marriage ban • Septimius Severus, Emperor • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Antonine dynasty, adoption of into • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s support for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s view of (general) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Senate, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), adventus of (193 CE) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), autobiography of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), clemency and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), decennalia of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), dreams/portents and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), legitimization of rule • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), ludi saeculares and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), plebs, people, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), praetorian guard, punishment of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), propaganda of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), public presentation/self-presentation of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), soldiers, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), succession plans of • Severus Alexander • Severus Alexander (Roman emperor) • Severus Alexander (Roman emperor), instability of reign • Severus, accession of • Severus, coinage of • Severus, nomen Antoninorum and • Severus, propaganda of • Severus, secular games and • civil war with Septimius Severus • civil war with Septimius Severus, Lugdunum, battle of • marriage ban (soldiers), terminated by Severus

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 39, 105, 136, 182, 184, 188; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3, 4, 10, 11, 23, 24, 27, 41, 42, 43, 48, 51, 52, 57, 59, 84, 88, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 100, 106, 109, 114, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 160, 172, 175, 176, 178, 180, 182, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 201, 204, 208, 209, 211, 217, 219, 229, 269, 274, 276, 277, 278, 290; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 17, 18, 366, 381; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20, 251; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 21, 25, 97, 115, 132, 173, 200; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 157; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 160

21. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 5.5, 5.21.1-5.21.5, 6.1-6.3, 6.21.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Alexander Severus, emperor • Septimius Severus • Severus Alexander • Vienne and Lyons, on Septimus Severus

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 146; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 245; Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 52; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117, 134; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 199; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 168

sup>
5.5 It is reported that Marcus Aurelius Caesar, brother of Antoninus, being about to engage in battle with the Germans and Sarmatians, was in great trouble on account of his army suffering from thirst. But the soldiers of the so-called Melitene legion, through the faith which has given strength from that time to the present, when they were drawn up before the enemy, kneeled on the ground, as is our custom in prayer, and engaged in supplications to God.,This was indeed a strange sight to the enemy, but it is reported that a stranger thing immediately followed. The lightning drove the enemy to flight and destruction, but a shower refreshed the army of those who had called on God, all of whom had been on the point of perishing with thirst.,This story is related by non-Christian writers who have been pleased to treat the times referred to, and it has also been recorded by our own people. By those historians who were strangers to the faith, the marvel is mentioned, but it is not acknowledged as an answer to our prayers. But by our own people, as friends of the truth, the occurrence is related in a simple and artless manner.,Among these is Apolinarius, who says that from that time the legion through whose prayers the wonder took place received from the emperor a title appropriate to the event, being called in the language of the Romans the Thundering Legion.,Tertullian is a trustworthy witness of these things. In the Apology for the Faith, which he addressed to the Roman Senate, and which work we have already mentioned, he confirms the history with greater and stronger proofs.,He writes that there are still extant letters of the most intelligent Emperor Marcus in which he testifies that his army, being on the point of perishing with thirst in Germany, was saved by the prayers of the Christians. And he says also that this emperor threatened death to those who brought accusation against us.,He adds further:What kind of laws are those which impious, unjust, and cruel persons use against us alone? Which Vespasian, though he had conquered the Jews, did not regard; which Trajan partially annulled, forbidding Christians to be sought after; which neither Hadrian, though inquisitive in all matters, nor he who was called Pius sanctioned. But let any one treat these things as he chooses; we must pass on to what followed.,Pothinus having died with the other martyrs in Gaul at ninety years of age, Irenaeus succeeded him in the episcopate of the church at Lyons. We have learned that, in his youth, he was a hearer of Polycarp.,In the third book of his work Against Heresies he has inserted a list of the bishops of Rome, bringing it down as far as Eleutherus (whose times we are now considering), under whom he composed his work. He writes as follows:
5.21.1
About the same time, in the reign of Commodus, our condition became more favorable, and through the grace of God the churches throughout the entire world enjoyed peace, and the word of salvation was leading every soul, from every race of man to the devout worship of the God of the universe. So that now at Rome many who were highly distinguished for wealth and family turned with all their household and relatives unto their salvation. 5.21.2 But the demon who hates what is good, being maligt in his nature, could not endure this, but prepared himself again for conflict, contriving many devices against us. And he brought to the judgment seat Apollonius, of the city of Rome, a man renowned among the faithful for learning and philosophy, having stirred up one of his servants, who was well fitted for such a purpose, to accuse him. 5.21.3 But this wretched man made the charge unseasonably, because by a royal decree it was unlawful that informers of such things should live. And his legs were broken immediately, Perennius the judge having pronounced this sentence upon him. 5.21.4 But the martyr, highly beloved of God, being earnestly entreated and requested by the judge to give an account of himself before the Senate, made in the presence of all an eloquent defense of the faith for which he was witnessing. And as if by decree of the Senate he was put to death by decapitation; an ancient law requiring that those who were brought to the judgment seat and refused to recant should not be liberated. Whoever desires to know his arguments before the judge and his answers to the questions of Perennius, and his entire defense before the Senate will find them in the records of the ancient martyrdoms which we have collected. 5.21.5 About the same time, in the reign of Commodus, our condition became more favorable, and through the grace of God the churches throughout the entire world enjoyed peace, and the word of salvation was leading every soul, from every race of man to the devout worship of the God of the universe. So that now at Rome many who were highly distinguished for wealth and family turned with all their household and relatives unto their salvation.,But the demon who hates what is good, being maligt in his nature, could not endure this, but prepared himself again for conflict, contriving many devices against us. And he brought to the judgment seat Apollonius, of the city of Rome, a man renowned among the faithful for learning and philosophy, having stirred up one of his servants, who was well fitted for such a purpose, to accuse him.,But this wretched man made the charge unseasonably, because by a royal decree it was unlawful that informers of such things should live. And his legs were broken immediately, Perennius the judge having pronounced this sentence upon him.,But the martyr, highly beloved of God, being earnestly entreated and requested by the judge to give an account of himself before the Senate, made in the presence of all an eloquent defense of the faith for which he was witnessing. And as if by decree of the Senate he was put to death by decapitation; an ancient law requiring that those who were brought to the judgment seat and refused to recant should not be liberated. Whoever desires to know his arguments before the judge and his answers to the questions of Perennius, and his entire defense before the Senate will find them in the records of the ancient martyrdoms which we have collected.' "
6.1
BOOK VIWhen Severus began to persecute the churches, glorious testimonies were given everywhere by the athletes of religion. This was especially the case in Alexandria, to which city, as to a most prominent theater, athletes of God were brought from Egypt and all Thebais according to their merit, and won crowns from God through their great patience under many tortures and every mode of death. Among these was Leonides, who was called the father of Origen, and who was beheaded while his son was still young. How remarkable the predilection of this son was for the Divine Word, in consequence of his father's instruction, it will not be amiss to state briefly, as his fame has been very greatly celebrated by many." "6.2 Many things might be said in attempting to describe the life of the man while in school; but this subject alone would require a separate treatise. Nevertheless, for the present, abridging most things, we shall state a few facts concerning him as briefly as possible, gathering them from certain letters, and from the statement of persons still living who were acquainted with him.,What they report of Origen seems to me worthy of mention, even, so to speak, from his swathing-bands.It was the tenth year of the reign of Severus, while Laetus was governor of Alexandria and the rest of Egypt, and Demetrius had lately received the episcopate of the parishes there, as successor of Julian.,As the flame of persecution had been kindled greatly, and multitudes had gained the crown of martyrdom, such desire for martyrdom seized the soul of Origen, although yet a boy, that he went close to danger, springing forward and rushing to the conflict in his eagerness.,And truly the termination of his life had been very near had not the divine and heavenly Providence, for the benefit of many, prevented his desire through the agency of his mother.,For, at first, entreating him, she begged him to have compassion on her motherly feelings toward him; but finding, that when he had learned that his father had been seized and imprisoned, he was set the more resolutely, and completely carried away with his zeal for martyrdom, she hid all his clothing, and thus compelled him to remain at home.,But, as there was nothing else that he could do, and his zeal beyond his age would not suffer him to be quiet, he sent to his father an encouraging letter on martyrdom, in which he exhorted him, saying, Take heed not to change your mind on our account. This may be recorded as the first evidence of Origen's youthful wisdom and of his genuine love for piety.,For even then he had stored up no small resources in the words of the faith, having been trained in the Divine Scriptures from childhood. And he had not studied them with indifference, for his father, besides giving him the usual liberal education, had made them a matter of no secondary importance.,First of all, before inducting him into the Greek sciences, he drilled him in sacred studies, requiring him to learn and recite every day.,Nor was this irksome to the boy, but he was eager and diligent in these studies. And he was not satisfied with learning what was simple and obvious in the sacred words, but sought for something more, and even at that age busied himself with deeper speculations. So that he puzzled his father with inquiries for the true meaning of the inspired Scriptures.,And his father rebuked him seemingly to his face, telling him not to search beyond his age, or further than the manifest meaning. But by himself he rejoiced greatly and thanked God, the author of all good, that he had deemed him worthy to be the father of such a child.,And they say that often, standing by the boy when asleep, he uncovered his breast as if the Divine Spirit were enshrined within it, and kissed it reverently; considering himself blessed in his goodly offspring. These and other things like them are related of Origen when a boy.,But when his father ended his life in martyrdom, he was left with his mother and six younger brothers when he was not quite seventeen years old.,And the property of his father being confiscated to the royal treasury, he and his family were in want of the necessaries of life. But he was deemed worthy of Divine care. And he found welcome and rest with a woman of great wealth, and distinguished in her manner of life and in other respects. She was treating with great honor a famous heretic then in Alexandria; who, however, was born in Antioch. He was with her as an adopted son, and she treated him with the greatest kindness.,But although Origen was under the necessity of associating with him, he nevertheless gave from this time on strong evidences of his orthodoxy in the faith. For when on account of the apparent skill in argument of Paul — for this was the man's name — a great multitude came to him, not only of heretics but also of our people, Origen could never be induced to join with him in prayer; for he held, although a boy, the rule of the Church, and abominated, as he somewhere expresses it, heretical teachings. Having been instructed in the sciences of the Greeks by his father, he devoted him after his death more assiduously and exclusively to the study of literature, so that he obtained considerable preparation in philology and was able not long after the death of his father, by devoting himself to that subject, to earn a compensation amply sufficient for his needs at his age." '6.3 But while he was lecturing in the school, as he tells us himself, and there was no one at Alexandria to give instruction in the faith, as all were driven away by the threat of persecution, some of the heathen came to him to hear the word of God.,The first of them, he says, was Plutarch, who after living well, was honored with divine martyrdom. The second was Heraclas, a brother of Plutarch; who after he too had given with him abundant evidence of a philosophic and ascetic life, was esteemed worthy to succeed Demetrius in the bishopric of Alexandria.,He was in his eighteenth year when he took charge of the catechetical school. He was prominent also at this time, during the persecution under Aquila, the governor of Alexandria, when his name became celebrated among the leaders in the faith, through the kindness and goodwill which he manifested toward all the holy martyrs, whether known to him or strangers.,For not only was he with them while in bonds, and until their final condemnation, but when the holy martyrs were led to death, he was very bold and went with them into danger. So that as he acted bravely, and with great boldness saluted the martyrs with a kiss, oftentimes the heathen multitude round about them became infuriated, and were on the point of rushing upon him.,But through the helping hand of God, he escaped absolutely and marvelously. And this same divine and heavenly power, again and again, it is impossible to say how often, on account of his great zeal and boldness for the words of Christ, guarded him when thus endangered. So great was the enmity of the unbelievers toward him, on account of the multitude that were instructed by him in the sacred faith, that they placed bands of soldiers around the house where he abode.,Thus day by day the persecution burned against him, so that the whole city could no longer contain him; but he removed from house to house and was driven in every direction because of the multitude who attended upon the divine instruction which he gave. For his life also exhibited right and admirable conduct according to the practice of genuine philosophy.,For they say that his manner of life was as his doctrine, and his doctrine as his life. Therefore, by the divine Power working with him he aroused a great many to his own zeal.,But when he saw yet more coming to him for instruction, and the catechetical school had been entrusted to him alone by Demetrius, who presided over the church, he considered the teaching of grammatical science inconsistent with training in divine subjects, and immediately he gave up his grammatical school as unprofitable and a hindrance to sacred learning.,Then, with becoming consideration, that he might not need aid from others, he disposed of whatever valuable books of ancient literature he possessed, being satisfied with receiving from the purchaser four oboli a day. For many years he lived philosophically in this manner, putting away all the incentives of youthful desires. Through the entire day he endured no small amount of discipline; and for the greater part of the night he gave himself to the study of the Divine Scriptures. He restrained himself as much as possible by a most philosophic life; sometimes by the discipline of fasting, again by limited time for sleep. And in his zeal he never lay upon a bed, but upon the ground.,Most of all, he thought that the words of the Saviour in the Gospel should be observed, in which he exhorts not to have two coats nor to use shoes nor to occupy oneself with cares for the future.,With a zeal beyond his age he continued in cold and nakedness; and, going to the very extreme of poverty, he greatly astonished those about him. And indeed he grieved many of his friends who desired to share their possessions with him, on account of the wearisome toil which they saw him enduring in the teaching of divine things.,But he did not relax his perseverance. He is said to have walked for a number of years never wearing a shoe, and, for a great many years, to have abstained from the use of wine, and of all other things beyond his necessary food; so that he was in danger of breaking down and destroying his constitution.,By giving such evidences of a philosophic life to those who saw him, he aroused many of his pupils to similar zeal; so that prominent men even of the unbelieving heathen and men that followed learning and philosophy were led to his instruction. Some of them having received from him into the depth of their souls faith in the Divine Word, became prominent in the persecution then prevailing; and some of them were seized and suffered martyrdom.
6.21.3
The mother of the emperor, Mammaea by name, was a most pious woman, if there ever was one, and of religious life. When the fame of Origen had extended everywhere and had come even to her ears, she desired greatly to see the man, and above all things to make trial of his celebrated understanding of divine things.'' None
22. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Antoninus son of Severus

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 199; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 199

23. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 4.10.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Sulpicius Severus

 Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 51; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 51

sup>
4.10.24 24. Now a strong desire for clearness sometimes leads to neglect of the more polished forms of speech, and indifference about what sounds well, compared with what clearly expresses and conveys the meaning intended. Whence a certain author, when dealing with speech of this kind, says that there is in it a kind of careful negligence. Yet while taking away ornament, it does not bring in vulgarity of speech; though good teachers have, or ought to have, so great an anxiety about teaching that they will employ a word which cannot be made pure Latin without becoming obscure or ambiguous, but which when used according to the vulgar idiom is neither ambiguous nor obscure, not in the way the learned, but rather in the way the unlearned employ it. For if our translators did not shrink from saying, Non congregabo conventicula eorum de sanguinibus, because they felt that it was important for the sense to put a word here in the plural which in Latin is only used in the singular; why should a teacher of godliness who is addressing an unlearned audience shrink from using ossum instead of os, if he fear that the latter might be taken not as the singular of ossa, but as the singular of ora, seeing that African ears have no quick perception of the shortness or length of vowels? And what advantage is there in purity of speech which does not lead to understanding in the hearer, seeing that there is no use at all in speaking, if they do not understand us for whose sake we speak? He, therefore, who teaches will avoid all words that do not teach; and if instead of them he can find words which are at once pure and intelligible, he will take these by preference; if, however, he cannot, either because there are no such words, or because they do not at the time occur to him, he will use words that are not quite pure, if only the substance of his thought be conveyed and apprehended in its integrity. 25. And this must be insisted on as necessary to our being understood, not only in conversations, whether with one person or with several, but much more in the case of a speech delivered in public: for in conversation any one has the power of asking a question; but when all are silent that one may be heard, and all faces are turned attentively upon him, it is neither customary nor decorous for a person to ask a question about what he does not understand; and on this account the speaker ought to be especially careful to give assistance to those who cannot ask it. Now a crowd anxious for instruction generally shows by its movements if it understands what is said; and until some indication of this sort be given, the subject discussed ought to be turned over and over, and put in every shape and form and variety of expression, a thing which cannot be done by men who are repeating words prepared beforehand and committed to memory. As soon, however, as the speaker has ascertained that what he says is understood, he ought either to bring his address to a close, or pass on to another point. For if a man gives pleasure when he throws light upon points on which people wish for instruction, he becomes wearisome when he dwells at length upon things that are already well known, especially when men's expectation was fixed on having the difficulties of the passage removed. For even things that are very well known are told for the sake of the pleasure they give, if the attention be directed not to the things themselves, but to the way in which they are told. Nay, even when the style itself is already well known, if it be pleasing to the hearers, it is almost a matter of indifference whether he who speaks be a speaker or a reader. For things that are gracefully written are often not only read with delight by those who are making their first acquaintance with them, but re-read with delight by those who have already made acquaintance with them, and have not yet forgotten them; nay, both these classes will derive pleasure even from hearing another man repeat them. And if a man has forgotten anything, when he is reminded of it he is taught. But I am not now treating of the mode of giving pleasure. I am speaking of the mode in which men who desire to learn ought to be taught. And the best mode is that which secures that he who hears shall hear the truth, and that what he hears he shall understand. And when this point has been reached, no further labor need be spent on the truth itself, as if it required further explanation; but perhaps some trouble may be taken to enforce it so as to bring it home to the heart. If it appear right to do this, it ought to be done so moderately as not to lead to weariness and impatience. "" None
24. Augustine, The City of God, 22.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, St. Stephen’s relics and • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, charges of Jews hiding weapons in synagogue in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, relation to demotion of Gamaliel VI and • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, summary of • Letter on the Conversion of the Jews, (Severus of Minorca)

 Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 153; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 44

sup>
22.8 Why, they say, are those miracles, which you affirm were wrought formerly, wrought no longer? I might, indeed, reply that miracles were necessary before the world believed, in order that it might believe. And whoever now-a-days demands to see prodigies that he may believe, is himself a great prodigy, because he does not believe, though the whole world does. But they make these objections for the sole purpose of insinuating that even those former miracles were never wrought. How, then, is it that everywhere Christ is celebrated with such firm belief in His resurrection and ascension? How is it that in enlightened times, in which every impossibility is rejected, the world has, without any miracles, believed things marvellously incredible? Or will they say that these things were credible, and therefore were credited? Why then do they themselves not believe? Our argument, therefore, is a summary one - either incredible things which were not witnessed have caused the world to believe other incredible things which both occurred and were witnessed, or this matter was so credible that it needed no miracles in proof of it, and therefore convicts these unbelievers of unpardonable scepticism. This I might say for the sake of refuting these most frivolous objectors. But we cannot deny that many miracles were wrought to confirm that one grand and health-giving miracle of Christ's ascension to heaven with the flesh in which He rose. For these most trustworthy books of ours contain in one narrative both the miracles that were wrought and the creed which they were wrought to confirm. The miracles were published that they might produce faith, and the faith which they produced brought them into greater prominence. For they are read in congregations that they may be believed, and yet they would not be so read unless they were believed. For even now miracles are wrought in the name of Christ, whether by His sacraments or by the prayers or relics of His saints; but they are not so brilliant and conspicuous as to cause them to be published with such glory as accompanied the former miracles. For the canon of the sacred writings, which behooved to be closed, causes those to be everywhere recited, and to sink into the memory of all the congregations; but these modern miracles are scarcely known even to the whole population in the midst of which they are wrought, and at the best are confined to one spot. For frequently they are known only to a very few persons, while all the rest are ignorant of them, especially if the state is a large one; and when they are reported to other persons in other localities, there is no sufficient authority to give them prompt and unwavering credence, although they are reported to the faithful by the faithful. The miracle which was wrought at Milan when I was there, and by which a blind man was restored to sight, could come to the knowledge of many; for not only is the city a large one, but also the emperor was there at the time, and the occurrence was witnessed by an immense concourse of people that had gathered to the bodies of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius, which had long lain concealed and unknown, but were now made known to the bishop Ambrose in a dream, and discovered by him. By virtue of these remains the darkness of that blind man was scattered, and he saw the light of day. But who but a very small number are aware of the cure which was wrought upon Innocentius, ex-advocate of the deputy prefecture, a cure wrought at Carthage, in my presence, and under my own eyes? For when I and my brother Alypius, who were not yet clergymen, though already servants of God, came from abroad, this man received us, and made us live with him, for he and all his household were devotedly pious. He was being treated by medical men for fistul, of which he had a large number intricately seated in the rectum. He had already undergone an operation, and the surgeons were using every means at their command for his relief. In that operation he had suffered long-continued and acute pain; yet, among the many folds of the gut, one had escaped the operators so entirely, that, though they ought to have laid it open with the knife, they never touched it. And thus, though all those that had been opened were cured, this one remained as it was, and frustrated all their labor. The patient, having his suspicions awakened by the delay thus occasioned, and fearing greatly a second operation, which another medical man - one of his own domestics - had told him he must undergo, though this man had not even been allowed to witness the first operation, and had been banished from the house, and with difficulty allowed to come back to his enraged master's presence - the patient, I say, broke out to the surgeons, saying, Are you going to cut me again? Are you, after all, to fulfill the prediction of that man whom you would not allow even to be present? The surgeons laughed at the unskillful doctor, and soothed their patient's fears with fair words and promises. So several days passed, and yet nothing they tried did him good. Still they persisted in promising that they would cure that fistula by drugs, without the knife. They called in also another old practitioner of great repute in that department, Ammonius (for he was still alive at that time); and he, after examining the part, promised the same result as themselves from their care and skill. On this great authority, the patient became confident, and, as if already well, vented his good spirits in facetious remarks at the expense of his domestic physician, who had predicted a second operation. To make a long story short, after a number of days had thus uselessly elapsed, the surgeons, wearied and confused, had at last to confess that he could only be cured by the knife. Agitated with excessive fear, he was terrified, and grew pale with dread; and when he collected himself and was able to speak, he ordered them to go away and never to return. Worn out with weeping, and driven by necessity, it occurred to him to call in an Alexandrian, who was at that time esteemed a wonderfully skillful operator, that he might perform the operation his rage would not suffer them to do. But when he had come, and examined with a professional eye the traces of their careful work, he acted the part of a good man, and persuaded his patient to allow those same hands the satisfaction of finishing his cure which had begun it with a skill that excited his admiration, adding that there was no doubt his only hope of a cure was by an operation, but that it was thoroughly inconsistent with his nature to win the credit of the cure by doing the little that remained to be done, and rob of their reward men whose consummate skill, care, and diligence he could not but admire when be saw the traces of their work. They were therefore again received to favor; and it was agreed that, in the presence of the Alexandrian, they should operate on the fistula, which, by the consent of all, could now only be cured by the knife. The operation was deferred till the following day. But when they had left, there arose in the house such a wailing, in sympathy with the excessive despondency of the master, that it seemed to us like the mourning at a funeral, and we could scarcely repress it. Holy men were in the habit of visiting him daily; Saturninus of blessed memory, at that time bishop of Uzali, and the presbyter Gelosus, and the deacons of the church of Carthage; and among these was the bishop Aurelius, who alone of them all survives - a man to be named by us with due reverence - and with him I have often spoken of this affair, as we conversed together about the wonderful works of God, and I have found that he distinctly remembers what I am now relating. When these persons visited him that evening according to their custom, he besought them, with pitiable tears, that they would do him the honor of being present next day at what he judged his funeral rather than his suffering. For such was the terror his former pains had produced, that he made no doubt he would die in the hands of the surgeons. They comforted him, and exhorted him to put his trust in God, and nerve his will like a man. Then we went to prayer; but while we, in the usual way, were kneeling and bending to the ground, he cast himself down, as if some one were hurling him violently to the earth, and began to pray; but in what a manner, with what earnestness and emotion, with what a flood of tears, with what groans and sobs, that shook his whole body, and almost prevented him speaking, who can describe! Whether the others prayed, and had not their attention wholly diverted by this conduct, I do not know. For myself, I could not pray at all. This only I briefly said in my heart: O Lord, what prayers of Your people do You hear if You hear not these? For it seemed to me that nothing could be added to this prayer, unless he expired in praying. We rose from our knees, and, receiving the blessing of the bishop, departed, the patient beseeching his visitors to be present next morning, they exhorting him to keep up his heart. The dreaded day dawned. The servants of God were present, as they had promised to be; the surgeons arrived; all that the circumstances required was ready; the frightful instruments are produced; all look on in wonder and suspense. While those who have most influence with the patient are cheering his fainting spirit, his limbs are arranged on the couch so as to suit the hand of the operator; the knots of the bandages are untied; the part is bared; the surgeon examines it, and, with knife in hand, eagerly looks for the sinus that is to be cut. He searches for it with his eyes; he feels for it with his finger; he applies every kind of scrutiny: he finds a perfectly firm cicatrix! No words of mine can describe the joy, and praise, and thanksgiving to the merciful and almighty God which was poured from the lips of all, with tears of gladness. Let the scene be imagined rather than described! In the same city of Carthage lived Innocentia, a very devout woman of the highest rank in the state. She had cancer in one of her breasts, a disease which, as physicians say, is incurable. Ordinarily, therefore, they either amputate, and so separate from the body the member on which the disease has seized, or, that the patient's life may be prolonged a little, though death is inevitable even if somewhat delayed, they abandon all remedies, following, as they say, the advice of Hippocrates. This the lady we speak of had been advised to by a skillful physician, who was intimate with her family; and she betook herself to God alone by prayer. On the approach of Easter, she was instructed in a dream to wait for the first woman that came out from the baptistery after being baptized, and to ask her to make the sign of Christ upon her sore. She did so, and was immediately cured. The physician who had advised her to apply no remedy if she wished to live a little longer, when he had examined her after this, and found that she who, on his former examination, was afflicted with that disease was now perfectly cured, eagerly asked her what remedy she had used, anxious, as we may well believe, to discover the drug which should defeat the decision of Hippocrates. But when she told him what had happened, he is said to have replied, with religious politeness, though with a contemptuous tone, and an expression which made her fear he would utter some blasphemy against Christ, I thought you would make some great discovery to me. She, shuddering at his indifference, quickly replied, What great thing was it for Christ to heal a cancer, who raised one who had been four days dead? When, therefore, I had heard this, I was extremely indigt that so great a miracle wrought in that well-known city, and on a person who was certainly not obscure, should not be divulged, and I considered that she should be spoken to, if not reprimanded on this score. And when she replied to me that she had not kept silence on the subject, I asked the women with whom she was best acquainted whether they had ever heard of this before. They told me they knew nothing of it. See, I said, what your not keeping silence amounts to, since not even those who are so familiar with you know of it. And as I had only briefly heard the story, I made her tell how the whole thing happened, from beginning to end, while the other women listened in great astonishment, and glorified God. A gouty doctor of the same city, when he had given in his name for baptism, and had been prohibited the day before his baptism from being baptized that year, by black woolly-haired boys who appeared to him in his dreams, and whom he understood to be devils, and when, though they trod on his feet, and inflicted the acutest pain he had ever yet experienced, he refused to obey them, but overcame them, and would not defer being washed in the laver of regeneration, was relieved in the very act of baptism, not only of the extraordinary pain he was tortured with, but also of the disease itself, so that, though he lived a long time afterwards, he never suffered from gout; and yet who knows of this miracle? We, however, do know it, and so, too, do the small number of brethren who were in the neighborhood, and to whose ears it might come. An old comedian of Curubis was cured at baptism not only of paralysis, but also of hernia, and, being delivered from both afflictions, came up out of the font of regeneration as if he had had nothing wrong with his body. Who outside of Curubis knows of this, or who but a very few who might hear it elsewhere? But we, when we heard of it, made the man come to Carthage, by order of the holy bishop Aurelius, although we had already ascertained the fact on the information of persons whose word we could not doubt. Hesperius, of a tribunitian family, and a neighbor of our own, has a farm called Zubedi in the Fussalian district; and, finding that his family, his cattle, and his servants were suffering from the malice of evil spirits, he asked our presbyters, during my absence, that one of them would go with him and banish the spirits by his prayers. One went, offered there the sacrifice of the body of Christ, praying with all his might that that vexation might cease. It did cease immediately, through God's mercy. Now he had received from a friend of his own some holy earth brought from Jerusalem, where Christ, having been buried, rose again the third day. This earth he had hung up in his bedroom to preserve himself from harm. But when his house was purged of that demoniacal invasion, he began to consider what should be done with the earth; for his reverence for it made him unwilling to have it any longer in his bedroom. It so happened that I and Maximinus bishop of Synita, and then my colleague, were in the neighborhood. Hesperius asked us to visit him, and we did so. When he had related all the circumstances, he begged that the earth might be buried somewhere, and that the spot should be made a place of prayer where Christians might assemble for the worship of God. We made no objection: it was done as he desired. There was in that neighborhood a young countryman who was paralytic, who, when he heard of this, begged his parents to take him without delay to that holy place. When he had been brought there, he prayed, and immediately went away on his own feet perfectly cured. There is a country-seat called Victoriana, less than thirty miles from Hippo-regius. At it there is a monument to the Milanese martyrs, Protasius and Gervasius. Thither a young man was carried, who, when he was watering his horse one summer day at noon in a pool of a river, had been taken possession of by a devil. As he lay at the monument, near death, or even quite like a dead person, the lady of the manor, with her maids and religious attendants, entered the place for evening prayer and praise, as her custom was, and they began to sing hymns. At this sound the young man, as if electrified, was thoroughly aroused, and with frightful screaming seized the altar, and held it as if he did not dare or were not able to let it go, and as if he were fixed or tied to it; and the devil in him, with loud lamentation, besought that he might be spared, and confessed where and when and how he took possession of the youth. At last, declaring that he would go out of him, he named one by one the parts of his body which he threatened to mutilate as he went out and with these words he departed from the man. But his eye, falling out on his cheek, hung by a slender vein as by a root, and the whole of the pupil which had been black became white. When this was witnessed by those present (others too had now gathered to his cries, and had all joined in prayer for him), although they were delighted that he had recovered his sanity of mind, yet, on the other hand, they were grieved about his eye, and said he should seek medical advice. But his sister's husband, who had brought him there, said, God, who has banished the devil, is able to restore his eye at the prayers of His saints. Therewith he replaced the eye that was fallen out and hanging, and bound it in its place with his handkerchief as well as he could, and advised him not to loose the bandage for seven days. When he did so, he found it quite healthy. Others also were cured there, but of them it were tedious to speak. I know that a young woman of Hippo was immediately dispossessed of a devil, on anointing herself with oil, mixed with the tears of the prebsyter who had been praying for her. I know also that a bishop once prayed for a demoniac young man whom he never saw, and that he was cured on the spot. There was a fellow-townsman of ours at Hippo, Florentius, an old man, religious and poor, who supported himself as a tailor. Having lost his coat, and not having means to buy another, he prayed to the Twenty Martyrs, who have a very celebrated memorial shrine in our town, begging in a distinct voice that he might be clothed. Some scoffing young men, who happened to be present, heard him, and followed him with their sarcasm as he went away, as if he had asked the martyrs for fifty pence to buy a coat. But he, walking on in silence, saw on the shore a great fish, gasping as if just cast up, and having secured it with the good-natured assistance of the youths, he sold it for curing to a cook of the name of Catosus, a good Christian man, telling him how he had come by it, and receiving for it three hundred pence, which he laid out in wool, that his wife might exercise her skill upon, and make into a coat for him. But, on cutting up the fish, the cook found a gold ring in its belly; and immediately, moved with compassion, and influenced, too, by religious fear, gave it up to the man, saying, See how the Twenty Martyrs have clothed you. When the bishop Projectus was bringing the relics of the most glorious martyr Stephen to the waters of Tibilis, a great concourse of people came to meet him at the shrine. There a blind woman entreated that she might be led to the bishop who was carrying the relics. He gave her the flowers he was carrying. She took them, applied them to her eyes, and immediately saw. Those who were present were astounded, while she, with every expression of joy, preceded them, pursuing her way without further need of a guide. Lucillus bishop of Sinita, in the neighborhood of the colonial town of Hippo, was carrying in procession some relics of the same martyr, which had been deposited in the castle of Sinita. A fistula under which he had long labored, and which his private physician was watching an opportunity to cut, was suddenly cured by the mere carrying of that sacred fardel, - at least, afterwards there was no trace of it in his body. Eucharius, a Spanish priest, residing at Calama, was for a long time a sufferer from stone. By the relics of the same martyr, which the bishop Possidius brought him, he was cured. Afterwards the same priest, sinking under another disease, was lying dead, and already they were binding his hands. By the succor of the same martyr he was raised to life, the priest's cloak having been brought from the oratory and laid upon the corpse. There was there an old nobleman named Martial, who had a great aversion to the Christian religion, but whose daughter was a Christian, while her husband had been baptized that same year. When he was ill, they besought him with tears and prayers to become a Christian, but he positively refused, and dismissed them from his presence in a storm of indignation. It occurred to the son-in-law to go to the oratory of St. Stephen, and there pray for him with all earnestness that God might give him a right mind, so that he should not delay believing in Christ. This he did with great groaning and tears, and the burning fervor of sincere piety; then, as he left the place, he took some of the flowers that were lying there, and, as it was already night, laid them by his father's head, who so slept. And lo! Before dawn, he cries out for some one to run for the bishop; but he happened at that time to be with me at Hippo. So when he had heard that he was from home, he asked the presbyters to come. They came. To the joy and amazement of all, he declared that he believed, and he was baptized. As long as he remained in life, these words were ever on his lips: Christ, receive my spirit, though he was not aware that these were the last words of the most blessed Stephen when he was stoned by the Jews. They were his last words also, for not long after he himself also gave up the ghost. There, too, by the same martyr, two men, one a citizen, the other a stranger, were cured of gout; but while the citizen was absolutely cured, the stranger was only informed what he should apply when the pain returned; and when he followed this advice, the pain was at once relieved. Audurus is the name of an estate, where there is a church that contains a memorial shrine of the martyr Stephen. It happened that, as a little boy was playing in the court, the oxen drawing a wagon went out of the track and crushed him with the wheel, so that immediately he seemed at his last gasp. His mother snatched him up, and laid him at the shrine, and not only did he revive, but also appeared uninjured. A religious female, who lived at Caspalium, a neighboring estate, when she was so ill as to be despaired of, had her dress brought to this shrine, but before it was brought back she had gone. However, her parents wrapped her corpse in the dress, and, her breath returning, she became quite well. At Hippo a Syrian called Bassus was praying at the relics of the same martyr for his daughter, who was dangerously ill. He too had brought her dress with him to the shrine. But as he prayed, behold, his servants ran from the house to tell him she was dead. His friends, however, intercepted them, and forbade them to tell him, lest he should bewail her in public. And when he had returned to his house, which was already ringing with the lamentations of his family, and had thrown on his daughter's body the dress he was carrying, she was restored to life. There, too, the son of a man, Iren us, one of our tax-gatherers, took ill and died. And while his body was lying lifeless, and the last rites were being prepared, amidst the weeping and mourning of all, one of the friends who were consoling the father suggested that the body should be anointed with the oil of the same martyr. It was done, and he revived. Likewise Eleusinus, a man of tribunitian rank among us, laid his infant son, who had died, on the shrine of the martyr, which is in the suburb where he lived, and, after prayer, which he poured out there with many tears, he took up his child alive. What am I to do? I am so pressed by the promise of finishing this work, that I cannot record all the miracles I know; and doubtless several of our adherents, when they read what I have narrated, will regret that I have omitted so many which they, as well as I, certainly know. Even now I beg these persons to excuse me, and to consider how long it would take me to relate all those miracles, which the necessity of finishing the work I have undertaken forces me to omit. For were I to be silent of all others, and to record exclusively the miracles of healing which were wrought in the district of Calama and of Hippo by means of this martyr- I mean the most glorious Stephen - they would fill many volumes; and yet all even of these could not be collected, but only those of which narratives have been written for public recital. For when I saw, in our own times, frequent signs of the presence of divine powers similar to those which had been given of old, I desired that narratives might be written, judging that the multitude should not remain ignorant of these things. It is not yet two years since these relics were first brought to Hippo-regius, and though many of the miracles which have been wrought by it have not, as I have the most certain means of knowing, been recorded, those which have been published amount to almost seventy at the hour at which I write. But at Calama, where these relics have been for a longer time, and where more of the miracles were narrated for public information, there are incomparably more. At Uzali, too, a colony near Utica, many signal miracles were, to my knowledge, wrought by the same martyr, whose relics had found a place there by direction of the bishop Evodius, long before we had them at Hippo. But there the custom of publishing narratives does not obtain, or, I should say, did not obtain, for possibly it may now have been begun. For, when I was there recently, a woman of rank, Petronia, had been miraculously cured of a serious illness of long standing, in which all medical appliances had failed, and, with the consent of the above-named bishop of the place, I exhorted her to publish an account of it that might be read to the people. She most promptly obeyed, and inserted in her narrative a circumstance which I cannot omit to mention, though I am compelled to hasten on to the subjects which this work requires me to treat. She said that she had been persuaded by a Jew to wear next her skin, under all her clothes, a hair girdle, and on this girdle a ring, which, instead of a gem, had a stone which had been found in the kidneys of an ox. Girt with this charm, she was making her way to the threshold of the holy martyr. But, after leaving Carthage, and when she had been lodging in her own demesne on the river Bagrada, and was now rising to continue her journey, she saw her ring lying before her feet. In great surprise she examined the hair girdle, and when she found it bound, as it had been, quite firmly with knots, she conjectured that the ring had been worn through and dropped off; but when she found that the ring was itself also perfectly whole, she presumed that by this great miracle she had received somehow a pledge of her cure, whereupon she untied the girdle, and cast it into the river, and the ring along with it. This is not credited by those who do not believe either that the Lord Jesus Christ came forth from His mother's womb without destroying her virginity, and entered among His disciples when the doors were shut; but let them make strict inquiry into this miracle, and if they find it true, let them believe those others. The lady is of distinction, nobly born, married to a nobleman. She resides at Carthage. The city is distinguished, the person is distinguished, so that they who make inquiries cannot fail to find satisfaction. Certainly the martyr himself, by whose prayers she was healed, believed on the Son of her who remained a virgin; on Him who came in among the disciples when the doors were shut; in fine - and to this tends all that we have been retailing - on Him who ascended into heaven with the flesh in which He had risen; and it is because he laid down his life for this faith that such miracles were done by his means. Even now, therefore, many miracles are wrought, the same God who wrought those we read of still performing them, by whom He will and as He will; but they are not as well known, nor are they beaten into the memory, like gravel, by frequent reading, so that they cannot fall out of mind. For even where, as is now done among ourselves, care is taken that the pamphlets of those who receive benefit be read publicly, yet those who are present hear the narrative but once, and many are absent; and so it comes to pass that even those who are present forget in a few days what they heard, and scarcely one of them can be found who will tell what he heard to one who he knows was not present. One miracle was wrought among ourselves, which, though no greater than those I have mentioned, was yet so signal and conspicuous, that I suppose there is no inhabitant of Hippo who did not either see or hear of it, none who could possibly forget it. There were seven brothers and three sisters of a noble family of the Cappadocian C sarea, who were cursed by their mother, a new-made widow, on account of some wrong they had done her, and which she bitterly resented, and who were visited with so severe a punishment from Heaven, that all of them were seized with a hideous shaking in all their limbs. Unable, while presenting this loathsome appearance, to endure the eyes of their fellow citizens, they wandered over almost the whole Roman world, each following his own direction. Two of them came to Hippo, a brother and a sister, Paulus and Palladia, already known in many other places by the fame of their wretched lot. Now it was about fifteen days before Easter when they came, and they came daily to church, and specially to the relics of the most glorious Stephen, praying that God might now be appeased, and restore their former health. There, and wherever they went, they attracted the attention of every one. Some who had seen them elsewhere, and knew the cause of their trembling, told others as occasion offered. Easter arrived, and on the Lord's day, in the morning, when there was now a large crowd present, and the young man was holding the bars of the holy place where the relics were, and praying, suddenly he fell down, and lay precisely as if asleep, but not trembling as he was wont to do even in sleep. All present were astonished. Some were alarmed, some were moved with pity; and while some were for lifting him up, others prevented them, and said they should rather wait and see what would result. And behold! He rose up, and trembled no more, for he was healed, and stood quite well, scanning those who were scanning him. Who then refrained himself from praising God? The whole church was filled with the voices of those who were shouting and congratulating him. Then they came running to me, where I was sitting ready to come into the church. One after another they throng in, the last comer telling me as news what the first had told me already; and while I rejoiced and inwardly gave God thanks, the young man himself also enters, with a number of others, falls at my knees, is raised up to receive my kiss. We go in to the congregation: the church was full, and ringing with the shouts of joy, Thanks to God! Praised be God! every one joining and shouting on all sides, I have healed the people, and then with still louder voice shouting again. Silence being at last obtained, the customary lessons of the divine Scriptures were read. And when I came to my sermon, I made a few remarks suitable to the occasion and the happy and joyful feeling, not desiring them to listen to me, but rather to consider the eloquence of God in this divine work. The man dined with us, and gave us a careful ac count of his own, his mother's, and his family's calamity. Accordingly, on the following day, after delivering my sermon, I promised that next day I would read his narrative to the people. And when I did so, the third day after Easter Sunday, I made the brother and sister both stand on the steps of the raised place from which I used to speak; and while they stood there their pamphlet was read. The whole congregation, men and women alike, saw the one standing without any unnatural movement, the other trembling in all her limbs; so that those who had not before seen the man himself saw in his sister what the divine compassion had removed from him. In him they saw matter of congratulation, in her subject for prayer. Meanwhile, their pamphlet being finished, I instructed them to withdraw from the gaze of the people; and I had begun to discuss the whole matter somewhat more carefully, when lo! As I was proceeding, other voices are heard from the tomb of the martyr, shouting new congratulations. My audience turned round, and began to run to the tomb. The young woman, when she had come down from the steps where she had been standing, went to pray at the holy relics, and no sooner had she touched the bars than she, in the same way as her brother, collapsed, as if falling asleep, and rose up cured. While, then, we were asking what had happened, and what occasioned this noise of joy, they came into the basilica where we were, leading her from the martyr's tomb in perfect health. Then, indeed, such a shout of wonder rose from men and women together, that the exclamations and the tears seemed like never to come to an end. She was led to the place where she had a little before stood trembling. They now rejoiced that she was like her brother, as before they had mourned that she remained unlike him; and as they had not yet uttered their prayers in her behalf, they perceived that their intention of doing so had been speedily heard. They shouted God's praises without words, but with such a noise that our ears could scarcely bear it. What was there in the hearts of these exultant people but the faith of Christ, for which Stephen had shed his blood? "" None
25. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Severus of Antioch

 Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 400; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 215, 216, 217

sup>
7.13 About this same time it happened that the Jewish inhabitants were driven out of Alexandria by Cyril the bishop on the following account. The Alexandrian public is more delighted with tumult than any other people: and if at any time it should find a pretext, breaks forth into the most intolerable excesses; for it never ceases from its turbulence without bloodshed. It happened on the present occasion that a disturbance arose among the populace, not from a cause of any serious importance, but out of an evil that has become very popular in almost all cities, viz. a fondness for dancing exhibitions. In consequence of the Jews being disengaged from business on the Sabbath, and spending their time, not in hearing the Law, but in theatrical amusements, dancers usually collect great crowds on that day, and disorder is almost invariably produced. And although this was in some degree controlled by the governor of Alexandria, nevertheless the Jews continued opposing these measures. And although they are always hostile toward the Christians they were roused to still greater opposition against them on account of the dancers. When therefore Orestes the prefect was publishing an edict - for so they are accustomed to call public notices - in the theatre for the regulation of the shows, some of the bishop Cyril's party were present to learn the nature of the orders about to be issued. There was among them a certain Hierax, a teacher of the rudimental branches of literature, and one who was a very enthusiastic listener of the bishop Cyril's sermons, and made himself conspicuous by his forwardness in applauding. When the Jews observed this person in the theatre, they immediately cried out that he had come there for no other purpose than to excite sedition among the people. Now Orestes had long regarded with jealousy the growing power of the bishops, because they encroached on the jurisdiction of the authorities appointed by the emperor, especially as Cyril wished to set spies over his proceedings; he therefore ordered Hierax to be seized, and publicly subjected him to the torture in the theatre. Cyril, on being informed of this, sent for the principal Jews, and threatened them with the utmost severities unless they desisted from their molestation of the Christians. The Jewish populace on hearing these menaces, instead of suppressing their violence, only became more furious, and were led to form conspiracies for the destruction of the Christians; one of these was of so desperate a character as to cause their entire expulsion from Alexandria; this I shall now describe. Having agreed that each one of them should wear a ring on his finger made of the bark of a palm branch, for the sake of mutual recognition, they determined to make a nightly attack on the Christians. They therefore sent persons into the streets to raise an outcry that the church named after Alexander was on fire. Thus many Christians on hearing this ran out, some from one direction and some from another, in great anxiety to save their church. The Jews immediately fell upon and slew them; readily distinguishing each other by their rings. At daybreak the authors of this atrocity could not be concealed: and Cyril, accompanied by an immense crowd of people, going to their synagogues- for so they call their house of prayer- took them away from them, and drove the Jews out of the city, permitting the multitude to plunder their goods. Thus the Jews who had inhabited the city from the time of Alexander the Macedonian were expelled from it, stripped of all they possessed, and dispersed some in one direction and some in another. One of them, a physician named Adamantius, fled to Atticus bishop of Constantinople, and professing Christianity, some time afterwards returned to Alexandria and fixed his residence there. But Orestes the governor of Alexandria was filled with great indignation at these transactions, and was excessively grieved that a city of such magnitude should have been suddenly bereft of so large a portion of its population; he therefore at once communicated the whole affair to the emperor. Cyril also wrote to him, describing the outrageous conduct of the Jews; and in the meanwhile sent persons to Orestes who should mediate concerning a reconciliation: for this the people had urged him to do. And when Orestes refused to listen to friendly advances, Cyril extended toward him the book of gospels, believing that respect for religion would induce him to lay aside his resentment. When, however, even this had no pacific effect on the prefect, but he persisted in implacable hostility against the bishop, the following event afterwards occurred. "" None
26. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus • Severus (encratite), • Severus, Severians

 Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 238; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 158; Rasimus (2009), Paradise Reconsidered in Gnostic Mythmaking: Rethinking Sethianism in Light of the Ophite Evidence, 88

27. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Alexander Severus • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor),, legislation under • Severus Alexander

 Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 865; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 50, 108, 289; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 251; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 185; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 450; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 272

28. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Severus Alexander

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 104; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 251

29. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Alexander Severus, Roman Emperor • Septimius Severus • Severus Alexander • Severus Alexander, emperor

 Found in books: Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 147; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 305; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 50; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 54; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 523; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 14

30. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Republic, decoration of, for adventus of Septimius Severus ( • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), adventus of (193 CE) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), clemency and • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), legitimization of rule • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), plebs, people, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), praetorian guard, punishment of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), public presentation/self-presentation of • Septimus Severus

 Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 352; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 115

31. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Fabius Severus, L. • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor),, legislation under

 Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 118; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 39; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 142, 449

32. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus (emperor),, legislation under • Severus, accession of

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 182; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 203; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 157; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 449

33. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimus Severus

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 144; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 352; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 189

34. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus, L. • Severus, accession of

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 182; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 71, 95, 102; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 236; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 157

35. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus • Severus, Severians

 Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 158; Rasimus (2009), Paradise Reconsidered in Gnostic Mythmaking: Rethinking Sethianism in Light of the Ophite Evidence, 88

36. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine of Hippo, Sulpicius Severus compared • Hippolytus of Rome, Vita Martini of Sulpicius Severus and • Jerome, Sulpicius Severus, dialogues of • Plato and Platonism, Sulpicius Severus and dialogues of • Sulpicius Severus • Sulpicius Severus, Augustine compared • Sulpicius Severus, Dialogue • Sulpicius Severus, Vita Martini • Sulpicius Severus, biographical information • life choices versus conversion, in classical writing, Sulpicius Severus Vita Martini

 Found in books: Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 386; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 176

37. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, charges of Jews hiding weapons in synagogue in • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, laws against anti-Jewish violence and • Letter of Severus of Minorca on the Conversion of the Jews, mass conversion recounted in • Septimius Severus • Septimus Severus • Severus of Laodicea Combusta

 Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 180; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 56, 57, 88, 179, 190, 207, 347; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 183; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 137; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 397

38. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Sulpicius Severus

 Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 51; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 51

39. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus • Severus, Alexander

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 101; Katzoff(2005), Law in the Documents of the Judaean Desert, 125

40. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus • Septimus Severus • Severus Alexander, emperor • Severus, Alexander

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 191; Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 313; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 422; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 183

41. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None
 Tagged with subjects: • Antoninus son of Severus • Septimius Severus

 Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 263, 264; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 101

10b ולימא ליה מימר בהדיא אמר שמעי (בי) חשובי רומי ומצערו ליה ולימא ליה בלחש משום דכתיב (קהלת י, כ) כי עוף השמים יוליך את הקול,הוה ליה ההוא ברתא דשמה גירא קעבדה איסורא שדר ליה גרגירא שדר ליה כוסברתא שדר ליה כרתי שלח ליה חסא,כל יומא הוה שדר ליה דהבא פריכא במטראתא וחיטי אפומייהו אמר להו אמטיו חיטי לרבי אמר ליה רבי לא צריכנא אית לי טובא אמר ליהוו למאן דבתרך דיהבי לבתראי דאתו בתרך ודאתי מינייהו ניפוק עלייהו,ה"ל ההיא נקרתא דהוה עיילא מביתיה לבית רבי כל יומא הוה מייתי תרי עבדי חד קטליה אבבא דבי רבי וחד קטליה אבבא דביתיה א"ל בעידנא דאתינא לא נשכח גבר קמך,יומא חד אשכחיה לר\' חנינא בר חמא דהוה יתיב אמר לא אמינא לך בעידנא דאתינא לא נשכח גבר קמך א"ל לית דין בר איניש א"ל אימא ליה לההוא עבדא דגני אבבא דקאים וליתי,אזל ר\' חנינא בר חמא אשכחיה דהוה קטיל אמר היכי אעביד אי איזיל ואימא ליה דקטיל אין משיבין על הקלקלה אשבקיה ואיזיל קא מזלזלינן במלכותא בעא רחמי עליה ואחייה ושדריה אמר ידענא זוטי דאית בכו מחיה מתים מיהו בעידנא דאתינא לא נשכח איניש קמך,כל יומא הוה משמש לרבי מאכיל ליה משקי ליה כי הוה בעי רבי למיסק לפוריא הוה גחין קמי פוריא א"ל סק עילואי לפורייך אמר לאו אורח ארעא לזלזולי במלכותא כולי האי אמר מי ישימני מצע תחתיך לעולם הבא,א"ל אתינא לעלמא דאתי א"ל אין א"ל והכתיב (עובדיה א, יח) לא יהיה שריד לבית עשו בעושה מעשה עשו,תניא נמי הכי לא יהיה שריד לבית עשו יכול לכל ת"ל לבית עשו בעושה מעשה עשו,א"ל והכתיב (יחזקאל לב, כט) שמה אדום מלכיה וכל נשיאיה א"ל מלכיה ולא כל מלכיה כל נשיאיה ולא כל שריה,תניא נמי הכי מלכיה ולא כל מלכיה כל נשיאיה ולא כל שריה מלכיה ולא כל מלכיה פרט לאנטונינוס בן אסוירוס כל נשיאיה ולא כל שריה פרט לקטיעה בר שלום,קטיעה בר שלום מאי הוי דההוא קיסרא דהוה סני ליהודאי אמר להו לחשיבי דמלכותא מי שעלה לו נימא ברגלו יקטענה ויחיה או יניחנה ויצטער אמרו לו יקטענה ויחיה,אמר להו קטיעה בר שלום חדא דלא יכלת להו לכולהו דכתיב (זכריה ב, י) כי כארבע רוחות השמים פרשתי אתכם מאי קאמר אלימא דבדרתהון בד\' רוחות האי כארבע רוחות לארבע רוחות מבעי ליה אלא כשם שא"א לעולם בלא רוחות כך א"א לעולם בלא ישראל ועוד קרו לך מלכותא קטיעה,א"ל מימר שפיר קאמרת מיהו כל דזכי (מלכא) שדו ליה לקמוניא חלילא כד הוה נקטין ליה ואזלין אמרה ליה ההיא מטרוניתא ווי ליה לאילפא דאזלא בלא מכסא נפל על רישא דעורלתיה קטעה אמר יהבית מכסי חלפית ועברית כי קא שדו ליה אמר כל נכסאי לר"ע וחביריו יצא ר"ע ודרש (שמות כט, כח) והיה לאהרן ולבניו מחצה לאהרן ומחצה לבניו,יצתה בת קול ואמרה קטיעה בר שלום מזומן לחיי העוה"ב בכה רבי ואמר יש קונה עולמו בשעה אחת ויש קונה עולמו בכמה שנים,אנטונינוס שמשיה לרבי אדרכן שמשיה לרב כי שכיב אנטונינוס א"ר נתפרדה חבילה כי שכיב אדרכן אמר רב'' None10b The Gemara asks: But why not let him say his advice explicitly? Why did Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi answer in such a circumspect way, which could have been interpreted incorrectly? The Gemara answers: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to himself: If I answer openly, the important Romans might hear me and will cause me anguish. The Gemara asks: But why not let him say his advice quietly? The Gemara explains: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi was still worried that they might hear what he had said, because it is written: “Curse not the king, no, not in your thought, and curse not the rich in your bedchamber, for a bird of the air shall carry the voice” (Ecclesiastes 10:20).,The Gemara relates: Antoninus had a certain daughter whose name was Gira, who performed a prohibited action, i.e., she engaged in promiscuous intercourse. Antoninus sent a rocket plant gargira to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, to allude to the fact that Gira had acted promiscuously gar. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi sent him coriander kusbarta, which Antoninus understood as a message to kill kos his daughter barta, as she was liable to receive the death penalty for her actions. Antoninus sent him leeks karti to say: I will be cut off karet if I do so. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi then sent him lettuce ḥasa, i.e., Antoninus should have mercy ḥas on her.,The Gemara relates: Every day Antoninus would send to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi crushed gold in large sacks, with wheat in the opening of the sacks. He would say to his servants: Bring this wheat to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, and they did not realize that the bags actually contained gold. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to Antoninus: I do not need gold, as I have plenty. Antoninus said: The gold should be for those who will come after you, who will give it to the last ones who come after you. And those who descend from them will bring forth the gold that I now give you, and will be able to pay taxes to the Romans from this money.,The Gemara relates anther anecdote involving Antoninus. Antoninus had a certain underground cave from which there was a tunnel that went from his house to the house of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi. Every day he would bring two servants to serve him. He would kill one at the entrance of the house of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, and would kill the other one at the entrance of his house, so that no living person would know that he had visited Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi. He said to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi: When I come to visit, let no man be found before you.,One day, Antoninus found that Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama was sitting there. He said: Did I not tell you that when I come to visit, let no man be found before you? Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to him: This is not a human being; he is like an angel, and you have nothing to fear from him. Antoninus said to Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama: Tell that servant who is sleeping at the entrance that he should rise and come.,Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama went and found that the servant Antoninus referred to had been killed. He said to himself: How shall I act? If I go and tell Antoninus that he was killed, this is problematic, as one should not report distressing news. If I leave him and go, then I would be treating the king with disrespect. He prayed for God to have mercy and revived the servant, and he sent him to Antoninus. Antoninus said: I know that even the least among you can revive the dead; but when I come to visit let no man be found before you, even one as great as Rabbi Ḥanina bar Ḥama.,The Gemara relates: Every day Antoninus would minister to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi; he would feed him and give him to drink. When Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi wanted to ascend to his bed, Antoninus would bend down in front of the bed and say to him: Ascend upon me to your bed. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said in response: It is not proper conduct to treat the king with this much disrespect. Antoninus said: Oh, that I were set as a mattress under you in the World-to-Come!,On another occasion, Antoninus said to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi: Will I enter the World-to-Come? Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to him: Yes. Antoninus said to him: But isn’t it written: “And there shall not be any remaining of the house of Esau” (Obadiah 1:18)? Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi answered: The verse is stated with regard to those who perform actions similar to those of the wicked Esau, not to people like you.,This is also taught in a baraita: From the verse: “And there shall not be any remaining of the house of Esau,” one might have thought that this applies to everyone descended from Esau, irrespective of an individual’s actions. Therefore, the verse states: “of the house of Esau,” to indicate that the verse is stated only with regard to those who continue in the way of Esau, and perform actions similar to those of Esau.,Antoninus said to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi: But isn’t it written in the description of the netherworld: “There is Edom, her kings and all her leaders” (Ezekiel 32:29)? Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to him: The verse states: “Her kings,” but not: All of her kings, and likewise it states: “All her leaders,” but not: All of her officers. Some of them will merit the World-to-Come.,This is also taught in a baraita: The verse states: “Her kings,” but not: All of her kings, and: “All her leaders,” but not: All of her officers. The inference learned from the wording of the verse: “Her kings,” but not: All of her kings, serves to exclude Antoninus the son of Asveirus; and the inference from the wording: “All her leaders,” but not: All of her officers, serves to exclude the Roman officer Ketia, son of Shalom.,The Gemara asks: What is it that occurred involving Ketia, son of Shalom? As there was a certain Roman emperor who hated the Jews. He said to the important members of the kingdom: If one had an ulcerous sore nima rise on his foot, should he cut it off and live, or leave it and suffer? They said to him: He should cut it off and live. The ulcerous sore was a metaphor for the Jewish people, whom the emperor sought to eliminate as the cause of harm for the Roman Empire.,Ketia, son of Shalom, said to them: It is unwise to do so, for two reasons. One is that you cannot destroy all of them, as it is written: “For I have spread you abroad as the four winds of the heaven, says the Lord” (Zechariah 2:10). He clarified: What is it saying? Shall we say that the verse means that God has scattered them to the four winds of the world? If so, this phrase: “As the four winds,” is inaccurate, since it should have said: To the four winds. Rather, this is what the verse is saying: Just as the world cannot exist without winds, so too, the world cannot exist without the Jewish people, and they will never be destroyed. And furthermore, if you attempt to carry out the destruction of the Jews, they will call you the severed kingdom, as the Roman Empire would be devoid of Jews, but Jews would exist in other locations.,The emperor said to Ketia: You have spoken well and your statement is correct; but they throw anyone who defeats the king in argument into a house full of ashes lekamonya ḥalila, where he would die. When they were seizing Ketia and going to take him to his death, a certain matron matronita said to him: Woe to the ship that goes without paying the tax. Ketia bent down over his foreskin, severed it, and said: I gave my tax; I will pass and enter. When they threw him into the house of ashes, he said: All of my property is given to Rabbi Akiva and his colleagues. How was this inheritance to be divided? The Gemara relates: Rabbi Akiva went out and taught that the verse: “And it shall be for Aaron and his sons” (Exodus 29:28), means half to Aaron and half to his sons. Here too, as Rabbi Akiva is mentioned separately, he should receive half, while his colleagues receive the other half.,The Gemara returns to the story of Ketia. A Divine Voice emerged and said: Ketia, son of Shalom, is destined for life in the World-to-Come. When Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi heard this, he wept, saying: There is one who acquires his share in the World-to-Come in one moment, and there is one who acquires his share in the World-to-Come only after many years of toil.,The Gemara relates: Antoninus would attend to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, and similarly the Persian king Adrakan would attend to Rav. When Antoninus died, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said: The bundle is separated. When Adrakan died, Rav likewise said:'' None
42. Severus, Chronica, 2.2
 Tagged with subjects: • Chronicon (Sulpicius Severus) • Sulpicius Severus

 Found in books: Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 100; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 30

sup>
2.2 At that time, Nebuchadnezzar had a dream marvelous for that insight into the future which it implied. As he could not of himself bring out its interpretation, he sent for the Chald ans who were supposed by magic arts and by the entrails of victims to know secret things, and to predict the future, in order to its interpretation. Presently becoming apprehensive lest, in the usual manner of men, they should extract from the dream not what was true, but what would be acceptable to the king, he suppresses the things he had seen, and demands of them that, if a real power of divination was in them, they should relate to him the dream itself; saying that he would then believe their interpretation, if they should first make proof of their skill by relating the dream. But they declined attempting so great a difficulty, and confessed that such a thing was not within the reach of human power. The king, enraged because, under a false profession of divination, they were mocking men with their errors, while they were compelled by the present case to acknowledge that they had no such knowledge as was pretended, made an exposure of them by means of a royal edict; and all the men professing that art were publicly put to death. When Daniel heard of that, he spoke to one of those nearest to the king, and promised to give an account of the dream, as well as supply its interpretation. The thing is reported to the king, and Daniel is sent for. The mystery had already been revealed to him by God; and so he relates the vision of the king, as well as interprets it. But this matter demands that we set forth the dream of the king and its interpretation, along with the fulfillment of his words by what followed. The king, then, had seen in his sleep an image with a head of gold, with a breast and arms of silver, with a belly and thighs of brass, with legs of iron, and which in its feet ended partly with iron, and partly with clay. But the iron and the clay when blended together could not adhere to each other. At last, a stone cut out without hands broke the image to pieces, and the whole, being reduced to dust, was carried away by the wind. '' None
43. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Hippolytus of Rome, Vita Martini of Sulpicius Severus and • Socrates (philosopher), Sulpicius Severus on • Sulpicius Severus • Sulpicius Severus, Vita Martini • exempla and typology, Sulpicius Severus, on exemplarity in Christian hagiography • life choices versus conversion, in classical writing, Sulpicius Severus Vita Martini

 Found in books: Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 391, 392; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 90

44. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343

45. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Severus of Antioch • Severus of Antioch, bishop

 Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 405; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 31, 248, 249

46. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Geta, son of Septimius Severus • Pescennius Niger, G. (Roman emperor), civil war with Severus • Republic, Arch of Septimius Severus • Rome, Arch of Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Ctesiphon, campaign against • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, first ( • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, second • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaigns of (general) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Seleucia, capture of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), civil wars, absence during • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), propaganda of • Septimius Severus, emperor • civil war with Septimius Severus • civil war with Septimius Severus, Lugdunum, battle of

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 188, 196; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 121

47. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cassius Dio, dreams/portents, pamphlet on for Septimius Severus • Geta, son of Septimius Severus • Iulius Severus, Sex. (cos. • Pescennius Niger, G. (Roman emperor), civil war with Severus • Republic, Arch of Septimius Severus • Rome, Arch of Septimius Severus • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Adiabenicus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Arabicus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Ctesiphon, campaign against • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s criticism of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Dio’s support for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, first ( • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaign, second • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaigns of (general) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthian campaigns, absence during • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Parthicus Maximus, title of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, association with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, avenger of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Pertinax, funeral for • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Seleucia, capture of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), Senate, relationship with • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), adventus of (193 CE) • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), funeral of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), legitimization of rule • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), piety of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), propaganda of • Septimius Severus, L. (Roman emperor), titulature of • Septimius Severus, emperor • Severus Alexander, emperor • Severus, accession of • Severus, coinage of • Severus, nomen Antoninorum and • Severus, secular games and • Severus, titulature of • civil war with Septimius Severus • civil war with Septimius Severus, Lugdunum, battle of

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 39, 106, 182, 183, 186, 188; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 188, 196, 198, 282, 359, 360; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 23, 119, 125; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 444

48. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Septimius Severus • Severus • Severus, Septimius

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 112; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 50; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 262; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 188

49. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Septimius Severus • Severus • Severus Alexander • Severus, Alexander • Severus, Septimius

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 109, 112, 113; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 743; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 65, 191, 192; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 133; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 1, 257

50. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Severus • Severus, Alexander • Severus, Septimius

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 112; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80

51. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander Severus • Septimius Severus • Severus • Severus, Alexander • Severus, Septimius

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 113; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 50, 52, 54, 59, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 101; Katzoff(2005), Law in the Documents of the Judaean Desert, 124, 125, 188

52. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Septimius Severus

 Found in books: Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 226; Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 185




Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.