| 1. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 25.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 22 |
2. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 19 | 28. This state was once so firm and so vigorous that it could withstand the indifference of the senate, or even the assaults of the citizens. Now it cannot. There is no treasury. Those who have contracted for the revenues do not enjoy them; the authority of the chief men has fallen; the agreement between the different orders of the state is torn asunder; the courts of justice are destroyed; the votes are all arranged and divided so as to be under the power of a few; the courage of the virtuous citizens, formerly ready at a nod from our order, exists no longer. [61] Henceforth in vain will you look for a citizen who will expose himself to unpopularity for the welfare of his country. We can then preserve even this state of things which now exists, such as it is, by no other means than by uimity; for although we may become better off, that cannot even be hoped for as long as he is unpunished. And if we are to be worse off than we are, there is but one step slower, that of death or slavery. And the immortal gods themselves warn us against allowing ourselves to be thrust down into that abyss, since all human counsels have long since failed. And I, O conscript fathers, should not have undertaken this speech, so melancholy and so serious; not but that owing to the honours conferred on me by the Roman people, and to the numberless distinctions which you have heaped upon me, I am both bound and able to support this character and to play this part; but still, when every one else was silent, I should willingly have remained silent too. All this speech which I have made has not proceeded from my authority, but from my regard for the general religion. My words have, perhaps, been too many, but the whole sentiment has proceeded from the soothsayers. And either you ought never to have referred the prodigies which have been reported to you to them at all, or else you must be influenced by their answers. [62] But if other more ordinary and more trifling occurrences have often influenced us, shall not the express voice of the immortal gods influence every one's mind? Do not think that really possible, which you often see in plays, that some god descending from heaven can approach the assemblies of men, and abide on earth, and converse with men. Consider the description of noise which the Latins have reported. Remember that prodigy also, which has not as yet been formally reported, that at almost the same time a terrible earthquake is said to have taken place in the Picenian district, at Potentia, with many other terrible circumstances; — these things which we foresee you will fear as impending over the city. [63] In truth, this ought almost to be considered as the voice and speech of the immortal gods, when the world itself and the air and the earth tremble with a certain unusual agitation, and prophecy to us with an unprecedented and incredible sound. On this emergency we must appoint atonements and prayers as we are ordered; but it is easy to address prayers to those beings who of their own accord point out to us the path of safety. Our own internal quarrels and dissensions must be terminated by ourselves.END |
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3. Cicero, On Divination, 1.31-1.32, 1.36, 1.104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 19, 20| 1.31. Quid? multis annis post Romulum Prisco regte Tarquinio quis veterum scriptorum non loquitur, quae sit ab Atto Navio per lituum regionum facta discriptio? Qui cum propter paupertatem sues puer pasceret, una ex iis amissa vovisse dicitur, si recuperasset, uvam se deo daturum, quae maxima esset in vinea; itaque sue inventa ad meridiem spectans in vinea media dicitur constitisse, cumque in quattuor partis vineam divisisset trisque partis aves abdixissent, quarta parte, quae erat reliqua, in regiones distributa mirabili magnitudine uvam, ut scriptum videmus, invenit. Qua re celebrata cum vicini omnes ad eum de rebus suis referrent, erat in magno nomine et gloria. 1.32. Ex quo factum est, ut eum ad se rex Priscus arcesseret. Cuius cum temptaret scientiam auguratus, dixit ei cogitare se quiddam; id possetne fieri, consuluit. Ille augurio acto posse respondit. Tarquinius autem dixit se cogitasse cotem novacula posse praecidi. Tum Attum iussisse experiri. Ita cotem in comitium allatam inspectante et rege et populo novacula esse discissam. Ex eo evenit, ut et Tarquinius augure Atto Navio uteretur et populus de suis rebus ad eum referret. 1.36. Quid? qui inridetur, partus hic mulae nonne, quia fetus extitit in sterilitate naturae, praedictus est ab haruspicibus incredibilis partus malorum? Quid? Ti. Gracchus P. F., qui bis consul et censor fuit, idemque et summus augur et vir sapiens civisque praestans, nonne, ut C. Gracchus, filius eius, scriptum reliquit, duobus anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices convocavit? qui cum respondissent, si marem emisisset, uxori brevi tempore esse moriendum, si feminam, ipsi, aequius esse censuit se maturam oppetere mortem quam P. Africani filiam adulescentem; feminam emisit, ipse paucis post diebus est mortuus. Inrideamus haruspices, vanos, futtiles esse dicamus, quorumque disciplinam et sapientissimus vir et eventus ac res conprobavit, contemnamus, condemnemus etiam Babylonem et eos, qui e Caucaso caeli signa servantes numeris et modis stellarum cursus persequuntur, condemnemus, inquam, hos aut stultitiae aut vanitatis aut inpudentiae, qui quadringenta septuaginta milia annorum, ut ipsi dicunt, monumentis conprehensa continent, et mentiri iudicemus nec, saeculorum reliquorum iudicium quod de ipsis futurum sit, pertimescere. 1.104. L. Flaccum, flaminem Martialem, ego audivi, cum diceret Caeciliam Metelli, cum vellet sororis suae filiam in matrimonium conlocare, exisse in quoddam sacellum ominis capiendi causa, quod fieri more veterum solebat. Cum virgo staret et Caecilia in sella sederet neque diu ulla vox exstitisset, puellam defatigatam petisse a matertera, ut sibi concederet, paulisper ut in eius sella requiesceret; illam autem dixisse: Vero, mea puella, tibi concedo meas sedes. Quod omen res consecuta est; ipsa enim brevi mortua est, virgo autem nupsit, cui Caecilia nupta fuerat. Haec posse contemni vel etiam rideri praeclare intellego, sed id ipsum est deos non putare, quae ab iis significantur, contemnere. | 1.31. What ancient chronicler fails to mention the fact that in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, long after the time of Romulus, a quartering of the heavens was made with this staff by Attus Navius? Because of poverty Attus was a swineherd in his youth. As the story goes, he, having lost one of his hogs, made a vow that if he recovered it he would make an offering to the god of the largest bunch of grapes in his vineyard. Accordingly, after he had found the hog, he took his stand, we are told, in the middle of the vineyard, with his face to the south and divided the vineyard into four parts. When the birds had shown three of these parts to be unfavourable, he subdivided the fourth and last part and then found, as we see it recorded, a bunch of grapes of marvellous size.This occurrence having been noised abroad, all his neighbours began to consult him about their own affairs and thus greatly enhanced his name and fame. 1.32. The consequence was that King Priscus summoned him to his presence. The king, wishing to make trial of his skill as an augur, said to him: I am thinking of something; tell me whether it can be done or not. Attus, having taken the auspices, replied that it could be done. Thereupon Tarquinius said that what he had been thinking of was the possibility of cutting a whetstone in two with a razor, and ordered the trial to be made. So the stone was brought into the comitium, and, while the king and his people looked on, it was cut in two with a razor. The result was that Tarquin employed him as his augur, and the people consulted him about their private concerns. 1.36. Why, then, when here recently a mule (which is an animal ordinarily sterile by nature) brought forth a foal, need anyone have scoffed because the soothsayers from that occurrence prophesied a progeny of countless evils to the state?What, pray, do you say of that well-known incident of Tiberius Gracchus, the son of Publius? He was censor and consul twice; beside that he was a most competent augur, a wise man and a pre-eminent citizen. Yet he, according to the account left us by his son Gaius, having caught two snakes in his home, called in the soothsayers to consult them. They advised him that if he let the male snake go his wife must die in a short time; and if he released the female snake his own death must soon occur. Thinking it more fitting that a speedy death should overtake him rather than his young wife, who was the daughter of Publius Africanus, he released the female snake and died within a few days.[19] Let us laugh at the soothsayers, brand them as frauds and impostors and scorn their calling, even though a very wise man, Tiberius Gracchus, and the results and circumstances of his death have given proof of its trustworthiness; let us scorn the Babylonians, too, and those astrologers who, from the top of Mount Caucasus, observe the celestial signs and with the aid of mathematics follow the courses of the stars; let us, I say, convict of folly, falsehood, and shamelessness the men whose records, as they themselves assert, cover a period of four hundred and seventy thousand years; and let us pronounce them liars, utterly indifferent to the opinion of succeeding generations. 1.104. I heard Lucius Flaccus, the high priest of Mars, relate the following story: Metellus daughter, Caecilia, who was desirous of arranging a marriage for her sisters daughter, went, according to the ancient custom, to a small chapel to receive an omen. A long time passed while the maiden stood and Caecilia was seated on a chair without any word being spoken. Finally, the former grew weary and said to her aunt: Let me sit awhile on your chair. Certainly, my child, said Caecilia, you may have my place. And this was an omen of what came to pass, for in a short time Caecilia died and the girl married her aunts husband. I realize perfectly well that the foregoing omens may be lightly regarded and even be laughed at, but to make light of signs sent by the gods is nothing less than to disbelieve in the existence of the gods. [47] |
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4. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 107, 141, 104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 225| 104. quid ? tu, vir optime, ecquid quid tu vir omptume ecquid ς : etquid tu vir optime A habes quod dicas? mihi ausculta: vide ne tibi desis; tua quoque res permagna agitur. multa scelerate, multa audaciter audaciter Priscian. ( K. iii. 28): audacter codd. ( cf. Cael. . 13), multa improbe fecisti, unum stultissime, profecto tua sponte non de Eruci sententia: nihil opus fuit te istic sedere istic sedere Hotoman : isti credere codd. . neque enim accusatore muto neque teste quisquam utitur eo qui de accusatoris subsellio surgit. huc accedit quod paulo tamen occultior atque tectior vestra ista cupiditas esset. nunc quid numquid Pascal est quod quisquam ex vobis audire desideret, eum quae facitis eius modi sint ut ea dedita opera a nobis nobis ς B, Lambinus : vobis cett. contra vosmet ipsos facere videamini? age nunc illa videamus, iudices, quae statim consecuta sunt. | |
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5. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.61-2.4.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 228 | 2.4.61. For you know that the kings of Syria, the boyish sons of King Antiochus, have lately been at Rome. And they came not on account of the kingdom of Syria; for that they had obtained possession of without dispute, as they had received it from their father and their ancestors; but they thought that the kingdom of Egypt belonged to them and to Selene their mother. When they, being hindered by the critical state of the republic at that time, were not able to obtain the discussion of the subject as they wished before the senate, they departed for Syria, their paternal kingdom. One of them — the one whose name is Antiochus — wished to make his journey through Sicily. And so, while Verres was praetor, he came to Syracuse. 2.4.62. On this Verres thought that an inheritance had come to him, because a man whom he had heard, and on other accounts suspected had many splendid things with him, had come into his kingdom and into his power. He sends him presents — liberal enough — for all domestic uses; as much wine and oil as he thought fit; and as much wheat as he could want, out of his tenths. After that he invites the king himself to supper. He decorates a couch abundantly and magnificently. He sets out the numerous, and beautiful silver vessels, in which he was so rich; for he had not yet made all those golden ones. He takes care that the banquet shall be splendidly appointed and provided in every particular. Why need I make a long story of it? The king departed thinking that Verres was superbly provided with everything, and that he himself had been magnificently treated. After that, he himself invites the praetor to supper. He displays all his treasures; much silver, also not a few goblets of gold, which, as is the custom of kings, and especially in Syria, were studded all over with most splendid jewels. There was also a vessel for wine, a ladle hollowed out of one single large precious stone, with a golden handle, concerning which, I think, you heard Quintus Minutius speak, a sufficiently capable judge, and sufficiently credible witness. 2.4.63. Verres took each separate piece of plate into his hands, praised it — admired it. The king was delighted that that banquet was tolerably pleasant and agreeable to a praetor of the Roman people. After the banquet was over, Verres thought of nothing else, as the facts themselves showed, than how he might plunder and strip the king of everything before he departed from the province. He sends to ask for the most exquisite of the vessels which he had seen at Antiochus's lodgings. He said that he wished to show them to his engravers. The king, who did not know the man, most willingly sent them, without any suspicion of his intention. He sends also to borrow the jeweled ladle. He said that he wished to examine it more attentively; that also is sent to him. [28] 2.4.64. Now, O judges, mark what followed; things which you have already heard, and which the Roman people will not hear now for the first time, and which have been reported abroad among foreign nations to the furthest corners of the earth. The kings, whom I have spoken of, had brought to Rome a candelabrum of the finest jewels, made with most extraordinary skill, in order to place it in the Capitol; but as they found that temple not yet finished, they could not place it there. Nor were they willing to display it and produce it in common, in order that it might seem more splendid when it was placed at its proper time in the shrine of the great and good Jupiter; and brighter; also, as its beauty would come fresh and untarnished before the eyes of men. They determined, therefore, to take it back with them into Syria, with the intention, when they should hear that the image of the great and good Jupiter was dedicated, of sending ambassadors who should bring that exquisite and most beautiful present, with other offerings, to the Capitol. 2.4.65. The matter, I know not how, got to his ears. For the king had wished it kept entirely concealed; not because he feared or suspected anything, but because he did not wish many to feast their eyes on it before the Roman people. He begs the king, and entreats him most earnestly to send it to him; he says that he longs to look at it himself, and that he will not allow any one else to see it. Antiochus, being both of a childlike and royal disposition, suspected nothing of that man's dishonesty, and orders his servants to take it as secretly as possible, and well wrapped up, to the praetor's house. And when they brought it there, and placed it on a table, having taken off the coverings, Verres began to exclaim that it was a thing worthy of the kingdom of Syria, worthy of being a royal present, worthy of the Capitol. In truth, it was of such splendour as a thing must be which is made of the most brilliant and beautiful jewels; of such variety of pattern that the skill of the workmanship seemed to vie with the richness of the materials; and of such a size that it might easily be seen that it had been made not for the furniture of men, but for the decoration of a most noble temple. And when he appeared to have examined it sufficiently, the servants begin to take it up to carry it back again. He says that he wishes to examine it over and over again; that he is not half satiated with the sight of it; he orders them to depart and to leave the candelabrum. So they then return to Antiochus empty-handed. [29] 2.4.66. The king at first feared nothing, suspected nothing. One day passed — two days — many days. It was not brought back. Then the king sends to Verres to beg him to return it, if he will be so good. He bids the slaves come again. The king begins to think it strange. He sends a second time. It is not returned. He himself calls on the man; he begs him to restore it to him. Think of the face and marvellous impudence of the man. That thing which he knew, and which he had heard from the king himself was to be placed in the Capitol, which he knew was being kept for the great and good Jupiter, and for the Roman people, that he began to ask and entreat earnestly to have given to him. When the king said that he was prevented from complying by the reverence due to Jupiter Capitolinus, and by his regard for the opinion of men, because many nations were witnesses to the fact of the candelabrum having been made for a present to the god, the fellow began to threaten him most violently. When he sees that he is no more influenced by threats than he had been by prayers, on a sadden he orders him to leave his province before night. He says, that he has found out that pirates from his kingdom were coming against Sicily. 2.4.67. The king, in the most frequented place in Syracuse, in the forum — in the forum at Syracuse, I say, (that no man may suppose I am bringing forward a charge about which there is any obscurity, or imagining anything which rests on mere suspicion,) weeping, and calling gods and men to witness, began to cry out that Caius Verres had taken from him a candelabrum made of jewels, which he was about to send to the Capitol, and which he wished to be in that most splendid temple as a memorial to the Roman people of his alliance with and friendship for them. He said that he did not care about the other works made of gold and jewels belonging to him which were in Verres's hands, but that it was a miserable and scandalous thing for this to be taken from him. And that, although it had long ago been consecrated in the minds and intentions of himself and his brother, still, that he then, before that assembled body of Roman citizens, offered, and gave, and dedicated, and consecrated it to the great and good Jupiter, and that he invoked Jupiter himself as a witness of his intention and of his piety. [30] What voice, what lungs, what power of mine can adequately express the indignation due to this atrocity? The King Antiochus, who had lived for two years at Rome in the sight of all of us, with an almost royal retinue and establishment — though he had been the friend and ally of the Roman people; though his father, and his grandfather, and his ancestors, most ancient and honourable sovereigns, had been our firmest friends; though he himself is monarch of a most opulent and extensive kingdom, is turned headlong out of a province of the Roman people. 2.4.68. How do you suppose that foreign nations will take this? How do you suppose the news of this exploit of yours will be received in the dominions of other kings, and in the most distant countries of the world, when they hear that a king has been insulted by a praetor of the Roman people in his province? that a guest of the Roman people has been plundered? a friend and ally of the Roman people insultingly driven out? Know that your name and that of the Roman people will be an object of hatred and detestation to foreign nations. If this unheard-of insolence of Verres is to pass unpunished, all men will think, especially as the reputation of our men for avarice and covetousness has been very extensively spread, that this is not his crime only, but that of those who have approved of it. Many kings, many free cities, many opulent and powerful private men, cherish intentions of ornamenting the Capitol in such a way as the dignity of the temple and the reputation of our empire requires. And if they understand that you show a proper indignation at this kingly present being intercepted, they will then think that their zeal and their presents will be acceptable to you and to the Roman people. But if they hear that you have been indifferent to the complaint of so great a king, in so remarkable a case, in one of such bitter injustice, they will not be so crazy as to spend their time, and labour, and expense on things which they do not think will be acceptable to you. [31] 2.4.69. And in this place I appeal to you, O Quintus Catulus; 83 for I am speaking of your most honourable and most splendid monument. You ought to take upon yourself not only the severity of a judge with respect to this crime, but something like the vehemence of an enemy and an accuser. For, through the kindness of the senate and people of Rome, your honour is connected with that temple. Your name is consecrated at the same time as that temple in the everlasting recollection of men. It is by you that this case is to be encountered; by you, that this labour is to be undergone, in order that the Capitol, as it has been restored more magnificently, may also be adorned more splendidly than it was originally; that then that fire may seem to have been sent from heaven, not to destroy the temple of the great and good Jupiter, but to demand one for him more noble and more magnificent. 2.4.70. You have heard Quintus Minucius Rufus say, that King Antiochus stayed at his house while at Syracuse; that he knew that this candelabrum had been taken to Verres's house; that he knew that it had not been returned. You heard, and you shall hear from the whole body of Roman settlers at Syracuse, that they will state to you that in their hearing it was dedicated and consecrated to the good and great Jupiter by King Antiochus. If you were not a judge, and this affair were reported to you, it would be your especial duty to follow it up; to reclaim the candelabrum, and to prosecute this cause. So that I do not doubt what ought to be your feelings as judge in this prosecution, when before any one else as judge you ought to be a much more vehement advocate and accuser than I am. [32] 2.4.71. And to you, O judges, what can appear more scandalous or more intolerable than this? Shall Verres have at his own house a candelabrum, made of jewels and gold, belonging to the great and good Jupiter? Shall that ornament be set out in his house at banquets which will be one scene of adultery and debauchery, with the brilliancy of which the temple of the great and good Jupiter ought to glow and to be lighted up? Shall the decorations of the Capitol be placed in the house of that most infamous debauchee with the other ornaments which he has inherited from Chelidon? What do you suppose will ever be considered sacred or holy by him, when he does not now think himself liable to punishment for such enormous wickedness? who dares to come into this court of justice, where he cannot, like all others who are arraigned, pray to the great and good Jupiter, and entreat help from him? from whom even the immortal gods are reclaiming their property, before that tribunal which was appointed for the benefit of men, that they might recover what had been extorted unjustly from them? Do we marvel that Minerva at Athens, Apollo at Delos, Juno at Samos, Diana at Perga, and that many other gods besides all over Asia and Greece, were plundered by him, when he could not keep his hands off the Capitol? That temple which private men are decorating and are intending to decorate out of their own riches, that Caius Verres would not suffer to be decorated by a king. |
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| 6. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 8.11.4, 12.23.2, 12.28.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 166 |
7. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.10-2.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 18 | 2.10. The force of religion was so great among our ancestors that some of their commanders have, with their faces veiled, and with the solemn, formal expressions of religion, sacrificed themselves to the immortal Gods to save their country. I could mention many of the Sibylline prophecies, and many answers of the haruspices, to confirm those things, which ought not to be doubted. For example: our augurs and the Etrurian haruspices saw the truth of their art established when P. Scipio and C. Figulus were consuls; for as Tiberius Gracchus, who was a second time consul, wished to proceed to a fresh election, the first Rogator, as he was collecting the suffrages, fell down dead on the spot. Gracchus nevertheless went on with the assembly, but perceiving that this accident had a religious influence on the people, he brought the affair before the senate. The senate thought fit to refer it to those who usually took cognizance of such things. The haruspices were called, and declared that the man who had acted as Rogator of the assembly had no right to do so; to which, as I have heard my father say, he replied heatedly, 2.10. But among our ancestors religion was so powerful that some commanders actually offered themselves as victims to the immortal gods on behalf of the state, veiling their heads and formally vowing themselves to death. I could quote numerous passages from the Sibylline prophecies and from the oracles of soothsayers in confirmation of facts that no one really ought to question. Why, in the consulship of Publius Scipio and Gaius Figulus both our Roman augural lore and that of the Etruscan soothsayers were confirmed by the evidence of actual fact. Tiberius Gracchus, then consul for the second time, was holding the election of his successors. The first returning officer in the very act of reporting the persons named as elected suddenly fell dead. Gracchus nevertheless proceeded with the election. Perceiving that the scruples of the public had been aroused by the occurrence, he referred the matter to the Senate. The Senate voted that it be referred 'to the customary officials.' Soothsayers were sent for, and pronounced that the returning officer for the elections had not been in order. 2.11. Have I no right, who am consul, and augur, and favored by the Auspicia? And shall you, who are Tuscans and Barbarians, pretend that you have authority over the Roman Auspicia, and a right to give judgment in matters respecting the formality of our assemblies? Therefore, he then commanded them to withdraw; but not long afterward he wrote from his province to the college of augurs, acknowledging that in reading the books he remembered that he had illegally chosen a place for his tent in the gardens of Scipio, and had afterward entered the Pomoerium, in order to hold a senate, but that in repassing the same Pomoerium he had forgotten to take the auspices; and that, therefore, the consuls had been created informally. The augurs laid the case before the senate. The senate decreed that they should resign their charge, and so they accordingly abdicated. What greater example need we seek for? The wisest, perhaps the most excellent of men, chose to confess his fault, which he might have concealed, rather than leave the public the least atom of religious guilt; and the consuls chose to quit the highest office in the State, rather than fill it for a moment in defiance of religion. 2.11. Thereupon Gracchus, so my father used to tell me, burst into a rage. 'How now?' he cried, 'was I not in order? I put the names to the vote as consul, as augur, and with auspices taken. Who are you, Tuscan barbarians, to know the Roman constitution, and to be able to lay down the law as to our elections?' And accordingly he then sent them about their business. Afterwards however he sent a dispatch from his province to the College of Augurs to say that while reading the sacred books it had come to his mind that there had been an irregularity when he took Scipio's park as the site for his augural tent, for he had subsequently entered the city bounds to hold a meeting of the Senate and when crossing the bounds again on his return had forgotten to take the auspices; and that therefore the consuls had not been duly elected. The College of Augurs referred the matter to the senate; the Senate decided that the consuls must resign; they did so. What more striking instances can we demand? A man of the greatest wisdom and I may say unrivalled distinction of character preferred to make public confession of an offence that he might have concealed rather than that the stain of impiety should cling to the commonwealth; the consuls preferred to retire on the spot from the highest office of the state rather than hold it for one moment of time in violation of religion. |
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8. Cicero, On Laws, 2.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 225 | 2.26. The next law forbids individuals from worshipping private gods, or new gods, or strange gods, as this would introduce a confusion of religions, and ceremonies not known to the priesthood, and not acknowledged by the senate. Thus should the worship of the gods be conducted, if they approve of such regulations. I think the temples of our ancestors should be maintained in our cities. In this respect I do not agree with the doctrine of the Persian Magi, by whose advice they say Xerxes set fire to the temples of the Greeks, because they enclosed between walls the gods, to whom all things are free and open, and whose appropriate temple and dwelling place is the boundless universe. The Greeks, and the Romans after them, have adopted a more rational opinion, since in order to confirm the devotion we entertain for the gods, we have allotted to them fixed mansions in our cities, no less than to our fellow-citizens. This opinion promotes religion, and has a useful moral influence on society. For according to the noble sentence of Pythagoras, "then chiefly do piety and religion flourish in our souls, when we are occupied in divine services." And according to Thales, the most renowned of the seven sages of Greece, men should be persuaded that the "gods behold all things, and inform all things." And therefore are all men the more pure and holy when they frequent the sanctuaries of the gods, for there, in a certain sense, they have the divine images, not only impressed on their minds, but actually presented before their eyes. |
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9. Livy, History, 2.8.6-2.8.8, 2.27.5, 3.17.3, 4.20.11, 4.29.7, 5.1, 5.8, 5.22.7-5.22.8, 5.30.3, 5.32.6-5.32.7, 6.16.2, 6.17.4, 6.20.9-6.20.10, 6.20.16, 8.4.11, 9.46.6-9.46.7, 25.1.6-25.1.12, 45.44.4-45.44.6, 50.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 17; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 33, 48, 225, 228| 2.8.7. aegrius, quam dignum erat, tulere Valeri necessarii dedicationem tam incliti templi Horatio dari. id omnibus modis inpedire conati, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, postem iam tenenti consuli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incutiunt mortuum eius filium esse, funestaque familia dedicare eum templum non posse. 2.8.8. non crediderit factum, an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur certum, nec interpretatio est facilis; nihil aliud ad eum nuntium a proposito aversus, quam ut cadaver efferri iuberet, tenens poster postem precationem peragit et dedicat templum. 2.27.5. uter dedicaret Mercuri aedem. senatus a se rem ad populum reiecit: utri eorum dedicatio iussu populi data esset, eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum collegium instituere, sollemnia pro pontifice iussit suscipere. 4.20.11. cum auctor pugnae recentibus spoliis in sacra sede positis Iovem prope ipsum, cui vota erant, Romulumque intuens, haud spernendos falsi tituli testes, se A. Cornelium Cossum consulem scripserit. 4.29.7. Cn. Iulius consul aedem Apollinis absente collega sine sorte dedicavit. aegre id passus Quinctius, cum dimisso exercitu in urbem redisset, nequiquam in senatu est conquestus. 5.22.7. aeternam sedem suam, quo vota Romani dictatoris vocaverant, perlatam, ubi templum ei postea idem, qui voverat, Camillus dedicavit. Hic hic Veiorum occasus fuit, 5.22.8. urbis opulentissimae Etrusci nominis, magnitudinem suam vel ultima clade indicantis, quod decem aestates hiemesque continuas circumsessa, cum plus aliquanto cladium intulisset quam accepisset, postremo iam fato quoque urgente operibus tamen, non vi expugnata est. 5.32.6. eodem anno M. Caedicius de plebe nuntiavit tribunis se in Nova via, ubi nunc sacellum est supra aedem Vestae, vocem noctis silentio audisse clariorem humana, quae magistratibus dici iuberet Gallos adventare. 5.32.7. id, ut fit, propter auctoris humilitatem spretum et quod longinqua eoque ignotior gens erat. neque deorum modo monita ingruente fato spreta, sed humanam quoque opem, quae una erat, M. Furium ab urbe amovere. 6.16.2. arreptus a viatore “Iuppiter” inquit “optime maxime Iunoque regina ac Minerva ceterique di deaeque, qui Capitolium arcemque incolitis, sicine vestrum militem ac praesidem sinitis vexari ab inimicis? haec dextra, qua Gallos fudi a delubris vestris, iam in vinclis et catenis erit?” nullius nec oculi nec aures indignitatem ferebant; 6.17.4. non obversatam esse memoriam noctis illius, quae paene ultima atque aeterna nomini Romano fuerit? non speciem agminis Gallorum per Tarpeiam rupem scandentis? non ipsius M. Manli, qualem eum armatum, plenum sudoris ac sanguinis, ipso paene Iove erepto ex hostium manibus vidissent? selibrisne farris gratiam servatori patriae relatam? 6.20.9. et identidem Capitolium spectans Iovem deosque alios devocasse ad auxilium fortunarum suarum precatusque ease, ut, quam mentem sibi Capitolinam arcem protegenti ad salutem populi Romani dedissent, ear eam populo Romano in suo discrimine darent, et orasse singulos universosque, ut Capitolium atque arcem intuentes, ut ad deos inmortales versi de se iudicarent. 6.20.10. in campo Martio cum centuriatim populus citaretur et reus ad Capitolium manus tendens ab hominibus ad deos preces avertisset, apparuit tribunis, nisi oculos quoque hominum liberassent tanti memoria decoris, numquam fore in praeoccupatis beneficio animis vero crimini locum. 8.4.11. si quem hoc metus dicere prohibet, en ego ipse audiente non populo Romano modo senatuque, sed Iove ipso, qui Capitolium incolit, profiteor me dicturum, ut, si nos in foedere ac societate esse velint, consulem alterum ab nobis senatusque partem accipiant.” 9.46.6. aedem Concordiae in area Vulcani summa invidia nobilium dedicavit; coactusque consensu populi Cornelius Barbatus pontifex maximus verba praeire, cum more maiorum negaret nisi consulem aut imperatorem posse templum dedicare. 9.46.7. itaque ex auctoritate senatus latum ad populum est, ne quis templum aramve iniussu senatus aut tribunorum plebei partis maioris dedicaret. 25.1.6. et variabant secundae adversaeque res non fortunam magis quam animos hominum, tanta religio et ea magna ex parte externa civitatem incessit, ut aut homines aut dei repente alii viderentur facti. 25.1.7. nec iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus, sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque mulierum turba erat nec sacrificantium nec precantium deos patrio more. 25.1.8. sacrificuli ac vates ceperant hominum mentes; quorum numerum auxit rustica plebs, ex incultis diutino bello infestisque agris egestate et metu in urbem conpulsa, et quaestus ex alieno errore facilis, quem velut concessae artis usu exercebant. 25.1.9. primo secretae bonorum indignationes exaudiebantur; deinde ad patres etiam ac publicam querimoniam excessit res. 25.1.10. incusati graviter ab senatu aediles triumvirique eapitales, quod non prohiberent, cum emovere ear eam multitudinem e foro ac disicere adparatus sacrorum conati essent, baud haud procul afuit, quin violarentur. 25.1.11. ubi potentius iam esse id malum apparuit, quam ut minores per magistratus sedaretur, g. M. Aemilio praetori urbano negotium ab senatu datum et, ut eis religionibus populum liberaret. 25.1.12. is et in contione senatus consultum recitavit et edixit, ut, quicunque libros vaticinios precationesve aut artem sacrificandi conscriptam haberet, eos libros omnis litterasque ad se ante kal. Apriles deferret, neu quis in publico sacrove loco novo aut externo ritu sacrificaret. | 5.1. Book V The Veii and the Destruction of Rome by the Gauls Whilst peace prevailed elsewhere, Rome and Veii were confronting each other in arms, animated by such fury and hatred that utter ruin clearly awaited the vanquished. Each elected their magistrates, but on totally different principles. [2] The Romans increased the number of their consular tribunes to eight — a larger number than had ever been elected before. They were Manius Aemilius Mamercus — for the second time — L. Valerius Potitus — for the third time —Appius Claudius Crassus, M. Quinctilius Varus, L. Julius Julus, M. Postumius, M. Furius Camillus, and M. Postumius Albinus. The Veientines, on the other hand, tired of the annual canvassing for office, elected a king., This gave great offence to the Etruscan cantons, owing to their hatred of monarchy and their personal aversion to the one who was elected. [4] He was already obnoxious to the nation through his pride of wealth and overbearing temper, for he had put a violent stop to the festival of the Games, the interruption of which is an act of impiety. [5] His candidature for the priesthood had been unsuccessful, another being preferred by the vote of the twelve cantons, and in revenge he suddenly withdrew the performers, most of whom were his own slaves, in the middle of the Games., The Etruscans as a nation were distinguished above all others by their devotion to religious observances, because they excelled in the knowledge and conduct of them, and they decided, in consequence, that no assistance should be given to the Veientines as long as they were under a king. [7] The report of this decision was suppressed at Veii through fear of the king; he treated those who mentioned anything of the kind, not as authors of an idle tale, but as ringleaders of sedition. [8] Although the Romans had received intelligence that there was no movement on the part of the Etruscans, still, as it, was reported that the matter was being discussed in all their councils, they so constructed their lines as to present a double face, the one fronting Veii to prevent sorties from the city, the other looking towards Etruria to intercept any succour from that side. 5.8. The consular tribunes for the following year were C. Servilius Ahala — for the third time — Q. Servilius, Lucius Verginius, Q. Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius — for the second time — and Manius Sergius — also for the second time. [2] During their term of office, whilst every one was preoccupied with the Veientine war, Anxur was lost. The garrison had become weakened through the absence of men on furlough, and Volscian traders were admitted indiscriminately, with the result that the guard before the gates were surprised and the fortified post taken., The loss in men was slight, as with the exception of the sick, they were all scattered about the fields and neighbouring towns, driving bargains like so many camp-followers. At Veii, the chief point of interest, things went no better. [4] Not only were the Roman commanders opposing one another more vigorously than they opposed the enemy, but the war was rendered more serious by the sudden arrival of the Capenates and the Faliscans. [5] As these two States were nearest in point of distance, they believed that if Veii fell they would be the next on whom Rome would make war., The Faliscans had their own reasons for fearing hostilities, since they were mixed up in the previous war against Fidenae. So both States, after mutually despatching commissioners for the purpose, swore alliance with each other, and their two armies arrived unexpectedly at Veii. [7] It so happened that they attacked the entrenchments on the side where Manius Sergius was in command, and they created great alarm, for the Romans were convinced that all Etruria had risen and was present in great force. The same conviction roused the Veientines in the city to action, so the Roman lines of investment were attacked from within and from without. [8] Rushing from side to side to meet first the one attack, then the other, they were unable to confine the Veientines sufficiently within their fortifications or repel the assault from their own works and defend themselves from the enemy outside. Their only hope was if help came from the main camp so that the legions might fight back to back, some against the Capenates and Faliscans, and others against the sortie from the town., But Verginius was in command of that camp, and he and Sergius mutually detested each other. [10] When it was reported to him that most of the forts had been attacked and the connecting lines surmounted, and that the enemy were forcing their way in from both sides, he kept his men halted under arms, and repeatedly declared that if his colleague needed assistance he would send to him. [11] This selfishness on his part was matched by the other's obstinacy, for Sergius, to avoid the appearance of having sought help from a personal foe, preferred defeat at the hands of the enemy rather than owe success to a fellow-countryman., For some time the soldiers were being slaughtered between the two attacking forces; at last a very small number abandoned their lines and reached the main camp; Sergius himself, with the greatest part of his force, made his way to Rome. Here he threw all the blame on his colleague, and it was decided that Verginius should be summoned from the camp and his lieutets put in command during his absence. [13] The case was then discussed in the senate; few studied the interests of the republic, most of the senators supported one or other of the disputants as their party feeling or private sympathy prompted them. 5.32.6. was in the Via Nova where the chapel now stands, above the temple of Vesta, he heard in the silence of the night a voice more powerful than any human voice bidding the magistrates be told that the Gauls were approaching. [7] No notice was taken of this, partly owing to the humble rank of the informant, and partly because the Gauls were a distant and therefore an unknown nation. It was not the monitions of the gods only that were set at nought in face of the coming doom. The one human aid which they had against it, M. Furius Camillus, was removed from the City. [8] He was impeached by the plebeian tribune L. Apuleius for his action with reference to the spoils of Veii, and at the time had just been bereaved of his son. He invited the members of his tribe and his clients, who formed a considerable part of the plebs, to his house and sounded their feelings towards him. They told him that they would pay whatever fine was imposed, but it was impossible for them to acquit him. 6.20.9. After he had recalled his warlike achievements in a great speech corresponding to the loftiness of his theme, his language rising to the level of his exploits, he bared his breast, ennobled by the scars of battle, and looking towards the Capitol repeatedly invoked Jupiter and the other deities to come to the aid of his shattered fortunes. He prayed that they would, in this crisis of his fate, inspire the Roman people with the same feeling with which they inspired him when he was protecting the Citadel and the Capitol and so saving Rome. Then turning to his judges, he implored them one and all to judge his cause with their eyes fixed on the Capitol, looking towards the immortal gods. [10] As it was in the Campus Martius that the people were to vote in their centuries, and the defendant, stretching forth his hands towards the Capitol, had turned from men to the gods in his prayers, it became evident to the tribunes that unless they could release men's spell-bound eyes from the visible reminder of his glorious deed, their minds, wholly possessed with the sense of the service he had done them, would find no place for charges against him, however true. [11] So the proceedings were adjourned to another day, and the people were summoned to an Assembly in the Peteline Grove outside the Flumentan Gate, from which the Capitol was not visible. 9.46.6. At this function the Pontifex Maximus, Cornelius Barbatus, was compelled by the uimous voice of the people to recite the usual form of devotion in spite of his insistence that in accordance with ancestral usage none but a consul or a commander-in-chief could dedicate a temple. [7] It was in consequence of this that the senate authorised a measure to be submitted to the people providing that no one should presume to dedicate a [8] temple or an altar without being ordered to do so by the senate or by a majority of the tribunes of the plebs. I will relate an incident, trivial enough in itself, but affording a striking proof of the way in which the liberties of the plebs were asserted against the insolent presumption of the nobility. |
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| 10. Propertius, Elegies, 2.31.4-2.31.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 228 |
11. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 6.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 161, 163; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48 | 20. I restored the Capitol and the theatre of Pompey, both works at great expense without inscribing my own name on either. 2 I restored the channels of the aqueducts, which in several places were falling into disrepair through age, and I brought water from a new spring into the aqueduct called Marcia, doubling the supply. 3 I completed the Forum Julium and the basilica between the temple of Castor and that of Saturn, works begun and almost finished by my father, and when that same basilica was destroyed by fire [AD 12], I began to rebuild it on an enlarged site, to be dedicated in the name of my sons, and in case I do not complete it in my lifetime, I have given orders that it should be completed by my heirs. 4 In my sixth consulship [28 BC] I restored eighty-two temples of the gods in the city on the authority of the senate, neglecting none that required restoration at that time. 5 In my seventh consulship [27 BC] I restored the Via Flaminia from the city as far as Ariminium, together with all bridges except the Mulvian and the Minucian. |
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12. Ovid, Tristia, 2.219-2.220 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32| 2.219. scilicet imperii princeps statione relicta 2.220. imparibus legeres carmina facta modis? | |
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| 13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 92-94, 91 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 14. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.64.5, 9.25.2, 9.60.8, 10.55.3, 13.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48, 159, 225 |
15. Ovid, Fasti, 1.587-1.590 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 163| 1.587. Idibus in magni castus Iovis aede sacerdos 1.588. semimaris flammis viscera libat ovis; 1.589. redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro, 1.590. et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus. | 1.587. offers to the flames the entrails of a gelded ram: 1.588. All the provinces were returned to our people, 1.589. And your grandfather was given the name Augustus. 1.590. Read the legends on wax images in noble halls, |
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16. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 49, 81 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33 | 81. I omit to mention, that even if they had committed the most countless iniquities, nevertheless the governor ought, out of respect for the season, to have delayed their punishment; for with all rulers, who govern any state on constitutional principles, and who do not seek to acquire a character for audacity, but who do really honour their benefactors, it is the custom to punish no one, even of those who have been lawfully condemned, until the famous festival and assembly, in honour of the birth-day of the illustrious emperor, has passed. |
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17. New Testament, Matthew, 20.21, 20.24-20.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 22| 20.21. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Τί θέλεις; λέγει αὐτῷ Εἰπὲ ἵνα καθίσωσιν οὗτοι οἱ δύο υἱοί μου εἷς ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ εἷς ἐξ εὐωνύμων σου ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ σου. 20.24. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ δέκα ἠγανάκτησαν περὶ τῶν δύο ἀδελφῶν. 20.25. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτοὺς εἶπεν Οἴδατε ὅτι οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν ἐθνῶν κατακυριεύουσιν αὐτῶν καὶ οἱ μεγάλοι κατεξουσιάζουσιν αὐτῶν. 20.26. οὐχ οὕτως ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν· ἀλλʼ ὃς ἂν θέλῃ ἐν ὑμῖν μέγας γενέσθαι ἔσται ὑμῶν διάκονος, | 20.21. He said to her, "What do you want?"She said to him, "Command that these, my two sons, may sit, one on your right hand, and one on your left hand, in your kingdom." 20.24. When the ten heard it, they were indigt with the two brothers. 20.25. But Jesus summoned them, and said, "You know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and their great ones exercise authority over them. 20.26. It shall not be so among you, but whoever desires to become great among you shall be your servant. |
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18. New Testament, Luke, 14.8-14.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 22| 14.8. λέγων πρὸς αὐτούς Ὅταν κληθῇς ὑπό τινος εἰς γάμους, μὴ κατακλιθῇς εἰς τὴν πρωτοκλισίαν, μή ποτε ἐντιμότερός σου ᾖ κεκλημένος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, 14.9. καὶ ἐλθὼν ὁ σὲ καὶ αὐτὸν καλέσας ἐρεῖ σοι Δὸς τούτῳ τόπον, καὶ τότε ἄρξῃ μετὰ αἰσχύνης τὸν ἔσχατον τόπον κατέχειν. 14.10. ἀλλʼ ὅταν κληθῇς πορευθεὶς ἀνάπεσε εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον τόπον, ἵνα ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ κεκληκώς σε ἐρεῖ σοι Φίλε, προσανάβηθι ἀνώτερον· τότε ἔσται σοι δόξα ἐνώπιον πάντων τῶν συνανακειμένων σοι. 14.11. ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ὑψῶν ἑαυτὸν ταπεινωθήσεται καὶ ὁ ταπεινῶν ἑαυτὸν ὑψωθήσεται. | 14.8. "When you are invited by anyone to a marriage feast, don't sit in the best seat, since perhaps someone more honorable than you might be invited by him, 14.9. and he who invited both of you would come and tell you, 'Make room for this person.' Then you would begin, with shame, to take the lowest place. 14.10. But when you are invited, go and sit in the lowest place, so that when he who invited you comes, he may tell you, 'Friend, move up higher.' Then you will be honored in the presence of all who sit at the table with you. 14.11. For everyone who exalts himself will be humbled, and whoever humbles himself will be exalted." |
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| 19. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.66 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 152 |
20. Plutarch, Camillus, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 225| 6.1. διαπορθήσας δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἔγνω τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἥρας μεταφέρειν εἰς Ῥώμην, ὥσπερ εὔξατο. καὶ συνελθόντων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν τεχνιτῶν, ὁ μὲν ἔθυε καὶ προσεύχετο τῇ θεῷ δέχεσθαι τὴν προθυμίαν αὐτῶν καὶ εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι σύνοικον τοῖς λαχοῦσι τὴν Ῥώμην θεοῖς, τὸ δʼ ἄγαλμά φασιν ὑποφθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν. ὅτι καὶ βούλεται καὶ συγκαταινεῖ. | 6.1. After he had utterly sacked the city, he determined to transfer the image of Juno to Rome, in accordance with his vows. The workmen were assembled for the purpose, and Camillus was sacrificing and praying the goddess to accept of their zeal and to be a kindly co-dweller with the gods of Rome, when the image, they say, spoke in low tones and said she was ready and willing. |
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21. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. | 44.3. For it would appear that while Pompey and Caesar were still living Cicero dreamed that someone invited the sons of the senators to the capitol, on the ground that Jupiter was going to appoint one of their number ruler of Rome; and that the citizens eagerly ran and stationed themselves about the temple, while the youths, in their purple-bordered togas, seated themselves there in silence. |
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| 22. Plutarch, Fabius, 8.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
23. Plutarch, Galba, 24.4, 26.27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 152; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 24.4. εἰπὼν οὖν, ὅτι παλαιὰν ἐωνημένος οἰκίαν βούλεται τὰ ὕποπτα δεῖξαι τοῖς πωληταῖς, ἀπῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῆς Τιβερίου καλουμένης οἰκίας καταβὰς ἐβάδιζεν εἰς ἀγοράν, οὗ χρυσοῦς εἱστήκει κίων, εἰς ὃν αἱ τετμημέναι τῆς Ἰταλίας ὁδοὶ πᾶσαι τελευτῶσιν. | 24.4. With the remark, then, that he had bought an old house and wished to show its defects to the vendors, he went away, and passing through what was called the house of Tiberius, went down into the forum, to where a gilded column stood, at which all the roads that intersect Italy terminate. 25 |
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24. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. | 43.2. that the drugs were given him by Callisthenes in order to win more of his love, in the belief that they had such a power, but they drove him from his senses and overwhelmed his reason, so that even while he was still alive, his brother managed his property. However, when he died, the people grieved just as much as if his death had come at the culmination of his military and political services, and flocked together, and tried to compel the young nobles who had carried the body into the forum to bury it in the Campus Martius, where Sulla also had been buried. |
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| 25. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.26.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 22 |
| 26. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.6.pr (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 27. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 24 |
28. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 21.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 157 | 21.9. There is no reason why you should hold that these words belong to Epicurus alone; they are public property. I think we ought to do in philosophy as they are wont to do in the Senate: when someone has made a motion, of which I approve to a certain extent, I ask him to make his motion in two parts, and I vote for the part which I approve. So I am all the more glad to repeat the distinguished words of Epicurus, in order that I may prove to those who have recourse to him through a bad motive, thinking that they will have in him a screen for their own vices, that they must live honourably, no matter what school they follow. 21.9. There is no reason why you should hold that these words belong to Epicurus alone; they are public property. I think we ought to do in philosophy as they are wont to do in the Senate: when someone has made a motion, of which I approve to a certain extent, I ask him to make his motion in two parts, and I vote for the part which I approve. So I am all the more glad to repeat the distinguished words of Epicurus, in order that I may prove to those who have recourse to him through a bad motive, thinking that they will have in him a screen for their own vices, that they must live honourably, no matter what school they follow. |
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29. Suetonius, Augustus, 28.2, 29.4, 31.5, 66.1-66.2, 85.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 139; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48 | 29.4. He constructed some works too in the name of others, his grandsons and nephew to wit, his wife and his sister, such as the colonnade and basilica of Gaius and Lucius; also the colonnades of Livia and Octavia, and the theatre of Marcellus. More than that, he often urged other prominent men to adorn the city with new monuments or to restore and embellish old ones, each according to his means. 31.5. Next to the immortal Gods he honoured the memory of the leaders who had raised the estate of the Roman people from obscurity to greatness. Accordingly he restored the works of such men with their original inscriptions, and in the two colonnades of his forum dedicated statues of all of them in triumphal garb, declaring besides in a proclamation: "I have contrived this to lead the citizens to require me, while I live, and the rulers of later times as well, to attain the standard set by those worthies of old." He also moved the statue of Pompey from the hall in which Gaius Caesar had been slain and placed it on a marble arch opposite the grand door of Pompey's theatre. 32 66.1. He did not readily make friends, but he clung to them with the utmost constancy, not only suitably rewarding their virtues and deserts but even condoning their faults, provided they were not too great. In fact one cannot readily name any of his numerous friends who fell into disgrace, except Salvidienus Rufus, whom he had advanced to a consul's rank, and Cornelius Gallus, whom he had raised to the prefecture of Egypt, both from the lowest estate. 66.2. The former he handed over to the senate that it might condemn him to death, because he was plotting revolution; the latter he forbade his house and the privilege of residence in the imperial provinces, because of his ungrateful and envious spirit. But when Gallus too was forced to undergo death through the declarations of his accusers and the decrees of the senate, though commending their loyalty and their indignation on his account, Augustus yet shed tears and bewailed his lot, because he alone could not set what limits he chose to his anger with his friends. |
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30. Suetonius, Caligula, 6.1, 8.1-8.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 166; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 | 6.1. At Rome when the community, in grief and consternation at the first report of his illness, was awaiting further news, and suddenly after nightfall a report at last spread abroad, on doubtful authority, that he had recovered, a general rush was made from every side to the Capitol with torches and victims, and the temple gates were all but torn off, that nothing might hinder them in their eagerness to pay their vows. Tiberius was roused from sleep by the cries of the rejoicing throng, who all united in singing:â "Safe is Rome, safe too our country, for Germanicus is safe." |
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| 31. Suetonius, Claudius, 38.3, 41.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 166 |
| 32. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 16.1-16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, punishes cornelius gallus Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 139 |
33. Suetonius, Iulius, 20.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 166 | 20.1. Caesar's very first enactment after becoming consul was, that the proceedings both of the senate and of the people should day by day be compiled and published. He also revived a by-gone custom, that during the months when he did not have the fasces an orderly should walk before him, while the lictors followed him. He brought forward an agrarian law too, and when his colleague announced adverse omens, he resorted to arms and drove him from the Forum; and when next day Bibulus made complaint in the senate and no one could be found who ventured to make a motion, or even to express an opinion about so high-handed a proceeding (although decrees had often been passed touching less serious breaches of the peace), Caesar's conduct drove him to such a pitch of desperation, that from that time until the end of his term he did not leave his house, but merely issued proclamations announcing adverse omens. |
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34. Suetonius, Otho, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 152 | 6.2. Accordingly, when the day was set, after admonishing his confederates to await him in the Forum at the golden mile-post hard by the temple of Saturn, he called upon Galba in the morning and was welcomed as usual with a kiss. He also attended the emperor as he was offering sacrifice, and heard the predictions of the soothsayer. Then a freedman announced that the architects had come, which was the signal agreed on, and going off as if to inspect a house which was for sale, he rushed from the Palace by a back door and hastened to the appointed place. Others say that he feigned an attack of fever and asked those who stood near him to give that excuse, in case he should be missed. |
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35. Suetonius, Tiberius, 17.2, 63.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 24; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48 | 63.1. Many things go to show, not only how hated and execrable he was all this time, but also that he lived a life of extreme fear and was even exposed to insult. He forbade anyone to consult soothsayers secretly and without witnesses. Indeed, he even attempted to do away with the oracles near the city, but forbore through terror at the divine power of the Praenestine lots; for though he had them sealed up in a chest and brought to Rome, he could not find them until the box was taken back to the temple. 20. After two years he returned to the city from Germany and celebrated the triumph which he had postponed, accompanied also by his generals, for whom he had obtained the triumphal regalia. And before turning to enter the Capitol, he dismounted from his chariot and fell at the knees of his father, who was presiding over the ceremonies. He sent Bato, the leader of the Pannonians, to Ravenna, after presenting him with rich gifts; thus showing his gratitude to him for allowing him to escape when he was trapped with his army in a dangerous place. Then he gave a banquet to the people at a thousand tables, and a largess of three hundred sesterces to every man. With the proceeds of his spoils he restored and dedicated the temple of Concord, as well as that of Pollux and Castor, in his own name and that of his brother. |
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| 36. Suetonius, Titus, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 37. Tacitus, Agricola, 40.1, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, status of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 153, 155 |
38. Tacitus, Annals, 1.8.4, 2.77, 2.82, 3.12.2, 3.17.4, 3.18.1, 3.18.3, 3.52.2, 4.4.2-4.4.3, 4.5.1, 6.12, 6.29.2, 11.14.3, 11.15, 13.31.1, 15.22, 15.22.1, 15.44, 16.22.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents •senate, at rome, commentarii of •senate, and people of rome •senate of rome, punishes cornelius gallus •senate of rome, status of •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 139, 152, 154, 159, 161, 162, 166, 167; Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 355, 356; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 17, 23, 24; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159| 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 6.12. Relatum inde ad patres a Quintiliano tribuno plebei de libro Sibullae, quem Caninius Gallus quindecimvirum recipi inter ceteros eiusdem vatis et ea de re senatus consultum postulaverat. quo per discessionem facto misit litteras Caesar, modice tribunum increpans ignarum antiqui moris ob iuventam. Gallo exprobrabat quod scientiae caerimoniarumque vetus incerto auctore ante sententiam collegii, non, ut adsolet, lecto per magistros aestimatoque carmine, apud infrequentem senatum egisset. simul commonefecit, quia multa vana sub nomine celebri vulgabantur, sanxisse Augustum quem intra diem ad praetorem urbanum deferrentur neque habere privatim liceret. quod a maioribus quoque decretum erat post exustum sociali bello Capitolium, quaesitis Samo, Ilio, Erythris, per Africam etiam ac Siciliam et Italicas colonias carminibus Sibullae, una seu plures fuere, datoque sacerdotibus negotio quantum humana ope potuissent vera discernere. igitur tunc quoque notioni quindecimvirum is liber subicitur. 11.15. Rettulit deinde ad senatum super collegio haruspicum, ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidiam exolesceret: saepe adversis rei publicae temporibus accitos, quorum monitu redintegratas caerimonias et in posterum rectius habitas; primoresque Etruriae sponte aut patrum Romanorum impulsu retinuisse scientiam et in familias propagasse: quod nunc segnius fieri publica circa bonas artes socordia, et quia externae superstitiones valescant. et laeta quidem in praesens omnia, sed benignitati deum gratiam referendam, ne ritus sacrorum inter ambigua culti per prospera oblitterarentur. factum ex eo senatus consultum, viderent pontifices quae retinenda firmandaque haruspicum. 15.22. Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est. 15.44. Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur. | 2.82. But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:â "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve â it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. < 2.82. But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:â "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve â it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 3.18.1. Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I reflect on events recent or remote, the more am I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. 6.12. A proposal was now put to the Fathers by the plebeian tribune Quintilianus with regard to a Sibylline book; Caninius Gallus, of the Fifteen, demanding its admission among the other verses of the same prophetess, and a senatorial decree on the point. This had been accorded without discussion, when the emperor forwarded a letter, in which he passed a lenient criticism on the tribune "whose youth accounted for his ignorance of old custom": to Gallus he expressed his displeasure that he, "long familiar with religious theory and ritual, had on dubious authority forestalled the decision of his College, and, before the poem had, as usual, been read and considered by the Masters, had brought up the question in a thinly attended senate." He reminded him at the same time that, because of the many apocryphal works circulated under the famous name, Augustus had fixed a day within which they were to be delivered to the Urban Praetor, private ownership becoming illegal. â A similar decision had been taken even at an earlier period, after the burning of the Capitol during the Social War; when the verses of the Sibyl, or Sibyls, as the case may be, were collected from Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, and even in Africa, Sicily, and the Graeco-Italian colonies; the priests being entrusted with the task of sifting out the genuine specimens, so far as should have been possible by human means. Hence, in this case also, the book in question was submitted to the examination of the Quindecimvirate. < 6.12. A proposal was now put to the Fathers by the plebeian tribune Quintilianus with regard to a Sibylline book; Caninius Gallus, of the Fifteen, demanding its admission among the other verses of the same prophetess, and a senatorial decree on the point. This had been accorded without discussion, when the emperor forwarded a letter, in which he passed a lenient criticism on the tribune "whose youth accounted for his ignorance of old custom": to Gallus he expressed his displeasure that he, "long familiar with religious theory and ritual, had on dubious authority forestalled the decision of his College, and, before the poem had, as usual, been read and considered by the Masters, had brought up the question in a thinly attended senate." He reminded him at the same time that, because of the many apocryphal works circulated under the famous name, Augustus had fixed a day within which they were to be delivered to the Urban Praetor, private ownership becoming illegal. â A similar decision had been taken even at an earlier period, after the burning of the Capitol during the Social War; when the verses of the Sibyl, or Sibyls, as the case may be, were collected from Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, and even in Africa, Sicily, and the Graeco-Italian colonies; the priests being entrusted with the task of sifting out the genuine specimens, so far as should have been possible by human means. Hence, in this case also, the book in question was submitted to the examination of the Quindecimvirate. 11.15. He next consulted the senate on the question of founding a college of diviners, so that "the oldest art of Italy should not become extinct through their indolence. often, in periods of public adversity, they had called in diviners, on whose advice religious ceremonies had been renewed and, for the future, observed with greater correctness; while the Etruscan nobles, voluntarily or at the instance of the Roman senate, had kept up the art and propagated it in certain families. Now that work was done more negligently through the public indifference to all liberal accomplishments, combined with the progress of alien superstitions. For the moment, indeed, all was flourishing; but they must show their gratitude to the favour of Heaven by making sure that the sacred rituals observed in the time of hazard were not forgotten in the day of prosperity." A senatorial decree was accordingly passed, instructing the pontiffs to consider what points in the discipline of the haruspices needed to be maintained or strengthened. 15.22. The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. < 15.22. The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. 15.44. So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. < 15.44. So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. |
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| 39. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 17.3, 36.2, 40.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 153 |
40. Tacitus, Histories, 1.27.2, 1.47.1, 1.76.2, 1.90.3, 3.72, 3.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, publisher of documents •senate of rome, status of •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 152, 156, 160, 202; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48, 225 | 3.72. This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned. 3.84. The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier's glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife's house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â no one could tell. He cut off the tribune's ear and was at once run through. |
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| 41. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 42. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
43. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 19.223-19.273 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 153| 19.223. ἐν εὐρυχωρίᾳ δὲ τοῦ Παλατίου γενομένοις, πρῶτον δὲ οἰκηθῆναι τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων πόλεως τοῦτο παραδίδωσιν ὁ περὶ αὐτῆς λόγος, καὶ ἤδη τοῦ δημοσίου ἀντιλαμβανομένοις πολὺ πλείων ἡ ἐπιφοίτησις ἦν τῶν στρατιωτῶν χαρᾷ τὴν ὄψιν δεχομένοις τοῦ Κλαυδίου, περὶ πλείστου τε ἦν αὐτοῖς αὐτοκράτορα στήσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὐνοίᾳ τε τῇ Γερμανικοῦ, ἀδελφὸς δὲ ἦν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ μέγα πᾶσιν τοῖς ὡμιληκόσιν καταλελοιπὼς κλέος τὸ αὐτοῦ. 19.224. ἀναλογισμός τε αὐτοὺς εἰσῄει τῆς τε πλεονεξίας τῶν ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ δυναστευόντων καὶ ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῆς πρὶν ἀρχῆς ἡμάρτητο αὐτῇ. 19.225. πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀμήχανον τοῦ πράγματος κατενόουν, καὶ πάλιν εἰς ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν μεθισταμένων τῶν ὅλων κινδύνους αὐτοῖς φέρειν δι' ἑνὸς κτησαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν μεθισταμένων τῶν ὅλων παρ' ὃν ἐπιχωρήσει καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ αὐτῶν λαβόντα Κλαύδιον μνημονεύσεις τε χάριτος αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντα τιμήν, ἣ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις γένοιτ' ἂν ἀρκοῦσα. 19.226. Ταῦτα πρός τε ἀλλήλους καὶ δι' ἑαυτοὺς διεξῄεσαν καὶ τοῖς ἀεὶ προσπίπτουσιν διηγοῦντο. οἱ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι προθύμως ἐδέχοντο τὴν πρόκλησιν, συμφράξαντές τε καὶ περικλάσαντες ἦγον ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου φοράδην ἀναβαστάσαντες, ὡς μὴ ἐμποδίζοιτο αὐτοῖς ἡ ἔπειξις. 19.227. διειστήκεσαν δὲ αἱ γνῶμαι τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς: οἱ μὲν ἀξιώματός τε τοῦ πρότερον ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ δουλείαν ἔπακτον αὐτοῖς ὕβρει τῶν τυράννων γενομένην φιλοτιμούμενοι διαδιδράσκειν χρόνῳ παρασχόν, 19.228. ὁ δὲ δῆμος φθόνῳ τε πρὸς ἐκείνην καθιστάμενος καὶ τῶν πλεονεξιῶν αὐτῆς ἐπιστόμισμα τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας εἰδὼς καὶ αὐτοῦ καταφυγὴν ἔχαιρεν Κλαυδίου τῇ ἁρπαγῇ στάσιν τε ἔμφυλον, ὁποία καὶ ἐπὶ Πομπηίου γένοιτο, ἀπαλλάξειν αὐτῶν ὑπελάμβανον τοῦτον αὐτοκράτορα καθισταμένου. 19.229. γνοῦσα δ' ἡ βουλὴ τὸν Κλαύδιον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀφιγμένον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον πέμπει πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρας ἀρετῇ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν, οἳ διδάξειαν μὴ δεῖν ἐπὶ καθέξει τῆς ἀρχῆς βιάζεσθαι, 19.231. καὶ πειθομένῳ μὲν τοῦ πρότερον ἀπράγμονος τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπιδεικνυμένῳ βέβαιον τιμάς τε ὑπάρξειν, αἳ ὑπὸ ἐλευθέρων ψηφισθεῖεν τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ ἐπιχωρήσει τοῦ νόμου τὸ μέρος ἄρχοντά τε καὶ ἀρχόμενον κερδανεῖν ἔπαινον ἀρετῆς. 19.232. εἰ δὲ ἀπονοοῖτο μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαί̈ου τελευτῆς σωφρονιζόμενος οὔτι γε αὐτοὶ ἐπιτρέψειν τῆς τε γὰρ στρατιᾶς πολὺ εἶναι τὸ συνεστηκὸς αὐτοῖς ὅπλων τε εὐπορίαν καὶ πληθὺν οἰκετῶν, οἳ χρήσαιντο αὐτοῖς. 19.233. μέγα δὲ μέρος τήν τε ἐλπίδα εἶναι καὶ τὴν τύχην, τούς τε θεοὺς οὐκ ἄλλοις συμμαχεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μετ' ἀρετῆς καὶ τοῦ καλοῦ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ποιουμένοις. εἶναι δὲ τούτους, οἳ ἂν περὶ ἐλευθερίας μάχωνται τῆς πατρίδος. 19.234. Καὶ οἱ μὲν πρεσβευταὶ Οὐηράνιός τε καὶ Βρόγχος, δήμαρχοι δὲ ἦσαν ἀμφότεροι, τοῖσδε ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λόγοις καὶ καθικέτευον τοῖς γόνασιν αὐτοῦ προσπεσόντες μηδαμῶς πολέμοις καὶ κακοῖς ἐμβαλεῖν τὴν πόλιν, θεωροῦντες στρατιᾶς πληθύι τὸν Κλαύδιον πεφραγμένον καὶ τὸ μηδὲν τοὺς ὑπάτους ὄντας συγκρίσει τῇ πρὸς αὐτόν. 19.235. εἴ τε τῆς ἀρχῆς ὀρέγοιτο, παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς δέχεσθαι διδομένην: αἰσιώτερον γὰρ καὶ εὐδαιμονέστερον χρῆσθαι τὸν μὴ μετὰ ὕβρεως ἀλλ' εὐνοίᾳ τῶν διδόντων παραλαμβάνοντα. 19.236. Κλαύδιος δέ, ἠπίστατο γὰρ μεθ' οἵας αὐθαδείας ἀποσταλεῖεν, καὶ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μετριώτερον τρεπόμενος, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ περὶ αὐτοὺς φόβῳ διαναστὰς ἅμα μὲν θάρσει τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἅμα δὲ ̓Αγρίππου τοῦ βασιλέως κελεύοντος μὴ προέσθαι τῶν χειρῶν τηλικαύτην ἀρχὴν ἥκουσαν αὐτόματον. 19.237. πράξας μὲν καὶ περὶ Γάιον οἷον εἰκὸς ἄνδρα ὑπ' αὐτοῦ διὰ τιμῆς ἠγμένον, καὶ γὰρ τὸν νεκρὸν περιέσπεν τοῦ Γαί̈ου καὶ ἀναθέμενος ἐπὶ κλίνης καὶ περιστείλας ἐκ τῶν ἐνδεχομένων εἰς τοὺς σωματοφύλακας ὑπεχώρει, ζῆν μὲν τὸν Γάιον ἀπαγγέλλων κακοπαθοῦντί γε ὑπὸ τραυμάτων ἰατροὺς μετέσεσθαι λέγων: 19.238. πυθόμενος δὲ τοῦ Κλαυδίου τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁρπαγὴν ὠθεῖτο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ καταλαβὼν τεταραγμένον καὶ οἷόν τε ἐκχωρεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ ἀνήγειρεν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι κελεύων τῆς ἡγεμονίας. 19.239. ταῦτα δὲ πρὸς τὸν Κλαύδιον εἰπὼν προσεχώρει πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ μετακαλούσης αὐτὸν τῆς βουλῆς χρισάμενος μύροις τὴν κεφαλὴν ὡς ἀπὸ συνουσίας γινομένης ἀναλύσεως αὐτῷ παρῆν καὶ ἤρετο τοὺς βουλευτάς, τί πέπραχε Κλαύδιος. 19.241. χρείαν γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἀρχῆς μεταποιουμένοις καὶ ὅπλων καὶ στρατιωτῶν, οἳ φράξαιντο αὐτοῖς, μὴ καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι καταστάντες εἰς τάδε σφαλεῖεν. 19.242. ἀποκριναμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ὅπλων τε εὐπορίαν καὶ χρήματα εἰσοίσειν, καὶ στρατιᾶς τὸ μέν τι αὐτοῖς εἶναι συνεστηκός, τὸ δὲ συγκροτήσειν ἐλευθερώσεως δούλων γενομένης. “εἴη μέν, ὦ βουλή, φησὶν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ὑποτυχών, πράσσειν ὁπόσα θυμὸς ὑμῖν, λεκτέον δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντί μοι διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ φέρειν τὸν λόγον. 19.243. ἴστε μὴν στρατόν, ὃς ὑπὲρ Κλαυδίου μαχεῖται, πλήθει χρόνου ὁπλιτεύειν μεμελετηκότα, τὰ δ' ἡμέτερα, συγκλύδων ἀνθρώπων πλῆθος δ' ἔσται καὶ τῶν παρὰ δόξαν τῆς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένων, δυσκράτητα. πρὸς δὲ τεχνίτας μαχούμεθα προαγαγόντες ἄνδρας μηδ' ὅπως σπάσαι τὰ ξίφη εἰδότας. 19.244. ὥστε μοι δοκεῖ πέμπειν ὡς Κλαύδιον πείσοντας κατατίθεσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, πρεσβεύειν τε ἕτοιμός εἰμι.” 19.245. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἶπεν, καὶ συγκαταθεμένων πεμφθεὶς σὺν ἑτέροις τήν τε ταραχὴν τῆς βουλῆς διηγεῖται καταμόνας πρὸς τὸν Κλαύδιον ἐδίδασκέν τε ἡγεμονικώτερον ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ τῷ ἀξιώματι τῆς ἐξουσίας χρώμενον. 19.246. ἔλεγεν οὖν Κλαύδιος, οὐ θαυμάζειν τὴν βουλὴν ἡδονῇ μὴ φέρουσαν ἄρχεσθαι διὰ τὸ ὠμότητι τετρῦσθαι τῶν πρότερον ἐπὶ τὸ ἡγεμονεύειν καταστάντων, γεύσειν τε αὐτοὺς ἐπιεικείᾳ τῇ καθ' αὑτὸν μετρίων καιρῶν, ὀνόματι μὲν μόνῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐσομένης, ἔργῳ δὲ κοινῆς πᾶσι προκεισομένης εἰς μέσον. διὰ πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ποικίλων ὡδευκότι πραγμάτων ἐν ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνων καλῶς ἔχειν μὴ ἀπιστεῖν. 19.247. καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις τοιούτων ἀκροάσει λόγων καθομιληθέντες ἐξεπέμποντο. Κλαύδιος δὲ τῷ στρατῷ συλλεχθέντι διελέγετο ὅρκους λαμβάνων ἦ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν πίστει τῇ πρὸς αὐτόν, δωρεῖται τοὺς σωματοφύλακας πεντακισχιλίαις δραχμαῖς κατὰ ἕκαστον ἄνδρα, τοῖς τε ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν ἀνάλογον τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ καὶ τοῖς ὅποι ποτὲ στρατοπέδοις ὑπισχνεῖτο τὰ ὅμοια. 19.248. Συνεκάλουν δὲ οἱ ὕπατοι τὴν βουλὴν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ νικηφόρου Διός: ἔτι δὲ νὺξ ἦν. τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει κλέπτοντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐνεδοίαζον πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόασιν, τοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀγρῶν ἐγεγόνεισαν ἔξοδοι προορωμένοις ᾗ χωρήσει τὸ πᾶν ἐν ἀπογνώσει τοῦ ἐλευθέρου γεγονότος, καὶ πολὺ κρεῖττον ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ τοῦ δουλεύειν ὑπειληφότες διαβιοῦν ἀργίᾳ τοῦ πονεῖν ἢ κτώμενοι τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν πατέρων περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀμφίβολοι καταστῆναι. 19.249. συνελέγησαν δ' ὅμως ἑκατὸν οὐ πλείους, καὶ διαβουλευομένων περὶ τῶν ἐν χερσὶν αἰφνίδιον αἴρεται βοὴ τοῦ συνεστηκότος αὐτοῖς στρατιωτικοῦ στρατηγὸν αὐτοκράτορα κελευόντων τὴν βουλὴν ἑλέσθαι καὶ μὴ φθείρειν πολυαρχίᾳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 19.251. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ἦσαν οἱ ἐφιέμενοι γένους τε ἀξιώματι καὶ οἰκειότησιν γάμου: καὶ γὰρ Μινουκιανὸς Μᾶρκον καὶ τὸ καθ' αὑτὸν γενναιότητι ἀξιόλογον ὄντα καὶ δὴ ἀδελφὴν Γαί̈ου γεγαμηκότα ̓Ιουλίαν, πρόθυμός τε ἦν ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων, κατεῖχον δὲ οἱ ὕπατοι πρόφασιν ἐκ προφάσεως ἀναρτῶντες. 19.252. Οὐαλέριον δὲ ̓Ασιατικὸν Μινουκιανὸς ἐκ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων ἀνεῖχε τοιούτων διανοιῶν. ἐγεγόνει δ' ἂν φόνος οὔ τινος ἐλάσσων ἐπιχωρηθέντων τῶν ἐπιθυμούντων τῆς ἡγεμονίας, ὥστε ἀντιτάξασθαι Κλαυδίῳ, ἄλλως τε καὶ οἱ μονομάχοι, 19.253. πλῆθος δ' ἦν αὐτῶν ἀξιόλογον, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν οἱ νυκτοφυλακοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐρέται τε ὁπόσοι συνέρρεον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ὥστε τῶν μετιόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ μὲν φειδοῖ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ καὶ φόβῳ τῷ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν. 19.254. ̔Υπὸ δὲ πρώτην ἀρχὴν τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ Χαιρέας καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρελθόντες ἐν ἐπιχειρήσει λόγων ἦσαν πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας. τῶν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ὁρᾷ παύοντας αὐτοὺς ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ τοῦ εἰπεῖν οἵους τε ἄρχεσθαι, ἀνεθορύβησεν μὴ ἐφιέναι ὥστε εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ὡρμῆσθαι πάντας ἐπὶ τῷ μοναρχεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἡγησόμενον ἐκάλουν ὡς οὐκ ἀνεξόμενοι τὰς τριβάς. 19.255. τῇ συγκλήτῳ δὲ ἀπορία ἄρχειν τε καὶ ὃν ἀρχθεῖεν ἂν τρόπον οὔτε δεχομένων αὐτοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων συγχωρεῖν τοῖς στρατιώταις οὐκ ἐφιέντων. 19.256. ἐν τοιούτοις δὲ ὄντων Χαιρέας τὴν ὀργὴν οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος πρὸς τὴν αἴτησιν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος δώσειν ἐπηγγέλλετο στρατηγόν, εἴ τις αὐτῷ σημεῖον παρὰ Εὐτύχου κομίσειεν. 19.257. ἦν δὲ ὁ Εὔτυχος οὗτος ἡνίοχος τοῦ καλουμένου πρασίνου περισπούδαστος Γαί̈ῳ, καὶ περὶ τὰς οἰκοδομὰς τῶν στάσεων τοῦ περὶ ἐκεῖνον ἱππικοῦ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἐτρίβετο ἀτίμοις ἐργασίαις ἐπικείμενον. 19.258. εἰς ἅπερ ὁ Χαιρέας ὠνείδιζεν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ τοιαῦτα, τήν τε κεφαλὴν κομιεῖν τοῦ Κλαυδίου: δεινὸν γάρ, εἰ μετὰ μανίαν παραφροσύνῃ δώσουσι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 19.259. οὐ μὴν διετράπησάν γε ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων, ἀλλὰ σπασάμενοι τὰς μαχαίρας καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἀράμενοι ᾤχοντο ὡς τὸν Κλαύδιον κοινωνήσοντες τοῖς ὀμνύουσιν αὐτῷ. κατελείπετο δὲ ἥ τε σύγκλητος ἐπ' ἐρημίας τῶν ἀμυνούντων καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι μηδὲν ἰδιωτῶν διαφέροντες. 19.261. καὶ Σαβῖνος εἷς τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων σφάζειν πρότερον αὑτὸν ἠπείλει παρελθὼν εἰς μέσους ἢ Κλαύδιον ἄρχοντα στήσεσθαι καὶ δουλοκρατίαν ἐπόψεσθαι καταλαβοῦσαν, τόν τε Χαιρέαν εἰς φιλοψυχίαν ἐπέπλησσεν, εἰ καταφρονήσας Γαί̈ου πρῶτος ἀγαθὸν ὑπολαμβάνοι τὸ ζῆν τῆς ἐλευθερίας οὐδ' οὕτως ἀποδοθῆναι δυναμένης τῇ πατρίδι. 19.262. Χαιρέας δὲ περὶ μὲν τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐνδοιαστὸν οὐδὲν φρονεῖν ἔλεγεν, βούλεσθαι μέντοι διακωδωνίζειν διάνοιαν τὴν Κλαυδίου. 19.263. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τοῖσδε ἦσαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πανταχόθεν ὠθεῖτο κατὰ θεραπείαν. καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ὁ ἕτερος Κόιντος Πομπώνιος δι' αἰτίας ἦν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ μᾶλλον ὡς ἐπ' ἐλευθερίᾳ τὴν σύγκλητον παρακαλῶν, ὥρμησάν τε σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, κἂν ἐπέπρακτο αὐτοῖς μὴ Κλαυδίου διακεκωλυκότος. 19.264. παρακαθίζεται δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν ὕπατον ἐξαρπάσας τοῦ κινδύνου, τῶν δὲ συγκλητικῶν ὅσον ἦν σὺν τῷ Κοί̈ντῳ οὐ μεθ' ὁμοίας ἐδέχετο τιμῆς: τινὲς δὲ καὶ πληγὰς ἔλαβον αὐτῶν ἀνωθούμενοι τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐντεύξεως, ̓Απώνιος δὲ τραυματίας ἀνεχώρει, ἦν τε κίνδυνος περὶ πάντας αὐτούς. 19.265. καὶ ̓Αγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς προσελθὼν τῷ Κλαυδίῳ ἀξιοῖ τοῖς συγκλητικοῖς ἠπιώτερον καταστῆναι: γενομένου γάρ τινος κακοῦ περὶ τὴν βουλὴν οὐχ ἕξειν ὧν ἄρξειεν ἑτέρων. 19.266. πείθεται δὲ Κλαύδιος καὶ συγκαλεῖ τὴν βουλὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλατίου διὰ τῆς πόλεως φερόμενος παραπέμποντος αὐτὸν τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ σὺν πολλῇ πάνυ κακώσει τῆς πληθύος. 19.267. προεξῄεσαν δὲ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων εἰς τὸ φανερώτερον Χαιρέας καὶ Σαβῖνος εἰργόμενοι προόδων κατ' ἐπιστολὰς Πολλίωνος, ὃν μικρῷ πρότερον Κλαύδιος στρατηγὸν ᾕρητο τῶν σωματοφυλάκων. 19.268. Κλαύδιος δέ, ἐπείπερ εἰς τὸ Παλάτιον ἀφικνεῖται συναγαγὼν τοὺς ἑταίρους ψῆφον ἀνεδίδου περὶ Χαιρέου. τοῖς δὲ τὸ μὲν ἔργον λαμπρὸν ἐδόκει, ἀπιστίαν δ' ἐπεκάλουν τῷ πεπραχότι καὶ αὐτῷ τιμωρίαν ἐπιβάλλειν δίκαιον ἡγοῦντο ἐπ' ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ μέλλοντος χρόνου. 19.269. ἀπήγετο οὖν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Λοῦππός τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων πλείους. λέγεται δὲ Χαιρέας μεγαλοφρόνως ἐνεγκεῖν τὴν συμφορὰν οὐ μόνον τῷ κατ' αὐτὸν ἀμεταπτώτῳ τοῦ σχήματος, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς ὀνειδίσειεν Λοῦππον εἰς δάκρυα ἐκτετραμμένον. 19.271. θνήσκει δὲ εὐδαιμόνως μιᾶς πληγῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης. Λοῦππος δὲ οὐ πάνυ δεξιῶς ὑπεξῆλθεν ἀθυμίᾳ καὶ πληγῶν πλειόνων γενομένων διὰ τὸ μαλακῶς τὸν τράχηλον παρασχεῖν. 19.272. ̓Ολίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἐναγισμῶν ἐνεστηκότων ̔Ρωμαίων τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς αὐτῶν ἐπιφέροντες καὶ Χαιρέαν μοίραις ἐτίμησαν εἰς τὸ πῦρ τιθεμέναις, ἵλεων καὶ ἄμηνιν εἶναι τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀχαριστίας παρακαλοῦντες. καὶ Χαιρέᾳ μὲν τοιαύτη τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου συνέτυχεν. 19.273. Σαβῖνος δὲ Κλαυδίου μὴ μόνον τῆς αἰτίας παραλύοντος αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἣν εἶχεν ἐφιέντος, ἄδικον ἡγεῖτο τὴν ἐκλειπίαν τῆς πρὸς τοὺς συνωμότας πίστεως, σφάζει ἑαυτὸν περιπεσὼν τῷ ξίφει μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὴν κώπην τῷ τραύματι συνελθεῖν. | 19.223. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius’s face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. 19.224. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; 19.225. they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 19.226. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. 19.227. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; 19.228. but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. 19.229. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; 19.231. that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; 19.232. but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius’s death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; 19.233. that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country. 19.234. 4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, 19.235. they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him. 19.236. 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. 19.237. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius’s body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. 19.238. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; 19.239. but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate’s sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; 19.241. for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. 19.242. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty,—Agrippa made answer, “O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. 19.243. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. 19.244. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.” 19.245. 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. 19.246. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. 19.247. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were. 19.248. 3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. 19.249. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. 19.251. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: 19.252. that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius’s murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. 19.253. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons. 19.254. 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: 19.255. but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. 19.256. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. 19.257. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, 19.258. which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. 19.259. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. 19.261. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius’s murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. 19.262. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it. 19.263. 5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them, 19.264. who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. 19.265. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. 19.266. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; 19.267. for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. 19.268. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountece such actions for the time to come. 19.269. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; 19.271. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done]. 19.272. 6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. 19.273. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellowconfederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword. |
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| 44. Plutarch, Otho, 3.1-3.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33 |
| 45. Plutarch, Marius, 17.9-17.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 18 |
| 46. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.1, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 47. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 4.3.8, 4.5.2 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 228 |
| 48. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.4.4, 5.13.8, 6.19.3, 7.33.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 159, 167 |
49. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 6.3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32| 6.3. τοιαῦτα διαλεγόμενος καὶ ξυμβούλους τῶν διαλέξεων, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, ποιούμενος τοὺς καιροὺς ἐχώρει ἐπὶ Μέμνονος, ἡγεῖτο δ' αὐτοῖς μειράκιον Αἰγύπτιον, ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε ἀναγράφει Δάμις: Τιμασίων μὲν τῷ μειρακίῳ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν, ἐφήβου δὲ ἄρτι ὑπαπῄει καὶ τὴν ὥραν ἔτι ἔρρωτο. σωφρονοῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ μητρυιὰ ἐρῶσα ἐνέκειτο καὶ χαλεπὸν τὸν πατέρα ἐποίει, ξυντιθεῖσα μὲν οὐδὲν ὧνπερ ἡ Φαίδρα, διαβάλλουσα δ' αὐτὸν ὡς θῆλυν καὶ ἐρασταῖς μᾶλλον ἢ γυναίοις χαίροντα. ὁ δ' ἐκλιπὼν Ναύκρατιν, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, περὶ Μέμφιν διῃτᾶτο, καὶ ναῦν δὲ ἰδιόστολον ἐκέκτητο καὶ ἐναυκλήρει ἐν τῷ Νείλῳ. ἰδὼν οὖν ἀναπλέοντα τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον καταπλέων αὐτὸς ξυνῆκέ τε, ὡς ἀνδρῶν σοφῶν εἴη τὸ πλήρωμα ξυμβαλλόμενος τοῖς τρίβωσι καὶ τοῖς βιβλίοις, οἷς προσεσπούδαζον, καὶ ἱκέτευε προσδοῦναί οἱ τῆς τοῦ πλοῦ κοινωνίας ἐρῶντι σοφίας, ὁ δ' ̓Απολλώνιος “σώφρων” ἔφη “ὁ νεανίσκος, ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ ἀξιούσθω ὧν δεῖται,” καὶ διῆλθε τὸν περὶ τῆς μητρυιᾶς λόγον πρὸς τοὺς ἐγγὺς τῶν ἑταίρων ὑφειμένῳ τῷ τόνῳ προσπλέοντος τοῦ μειρακίου ἔτι. ὡς δὲ ξυνῄεσαν αἱ νῆες, μεταβὰς ὁ Τιμασίων καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην εἰπών τι ὑπὲρ τοῦ φόρτου προσεῖπε τοὺς ἄνδρας. κελεύσας οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος κατ' ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ ἱζῆσαι “μειράκιον” ἔφη “Αἰγύπτιον, ἔοικας γὰρ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων εἶναί τις, τί σοι φαῦλον ἢ τί χρηστὸν εἴργασται, λέξον, ὡς τῶν μὲν λύσις παρ' ἐμοῦ γένοιτό σοι δι' ἡλικίαν, τῶν δ' αὖ ἐπαινεθεὶς ἐμοί τε ξυμφιλοσοφοίης καὶ τοῖσδε.” ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Τιμασίωνα ἐρυθριῶντα καὶ μεταβάλλοντα τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ στόματος ἐς τὸ λέξαι τι ἢ μή, θαμὰ ἤρειδε τὴν ἐρώτησιν, ὥσπερ οὐδεμιᾷ προγνώσει ἐς αὐτὸν κεχρημένος, ἀναθαρσήσας δὲ ὁ Τιμασίων “ὦ θεοί,” ἔφη “τίνα ἐμαυτὸν εἴπω; κακὸς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ εἰμί, ἀγαθὸν δὲ εἰ χρὴ νομίζεσθαί με, οὐκ οἶδα, τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀδικεῖν οὔπω ἔπαινος.” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “βαβαί,” ἔφη “μειράκιον, ὡς ἀπὸ ̓Ινδῶν μοι διαλέγῃ, ταυτὶ γὰρ καὶ ̓Ιάρχᾳ δοκεῖ τῷ θείῳ. ἀλλ' ̔εἰπὲ̓ ὅπως ταῦτα δοξάζεις, κἀξ ὅτου; φυλαξομένῳ γάρ τι ἁμαρτεῖν ἔοικας.” ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀρξαμένου λέγειν, ὡς ἡ μητρυιὰ μὲν ἐπ' αὐτὸν φέροιτο, αὐτὸς δ' ἐρώσῃ ἐκσταίη, βοὴ ἐγένετο, ὡς δαιμονίως αὐτὰ τοῦ ̓Απολλωνίου προειπόντος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Τιμασίων “ὦ λῷστοι,” ἔφη “τί πεπόνθατε; τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἀπέχει τὰ εἰρημένα θαύματος, ὅσον, οἶμαι, γέλωτος.” καὶ ὁ Δάμις “ἕτερόν τι” ἔφη “ἐθαυμάσαμεν, ὃ μήπω γιγνώσκεις. καὶ σὲ δέ, μειράκιον, ἐπαινοῦμεν, ὅτι μηδὲν οἴει λαμπρὸν εἰργάσθαι.” “̓Αφροδίτῃ δὲ θύεις, ὦ μειράκιον;” ἤρετο ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, καὶ ὁ Τιμασίων, “νὴ Δί',” εἶπεν, “ὁσημέραι γε, πολλὴν γὰρ ἡγοῦμαι τὴν θεὸν ̔ἐν' ἀνθρωπείοις τε καὶ θείοις πράγμασιν.” ὑπερησθεὶς οὖν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, “ψηφισώμεθα,” ἔφη “ὦ ἄνδρες, ἐστεφανῶσθαι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ πρὸ ̔Ιππολύτου τοῦ Θησέως, ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐς τὴν ̓Αφροδίτην ὕβρισε καὶ διὰ τουτὶ ἴσως οὐδὲ ἀφροδισίων ἥττητο, οὐδὲ ἔρως ἐπ' αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς ἐκώμαζεν, ἀλλ' ἦν τῆς ἀγροικοτέρας τε καὶ ἀτέγκτου μοίρας, οὑτοσὶ δὲ ἡττᾶσθαι τῆς θεοῦ φάσκων οὐδὲν πρὸς τὴν ἐρῶσαν ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ' ἀπῆλθεν αὐτὴν δείσας τὴν θεόν, εἰ τὸ κακῶς ἐρᾶσθαι μὴ φυλάξοιτο, καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ διαβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς ὁντιναδὴ τῶν θεῶν, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὴν ̓Αφροδίτην ὁ ̔Ιππόλυτος, οὐκ ἀξιῶ σωφροσύνης, σωφρονέστερον γὰρ τὸ περὶ πάντων θεῶν εὖ λέγειν καὶ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησιν, οὗ καὶ ἀγνώστων δαιμόνων βωμοὶ ἵδρυνται.” τοσαῦτα ἐς τὸν Τιμασίωνα αὐτῷ ἐσπουδάσθη. πλὴν ἀλλὰ ̔Ιππόλυτόν γε ἐκάλει αὐτὸν διὰ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, οἷς τὴν μητρυιὰν εἶδεν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐπιμεληθῆναι καὶ γυμναστικῆς ἐπαφροδίτως ἅψασθαι. 6.3. ἀναρρηθεὶς δὲ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ καὶ ἀριστείων στείων ἀξιωθεὶς τούτων ἀπῄει μὲν ἰσομοιρήσων τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ πατρί, τὸν δὲ ̓Απολλώνιον ἐνθυμηθείς, ὡς πολλοῦ ἄξιος αὑτῷ ἔσται κἂν πρὸς βραχὺ ξυγγενόμενος, ἐδεῖτο αὐτοῦ ἐς Ταρσοὺς ἥκειν, καὶ περιβαλὼν ἐλθόντα “πάντα μοι ὁ πατὴρ” ἔφη “ἐπέστειλεν, ὧν ξύμβουλον ἐποιεῖτό σε, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἡ ἐπιστολή, ὡς εὐεργέτης τε αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῇ γέγραψαι καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι ἐσμέν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἔτη μὲν τριάκοντα ταυτὶ γέγονα, ἀξιούμενος δὲ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ ἑξηκοντούτης ὢν καὶ καλούμενος ἐς τὸ ἄρχειν πρὶν οὐκ οἶδ' εἰ ἀρχθῆναι εἰδέναι, δέδια μὴ μειζόνων, ἢ ἐμὲ χρή, ἅπτωμαι.” ἐπιψηλαφήσας δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν αὐχένα ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἔρρωτο αὐτὸν ἴσα τοῖς ἀσκοῦσι τὸ σῶμα, “καὶ τίς” εἶπε “βιάσεται ταῦρον αὐχένα οὕτω κρατερὸν ὑποσχεῖν ζυγῷ;” “ὁ ἐκ νέου” ἔφη, “μοσχεύσας με,” τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ λέγων ὁ Τίτος καὶ τὸ ὑπ' ἐκείνου ἂν μόνου ἀρχθῆναι, ὃς ἐκ παιδὸς αὐτὸν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ἀκροάσει ξυνείθιζε. “χαίρω” εἶπεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “πρῶτον μὲν παρεσκευασμένον σε ὁρῶν ἕπεσθαι τῷ πατρί, ὑφ' οὗ χαίρουσιν ἀρχόμενοι καὶ οἱ μὴ φύσει παῖδες, θεραπεύσοντά τε τὰς ἐκείνου θύρας, ᾧ ξυνθεραπευθήσῃ. νεότητος δὲ γήρᾳ ἅμα ἐς τὸ ἄρχειν ἰούσης τίς μὲν λύρα, τίς δὲ αὐλὸς ἡδεῖαν ὧδε ἁρμονίαν καὶ ξυγκεκραμένην ᾅσεται; πρεσβύτερα γὰρ ξυμβήσεται νέοις, ἐξ ὧν καὶ γῆρας ἰσχύσει καὶ νεότης οὐκ ἀτακτήσει.” | 6.3. With such conversations, the occasions providing as usual the topics he talked about, he turned his steps towards Memnon; an Egyptian showed them the way, of whom Damis gives the following account: Timasion was the name of this stripling, who was just emerging from boyhood, and was now in the prime of life and strength. He had a stepmother who had fallen in love with him; and when he rejected her overtures, she set upon him and by way of spiting him had poisoned his father's mind against him, condescending to a lower intrigue than ever Phaedra had done, for she accused him of being effeminate, and of finding his pleasure in pederasts rather than in women. He had accordingly abandoned Naucratis, for it was there that all this happened, and was living in the neighborhood of Memphis; and he had acquired and manned a boat of his own and was plying as a waterman on the Nile. He then, was going down the river when he saw Apollonius sailing up it; and he concluded that the crew consisted of wise men, because he judged them by the cloaks they wore and the books they were hard at work studying. So he asked them whether they would allow one who was so passionately fond of wisdom as himself to share their voyage; and Apollonius said: This youth is wise, my friends, so let him be granted his request. And he further related the story about his stepmother to those of his companions who were nearest to him in a low tone while the stripling was still sailing towards them. But when the ships were alongside of one another, Timasion stepped out of his boat, and after addressing a word or two to his pilot, about the cargo in his own boat, he greeted the company. Apollonius then ordered him to sit down under his eyes, and said: You stripling of Egypt, for you seem to be one of the natives, tell me what you have done of evil or what of good; for in the one case you shall be forgiven by me, in consideration of your youth; but in the other you shall reap my commendation and become a fellow-student of philosophy with me and with these gentlemen. Then noticing that Timasion blushed and checked his impulse to speak, and hesitated whether to say or not what he had been going to say, he pressed his question and repeated it, just as if he had no foreknowledge of the youth at his command. Then Timasion plucked up courage and said: O Heavens, how shall I describe myself? for I am not a bad boy, and yet I do not know whether I ought to be considered a good one, for there is no particular merit in having abstained from wrong. But Apollonius cried: Bravo, my boy, you answer me just as if you were a sage from India; for this was just the sentiment of the divine Iarchas. But tell me how you came to form these opinions, and how long ago; for it strikes me that you have been on your guard against some sin. The youth then began to tell them of his stepmother's infatuation for himself, and of how he had rejected her advances; and when he did so, there was a shout in recognition of the divine inspiration under which Apollonius had foretold these details. Timasion, however, caught them up and said: Most excellent people, what is the matter with you? for my story is one which calls as little for your admiration, I think, as for your ridicule. But Damis said: It was not that we were admiring, but something else which you don't know about yet. As for you, my boy, we praise you because you think that you did nothing very remarkable. And Apollonius said: Do you sacrifice to Aphrodite, my boy? And Timasion answered: Yes, by Zeus, every day; for I consider that this goddess has great influence in human and divine affairs. Thereat Apollonius was delighted beyond measure, and cried: Let us, gentlemen, vote a crown to him for his continence rather than to Hippolytus the son of Theseus, for the latter insulted Aphrodite; and that perhaps is why he never fell a victim to the tender passion, and why love never ran riot in his soul; but he was allotted an austere and unbending nature. But our friend here admits that he is devoted to the goddess, and yet did not respond to his stepmother's guilty overtures, but went away in terror of the goddess herself, in case he were not on his guard against another's evil passions; and the mere aversion to any one of the gods, such as Hippolytus entertained in regard to Aphrodite, I do not class as a form of sobriety; for it is a much greater proof of wisdom and sobriety to speak well of the gods, especially at Athens, where altars are set up in honor even of unknown gods. So great was the interest which he took in Timasion. Nevertheless he called him Hippolytus for the eyes with which he looked at his stepmother. It seemed also that he was a young man who was particular about his person and enhanced its charms by attention to athletic exercises. |
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| 50. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.4.4, 5.13.8, 6.19.3, 7.33.3, 9.39.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 159, 167; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 20 |
| 51. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 41.43.2-41.43.4, 53.18.4-53.18.5, 53.23.4-53.23.7, 53.32.5, 54.8.4, 54.9.1, 55.8, 56.10.3, 60.10.2, 69.3-69.4, 72.15.5, 72.20.2, 77.2, 77.18.2, 77.22.3, 78.1.4-78.1.5, 78.8.3, 78.37.5, 79.4.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 48 |
| 52. Gellius, Attic Nights, 15.7.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 53. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 7.3, 8.6, 75.1-75.3, 86.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 167 |
54. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 6.4, 6.22, 11.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 383 | 11.8. Now the vanguard of the grand procession slowly appeared, its participants in holiday attire each in finery of their choosing. One wore a soldier's belt; another's boots, spear and cloak proclaimed him a huntsman; another was dressed as a woman in a silk dress with gilded sandals and curly wig, and walked in a mincing manner; yet another looked like a gladiator in helmet and greaves with shield and sword. There was a magistrate it seemed with the purple toga and rods of office; and there a philosopher with a goatee beard, in a cloak with a staff and woven sandals. Here were a brace of long poles, one a fowler's with his bird-lime, the other a fisherman's with line and hooks. Behold a tame bear dressed as a housewife, borne in a sedan chair; and look, an ape in a Phrygian straw hat and saffron robe, dressed as the shepherd lad Ganymede and waving a golden cup. And lastly an ass, wings glued to its shoulders, with a decrepit old man on its back, a Bellerophon and his Pegasus, enough to split your sides. 11.8. Behold, then more and more there appeared the parades and processions. The people were attired in regal manner and singing joyfully. One was girded about the middle like a man of arms. Another was bare and spare, and had a cloak and high shoes like a hunter! Another was attired in a robe of silk and socks of gold, having his hair laid out and dressed like a woman! There was another who wore leg harnesses and bore a shield, a helmet, and a spear like a martial soldier. After him marched one attired in purple, with vergers before him like a magistrate! After him followed one with a cloak, a staff, a pair of sandals, and a gray beard, signifying that he was a philosopher. After him came one with a line, betokening a fowler. Another came with hooks, declaring him a fisherman. I saw there a meek and tame bear which, dressed like a matron, was carried on a stool. An ape, with a bonnet on his head and covered with a Phrygian garment, resembled a shepherd, and bore a cup of gold in his hand. There was an ass, which had wings glued to his back and followed an old man: you would judge the one to be Pegasus, and the other Bellerophon. |
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| 55. Tertullian, Apology, 11.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 56. Pomponius Sextus, Digesta, 1.2.9, 1.2.12, 43.12.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, status of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 154 |
| 57. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.4-1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, status of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 154, 155 |
| 58. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 44.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 23 |
| 59. Papinian, Digesta, 1.1.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, status of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 154 |
| 60. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 294.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, status of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 155 |
| 61. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 225 |
| 62. Prudentius, Psychomachia, 839, 838 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 383 |
| 63. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.8, 15.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 166 |
| 64. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 12.841 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 225 |
| 65. Themistius, Orations, 8.102c (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 202 |
| 66. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.8, 15.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32, 166 |
| 67. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 8.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33, 156 |
| 68. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Clodius Albinus, 2.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
69. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.8.14, 16.13, 23.1.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate, and people of rome •senate of rome Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 23; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 24 | 23.1.7. Besides these, other lesser signs also indicated from time to time what came to pass. For amid the very beginning of the preparations for the Parthian campaign word came that Constantinople had been shaken by an earthquake, which those skilled in such matters said was not a favourable omen for a ruler who was planning to invade another’s territory. And so they tried to dissuade Julian from the untimely enterprise, declaring that these and similar signs ought to be disregarded only in the case of attack by an enemy, when the one fixed rule is, to defend the safety of the State by every possible means and with unremitting effort. Just at that time it was reported to him by letter, that at Rome the Sibylline books had been consulted about this war, as he had ordered, and had given the definite reply that the emperor must not that year leave his frontiers. |
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| 70. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.16.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 202 |
| 71. Zosimus, New History, 2.91.2, 2.103, 2.124.2, 2.131.1-2.131.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 72. Anon., Bundahishn, 5 (5th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 202 |
| 73. Cassianus Bassus, Geoponica, 1.73-1.74 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 202 |
| 74. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33 |
| 75. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.7086, 6.1175, 6.31250, 6.40776, 10.2698, 13.1668 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents •senate, at rome, commentarii of •senate of rome •senate of rome, as exemplar Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 159, 164; Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 356, 379; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 24 |
| 76. Epigraphy, Ae, 801, 1977 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 77. Epigraphy, I 221;148, 161, 1109 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 163 |
| 78. Fontes Iuris Romani Anteiustiniani (Fira), Fontes Iuris Romani Anteiustiniani (Fira), i43 Tagged with subjects: •senate, at rome, commentarii of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 356 |
| 80. Epigraphy, Tam, 2.188 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 117 |
| 81. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.89.3, 2.91.2, 2.103, 2.124.2, 2.131.1-2.131.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 154 |
| 82. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 1.3.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33, 154, 155, 158 |
| 83. Numismatics, Rib, 91 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33 |
| 84. Epigraphy, Griechische Dialekt Inschriften, 1, 128-130, 162-163, 172-175, 2, 4-5, 8, 176, 3, 6-7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 162 |
| 85. Didymus of Alexandria, Expos, In Ps., a b c d\n0 9 9 9 None\n1 ) ) ) None\n2 6 6 6 None\n3 1 1 1 None\n4 4 4 4 None\n5 - None\n6 5 5 5 None\n7 2 2 2 None\n8 . . Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 158 |
| 86. Diodorus Siculus, Culex, 21-22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 165 |
| 87. Epigraphy, Iboubon, 68 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33 |
| 88. Epigraphy, Ils, 139-140, 1499, 18, 2288, 241, 244, 4175, 4778, 6090-6091, 642, 771, 9119, 212 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 164; Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 356 |
| 89. Nossis, Ap, 2.611 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 157 |
| 90. Olymp., Chron., 236 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 157, 164 |
| 91. Origen, Ap. Eus. He, 38-39, 37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 159, 161 |
| 93. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 9.27.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 94. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 6 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
| 95. Seneca The Younger, Nero, 57.1 Tagged with subjects: •senate, and people of rome Found in books: Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 159 |
| 97. Epigraphy, Cbp, 192, 1955 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 157, 159, 164 |
| 98. Epigraphy, Bkt, 13.3.559-13.3.560 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 162 |
| 99. Epigraphy, Abercius Monument, 4.336, 4.584 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 33, 159 |
| 100. Dorotheus, Astr. Frag., 45 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 163 |
| 101. Dorotheus of Sidon, Carmen Astrologicum, 45 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 163 |
| 102. Domitius Ulpianus, Institutiones Bk., 46 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, as exemplar •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 163 |
| 103. Domitius Ulpianus, Ad Edictum Bk., 73 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of •senate of rome, publisher of documents Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 159 |
| 104. Epigraphy, Scpiso, 132-148, 159-165, 45-47, 49, 48 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 355 |
| 106. Didymus, Fr.Ac., 69 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with •senate of rome, loyalty of Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 156 |
| 107. Domitius Ulpianus, De officio Proconsulis, 49 Tagged with subjects: •senate of rome, imperial relations with Found in books: Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (2013) 32 |
